Donald Trump

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pages: 369 words: 105,819

The Dangerous Case of Donald Trump: 27 Psychiatrists and Mental Health Experts Assess a President by Bandy X. Lee

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, declining real wages, delayed gratification, demand response, Donald Trump, Doomsday Clock, facts on the ground, fear of failure, illegal immigration, impulse control, meta analysis, meta-analysis, national security letter, Ronald Reagan, Skype, Steve Jobs, The Chicago School

Time, March 24. Kruse, Michael, and Noah Weiland. 2016. “Donald Trump’s Greatest Self Contradictions.” Politico Magazine, May 5. “Mental Health Experts Say Donald Trump Is Unfit to Serve.” 2017. The Last Word with Lawrence O’Donnell. MSNBC, February 21. Psychology Today Editorial Staff. 2017. “Shrinks Battle Over Diagnosing Donald Trump,” January 31. Schwartzman, Paul, and Michael E. Miller. 2016. “Confident. Incorrigible. Bully: Little Donny Was a Lot Like Candidate Donald Trump.” Washington Post, June 22.

Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Association, pp. 659–60, 669. Blistein, Jon. 2016. “Donald Trump Hints at Hillary Clinton Assassination.” Rolling Stone, August 9. Brinlee, Morgan. 2017. “27 Real Things Trump Has Actually Said Since Becoming President.” Bustle, February 13. Broad, William J., and David E. Sanger. 2016. “Debate Over Trump’s Fitness Raises Issue of Checks on Nuclear Power.” New York Times, August 04. Cohen, Claire. 2016. “Donald Trump Sexism Tracker: Every Offensive Comment in One Place.” The Telegraph, June 4.

“APA Remains Committed to Supporting Goldwater Rule.” Bulman, May. 2017. “Donald Trump Has ‘Dangerous Mental Illness,’ Say Psychiatry Experts at Yale Conference.” Independent, April 21. DeVega, Chauncey. 2017. “Psychiatrist Bandy Lee: ‘We Have an Obligation to Speak About Donald Trump’s Mental Health Issues … Our Survival as a Species May Be at Stake.’” Salon, May 25. Dodes, Lance, and Joseph Schachter. 2017. “Mental Health Professionals Warn About Trump.”

Hiding in Plain Sight: The Invention of Donald Trump and the Erosion of America by Sarah Kendzior

"side hustle", 4chan, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, borderless world, Chelsea Manning, Columbine, corporate raider, desegregation, don't be evil, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Ferguson, Missouri, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, income inequality, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, Jeffrey Epstein, Julian Assange, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, new economy, payday loans, plutocrats, Plutocrats, QAnon, Robert Hanssen: Double agent, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, Thomas L Friedman, trickle-down economics, unpaid internship, white flight, WikiLeaks, Y2K, zero-sum game

James Briggs, “In Gary, Memories of Donald Trump’s Casino Promises,” Indianapolis Star, April 24, 2016,; Russ Buettner and Charles V. Bagli, “How Donald Trump Bankrupted His Atlantic City Casinos, but Still Earned Millions,” New York Times, June 11, 2016, 30.   Hans-Wilhelm Saure, “Czech Stasi Spied on the Trumps,” Bild, December 15, 2016,; “Czech secret agents spied on Trump: He’s ‘completely tax-exempt for the next 30 years.’” Business Insider, December 15, 2016, 31.   

Rob Wile, “Is Vladimir Putin Secretly the Richest Man in the World?,” CNN Money, January 22, 2017,   7.   “Donald Trump’s 2014 Political Predictions,” Fox News, February 10, 2014,   8.   “Дональд Трамп: Хватит придираться к России!” [“Donald Trump: Stop Picking on Russia!”], RT, February 11, 2014,   9.   Sarah Kendzior, “Donald Trump’s bromance with Vladimir Putin underscores an unsettling truth about the two leaders,” Quartz, August 19, 2016, 10.   The Moscow Project, “Bailed Out By Russia,” 2019,; The Moscow Project, “Banks Refused to Lend to Trump, Citing ‘The Donald Risk,’” 2019, 11.   

The 1980s: Roy Cohn’s Orwellian America   1.   Lois Romano, “Donald Trump, Holding All the Cards: The Tower! The Team! The Money! The Future!” Washington Post, November 15, 1984,   2.   Susan Mulcahy, “Confessions of a Trump Tabloid Scribe,” Politico Magazine, May/June 2016,   3.   Marcus Baram, “Donald Trump Was Once Sued by Justice Department for Not Renting to Blacks,” Huffington Post, April 29, 2011,   4.   Alex Henderson, “Here’s Why Trump’s Ideal Lawyer, Roy Cohn, Was Such a Vile Figure in US Politics—and Why His Name Lives in Infamy,” AlterNet, April 20, 2019,   5.   

pages: 319 words: 75,257

Trumpocalypse: Restoring American Democracy by David Frum

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-globalists, Bernie Sanders, centre right, coronavirus, currency manipulation / currency intervention, decarbonisation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, employer provided health coverage, illegal immigration, immigration reform, labor-force participation, manufacturing employment, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nate Silver, obamacare, offshore financial centre, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, QAnon, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley

Jeremy Diamond, “Trump Praises Saddam Hussein’s Efficient Killing of ‘Terrorists,’ Calls Today’s Iraq ‘Harvard for Terrorism,’” CNN, July 6, 2016, 43. “Playboy Interview: Donald Trump,” Playboy, March 1990, 44. Donald Trump, “Remarks by President Trump to the People of Poland,” July 6, 2017, 45. Ronald Reagan, “Radio Address to the Nation on the Canadian Elections and Free Trade,” November 26, 1988, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, Chapter Four: White Terror 1. Jenna Johnson, “Donald Trump Seems to Connect President Obama to Orlando Shooting,” Washington Post, June 13, 2016, 2.

Bill Clinton, “Remarks by the President to Multinational Audience of Future Leaders of Europe,” Brussels, Belgium, January 9, 1994, 7. Cristiano Lima, “Trump Calls Trade Deal ‘a Rape of Our Country,’” Politico, June 28, 2016, 8. Donald Trump (@realDonaldTrump), Twitter, March 2, 2018, 5:50 a.m., 9. Trump, Twitter, June 1, 2019, 6:20 p.m., 10. Niraj Chokshi, “The 100-Plus Times Donald Trump Assured Us That America Is a Laughingstock,” Washington Post, January 27, 2016, 11. “Trump: ‘The World Laughs at Us,’” YouTube video, 0:25, posted by TPM TV, June 27, 2017,

Then He Pitched His Florida Club for the Next G-7,” Washington Post, August 31, 2019, 14. John Shanahan, “Trump: U.S. Should Stop Paying to Defend Countries That Can Protect Selves,” Associated Press, September 2, 1987,; Donald Trump, “There’s Nothing Wrong with America’s Foreign Defense Policy That a Little Backbone Can’t Cure,” Washington Post, September 2, 1987, A9, 15. “Transcript: Donald Trump Expounds on His Foreign Policy Views,” New York Times, March 26, 2016, 16. Richard Wike, Bruce Stokes, Jacob Poushter, Laura Silver, Janell Fetterolf, and Kat Devlin, “Trump’s International Ratings Remain Low, Especially among Key Allies,” Pew Research Center, October 1, 2018, 17.

pages: 357 words: 94,852

No Is Not Enough: Resisting Trump’s Shock Politics and Winning the World We Need by Naomi Klein

Airbnb, basic income, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Brewster Kahle, Celebration, Florida, clean water, collective bargaining, Corrections Corporation of America, desegregation, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, energy transition, financial deregulation, greed is good, high net worth, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, income inequality, Internet Archive, Kickstarter, late capitalism, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral panic, Naomi Klein, Nate Silver, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, open borders, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, private military company, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, sexual politics, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transatlantic slave trade, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, trickle-down economics, Upton Sinclair, urban decay, women in the workforce, working poor

June 15, 2009: Trump “buys” Monday Night Raw 7. June 22, 2009: Trump “sells” Monday Night Raw back to Vince McMahon 8. February 25, 2013: WWE Hall of Fame Inductee Donald Trump and the WWE Hall of Fame “Donald Trump: Bio,”,​superstars/​donald-trump. Donald Trump and “Battle of the Billionaires” “The Battle of the Billionaires Takes Place at WrestleMania,” YouTube video, 4:29, posted by WWE, July 19, 2011,​watch?v=5NsrwH9I9vE. Donald Trump and dropping money on WWE fans “Donald Trump Gives Away Mr. McMahon’s Money,” YouTube video, 1:31, posted by WWE, July 3, 2012,​watch?v=ybtwzNpJ0YA. Donald Trump appoints former CEO of WWE, Linda McMahon, to his cabinet White House, “Swearing-in of Small Business Administrator Linda McMahon,” video, 5:25, February 14, 2017,​featured-videos/​video/​2017/​02/​14/​swearing-small-business-administrator-linda-mcmahon.

The Trump Entrepreneur Initiative LLC f/k/a Trump Universirty LLC, August 24, 2013,​public/​resources/​documents/​trump.pdf. Donald Trump: “I can turn anyone…” The People of the State of New York v. The Trump Entrepreneur Initiative LLC f/k/a/ Trump University LLC, p. 10,​public/​resources/​documents/​trump.pdf. Reveling in the Fake on the Road to White House Donald Trump: “It’s very possible…” Jeremy Useem, “What Does Donald Trump Really Want?” Fortune, April 3, 2000,​2000/​04/​03/​what-does-donald-trump-really-want/. The Tyndall Report: 32 minutes on “issues coverage” Andrew Tyndall, The Tyndall Report (website), October 25, 2016,​comment/​20/​5778/. Fake Fights, Real Stakes Donald Trump and World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE) appearances 1. 2004: Jesse Ventura interviews Donald Trump (WrestleMania XX) 2. January 29, 2007: Fan Appreciation night 3.

Matt Taibbi’s Rolling Stone article Matt Taibbi, “How America Made Donald Trump Unstoppable,” Rolling Stone, February 24, 2016,​politics/​news/​how-america-made-donald-trump-unstoppable-20160224. Donald Trump: “Little Marco,” “Lyin’ Ted” “Trump Calls Rubio ‘Little Marco,’ Rubio Calls Him, ‘Big Donald,’ ” YouTube video, 0:29, posted by Flat Water, March 3, 2016,​watch?v=TmJMFEJoNfo. “Trump Already Back to Using ‘Lyin’ Ted,’ ” YouTube video, 4:35, posted by CNN, April 20, 2016,​watch?v=F8a4krfAJbI. Donald Trump: “Lock her up!” “Killary” “Audience to Trump: Lock Her Up,” video, 1:01,, February 21, 2017,​videos/​politics/​2017/​02/​24/​donald-trump-cpac-clinton-lock-her-up-sot.cnn. Binjamin Appelbaum, Patricia Cohen, and Jack Healy, “A Rebounding Economy Remains Fragile for Many,” New York Times, September 14, 2016,​2016/​09/​15/​business/​economy/​census-poverty-income-donald-trump.html.

pages: 296 words: 78,112

Devil's Bargain: Steve Bannon, Donald Trump, and the Storming of the Presidency by Joshua Green

4chan, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Ayatollah Khomeini, Bernie Sanders, business climate, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, coherent worldview, collateralized debt obligation, conceptual framework, corporate raider, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Donald Trump, Fractional reserve banking, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, guest worker program, illegal immigration, immigration reform, liberation theology, low skilled workers, Nate Silver, Nelson Mandela, nuclear winter, obamacare, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Thiel, quantitative hedge fund, Renaissance Technologies, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, social intelligence, speech recognition, urban planning

David Fahrenthold, a reporter: David Fahrenthold, “Trump Recorded Having Extremely Lewd Conversation About Women in 2005,” Washington Post, October 8, 2016, it briefly crashed: Paul Farhi, “A Caller Had a Lewd Tape of Donald Trump. Then the Race to Break the Story Was On,” Washington Post, October 7, 2016, “Donald Trump should withdraw”: Alex Pappas, “Here Are the Republicans Calling on Donald Trump to Withdraw,” Daily Caller, October 8, 2016, “I am not going to defend”: Paul Ryan conference call: Matthew Boyle, “Exclusive—Audio Emerges of When Paul Ryan Abandoned Donald Trump: ‘I Am Not Going to Defend Donald Trump—Not Now, Not in the Future,’”, March 13, 2017,

“I’m fine with this stuff”: Roxanne Roberts, “I Sat Next to Donald Trump at the Infamous 2011 White House Correspondents’ Dinner,” Washington Post, April 28, 2016, “incredibly gracious and engaged”: Maggie Haberman and Alexander Burns, “Donald Trump’s Presidential Run Began in an Effort to Gain Stature,” New York Times, March 12, 2016, Trump had indeed toyed: “Before 2016, Donald Trump Had a History of Toying with a Presidential Run,” PBS NewsHour transcript,, July 20, 2106, One day that fall: Michael Kruse, “The True Story of Donald Trump’s First Campaign Speech—in 1987,” Politico, February 5, 2016,

One day that fall: Michael Kruse, “The True Story of Donald Trump’s First Campaign Speech—in 1987,” Politico, February 5, 2016, “People have birth certificates”: “Trump on Obama’s Birth Certificate: ‘Maybe It Says He’s a Muslim,’”, National polls taken in mid-April: “Poll: Donald Trump Leads 2012 GOP Field,”, April 15, 2011, “Is the birther debate”: Newsmakers, “Newsmakers with Reince Priebus,” C-SPAN, April 8, 2011, “I realized,” he said: Haberman and Burns, “Donald Trump’s Presidential Run Began in an Effort to Gain Stature,” op. cit.

pages: 359 words: 113,847

Siege: Trump Under Fire by Michael Wolff

Bernie Madoff, Boris Johnson, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, forensic accounting, gig economy, high net worth, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, impulse control, Jeffrey Epstein, Julian Assange, oil shale / tar sands, Potemkin village, Saturday Night Live, sovereign wealth fund, Steve Jobs, WikiLeaks

Inside the White House, the view was that if the video did exist, the incident had happened in Los Angeles, probably in 2014 after a meeting with lawyers that had been arranged precisely to negotiate a revision in their marital agreement. The deal was always about letting Donald Trump be Donald Trump. “I only fuck beautiful girls—you can attest to that,” he said to a Hollywood friend who visited the White House. (He had once left a voice-mail message for Tucker Carlson, who had criticized Trump’s hair: “It’s true you have better hair than I do, but I get more pussy than you do.”) Being Donald Trump—the Donald Trump, unfettered Donald Trump—was the most important thing to him. And he would compensate Melania handsomely for that. But the stakes, and Melania’s leverage, had risen astronomically since Trump entered the White House. * * * Nobody in the West Wing believed the explanation for the First Lady’s hospital stay.

The year 2018 was, for Bannon, the real 2016: the deplorable base had become the deplorable nation. “It’s civil war,” Bannon said, a happy judgment he often repeated. The most resonant issue was Donald Trump himself: the people who elected him would be galvanized by the effort to take him from them. Bannon was horrified by mainstream Republican efforts to run the coming election on the strength of the recent Republican tax cut. “Are you kidding? Oh my fucking god, are you kidding?” This election was about the fate of Donald Trump. “Let’s have a do-over election. That’s what the libs want. They can have it. Let’s do it. Up or down, Trump or no Trump.” Impeachment was not to be feared, it was to be embraced. “That’s what you’re voting for: to impeach Donald Trump or to save him from impeachment.” The legal threat, however, might be moving faster than the election. And to Bannon—who knew more about the president’s hankerings, mood swings, and impulse-control issues than almost anyone—you could not have produced a needier or more hapless defendant

* * * Trump was personally offended by the FBI’s behavior during the raid of Cohen’s home and office, citing the “Gestapo tactics” used on his lawyer, in which he saw the heavy hand of the Justice Department. But he was also oddly sanguine. “I have deniability,” he repeated, reassuring nobody. The truth was, nobody knew what Michael Cohen knew. The Trump Organization was a freelance affair, with everyone acting on the whim of Donald Trump or in the name of Donald Trump or trying to satisfy the anticipated urges of Donald Trump. And anyway, Trump believed, whatever Cohen knew, he wouldn’t talk about it, because Trump could always pardon him—that, for both Trump and Cohen, was money in the bank. Indeed, Trump felt uniquely protected by his pardon power, and uniquely powerful because of it. But, in a progression of Trump thinking, he went from seeing his pardon power as a tool for his own protection to seeing it as a gift he could bestow.

pages: 254 words: 68,133

The Age of Illusions: How America Squandered Its Cold War Victory by Andrew J. Bacevich

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, clean water, Columbian Exchange, Credit Default Swap, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, gig economy, global village, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, illegal immigration, income inequality, Jeff Bezos, Kickstarter, Marshall McLuhan, mass incarceration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Norman Mailer, obamacare, Occupy movement, planetary scale, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Potemkin village, price stability, Project for a New American Century, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, school choice, Silicon Valley, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, WikiLeaks

Nick Wing, “Ted Cruz: An Atheist ‘Isn’t Fit to Be’ President,” Huffington Post (November 9, 2015). 31. Leonardo Blair, “Donald Trump Tells Christians ‘I’m Presbyterian’ and ‘Proud of It,’” Christian Post (June 22, 2015). 32. Madeline Conway, “9 Times Ted Cruz Insulted Donald Trump Before Endorsing Him,” Politico (September 23, 2016). 33. Jack Jenkins, “A List of Faith Leaders Calling Out the Religious Right for Failing to Abandon Trump,” Think Progress (October 9, 2016). 34. Howard Kurtz, “A Reporter with Lust in Her Heart,” Washington Post (July 6, 1998). 35. Trip Gabriel and Michael Luo, “A Born-Again Donald Trump? Believe It, Evangelical Leader Says,” New York Times (June 25, 2016). 36. See, for example, Kobena Charm, Is Donald Trump America’s Cyrus the Great? (n.p., 2016). 37. Theodore Schleifer, “Ted Cruz Endorses Donald Trump,” CNN Politics (September 23, 2016). 38.

Through the ensuing decades of the postwar era, the real-life equivalents of Al, Fred, and Homer, including my own parents, if not perhaps Donald Trump’s, persisted in that belief. World War II—the Good War, even before that phrase came into common usage—remained a fixed point of reference, a lodestar. To preserve what the nation had won constituted a categorical imperative. Foster and Henry Weigh In Yet preservation was likely to require effort. Members of the policy elite were already insisting that the United States could ill afford to rest on its laurels. Just ahead lay new dangers that Americans dared not ignore. In the very week of Donald Trump’s birth, for example, Life magazine, then at the height of its influence, featured a lengthy essay by John Foster Dulles, offering his “Thoughts on Soviet Foreign Policy and What to Do About It.”4 Here was a sign that Boone City’s modest aspirations would not suffice.

In my new identity as a middle-aged academic novice of conservative bent, moreover, I found the hype surrounding globalization difficult to distinguish from old-fashioned greed. Did “more” and “faster” really offer the keys to human happiness? Was planet Earth capable of tolerating the stress to which it was subjected by runaway capitalism? I saw little reason to think so. We may state with confidence that Donald Trump spent little time pondering such questions. During the Clinton era, he remained a celebrity of sorts and a symbol of excess, but also the butt of jokes. (In a 1993 Washington Post “Style Invitational,” the fifth runner-up prize went to the author of this witticism: “Donald Trump is so annoying that Amnesty International wants him beaten and locked up.”)10 Yet as the end of the decade (and of the Clinton presidency) approached, Trump toyed with making a run for the White House himself. “I would be a great president,” he declared.11 To spell out his platform, Trump even published a book reassuringly titled The America We Deserve.12 In its introduction, Trump promised “straight talk about politics.”

pages: 394 words: 112,770

Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House by Michael Wolff

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, centre right, disintermediation, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, forensic accounting, illegal immigration, impulse control, Jeff Bezos, Jeffrey Epstein, obamacare, Peter Thiel, Renaissance Technologies, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, Travis Kalanick, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game

Graydon Carter soon used the New York Observer as his stepping-stone to Vanity Fair—where, he believed, he might have access to a higher level of celebrity than Donald Trump. Carter was followed at the Observer in 1994 by Peter Kaplan, an editor with a heightened sense of postmodern irony and ennui. Trump, in Kaplan’s telling, suddenly took on a new persona. Whereas he had before been the symbol of success and mocked for it, now he became, in a shift of zeitgeist (and of having to refinance a great deal of debt), a symbol of failure and mocked for it. This was a complicated reversal, not just having to do with Trump, but of how the media was now seeing itself. Donald Trump became a symbol of the media’s own self-loathing: the interest in and promotion of Donald Trump was a morality tale about the media. Its ultimate end was Kaplan’s pronouncement that Trump should not be covered anymore because every story about Donald Trump had become a cliché.

The older right-wing media wizard and the younger (though not by all that much) continued on to the other guests’ satisfaction until twelve-thirty, the older trying to see through to the new national enigma that was Trump—although Ailes would say that in fact Trump’s behavior was ever predictable—and the younger seemingly determined not to spoil his own moment of destiny. “Donald Trump has got it. He’s Trump, but he’s got it. Trump is Trump,” affirmed Bannon. “Yeah, he’s Trump,” said Ailes, with something like incredulity. 1 ELECTION DAY On the afternoon of November 8, 2016, Kellyanne Conway—Donald Trump’s campaign manager and a central, indeed starring, personality of Trumpworld—settled into her glass office at Trump Tower. Right up until the last weeks of the race, the Trump campaign headquarters had remained a listless place. All that seemed to distinguish it from a corporate back office were a few posters with right-wing slogans. Conway now was in a remarkably buoyant mood considering she was about to experience a resounding if not cataclysmic defeat. Donald Trump would lose the election—of this she was sure—but he would quite possibly hold the defeat to under 6 points.

Shortly after eight o’clock that evening, when the unexpected trend—Trump might actually win—seemed confirmed, Don Jr. told a friend that his father, or DJT, as he called him, looked as if he had seen a ghost. Melania, to whom Donald Trump had made his solemn guarantee, was in tears—and not of joy. There was, in the space of little more than an hour, in Steve Bannon’s not unamused observation, a befuddled Trump morphing into a disbelieving Trump and then into a quite horrified Trump. But still to come was the final transformation: suddenly, Donald Trump became a man who believed that he deserved to be and was wholly capable of being the president of the United States. 2 TRUMP TOWER On the Saturday after the election, Donald Trump received a small group of well-wishers in his triplex apartment in Trump Tower. Even his close friends were still shocked and bewildered, and there was a dazed quality to the gathering.

pages: 497 words: 123,778

The People vs. Democracy: Why Our Freedom Is in Danger and How to Save It by Yascha Mounk

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrew Keen, basic income, battle of ideas, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, cognitive bias, conceptual framework, David Brooks, deindustrialization, demographic transition, desegregation, Donald Trump,, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, German hyperinflation, gig economy, Gini coefficient, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, income inequality, invention of the printing press, invention of the steam engine, investor state dispute settlement, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, land value tax, low skilled workers, Lyft, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, mortgage tax deduction, Naomi Klein, new economy, offshore financial centre, open borders, Parag Khanna, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, price stability, ride hailing / ride sharing, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, secular stagnation, sharing economy, Thomas L Friedman, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

(Note that, though Trump repeatedly refused to distance himself from white supremacists in clear terms, he has disavowed them on other occasions.) 6. See Tim Marcin, “Donald Trump’s Popularity: His Approval Rating among His Base Voters Is Back Up,” Newsweek, July 12, 2017, 7. See David Leonhardt, “G.O.P. Support for Trump Is Starting to Crack,” New York Times, July 24, 2017, 8. The best aggregate of Donald Trump’s approval polls, including a useful comparison to past presidents, is run by FiveThirtyEight. See “How Popular Is Donald Trump?”, 9. Note that, at this point, a second term for Donald Trump seems unlikely—but not, by any stretch of the imagination, impossible.

James Badcock, “Spain’s Anti-Corruption Parties Shake Up Old Politics,” BBC, March 14, 2015, 34. Avi Asher-Schapiro, “Donald Trump Said Goldman Sachs Had ‘Total Control’ over Hillary Clinton—Then Stacked His Team with Goldman Insiders,” International Business Times, November 16, 2016, 35. Sam Koppelman, “A Timeline of Donald Trump’s Birther Conspiracy Theory about President Obama,”, October 25, 2016, 36. Nick Corasaniti, “Donald Trump Calls Obama ‘Founder of ISIS’ and Says It Honors Him,” New York Times, August 10, 2016,; Del Quentin Wilber, “Call to ‘Lock Her Up’ Puts Trump in a Bind over His Threat to Prosecute Hillary Clinton,” Los Angeles Times, November 11, 2016. 37.

Bryce Covert, “No, ‘Economic Anxiety’ Doesn’t Explain Donald Trump,” New Republic, November 18, 2016, 15. Steve Benen, “‘Economic Anxieties’ Don’t Explain Donald Trump’s Victory,” MSNBC, December 28, 2016, 16. Matthew Yglesias, “Why I Don’t Think It Makes Sense to Attribute Trump’s Support to Economic Anxiety,” Vox, August 15, 2016, 17. Rothwell and Diego-Rosell, “Explaining Nationalist Political Views,” 11. 18. Ibid., 1. 19. Max Ehrenfreund and Jeff Guo, “A Massive New Study Debunks a Widespread Theory for Donald Trump’s Success,” Washington Post, August 12, 2016,

pages: 340 words: 81,110

How Democracies Die by Steven Levitsky, Daniel Ziblatt

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Ayatollah Khomeini, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, clean water, David Brooks, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Gunnar Myrdal, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, Jeff Bezos, Nate Silver, Norman Mailer, old-boy network, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, universal basic income

“has to go to jail”: Lisa Hagen, “Trump: Clinton ‘Has to Go to Jail,’ ” The Hill, October 12, 2016. offered to pay the legal fees: “Donald Trump Says He May Pay Legal Fees of Accused Attacker from Rally,” New York Times, March 13, 2016. Here are a few examples: “Don’t Believe Donald Trump Has Incited Violence at Rallies? Watch This Video,” Vox, March 12, 2016,​2016/​3/12/​11211846/​donald-trump-violence-rallies. “the Second Amendment people”: “Donald Trump Suggests ‘Second Amendment People’ Could Act Against Hillary Clinton,” New York Times, August 9, 2016. special prosecutor to investigate Hillary Clinton: “Trump: Clinton ‘Has to Go to Jail,’ ”, October 13, 2016. “If I become president”: “Donald Trump Threatens to Rewrite Libel Laws to Make It Easier to Sue the Media,” Business Insider, February 26, 2016.

Some Republicans did endorse Hillary Clinton on the grounds that Donald Trump was dangerously unfit for office. Like their Austrian and French conservative counterparts, they deemed it vitally important to put their partisan interests aside out of a shared commitment to democracy. Here is what three of them said: Republican 1: “Our choice this election could not be more clear—Hillary Clinton is a strong and clear supporter of American democracy interests….Donald Trump is a danger for our democracy.” Republican 2: “It’s time…to put country before party and vote for Secretary Clinton. Trump is too dangerous and too unfit to hold our nation’s highest office.” Republican 3: “This is serious stuff, and I won’t waste my vote on a protest candidate. Since the future of the country may depend on preventing Donald Trump from becoming president, I’m with her [Clinton] this November, and I urge Republicans to join me.”

Republican politicians from Newt Gingrich to Donald Trump learned that in a polarized society, treating rivals as enemies can be useful—and that the pursuit of politics as warfare can be appealing to those who fear they have much to lose. But war always has its price. The mounting assault on norms of mutual toleration and forbearance—mostly, though not entirely, by Republicans—has eroded the soft guardrails that long protected us from the kind of partisan fight to the death that has destroyed democracies in other parts of the world. When Donald Trump took office in January 2017, the guardrails were still there, but they were weaker than they had been in a century—and things were about to get worse. 8 Trump Against the Guardrails Donald Trump’s first year in office followed a familiar script.

The Road to Unfreedom: Russia, Europe, America by Timothy Snyder

active measures, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American ideology, anti-globalists, Bernie Sanders, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, crony capitalism, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, hiring and firing, income inequality, John Markoff, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Journalism, obamacare, offshore financial centre, Robert Mercer, sexual politics, Transnistria, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

The Russian property developer Trump and Agalarov: Luke Harding, Collusion (New York: Vintage, 2017), 229–37; “Here’s What We Know about Donald Trump and His Ties to Russia,” WP, July 29, 2016; “How Vladimir Putin Is Using Donald Trump to Advance Russia’s Goals,” NW, Aug. 29, 2016; Cameron Sperance, “Meet Aras Agalarov,” Forbes, July 12, 2017; Shaun Walker, “The Trumps of Russia?” TG, July 15, 2017; Mandalit Del Barco, “Meet Emin Agalarov,” NPR, July 14, 2017. Agalarov sends Trump information about Clinton: Jo Becker, Adam Goldman, and Matt Apuzzo, “Russian Dirt on Clinton? ‘I Love It,’ Donald Trump Jr. Said,” NYT, July 11, 2017. The love began that summer Order of Honor: “How Vladimir Putin Is Using Donald Trump to Advance Russia’s Goals,” NW, Aug. 29, 2016. Le Pen visits Moscow: Vivienne Walt, “French National Front Secures Funding from Russian Bank,” Time, Nov. 25, 2014.

Enormous amounts of time Stephen Bush, “Jeremy Corbyn appoints Seumas Milne as head of strategy and communications,” New Statesman, Oct. 20, 2015; Laura Kuenssberg, “Corbyn office ‘sabotaged’ EU Remain campaign—sources,” BBC, June 26, 2016. On Russia and Brexit, see the discussion in chapter 3. In July 2016 Trump quotation: Melissa Chan, “Donald Trump Says Vladimir Putin Won’t ‘Go Into Ukraine,’ ” Time, July 31, 2016. Manafort and Opposition Bloc: Kenneth P. Vogel, “Manafort’s Man in Kiev,” Politico, Aug. 18, 2016; Peter Stone and Greg Gordon, “Manafort flight records show deeper Kremlin ties,” McClatchy, Nov. 27, 2017. CHAPTER 6 The rise of Donald Trump Timothy Snyder, “Trump’s Putin Fantasy,” NYR, April 19, 2016, includes most of these citations and sources. See also: Dugin: “In Trump We Trust,” Katekhon Think Tank video, posted March 4, 2016; Kozyrev: “Donald Trump’s Weird World,” NYT, Oct. 12, 2016. For “our president”: Ryan Lizza, “A Russian Journalist Explains How the Kremlin Instructed Him to Cover the 2016 Election,” NY, Nov. 22, 2017.

Trump on RT on Sept. 8: Adam Taylor and Paul Farhi, “A Trump interview may be crowning glory for RT,” WP, Sept. 9, 2016. When Trump won Applause: “Donald Trump has been Made an Honorary Russian Cossack,” The Independent, Nov. 12, 2016. Kiselev and eunuch, arms, porch, housekeeper: Vesti Nedeli, Rossiia Odin, Nov. 13, 2016; Nov. 20, 2016; Dec. 25, 2016; Jan. 22, 2017. I am toning down Kiselev’s vulgarity. The politics of eternity are full For background: Craig Unger, “Trump’s Russian Laundromat,” New Republic, July 13, 2017; Franklin Foer, “Putin’s Puppet,” Slate, July 4, 2016. Throughout the exercise His finances will be discussed below. Quotation: Donald Trump, Tweet, Jan. 6, 2018. Russian gangsters began Unger, “Trump’s Russian Laundromat.” A Russian oligarch bought Harding, Collusion, 272. Dmitry Rybolovlev: Franklin Foer, “Donald Trump Isn’t a Manchurian Candidate,” Slate, July 27, 2016; Philip Ewing, “Subpoena for Deutsche Bank May Put Mueller on Collision Course with Trump,” NPR, Dec. 5, 2017.

pages: 223 words: 58,732

The Retreat of Western Liberalism by Edward Luce

"Robert Solow", 3D printing, affirmative action, Airbnb, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, call centre, carried interest, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, cognitive dissonance, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, computer age, corporate raider, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, double entry bookkeeping, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, future of work, George Santayana, gig economy, Gini coefficient, global pandemic, global supply chain, illegal immigration, imperial preference, income inequality, informal economy, Internet of things, Jaron Lanier, knowledge economy, lateral thinking, liberal capitalism, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, moral panic, more computing power than Apollo, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, one-China policy, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, precariat, purchasing power parity, reserve currency, reshoring, Richard Florida, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Second Machine Age, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, Snapchat, software is eating the world, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, telepresence, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, unpaid internship, Washington Consensus, We are the 99%, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, white flight, World Values Survey, Yogi Berra

It means that many of those who are defined as Hispanic are no likelier to be natural Democrats than ‘white’ people (another contestable designation). It explains why many Hispanics reacted no differently during the election than most whites to Donald Trump’s promised border wall. Mexican-Americans felt viscerally targeted by Trump. But there is little evidence to show that legal immigrants from other Spanish-speaking countries were any more outraged than any other voter. Why would the Democratic establishment bank more on their loyalty than it does on whites’? Resistance to such ethnic shoehorning might explain why a higher share of Hispanics voted for Donald Trump than had for Mitt Romney in 2012.25 If we took Hispanics at their word and treated more than half of them as white, America would remain a majority white country until at least the 2050s – and possibly indefinitely.

v=Gpxr9ZUp7N0>. 19 Robert MacMillan, ‘The warhead at the top of the pack: The Reuters/Donald Trump interview’, Reuters, 24 February 2017, < 1631U0>. 20 This anecdote gave Kaplan the title for his book. 21 Shawn Donnan, ‘US trade chief seeks to reshore supply chain’, Financial Times, 31 January 2017, <>. 22 Cited in Branko Milanovic, Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization (Belknap Press, Cambridge MA, 2016). 23 Andrew E. Kramer, ‘The phrase Putin never uses about terrorism (and Trump does)’, New York Times, 1 February 2017, <>. Part Four: Half Life 1 Becky Bowers, ‘President Barack Obama’s shifting stance on gay marriage’, Politifact, 11 May 2012, <>. 2 Edward Luce, ‘Why Cleveland will be haunted by the ghosts of Chicago’, Financial Times, 10 April 2016, <>. 3 Edward Luce, ‘The end of American meritocracy’, Financial Times, 8 May 2016, <>. 4 ‘Transcript: “This is your victory,” says Obama’, CNN.

At a stroke, and without a shot being fired, our generation was staging the funeral rites for the twin scourges of Western modernity, communism and fascism. As the historian Eric Hobsbawm was to write, the short and genocidal twentieth century, which began with the Russian revolution in 1917, came to an end in 1989.2 Though still alive, history was smiling. The human species had proved it could learn from its mistakes. It was a good year to turn twenty-one. Nearly three decades later, in the aftermath of Donald Trump’s 2016 election victory, I found myself in Moscow. I had been invited to attend a conference on the ‘polycentric world order’, which is Russian for ‘post-American world’. The conference was hosted by the Primakov Institute, named after the man who had been Russia’s foreign minister and prime minister during the 1990s. Yevgeny Primakov was displaced as prime minister in 1999 by Vladimir Putin.

pages: 182 words: 55,234

Rendezvous With Oblivion: Reports From a Sinking Society by Thomas Frank

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, business climate, business cycle, call centre, crowdsourcing, David Brooks, deindustrialization, deskilling, Donald Trump, edge city, Frank Gehry, high net worth, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, McMansion, new economy, New Urbanism, obamacare, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, profit maximization, Ralph Nader, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, too big to fail, urban planning, Washington Consensus, Works Progress Administration

And suddenly you find that you are a middle-aged maker of paragraphs—of useless things—dumped out into a billionaire’s world that has no need for you and doesn’t really give a damn about your degree in comparative literature from Brown. You start to think a little differently about universal health care and tuition-free college and Wall Street bailouts. But of course it is too late by then. Too late for all of us. (2016) PART 4 THE EXPLOSION Why Millions of Ordinary Americans Support Donald Trump Let us now address the greatest American mystery at the moment: what motivates the supporters of Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump? I call it a mystery because the working-class white people who make up the most noticeable part of Trump’s fan base show up in amazing numbers for the candidate, filling stadiums and airport hangars, but their views, by and large, do not appear in our prestige newspapers. These publications take care to represent demographic categories of nearly every kind on their opinion pages, but “blue collar” is one they persistently overlook.

I turned it in on November 6 and the Guardian newspaper posted it a few minutes after Donald Trump was declared the winner. How the Democrats Could Win Again, If They Wanted What made 2016 a disaster for Democrats was not merely the party’s epic wipeout in Washington and the state capitals, but that the contest was fought out on a terrain that should have been favorable to them. This was an election about social class–about class-based grievances—and yet the Party of the People blew it. How that happened is the question of the year, just as it has been the question of other disastrous election years before. And just like before, I suspect the Democrats will find all sorts of reasons to take no corrective action. But first let us focus on the good news arising from the election. Donald Trump has proven that anything is possible in politics.

If coming up with a solution to what ails liberalism means heeding the voices of people who aren’t part of the existing nonprofit/journalistic in-group, then there will be no solution. If the unreconstructed Democratic Party is to be saved, I suspect, what will save it is what always saves it: the colossal incompetence of the Republicans. This, too, we can already see coming down the rails. Donald Trump is getting the wrecking crew back together, and before too long, I suspect, he will have the country pining for Hillary Clinton. (2016) Main Street USA Liberal Americans like to think we know the answer to a lot of things, including why those who live outside liberal bubbles chose Donald Trump for president. Small-town people, we like to think, are Republican people. At their best, they are pious, respectful, and conservative; at their worst they are smug and self-righteous, small-minded and yet capable of broad prejudice. People in the hinterlands are different: all the adults are churchgoing puritans with a neatness obsession, and all the kids long to escape to L.A. and finally be themselves.

The New Class War: Saving Democracy From the Metropolitan Elite by Michael Lind

affirmative action, anti-communist, basic income, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, collective bargaining, commoditize, corporate governance, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, future of work, global supply chain, guest worker program, Haight Ashbury, illegal immigration, immigration reform, invisible hand, knowledge economy, liberal world order, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, means of production, moral panic, Nate Silver, new economy, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, purchasing power parity, Ralph Nader, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, union organizing, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, WikiLeaks, Wolfgang Streeck, working poor

Following the 2018 midterm elections, forty-two of the wealthiest fifty congressional districts in the United States were represented by Democrats.3 Between 2010 and 2018, whites with a college degree went from 40 to 29 percent of the voters in the Republican Party, while white voters with less than a college education expanded from 50 to 59 percent of the Republican electorate, a trend that accelerated during the campaign and presidency of Donald Trump.4 The Democratic Party in the US is now a party of the affluent native white metropolitan elite, allied with immigrants and native minorities brought together by noneconomic identity politics rather than by class politics. In Britain, the social base of the Labour Party has undergone a similar shift. In Germany, the Green Party shares the best-educated and wealthiest voters of the managerial-professional overclass with the free market libertarian Free Democrats.5 The exclusion of the views of large numbers of voters from any representation in public policy or debate has created openings in politics that demagogic populists have sought to fill. Alone among Republican candidates in the 2016 presidential primaries, Donald Trump both denounced the Iraq War as a mistake and opposed cuts to Social Security and Medicare.

These populist big-city mayors or candidates in the second half of the twentieth century combined appeals to working-class grievances and resentments with folksy language and feuds with the metropolitan press, a pattern practiced, in different ways, by later New York City mayors Ed Koch, a Democrat, and Rudy Giuliani, a Republican. In its “Against Trump” issue of January 22, 2016, the editors of National Review mocked the “funky outer-borough accents” shared by Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders.14 Indeed, Trump, a “white ethnic” from Queens with German and Scots ancestors, with his support in the US industrial states where working-class non-British European-Americans are concentrated, is ethnically different from most of his predecessors in the White House, whose ancestors were proportionately far more British American. Traits which seem outlandish in a US president would not have seemed so if Trump had been elected mayor of New York. Donald Trump was not Der Führer. He was Da Mayor of America. * * * — THE WEAKNESS OF populism is that it is literally reactionary. Populists react against what the dominant overclass establishment does, rather than having a positive and constructive agenda of their own.

Louisiana governor Huey Long could battle the ruling families and the powerful corporations because he skimmed money from state employee checks and kept it in a locked “deduct box.”18 In Texas, anti-Klan populist governor James “Pa” Ferguson, along with his wife, Miriam “Ma” Ferguson, who, following the impeachment of her husband, was elected governor on the slogan “Two Governors for the Price of One,” sold pardons to the relatives of convicted criminals.19 As billionaires who could finance their own campaigns, Ross Perot and Donald Trump could claim to be free to run against the American establishment. The rise of charismatic populist tribunes as a response to the increasing social and epistemic closure of Western elites was entirely to be expected. Now that access to political influence depends not on decentralized grassroots party organizations and farm associations and unions and civic and church federations but on donations from billionaires or personal media celebrity, it is only natural that working-class outsiders will turn to champions who are rich business executives like Ross Perot, TV celebrities like Italy’s Beppe Grillo, or a combination of both, like billionaire and reality television star Donald Trump or media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi. Absent advocates like these, many disconnected voters would have little or no voice at all.

pages: 434 words: 117,327

Can It Happen Here?: Authoritarianism in America by Cass R. Sunstein

active measures, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, anti-communist, anti-globalists, availability heuristic, business cycle, Cass Sunstein, David Brooks, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Estimating the Reproducibility of Psychological Science, failed state, Filter Bubble, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Isaac Newton, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, Long Term Capital Management, Nate Silver, Network effects, New Journalism, night-watchman state, obamacare, Potemkin village, random walk, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, the scientific method, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey

We would not expect, for example, any authoritarianism among African-American leaders of the Black Lives Matter movement to propel them toward a vote for Donald Trump, nor North African Muslim immigrants in France to be attracted (by any predisposition to authoritarianism) to the National Front. Excluding non-whites left us a sample of 11,161 respondents from twenty-nine countries, with 3,202 of those of special interest in our present search for a common dynamic in populist voting across the US (n=661), UK (n=1,256), and France (n=1,285). Dependent Variable: Populist Voting The dependent variable throughout our analyses—our principal outcome of interest—was the probability of voting for populist candidates and causes. For the US sample, this was reflected by respondents’ self-report (in early December) of having voted for Donald Trump in the presidential election just a few weeks prior.

The first part of the title is filched from Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith, The Dictator’s Handbook: Why Bad Behavior Is Almost Always Good (New York: Public Affairs, 2012), whose book also provided some general inspiration for this piece. 2. Eric A. Posner and Adrian Vermeule, The Executive Unbound (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010). 3. See Thomas B. Edsall, “What Does Vladimir Putin See in Donald Trump?” New York Times, January 19, 2017 (quoting political scientist Brendan Nyhan), 4. See Ozan O. Varol, “Stealth Authoritarianism,” Iowa Law Review 100, 1673 (2015). Chapter 2 1. Walter Isaacson, Benjamin Franklin: An American Life (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2003), 459. 2.

Maggie Haberman et al., “Michael Flynn Resigns as National Security Adviser,” New York Times, February 13, 2017, 39. Pamela Brown et al., “Sources: Russians Discussed Potentially ‘Derogatory’ Information About Trump and Associates During Campaign,” CNN, May 30, 2017, 40. Gloria Borger et al., “Russian Officials Bragged They Could Use Flynn to Influence Trump,” CNN, May 19, 2017, 41. Adam Entous, Ellen Nakashima, and Greg Miller, “Sessions Discussed Trump Campaign-Related Matters with Russian Ambassador, U.S.

pages: 177 words: 50,167

The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics by John B. Judis

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, mass immigration, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent

If she starts to be the usual politician, she will lose what is interesting in her—her ability to break through to disrupt the system.” But Le Pen is determined, as the 2017 presidential election nears, that the FN be seen as a “party like any other.” The Past and Future of Populism Donald Trump’s campaign in the United States, the rightwing populist parties in Europe, and even the left-center Five Star Movement have repeatedly been likened to the fascists of the 1920s. Former Labor Secretary Robert Reich titles a column, “Donald Trump: American Fascist.” “Yes, Donald Trump is a fascist,” Jamil Smith declares in The New Republic. German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble described the National Front as “not a right-wing party but . . . a fascist, extremist party.” Dutch philosopher Rob Rieman accused Geert Wilders’s Freedom Party of being a “fascist movement.”

For political language, the lack of an “essence” is even more obvious if you think of terms like “liberal” and “conservative,” and their very different use from country to country. 14and Spain’s Podemos: My own analysis of populism has been heavily influenced by, but is still somewhat different from, that of Ernesto Laclau, On Populist Reason, Verso, 2005. 14former against the latter: Michael Kazin, The Populist Persuasion: An American History, Basic Books, 1995, p. 1. CHAPTER ONE 18nomination in 2016: 18downscale white Americans: See and 18weakness as a frontrunner: See 21the legend goes: McMath, p. 75. 22the gold standard: Robert C. McMath, Jr., American Populism: A Social History 1877-1898, Hill and Wang, 1992, p. 146. 24as “bourgeois”: Charles Postel, The Populist Vision, Oxford University Press, 2007, p. 208. 24John J.

CHAPTER THREE 62“protest candidate”: 62“Trump’s campaign is a sideshow”: 62back into their politics section: 63“personality not substance”: 63“Sanders’s authenticity”: Pablo Zevallos, Politico, February 12, 2016. 64recouped his losses: Michael D’Antonio, Never Enough: Donald Trump and the Pursuit of Success, Thomas Dunne Books, 2015. 65“I’m very pro-choice”: “Inside Politics,” CNN, October 26, 1999. 65“liberal on health”: Trump and Dave Shiflett, The America We Deserve, Renaissance Books, 2000, p. 212. 66“rebuild our own country”: 66criticized NATO: 67“police that deal”: 67“a bunch of saps”: Associated Press, December 2, 1999. 68“political hacks”: Debate, June 28, 2015. 69“It’s rigged against you”:

pages: 399 words: 114,787

Dark Towers: Deutsche Bank, Donald Trump, and an Epic Trail of Destruction by David Enrich

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-globalists, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, buy low sell high, collateralized debt obligation, commoditize, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, Donald Trump, East Village, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial innovation, forensic accounting, high net worth, housing crisis, interest rate derivative, interest rate swap, Jeffrey Epstein, London Interbank Offered Rate, Lyft, Mikhail Gorbachev, NetJets, obamacare, offshore financial centre, post-materialism, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Renaissance Technologies, risk tolerance, Robert Mercer, rolodex, sovereign wealth fund, too big to fail, transcontinental railway, yield curve

story after preposterous story about his hijinks: David Enrich, “A Mar-a-Lago Weekend and an Act of God: Trump’s History with Deutsche Bank,” New York Times, March 18, 2019. Trump’s default on the junk bonds: Associated Press, “Trump Casinos File for Bankruptcy,” November 22, 2004; Emily Stewart, “The Backstory on Donald Trump’s Four Bankruptcies,”, September 15, 2015. Trump Chicago tower plans: Donald J. Trump et al. v. Deutsche Bank et al., filed November 3, 2008. Flights on the 727: Anupreeta Das, “When Donald Trump Needs a Loan, He Chooses Deutsche Bank,” Wall Street Journal, March 20, 2016. Trump’s $788 million net worth: Deposition of Donald Trump in lawsuit against Timothy O’Brien, 37. Deutsche’s fee and additional exposure: Trump v. Deutsche Bank. Client parties at Mar-a-Lago: BondWeek, “Seen ’N Heard,” October 15, 2004. Trump’s golf-course interview with Deutsche: Enrich, “A Mar-a-Lago Weekend and an Act of God: Trump’s History with Deutsche Bank.”

Virtually the only one who would provide money to Donald Trump at this point was his father, Fred, who had doled out tens of millions of dollars in loans to his favorite son, repeatedly rescuing his failing enterprises. None of this bothered Offit; big banks were often too conservative, he thought. He told the real estate broker, from the firm Cooper Horowitz, that if Trump had a viable project, Deutsche would be happy to consider it. (It didn’t hurt that Kennedy had a casual relationship with Trump from mingling in social and real estate circles over the years.) A few days after the call with Cooper Horowitz, Offit was in his office in Deutsche’s midtown Manhattan building, across the street from the Museum of Modern Art, when his secretary called. “Donald Trump is in the conference room,” she whispered excitedly.

General Services Administration, “GSA Selects the Trump Organization as Preferred Developer for DC’s Old Post Office,” February 7, 2012. Skepticism about Trump’s bid: Jonathan O’Connell, “You May Not Take Donald Trump’s Candidacy Seriously, but Take Another Look at His Real Estate Business,” Washington Post, June 21, 2015. “Every bank wants to do the deal”: Ibid. Deutsche claim to Trump assets: House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure, Democratic staff, “Breach of a Lease: The Tale of the Old Post Office in the Swamp,” July 12, 2017. “I’m borrowing money”: Cohan’s transcript of unpublished interview with Trump. Titan Atlas: Shawn Boburg and Robert O’Harrow Jr., “Donald Trump Jr. Stumbled While Trying to Make a Mark in the Business World,” Washington Post, February 4, 2017. The gauzy profile: Carl Gaines, “Deutsche Bank’s Rosemary Vrablic and Private Banking’s Link to CRE Finance,” Commercial Observer, February 6, 2013.

pages: 446 words: 117,660

Arguing With Zombies: Economics, Politics, and the Fight for a Better Future by Paul Krugman

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, bitcoin, blockchain, Bonfire of the Vanities, business cycle, capital asset pricing model, carbon footprint, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, Climategate, cognitive dissonance, cryptocurrency, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, different worldview, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, employer provided health coverage, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fiat currency, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial repression, frictionless, frictionless market, fudge factor, full employment, Growth in a Time of Debt, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, income inequality, index fund, indoor plumbing, invisible hand, job automation, John Snow's cholera map, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, large denomination, liquidity trap, London Whale, market bubble, market clearing, market fundamentalism, means of production, New Urbanism, obamacare, oil shock, open borders, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price stability, quantitative easing, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, the map is not the territory, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transaction costs, universal basic income, very high income, working-age population

But climate change isn’t just killing people; it may well kill civilization. Trying to confuse the public about that is evil on a whole different level. Don’t some of these people have children? And let’s be clear: while Donald Trump is a prime example of the depravity of climate denial, this is an issue on which his whole party went over to the dark side years ago. Republicans don’t just have bad ideas; at this point, they are, necessarily, bad people. CLIMATE DENIAL WAS THE CRUCIBLE FOR TRUMPISM December 3, 2018 Many observers seem baffled by Republican fealty to Donald Trump—the party’s willingness to back him on all fronts, even after severe defeats in the midterm elections. What kind of party would show such support for a leader who is not only evidently corrupt and seemingly in the pocket of foreign dictators, but also routinely denies facts and tries to criminalize anyone who points them out?

They were the worst of times in the sense that policymakers insistently refused to use the knowledge we had, choosing instead to obsess over budget deficits based on bad, often bad-faith arguments, and inflicting vast unnecessary suffering as a result. The rest of the book is mainly about what the title says: arguing with zombies, from the tax-cut zombie to climate-change denial, and also about the movement conservatism that keeps those zombies shambling along. Yes, there’s also quite a lot about Donald Trump, but I see Trump not as a departure from the past so much as the culmination of where movement conservatism has been taking us for decades. I finish the book with some lighter reading—well, not actually, but stuff that puts me in a better mood. The last section offers a selection of relatively economistic pieces that go back to my intellectual roots. They’re a bit harder and more jargony than my Times columns, but I hope some readers make the effort to see how I actually think about issues.

I don’t know if that fight can ever be fully won, although it can be lost. But it’s definitely a cause worth fighting for. 1 Saving Social Security AFTER THE KHAKI ELECTION ELECTION NIGHT 2004 WASN’T AS MUCH OF A SHOCK AS ELECTION NIGHT 2016, but it came as a bitter disappointment to American liberals. George W. Bush’s image has improved in retrospect; people see him, correctly, as better than Donald Trump, and forget about the enormities that took place on his watch. Above all, he took America to war on false pretenses, and hundreds of thousands died as a result. Seeing voters reward that vileness was not a happy thing. Furthermore, there were plenty of commentators who saw the election not just as a one-time event, but as a harbinger of permanent conservative rule. If you watched the TV networks—this was a time when people still watched the regular networks—they were full of people pronouncing the death of American liberalism, the confirmation that we were a basically conservative nation.

pages: 788 words: 223,004

Merchants of Truth: The Business of News and the Fight for Facts by Jill Abramson

23andMe, 4chan, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Alexander Shulgin, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, barriers to entry, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Charles Lindbergh, Chelsea Manning, citizen journalism, cloud computing, commoditize, corporate governance, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, death of newspapers, digital twin, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, East Village, Edward Snowden, Ferguson, Missouri, Filter Bubble, future of journalism, glass ceiling, Google Glasses, haute couture, hive mind, income inequality, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, Joseph Schumpeter, Khyber Pass, late capitalism, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, Nate Silver, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, performance metric, Peter Thiel, phenotype, pre–internet, race to the bottom, recommendation engine, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, self-driving car, sentiment analysis, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Silicon Valley startup, skunkworks, Snapchat, social intelligence, social web, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, technoutopianism, telemarketer, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, WikiLeaks

The next day Coppins’s BuzzFeed story: McKay Coppins, “Donald Trump, America’s Troll, Gets Tricked into Running for President,” BuzzFeedNews, June 17, 2015, When CNN chief Jeff Zucker: Hadas Gold and Gabriel Debenedetti, “Campaign Operatives Blast Jeff Zucker over CNN Coverage at Harvard Event,” Politico, December 1, 2016, In contrast, it was not until September 2016: Michael Barbaro, “Donald Trump Clung to ‘Birther’ Lie for Years, and Still Isn’t Apologetic,” New York Times, September 16, 2016, Baron explained in an interview: Jason Del Rey, “Marty Baron Explains What It Will Take for the Washington Post to Call a Trump Lie a Lie,” Re/Code, February 14, 2017,

Lichtblau’s original draft: Eric Lichtblau and Steven Lee Myers, “Investigating Donald Trump, F.B.I. Sees No Clear Link to Russia,” New York Times, October 31, 2016, A week before the election: Franklin Foer, “Was a Trump Server Communicating with Russia,” Slate, October 31, 2016, Campaigning in Cincinnati: Eric Lichtblau and Steven Lee Myers, “Investigating Donald Trump, F.B.I. Sees No Clear Link to Russia,” New York Times, October 31, 2016, Liz Spayd, who had replaced: Liz Spayd, “Trump, Russia, and the News Story That Wasn’t,” New York Times, January 20, 2017,

Will still reserve him a seat on the Blue Origin rocket. #sendDonaldtospace,” Twitter, 3:30 pm, December 7, 2015, In a Fox News interview: Reuters, “Amazon ‘Getting Away with Murder on Tax,’ Says Donald Trump,” Guardian, May 13, 2016, When Bezos was asked: Olivia Solon, “Jeff Bezos Says Donald Trump’s Behavior ‘Erodes Democracy,’ ” Guardian, October 20, 2016, Two days after the election: Deirdre Bosa, “Jeff Bezos Congratulates President-Elect Trump, after Offering to Shoot Him into Space,”, November 10, 2016,

pages: 211 words: 66,203

Life Will Be the Death of Me: ...And You Too! by Chelsea Handler

airport security, Burning Man, Donald Trump, forensic accounting, impulse control, Silicon Valley, Snapchat, zero-sum game

I couldn’t read enough or learn enough about elections, about government, about what it takes to run for office. (Not much, it turns out.) I wanted Donald Trump to be erased from history—although I understand that not to be possible. Generations after us will have to learn about how badly we chose and how long we allowed it to go on for. A dictator is usually homegrown. Someone who has been spoiled and coddled their whole life and has never really done a single thing of merit. Narcissism at its finest. Donald Trump is a crustacean. He is a bag of psychological cement that was the catalyst for me unlocking my own bag of psychological cement, and for this I am grateful. Would I go back to the way I was and live the rest of my life like that, if it meant avoiding Donald Trump altogether? In a heartbeat. I know now how small I am, and how big the world is.

I couldn’t believe how lucky my life had turned out, how many of my dreams had come true, and also my good fortune in being alive during this time in history—the year we were going to elect our first female president. I suppose I could blame my state of mind on the election of Donald Trump—so I will. I have the Trump family and their horrifying personalities and veneers to thank for my midlife crisis. Along with more than half the population—of the world—I couldn’t grasp how, in this day and age, we elected a man who insulted Mexicans and women and Muslims and veterans and disabled people and everyone else he has insulted since. The contrast in decency between Barack Obama and Donald Trump was too much for me to bear—like electing Snooki to the Senate. Now people were seriously talking about Dwayne “the Rock” Johnson running for president. How on earth did we get here? Although, if I’m being honest, at that point in time—or at any other time during the entire Trump presidency—I would have preferred an actual rock.

Daniel Day-Lewis playing Bob Mueller, maybe, but the jury is out until that movie is released and Daniel Day-Lewis gives up “shoe cobbling” for a year. I mean, my God. Just stop it with the cobbling. Just act. You’re great at it. People adore you. No one’s talking about your shoes. Maybe your wife, but I doubt it. Bob Mueller was the only hope I had that Donald Trump and that terrible vampire family he spawned would end up in prison. The investigation into Donald Trump and his conspiring with Russia and all the other crimes I’m sure he’ll be indicted for made me realize what real men look like. They look like Bob Mueller. A seventy-four-year-old with a six-pack (possibly an eight-pack) underneath that suit. You can see it through his shirt when he walks—he’s ripped. “Keeping your shit together” is what that’s called.

pages: 391 words: 123,597

Targeted: The Cambridge Analytica Whistleblower's Inside Story of How Big Data, Trump, and Facebook Broke Democracy and How It Can Happen Again by Brittany Kaiser

Albert Einstein, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Asian financial crisis, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, blockchain, Boris Johnson, Burning Man, call centre, centre right, Chelsea Manning, clean water, cognitive dissonance, crony capitalism, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Etonian, haute couture, illegal immigration, Julian Assange, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, Nelson Mandela, off grid, open borders, Renaissance Technologies, Robert Mercer, rolodex, sentiment analysis, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, Snapchat, statistical model, the High Line, the scientific method, WikiLeaks, young professional

At the same time, CA would do no harm to the Cruz campaign. Our work on Trump TV could even help Cruz, by giving him a platform once elected. In other words, there was nothing to worry about, Alexander said. Every rally, every debate, every announcement, and every outrageous utterance that came out of Donald Trump’s mouth was entirely for the purpose of activating, identifying, and solidifying his hold on a rapt audience. The primary campaign was a trial balloon for the whole shebang. And Donald Trump’s growing “base” would comprise the consumers of his new product. “Running,” which he’d spent very little money on, was Donald J. Trump’s unique, brilliant, broad, and very cost-effective way of testing his messaging, and CA would make a fortune helping him, thus becoming afterward the key communications and data analytics team for the new enterprise.

“Ex-Daughter-in-Law of Vincente Fox Kidnapped,” Borderland Beat (blog), May 1, 2015, 3.María Idalia Gómez, “Liberan a ex nuera de Fox: Mónica Jurado Maycotte Permaneció 8 Meses Secuestrada,” EJCentral, December 16, 2015, 4.Eugene Kiely, “Timeline of Russia Investigation,”, April 22, 2019, 17: INQUIRY 1.Alexander Nix, “How Big Data Got the Better of Donald Trump,” Campaign, February 10, 2016, 18: RESTART 1.Paul Grewal, “Suspending Cambridge Analytica and SCL Group from Facebook,” Newsroom, Facebook, March 16, 2018, 2.Alfred Ng, “Facebook’s ‘Proof’ Cambridge Analytica Deleted That Data? A Signature,”, 3.Matthew Rosenberg, Nicholas Confessore, and Carole Cadwalladr, “How Trump Consultants Exploited the Facebook Data of Millions,” New York Times, March 17, 2018, 4.Carole Cadwalladr, “‘I Made Steve Bannon’s Psychological Warfare Tool’: Meet the Data War Whistleblower,” Guardian, March 18, 2018, 19: OF TRUTH AND CONSEQUENCES 1.Matthew Weaver, “Facebook Scandal: I Am Being Used as a Scapegoat—Academic Who Mined Data,” Guardian, March 21, 2018, 2.Selena Larson, “Investors Sue Facebook Following Data Harvesting Scandal,” CNN, March 21, 2018, 3.Andy Kroll, “Cloak and Data: The Real Story Behind Cambridge Analytica’s Rise and Fall,” Mother Jones, May/June 2018, 4.Ibid. 5.Ibid. 6.Joanna Walters, “Steve Bannon on Cambridge Analytica: ‘Facebook Data Is for Sale All over the World,’” Guardian, March 22, 1018,

In the process, I had been exposed to the vast sweep of Cambridge’s efforts, both to acquire data on as many U.S. citizens as possible and to leverage that data to influence Americans’ voting behavior. I’d also come to see how Facebook’s negligent privacy policies and the federal government’s total lack of oversight about personal data had enabled all of Cambridge’s efforts. But, most of all, I understood how Cambridge had taken advantage of all these forces to help elect Donald Trump. As the car drove, my lawyers and I sat quietly, each of us preparing for what was to come. We all knew I would share any part of my story in full; the question now was what everyone else wanted to know. Mostly people seemed to want answers, both professional and personal, about how this could happen. There was a variety of reasons why I’d allowed my values to become so warped—from my family’s financial situation to the fallacy that Hillary would win regardless of my efforts or those of the company I worked for.

pages: 276 words: 81,153

Outnumbered: From Facebook and Google to Fake News and Filter-Bubbles – the Algorithms That Control Our Lives by David Sumpter

affirmative action, Bernie Sanders, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Filter Bubble, Google Glasses, illegal immigration, Jeff Bezos, job automation, Kenneth Arrow, Loebner Prize, Mark Zuckerberg, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Minecraft, Nate Silver, natural language processing, Nelson Mandela, p-value, prediction markets, random walk, Ray Kurzweil, Robert Mercer, selection bias, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Skype, Snapchat, speech recognition, statistical model, Stephen Hawking, Steven Pinker, The Signal and the Noise by Nate Silver, traveling salesman, Turing test

BuzzFeed’s founding editor, Craig Silverman, has created a list of the big stories of the Trump vs Clinton race.1 Most of the stories were pro-Trump, with headlines like: ‘Pope endorses Donald Trump’; ‘Hillary’s ISIS email just leaked’; ‘FBI agent investigating Hillary found dead’. But there were also anti-Trump headlines: ‘Celebrity RuPaul said that Donald Trump groped him’. Some of the stories came from sites that were meant to be satirical, others were run by extreme right-wing sympathisers. A large number of stories originated from a small town in Macedonia, where a group of youngsters were being paid for the adverts shown on the sites. With no consideration for whether the stories were true or not, they put them up on Facebook, one after another, in the hope of the story going viral and earning them money. Donald Trump has labelled the New York Times, CNN and other traditional news sources as fake news, because of what he perceives as one-sided coverage of his presidency.

One study of the presidential primaries found that Hillary Clinton was mentioned more often on Twitter by Republican sympathisers than by Democrats.7 Likewise, Democrats tweeted more about Donald Trump than Republicans did. We just can’t resist the temptation to focus on criticising the other side’s leader. Twitter’s ranking algorithm changes these underlying sentiments. Computer scientist Juhi Kulshrestha and her colleagues found that searches for Hillary Clinton on Twitter during the election, tended to reveal tweets that were more sympathetic to her than reflected in the overall sentiment of the tweets made. Searches for Donald Trump, on the other hand, reinforced the negative image of the candidate. As in the UK, Twitter users have a slight liberal bias in the US and the way Twitter filters this bias serves to (slightly) increase it.

Republican sympathisers would tend to believe that ‘The Clinton Foundation bought $137 million in illegal arms’, and Democrats would tend to believe ‘Ireland [will be] accepting Americans requesting political asylum from a Donald Trump presidency’. These results are further supported by earlier research showing that Republicans are more likely to believe that Barack Obama was born outside the US and that Democrats are more likely to believe that George W. Bush knew about the 9/11 attacks before they happened.8 The people least likely to believe fake news or conspiracies are those voters who are undecided; exactly the people who are going to decide the election outcome. There is an irony about the articles that many newspapers and news magazines ran throughout 2017, about bubbles, filters and fake news, an irony similar to that of the Mandela effect. These stories are written within a bubble. They play on fears, mention Donald Trump, drop references to Cambridge Analytica, criticise Facebook and make Google sound scary.

Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism by Pippa Norris, Ronald Inglehart

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Cass Sunstein, centre right, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, declining real wages, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, job automation, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, land reform, liberal world order, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, obamacare, open borders, open economy, post-industrial society, post-materialism, precariat, purchasing power parity, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, statistical model, stem cell, War on Poverty, white flight, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, working-age population, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

New York Times. 37. Part II Authoritarian-Populist Values 209 38. Ruth Wodak. 2015. The Politics of Fear: What Right-­Wing Populist Discourses Mean. London: Sage. 39. Massimiliano Demata. 2017. ‘“A great and beautiful wall” Donald Trump’s populist discourse on immigration.’ Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 5 (2): 274–294; Natalia Knoblock. 2017. ‘Xenophobic Trumpeters.’ Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 5 (2): 295–322. 40. Donald Trump. Speech on January 24, 2016. Des Moines, Iowa. presidential-candidate-donald-trump-rally-des-moines-iowa. 41. Michael D. Shear and Julie Hirschfeld David. 2017. ‘Stoking fear, Trump defied bureaucracy to advance immigration agenda.’ New York Times. 42. 43.

Many observers seeking to explain developments offer narratives focused on particular high-­profile cases and leaders – such as the role of Jean-­ Marie Le Pen in founding the French National Front (FN),36 the rightwards shift and revival of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) during the 1980s under Jörg Haider,37 and the role of Hugo Chávez in the United Socialist Party of Venezuela.38 Similarly, the 2016 US presidential elections can be seen to reflect a contingent series of idiosyncratic events catalyzing the unexpected rise of Donald Trump. Accounts emphasize the role of personalities and leadership styles: the dramatic appeal of Donald Trump, an out-­spoken and unpredictable television celebrity, with the public rejecting both ‘No drama’ Obama’s reserved control and cool grace and also Hillary Clinton’s policy wonk professionalism.39 A lot of ink has blamed James Comey’s controversial intervention during the final days of the campaign and false journalistic equivalence in negative media coverage of Hillary Clinton’s handling of emails and Trump scandals.40 Others regard the outcome in terms of the evolution of political parties, with the Tea Party and Freedom Caucus pushing House Republicans to the right and deep partisan gridlock emerging in a broken Congress, with Trump inheriting the mantle of Sarah Palin.41 The FBI has pointed to Putin’s meddling through cyber-­ hacking, Facebook bots, and Twitter trolls.42 Theories of communications Part I Introduction 13 emphasize the growth of partisan polarization in the legacy news media and especially social media bubbles, which facilitate the spread of misinformation and conspiratorial thinking.43 The outcome of the 2016 election can also be attributed to a visceral white backlash against the election of Obama, the first African-­American President, toughening the deep scar of racism in the US.44 Studies emphasize that Trump capitalized upon threats to the declining social status of white working class Americans.45 Economic accounts seek explanations focused on the after effects of globalization, as trade shocks from cheap Chinese imports shut factories and squeezed paychecks for low-­skilled white American workers.46 Contingent events clearly do help to account for the outcome of the 2016 American presidential election – for example, it has been estimated that a switch of just 77,744 votes would have tipped Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania into the Clinton column, making her President.47 During the fall campaign, the standard political economy model, combining presidential approval with GNP growth, predicted a tight outcome where the popular vote could have flipped either way.48 Given the close race, and the decisive role of the Electoral College, mechanical over-­ determinism should be avoided.

Venezuela’s Chavismo and Populism in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 39. 40. Deckle Edge. 2017. Shattered: Inside Hillary Clinton’s Doomed Campaign. New York: Crown; Susan Bardo. 2017. The Destruction of Hillary Clinton. New York: Melville House; Thomas E. Patterson. 2017. ‘News coverage of the 2016 General Election: How the press failed the voters.’ Shorenstein Center, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. news-coverage-2016-general-election/; Hillary Clinton. 2017. What Happened. New York: Simon & Schuster. 41.; Theda Skocpol and Vanessa Williamson. 2012.The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism. Oxford: Oxford University Press; J.

pages: 394 words: 117,982

The Perfect Weapon: War, Sabotage, and Fear in the Cyber Age by David E. Sanger

active measures, autonomous vehicles, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, British Empire, call centre, Cass Sunstein, Chelsea Manning, computer age, cryptocurrency, cuban missile crisis, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Google Chrome, Google Earth, Jacob Appelbaum, John Markoff, Mark Zuckerberg, MITM: man-in-the-middle, mutually assured destruction, RAND corporation, ransomware, Sand Hill Road, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Skype, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, Stuxnet, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, undersea cable, uranium enrichment, Valery Gerasimov, WikiLeaks, zero day

The transcript of Lorenzo’s interview with Guccifer 2.0 is viewable at our second foreign-policy interview with Trump: “Transcript: Donald Trump Expounds on His Foreign Policy Views,” New York Times, March 26, 2016, Nicole Perlroth and I wrote: David E. Sanger and Nicole Perlroth, “As Democrats Gather, a Russian Subplot Raises Intrigue,” New York Times, July 25, 2016, CHAPTER X: THE SLOW AWAKENING “hallmark of our democracy”: “Obama’s Last News Conference: Full Transcript and Video,” New York Times, January 18, 2017,

After oil prices collapsed in late 2014, the sanctions began to cause real pain—chasing away foreign investors and undercutting Putin’s support by undercutting growth. And one of the potential investors who was trying yet again to build a hotel in Moscow was Donald Trump. During the first year of sanctions, one European diplomat who dealt often with Russia reported, “the Russians were telling the oligarchs, ‘Just wait it out. The sanctions cost Europe too much business. They will go away.’ ” But in fact, the sanctions held, and in the United States they received overwhelming bipartisan support. Overwhelming—but not unanimous, at least after Donald Trump came along. One of the most striking aspects of one of the interviews Maggie Haberman and I conducted with Trump during his presidential campaign—long before there were charges that Trump was somehow in Putin’s thrall—came when the new-to-foreign-affairs candidate told us he had doubts that the sanctions made sense at all.

Worse yet, Facebook (and Twitter) put far too little energy into understanding how their systems were being hijacked by young Russian trolls and bot makers who knew how to take advantage of the algorithms that made the systems work. It is impossible to know whether the Russian campaign succeeded in changing hearts and minds. Yet the truth remains that the tech firms who were so repelled by Donald Trump invented a system that may have helped elect him. Without question, the Russian decision to move from an espionage operation aimed at disrupting the election to an effort to put Donald Trump in office propelled the country into an entirely new place. We now think about the effects of cyberattacks entirely differently. Just five years before, our worry was China’s theft of intellectual property. Then came North Korea’s efforts at revenge, and Iran’s threats to the financial system. But the Russian attacks exposed more than the Obama administration’s lack of a playbook for cyber conflict, despite years of ever-escalating, ever-more-ingenious attacks.

pages: 349 words: 114,914

We Were Eight Years in Power: An American Tragedy by Ta-Nehisi Coates

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Broken windows theory, Charles Lindbergh, crack epidemic, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, fear of failure, Ferguson, Missouri, Gunnar Myrdal, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, income inequality, jitney, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, moral panic, new economy, obamacare, payday loans, phenotype, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, War on Poverty, white flight

To secure the White House, Obama needed to be a Harvard-trained lawyer with a decade of political experience and an incredible gift for speaking to cross sections of the country; Donald Trump needed only money and white bluster. In the week after the election, I was a mess. I had not seen my wife in two weeks. I was on deadline for this article. My son was struggling in school. The house was in disarray. I played Marvin Gaye endlessly—“When you left, you took all of me with you.” Friends began to darkly recall the ghosts of post-Reconstruction. The election of Donald Trump confirmed everything I knew of my country and none of what I could accept. The idea that America would follow its first black president with Donald Trump accorded with its history. I was shocked at my own shock. I had wanted Obama to be right. I still want Obama to be right. I still would like to fold myself into the dream.

And as much as we can theoretically imagine a seamless black integration into the American myth, the white part of this country remembers the myth as it was conceived. I think the old fear of Good Negro Government has much explanatory power for what might seem a shocking turn—the election of Donald Trump. It has been said that the first black presidency was mostly “symbolic,” a dismissal that deeply underestimates the power of symbols. Symbols don’t just represent reality but can become tools to change it. The symbolic power of Barack Obama’s presidency—that whiteness was no longer strong enough to prevent peons from taking up residence in the castle—assaulted the most deeply rooted notions of white supremacy and instilled fear in its adherents and beneficiaries. And it was that fear that gave the symbols Donald Trump deployed—the symbols of racism—enough potency to make him president, and thus put him in position to injure the world. There is a basic assumption in this country, one black people are not immune to, which holds that if blacks comport themselves in a way that accords with middle-class values, if they are polite, educated, and virtuous, then all the fruits of America will be open to them.

To accept that even now, some five decades after Martin Luther King Jr. was gunned down on a Memphis balcony, the bloody heirloom remains potent—even after a black president, and, in fact, strengthened by the fact of the black president—is to accept that racism remains, as it has since 1776, at the heart of the country’s political life. That acceptance frustrates the aims of the left, which would much rather be talking about the class struggles that might entice the working white masses, instead of the racist struggles that those same masses have historically been agents and beneficiaries of. Moreover, to accept that whiteness brought us Donald Trump is to accept whiteness as an existential danger to the country and the world. But if the broad and remarkable white support of Donald Trump can be reduced to the righteous anger of a noble class of smallville firemen and observant evangelicals, mocked by Brooklyn hipsters and womanist professors into voting against their interests, then the threat of racism and whiteness, the threat of the heirloom, could be dismissed. Consciences could be eased and no deeper existential reckoning would be required.

pages: 352 words: 80,030

The New Silk Roads: The Present and Future of the World by Peter Frankopan

active measures, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, blockchain, Boris Johnson, cashless society, clean water, cryptocurrency, Deng Xiaoping, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Ethereum, ethereum blockchain, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, global supply chain, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, land reform, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, Nelson Mandela, purchasing power parity, ransomware, Rubik’s Cube, smart cities, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, trade route, trickle-down economics, UNCLOS, urban planning, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game

World Cities Report 2016 (2016), p. 5. 56The New Arab, ‘Saudi Arabia welcomes Ramadan with a spate of arrests’, 19 May 2018; Chris Gelardi, ‘Saudi Authorities Arrest Women’s Rights Activists Ahead of Lifting Driving Ban’, Global Citizen, 21 May 2018. 57Abdullah bin Zayed al Hahyan, ‘In the Middle East, momentum for women must pick up speed’, Globe and Mail, 30 May 2018; Al-Jazeera, ‘UAE rights activist Ahmed Mansoor sentenced to 10 years in prison’, 30 May 2018. 58State Council of China, ‘China looks to regulate city growth’, 22 February 2016. 59Adam Schreck, ‘Isolation by the West fuels a tech start-up boom in Iran’, Phys Org, 5 June 2017. 60Techrasa Press Release, ‘Silk Roads Start-up Announces Irnas’ Top 10 Start-ups’, 5 November 2017. 61For a useful infographic, see 62Don Weinland and Sherry Fe Ju, ‘China’s Ant Financial shows cashless is king’, Financial Times, 13 April 2018. 63Shrutika Verma, ‘Paytm valuation pegged at $10 billion after secondary share sale’, Livemint, 23 January 2018. 64See for example, ‘Предприниматели стали меньше финансировать науку’, 2 November 2017. 65United States Senate Committee on Armed Services, ‘Advance Policy Questions for Lieutenant General Paul Nakasone, ISA Nominee for Commander, US Cyber Command’, 1 March 2018. 66Pavel Kantyshev, ‘Путин предложил госкомпаниям закупать российский софт’, Vedemosti, 30 March 2016. 67US Computer Emergency Readiness Team, Alert (TA18-106A), ‘Russian State-Sponsored Cyber Actors Targeting Network Infrastructure Devices’, 16 April 2018. 68See, for example, Sergei Brilev, ‘Хочется плакать’: вирус атаковал Минздрав, МЧС, МВД, РЖД, ‘Сбербанк’ и ‘Мегафон’,, 13 May 2017. 69RIA Novosti, ‘Клименко объяснил слова главы Роскомнадзора о “блокировке Facebook” ’, 26 September 2017. 70Donie O’Sullivan, Drew Griffin and Curt Devine, ‘Russian company had access to Facebook user data through apps’, CNN Tech, 11 July 2018. 71Interfax, ‘Роскомнадзор будет блокировать инструменты для обхода запрета на Telegram по запросу’, 16 April 2018. 72See Ella George, ‘Purges and Paranoia’, London Review of Books 40.10 (2018), pp. 22–32; Turkish Minute, ‘Turkish govt ready to block “abnormal” social media messages on election day’, 26 May 2018. 73Sarah Zheng, ‘Beijing tries to pull the plug on VPNs in internet “clean-up”, South China Morning Post, 13 July 2017. 74See, for example, Peter Frankopan, The Silk Roads: A New History of the World (London, 2015), pp. 202ff. 75Madeleine Albright, ‘Will We Stop Trump Before It’s Too Late’, New York Times, 8 April 2018. The Roads to the Heart of the World 1Jason Blevins, ‘Donald Trump, in Grand Junction, says he will “drain the swamp in Washington, D.C.”’, Denver Post, 18 October 2016. 2Time, ‘Here’s Donald Trump’s Presidential Announcement Speech’, 16 June 2015. 3Jonathan Swan, ‘Trump calls for “hell of a lot worse than waterboarding”’, The Hill, 6 February 2016. 4Rishi Iyengar, ‘Read Donald Trump’s Speech on Immigration’, Time, 1 September 2016. 5Univision, ‘Former Mexican President to Donald Trump “I’m not going to pay for that fucking wall” ’, 25 February 2016. 6Cassandra Vinograd and Alexandra Jaffe, ‘Donald Trump in Indiana Says China is “Raping” America’, CNBC, 2 May 2016. 7Good Morning America, Interview, ABC, 3 November 2015. 8Donald Trump, Great Again: How to Fix Our Crippled America (New York, 2015), p. 43. 9White House, ‘The Inaugural Address’, 20 January 2017. 10For the budget,

Dance, ‘Facebook Gave Data Access to Chinese Firm Flagged by US Intelligence’, New York Times, 5 June 2018. 6House of Representatives, Energy and Commerce Committee, Press Release, ‘Walden and Pallone on Facebook’s Data-Sharing Partnerships with Chinese Companies’, 6 June 2018. 7Ali Breland, ‘Facebook reveals data-sharing partnerships, ties to Chinese firms in 700-page document dump’, The Hill, 30 June 2018. 8Casey Newton, ‘Google’s ambitions for China could trigger a crisis inside the company’, The Verge, 18 August 2018. 9Kate Conger, ‘Google Removes “Don’t Be Evil” Clause from Its Code of Conduct’, Gizmodo, 18 May 2018. 10Good Morning America, Interview, ABC, 3 November 2015. 11Trump, Staten Island speech, ‘Trump: I’m So Happy China Is Upset; “They Have Waged Economic War Against Us” ’, Transcript on Real Clear Politics, 17 April 2016. 12The Economist, ‘The Economist interviews Donald Trump’, 3 September 2015. 13B. Milanović, Global Inequality: a new approach for the age of globalization (Cambridge, MA, 2016), p. 20. 14Woodward, Fear, pp. 272–3. 15Shawn Donnan, ‘Is there political method in Donald Trump’s trade madness’, Financial Times, 23 March 2018. 16Lingling Wei and Yoko Kubota, ‘Trump Weights Tariffs on $100 Billion More of Chinese Goods’, Wall Street Journal, 5 April 2018 17For the text of the letter to the president, see 18Scott Horsley, ‘Trump Orders Stiff Tariffs on China, In Hopes Of Cutting Trade Gap by $50 Billion’, NPR, 22 March 2018. 19BlackRock Investment Institute, Global Investment Outlook Q2 1018 (April 2018). 20For example, Ana Swanson, ‘Trump Proposes Re-joining Trans-Pacific Partnership’, New York Times, 12 April 2018. 21White House, ‘Peter Navarro: “Donald Trump Is Standing Up For American Interests” ’, 9 April 2018. 22Sarah Zheng, ‘How China hit Donald Trump’s supporters where it hurts as tariffs target Republican Party’s heartlands’, South China Morning Post, 5 April 2018. 23Nathaniel Meyersohn, ‘Walmart is where the trade war comes home’, CNN Money, 19 September 2018. 24Woodward, Fear, pp. 135–6. 25Eli Meixler, ‘President Trump Is “Very Thankful” for Xi Jinping’s Conciliatory Talk on Trade’, Time, 11 April 2018. 26White House, ‘Joint Statement of the United States and China Regarding Trade Consultations’, 19 May 2018. 27David Lawder, ‘US–China trade row threatens global confidence: IMF’s Lagarde’, Reuters, 19 April 2018. 28Ashley Parker, Seung Min Kim and Philip Rucker, ‘Trump chooses impulse over strategy as crises mount’, Washington Post, 12 April 2018. 29Bob Woodward, Fear: Trump in the white House (New York, 2018). 30Mark Lander and Ana Swanson, ‘Chances of China Trade Win Undercut by Trump Team Infighting’, New York Times, 21 May 2018. 31The National Interest, ‘The Interview: Henry Kissinger’, 19 August 2015. 32National Security Strategy of the United States of America (2017). 33Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United of America.

Milanović, Global Inequality: a new approach for the age of globalization (Cambridge, MA, 2016), p. 20. 14Woodward, Fear, pp. 272–3. 15Shawn Donnan, ‘Is there political method in Donald Trump’s trade madness’, Financial Times, 23 March 2018. 16Lingling Wei and Yoko Kubota, ‘Trump Weights Tariffs on $100 Billion More of Chinese Goods’, Wall Street Journal, 5 April 2018 17For the text of the letter to the president, see 18Scott Horsley, ‘Trump Orders Stiff Tariffs on China, In Hopes Of Cutting Trade Gap by $50 Billion’, NPR, 22 March 2018. 19BlackRock Investment Institute, Global Investment Outlook Q2 1018 (April 2018). 20For example, Ana Swanson, ‘Trump Proposes Re-joining Trans-Pacific Partnership’, New York Times, 12 April 2018. 21White House, ‘Peter Navarro: “Donald Trump Is Standing Up For American Interests” ’, 9 April 2018. 22Sarah Zheng, ‘How China hit Donald Trump’s supporters where it hurts as tariffs target Republican Party’s heartlands’, South China Morning Post, 5 April 2018. 23Nathaniel Meyersohn, ‘Walmart is where the trade war comes home’, CNN Money, 19 September 2018. 24Woodward, Fear, pp. 135–6. 25Eli Meixler, ‘President Trump Is “Very Thankful” for Xi Jinping’s Conciliatory Talk on Trade’, Time, 11 April 2018. 26White House, ‘Joint Statement of the United States and China Regarding Trade Consultations’, 19 May 2018. 27David Lawder, ‘US–China trade row threatens global confidence: IMF’s Lagarde’, Reuters, 19 April 2018. 28Ashley Parker, Seung Min Kim and Philip Rucker, ‘Trump chooses impulse over strategy as crises mount’, Washington Post, 12 April 2018. 29Bob Woodward, Fear: Trump in the white House (New York, 2018). 30Mark Lander and Ana Swanson, ‘Chances of China Trade Win Undercut by Trump Team Infighting’, New York Times, 21 May 2018. 31The National Interest, ‘The Interview: Henry Kissinger’, 19 August 2015. 32National Security Strategy of the United States of America (2017). 33Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy of the United of America.

pages: 173 words: 52,725

How to Be Right: In a World Gone Wrong by James O'Brien

Boris Johnson, clockwatching, collective bargaining, death of newspapers, Donald Trump, game design, housing crisis, mass immigration, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-industrial society, QAnon, ride hailing / ride sharing, sexual politics, young professional

Jack: You’re going nuts about it, and I know why. James: Jack, I think it’s funny. I’m not going nuts about it. I’m giggling. You’re the one who’s phoned me about a giant balloon. I don’t think you’ve phoned me before. I just want to know why. Jack: Because it’s pathetic, James. I really cannot understand why you just keep attacking Donald Trump. James: But we know why you can’t understand that, Jack. It’s because you describe all the facts that provide the basis for attacking Donald Trump as ‘fake news’. So you can understand why! Come on, Jack, no one’s that stupid. If you describe the evidence of your own eyes as ‘fake news’, then of course you can understand why people keep attacking him. It’s not difficult to grasp that, if you describe facts as lies, then you’ve chosen not to understand. I can’t really help you any more than that.

This particular claim is the bastard child of the less familiar refrain that you can’t say what you really think about immigration without being called a racist. And this, for many people, is of course quite true. Their private beliefs about people from countries or cultures other than their own are demonstrably racist, they just don’t like being told so. I’m not sure why, and I suspect the next chapter in these ludicrous, social media-fuelled ‘culture wars’ will see more and more people take the advice that Donald Trump’s former consigliere, Steve Bannon, gave to French fascists to wear the accusation of racism with ‘pride’fn1. For now, the kindest thing you can do in the circumstances is invite them to say whatever they want with a promise that you won’t call them names. Three or four years after I first assumed the position behind the microphone, I was told by a caller from the London borough of Hounslow that he wasn’t allowed to say what he really thought about immigration because of political correctness.

Of course, some of the people who lack the courage or confidence to call in have persuaded themselves that the people who end up embarrassing themselves on air have been specially selected for the weakness of their position. In fact, the opposite is true. There’s no point me talking to someone who doesn’t sound completely convinced that they’re right and I’m wrong. It’s the strength of this conviction that I find enduringly fascinating. Long before Donald Trump deployed the phrase ‘fake news’ to punt his own barefaced lies while discrediting honest journalism that was critical of him, the British media was breath-takingly complicit in portraying immigration as an unalloyed bad. Pockets of resistance at the Guardian and elsewhere were preaching almost pointlessly to the choir, while the likes of Kelvin MacKenzie at the Sun and latterly Paul Dacre at the Daily Mail, inarguably the two most powerful and toxic propagandists of the last 30 years, were offering up generous portions of xenophobic fire and brimstone on a daily basis.

pages: 504 words: 129,087

The Ones We've Been Waiting For: How a New Generation of Leaders Will Transform America by Charlotte Alter

"side hustle", 4chan, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, carbon footprint, clean water, collective bargaining, Columbine, corporate personhood, correlation does not imply causation, Credit Default Swap, crowdsourcing, David Brooks, Donald Trump, double helix, East Village, ending welfare as we know it, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, gig economy, glass ceiling, Google Hangouts, housing crisis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), job-hopping, Kevin Kelly, knowledge economy, Lyft, mandatory minimum, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, McMansion, medical bankruptcy, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, Nate Silver, obamacare, Occupy movement, passive income, pre–internet, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, Snapchat, TaskRabbit, too big to fail, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, unpaid internship, We are the 99%, white picket fence, working poor, Works Progress Administration

,” Politico, March 2, 2016, “bring them to the table.”: “Elise Stefanik Reelected as U.S. Representative for New York,” MyNBC5-WPTZ, YouTube video, white women had broken slightly for Trump: Molly Ball, “Donald Trump Didn’t Really Win 52% of White Women in 2016”: TIME, October 18, 2018, of eligible voters over sixty-five: William H. Frey, “The Demographic Blowback That Elected Donald Trump,” Brookings, November 10, 2016, overwhelmingly voted to remain: Simon Schuster, “The U.K. ’s Old Decided for the Young in the Brexit Vote,” TIME, June 24, 2016, of voters over forty-five: Thom File, “Voting in America: A Look at the 2016 Presidential Election,” United States Census, Census Blogs,

It shone through the windows of elementary schools where students asked their teachers if they would be deported, or if Trump would start a nuclear war, or if he would bring slavery back. It lurked behind clouds as school buses wound through their afternoon routes, bringing children to the end of their first day in Donald Trump’s America. The oldest members of Gen Z were nineteen on the day Trump was elected in 2016; the youngest were just learning to read. But over the next four years, as millennials began to grasp for political power, the generation behind them was just beginning to wake up. Many of the kids born since 1997 barely remembered George W. Bush, or were in elementary school during Obama’s 2008 campaign—Donald Trump’s election would be one of the first major political moments of their young lives. They would remember it forever. Much of Gen Z was too young to vote, but they still participated. Middle and elementary school kids brought homemade signs to the Women’s March, looking around a sea of terrified and furious adults.

of voters over forty-five: Thom File, “Voting in America: A Look at the 2016 Presidential Election,” United States Census, Census Blogs, mostly white and male: CIRCLE Staff, “Young Voters in the 2016 General Election,” Tufts University, Jonathan M. Tisch, College of Civic Life, “emotions regarding the election.”: Neil Thomas, “Donald Trump Is President: Crisis at Harvard Kennedy School?,” Kennedy School Review, November 28, 2016, CHAPTER 13: THE PILGRIMAGE OF ALEXANDRIA OCASIO-CORTEZ their new “prayer camp.”: Saul Elbein, “The Youth Group That Launched a Movement at Standing Rock,” The New York Times Magazine, January 31, 2017,

We Need New Stories: Challenging the Toxic Myths Behind Our Age of Discontent by Nesrine Malik

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, cognitive dissonance, continuation of politics by other means, currency peg, Donald Trump, feminist movement, financial independence, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, gender pay gap, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, illegal immigration, invisible hand, mass immigration, moral panic, Nate Silver, obamacare, old-boy network, payday loans, planetary scale, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, sexual politics, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Thomas L Friedman, transatlantic slave trade

I dwell on the Iraq War generation of liberal journalists and their subsequent thriving to widen the lens on a media scene that, even when forced into moments of self-reflection, rarely follows through into action. As David Uberti observed in Chapter 3, the impunity of Iraq War peddlers points essentially to a media oligarchy. Whether it was the Iraq War, Brexit or Donald Trump’s election, what has never really been reckoned with is the media’s role in reproducing the very myths that, when they finally took shape, bewildered its own members. The media wrote all the stories that have led to our age of discontent. How can you separate bellicose muscular liberalism from the war-underwritten exceptionalism of Anglo-America? How can you separate the promotion and acceptance of casual misogyny and sexism from the election of Donald Trump? How can you separate lazy rote thinking on freedom of speech from its instrumentalisation by bigots and hate preachers? How can you separate a hardwired belief in the superiority of a nation’s values from the bigotries that engenders?

The anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss argued that myths develop in order to ‘resolve collective problems of classification and hierarchy, marking lines between the inside and the outside, the Law and its exceptions, those who belong and those who do not’ and that they are based on a structure that recurs across cultures and eras. But that does not mean that we resign ourselves to the inevitability of their perversion. Legend has it that the moment it became clear that Donald Trump was winning, around 3 a.m. Eastern time, David Remnick of the New Yorker sat down and wrote his now famous piece, ‘An American Tragedy’, in one sitting. It started with the assertion: ‘The election of Donald Trump to the Presidency is nothing less than a tragedy for the American republic, a tragedy for the Constitution, and a triumph for the forces, at home and abroad, of nativism, authoritarianism, misogyny, and racism.’ Remnick, in the small hours of that morning, came ever so close to the heart of it.

t=1562162061694 [accessed on 23 July 2019] 64 ‘… evidence suggests that Trump’s grandiose rhetorical style’: Lucian Gideon Conway III, Meredith A. Repkea, Shannon C. Houck, ‘Donald Trump as a Cultural Revolt Against Perceived Communication Restriction: Priming Political Correctness Norms Causes More Trump Support’ (Journal of Social and Political Psychology, Vol. 5 (1), 2017), 246 64 ‘… norms of restrictive communication’: ibid. 65 ‘Having elevated the powers of PC to mythic status’: Moira Weigel, ‘Political correctness: how the right invented a phantom enemy’ (Guardian, 30 November 2016), [accessed on 23 July 2019] 70 ‘After Brexit, we can give Isil [ISIS] terrorists the justice they deserve’: Colonel Richard Kemp, ‘After Brexit, we can give Isil terrorists the justice they deserve – and that means the death penalty’ (Telegraph, 23 July 2018), [accessed on 23 July 2019] 70 ‘… a crushing 60 to 26 margin’: Tom Clark, ‘Free speech?

pages: 157 words: 53,125

The Fifth Risk by Michael Lewis

Albert Einstein, Bernie Sanders, chief data officer, cloud computing, Donald Trump, Ferguson, Missouri, Silicon Valley, the new new thing, uranium enrichment

The New Jersey governor had dropped out of the presidential race in February 2016 and thrown what support he had behind Donald Trump. In late April he saw the article. It described meetings between representatives of the remaining candidates still in the race—Trump, John Kasich, Ted Cruz, Hillary Clinton, and Bernie Sanders—and the Obama White House. Anyone who still had any kind of shot at becoming president of the United States apparently needed to start preparing to run the federal government. The guy Trump sent to the meeting was, in Christie’s estimation, comically underqualified. Christie called up Trump’s campaign manager, Corey Lewandowski, to ask why this critical job hadn’t been handed to someone who actually knew something about government. “We don’t have anyone,” said Lewandowski. Christie volunteered himself for the job: head of the Donald Trump presidential transition team.

Christie explained that Trump could either pay for it himself or take it out of campaign funds. Trump didn’t want to pay for it himself. He didn’t want to take it out of campaign funds, either, but he agreed, grudgingly, that Christie should go ahead and raise a separate fund to pay for his transition team. “But not too much!” he said. And so Christie set out to prepare for the unlikely event that Donald Trump would one day be elected president of the United States. Not everyone in Trump’s campaign was happy to see him on the job. In June, Christie received a call from Trump adviser Paul Manafort. “The kid is paranoid about you,” Manafort said. The kid was Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law. Back in 2005, when he was U.S. attorney for the District of New Jersey, Christie had prosecuted and jailed Kushner’s father, Charles, for tax fraud.

said Christie. I’m paying for the wedding and I don’t give a shit, said Donald. Christie viewed Jared as one of those people who thinks that, because he’s rich, he must also be smart. Still, he had a certain cunning about him. And Christie soon found himself reporting everything he did to prepare for a Trump administration to an “executive committee.” The committee consisted of Jared, Ivanka Trump, Donald Trump Jr., Eric Trump, Paul Manafort, Steve Mnuchin, and Jeff Sessions. “I’m kind of like the church elder who double-counts the collection plate every Sunday for the pastor,” said Sessions, who appeared uncomfortable with the entire situation. The elder’s job became more complicated in July 2016, when Trump was formally named the Republican nominee. The transition team now moved into an office in downtown Washington, DC, and went looking for people to occupy the top five hundred jobs in the federal government.

pages: 382 words: 117,536

March of the Lemmings: Brexit in Print and Performance 2016–2019 by Stewart Lee

Airbnb, AltaVista, anti-communist, Boris Johnson, cognitive dissonance, coherent worldview, Donald Trump, Etonian, New Journalism, Ronald Reagan, Snapchat, Stephen Hawking, white flight

But I am a shallow and cynical entertainer, not a politician who is supposed to believe in anything. And so, I suspect, when all is said and done, is Boris Piccaninny Watermelon Letterbox Johnson. And why not? It worked for Donald Trump. Each morning in the small hours, Donald Trump’s bladder slowly fills with urine. The president wakes and looks at his phone in the bathroom, while fumbling in his silken sleeping pants for the flesh pyracantha of his genital. He sees something true online and instantly sends off a combative tweet. Sad! Bleary journalists panic and the fairy tinkling of Donald Trump’s cold night penis dominates the daily American news cycle once more. Boris Piccaninny Watermelon Letterbox Johnson obviously aims to surf the British news wave in a similar fashion to the orange goblin. But unlike the instantaneous nocturnal pee-pee spatterings of Trump, the massive faecal log of Watermelon’s weekly column in the Daily Telegraph takes a full seven days to bake.

When I was five, in 1973, her Hartley Hare from Pipkins costume was perfect, functioning alcoholic eyes and all; in 1977, my mother’s Captain Britain tabard was unique, the obscure Marvel superhero being resistant to official merchandising; and I doubt there were many boys lucky enough to attend their tenth birthday party in a one-piece zip-up costume of the Welsh experimental film-maker and poet Iain Sinclair.2 This summer, I had planned to take the children, Six and Nine, to the United States on a once-in-a-lifetime pilgrimage to pay homage to the unmarked paupers’ graves of my forty-seven favourite significant pre-First World War blues harmonica players. It was to be a journey I am sure they would have looked back on with some fondness, or at least tolerance, in later life at least. But I imagined a difficult American situation, where a delightful pea-soup restaurant waitress, who has been nothing other than charming this last hour, asks us in parting what we think of good ole Donald Trump, kickin’ Muslamic ass.3 My daughter, Six, would doubtless say, ‘Donald Trump is a smelly poo-poo head.’ It is her habit to regurgitate wholesale the adult discourse she overhears around our dinner table, without necessarily understanding it. In the ensuing conversational difficulties, we would then be gunned down by aggrieved onlookers and hung naked from poplar trees, as a warning to any other visiting snowflakes considering casting doubt on the composition and cleanliness of the forty-fifth US president’s head.

I wish I’d got one years ago, to be quite honest. Full plans for the porn president’s visit to the UK revealed 14 May 2018 Desperate for American co-operation with post-Brexit trade, Britain is hamstrung in her reaction to Donald Trump’s withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal. A man in Southend-on-Sea, who just wanted bendy bananas, eats takeaway butterfly wings, and a nuclear missile hits Tel Aviv.1 In July, Guardian and Observer readers, their furious tofusmeared faces red with righteous rage, will doubtless wish to greet visiting American president Donald Trump with well-punctuated placards, laced with Pythonesque whimsy.2 Realpolitik appeasers like Boris Piccaninny Johnson assure us, with one eye on transatlantic trade deals in the dystopian post-EU wasteland he has engineered, that we must respect the office of the president of the United States.

pages: 324 words: 96,491

Messing With the Enemy: Surviving in a Social Media World of Hackers, Terrorists, Russians, and Fake News by Clint Watts

4chan, active measures, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Chelsea Manning, Climatic Research Unit, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden,, Erik Brynjolfsson, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Filter Bubble, global pandemic, Google Earth, illegal immigration, Internet of things, Julian Assange, loss aversion, Mark Zuckerberg, Mikhail Gorbachev, mobile money, mutually assured destruction, obamacare, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, pre–internet, side project, Silicon Valley, Snapchat, The Wisdom of Crowds, Turing test, University of East Anglia, Valery Gerasimov, WikiLeaks, zero day

Massimo Calabresi, “Inside Russia’s Social Media War on America,” Time (May 18, 2017). 11. “Is Donald Trump a Man to Mend US Relations with Russia?,” Sputnik (August 24, 2015). 026144021. 12. David Ignatius, “Russia’s Radical New Strategy for Information Warfare,” The Washington Post (January 18, 2017). 13. Ashley Parker and David Sanger, “Donald Trump Calls on Russia to Find Hillary Clinton’s Missing Emails,” The New York Times (July 27, 2016). 14. Clint Watts and Andrew Weisburd, “How Russia Dominates Your Twitter Feed to Promote Lies (And, Trump, Too),” The Daily Beast (August 6, 2016). 15.

Adam Goldman, “Russian Spies Tried to Recruit Carter Page Before He Advised Trump,” The New York Times (April 4, 2017). 21. “Trump Tower Russia meeting: At least eight people in the room,” CNN (July 15, 2017). 22. “Read the emails on Donald Trump Jr.’s Russia Meeting,” The New York Times (July 11, 2017). 23. Euan McKirdy and Mary Ilyushina, “Putin: ‘Patriotic’ Russian Hackers May Have Targeted US Election,” CNN (June 2, 2017). 24. Max Kutner, “Russian Embassy in London Joins in Seth Rich Murder Speculation,” Newsweek (May 19, 2017). 25.

From Russia’s perspective, why coerce an asset if the target willingly pursues the Kremlin’s interests? The most egregious and foolish connection between the Trump campaign and the Kremlin occurred on June 9, 2016, in New York City.21 Rob Goldstone, an English music producer and friend of the Trump family, emailed Donald Trump Jr. about setting up a meeting at Trump Tower with Natalia Veselnitskaya, a Russian lawyer, and Rinat Akhmetshin, a Russian immigrant with ties to a range of Kremlin intelligence. “Russia—Clinton—private and confidential,” the email’s subject line read.22 Donald Trump Jr. took the meeting under the auspices of receiving damaging kompromat on Clinton, but the meeting devolved into a lobbying effort to repeal the Magnitsky Act, a congressional law passed to prevent those responsible for the 2009 death of whistleblower Sergei Magnitsky from gaining access to the United States and utilizing the U.S. banking system.

pages: 476 words: 139,761

Kleptopia: How Dirty Money Is Conquering the World by Tom Burgis

active measures, Anton Chekhov, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, British Empire, collapse of Lehman Brothers, coronavirus, corporate governance, COVID-19, Covid-19, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, cryptocurrency, do-ocracy, Donald Trump, energy security, Etonian, failed state, Gordon Gekko, high net worth, Honoré de Balzac, illegal immigration, invisible hand, Julian Assange, liberal capitalism, light touch regulation, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Skype, sovereign wealth fund, trade route, WikiLeaks

, Politico, May 22, 2016,; O’Brien, TrumpNation, pp.67–70 Tamir Sapir: Gary Silverman, ‘Trump’s Russian riddle’, Financial Times, August 14, 2016, ‘wilful obliviousness’: Confidential interview Trump Ocean Club down in Panama: Ned Parker, ‘Ivanka and the fugitive’ cost $370 million: Mike McIntire, ‘Donald Trump settled a real estate lawsuit, and a criminal case was closed’, New York Times, April 5, 2016, supposed to follow: Monica Alonzo-Dunsmoor, ‘City rejects high-rises on camelback’, Arizona Republic, December 22, 2005 tower in Florida: Ryan Yousefi, ‘Failed Fort Lauderdale Beach Trump project will finally open as Conrad hotel’, Broward Palm Beach New Times, October 3, 2014, set off for Moscow with two of Trump’s children: Felix Sater deposition in Donald Trump v Timothy O’Brien et al., April 1, 2008, p.132 ‘We see a lot of money pouring in from Russia’: ‘Executive Talk: Donald Trump Jr bullish on Russia and few emerging markets’, eTurboNews, September 15, 2008, ‘Senior Adviser to Donald Trump’: Felix Sater’s LinkedIn profile, later deleted, said: ‘Senior Advisor to Donald Trump, The Trump Organization, January 2010 – 2011 (1 year)’ to meet Donald: Trump’s deposition in his lawsuit against Timothy L. O’Brien and the publishers of TrumpNation, December 19, 2007 luxury apartment he kept for himself was in Trump Tower: Friedman, Red Mafiya, p.113 sold them to him personally: James S. Henry, ‘The curious world of Donald Trump’s private Russian connections’, The American Interest, December 19, 2016, that was Trump real estate: Layne, ‘Russian elite invested’ more than double: Letter from Senator Ron Wyden to Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, February 9, 2018, Beach%20Trump%20Sale%20Letter.pdf ‘People really want to own what I do’: CarinoAgencyPR, ‘Trump International Hotel & Tower, Toronto – Ground Breaking Event!!’

id=63669304 a call with Volodymyr Zelensky: White House transcript, declassified and published (having been edited) September 24, 2019, not Ukrainian: Angel Au-Yeung, ‘What we know about CrowdStrike, the cybersecurity firm Trump mentioned in Ukraine call, and its billionaire CEO’, Forbes, September 25, 2019, Biden had not: For an example of the many debunkings of Trump’s claims about Ukraine, see Natasha Bertrand, ‘How to read Trump’s wild phone call with Ukraine’s president’, Politico, September 25, 2019, ‘reality-based community’: Ron Suskind, ‘Faith, certainty and the presidency of George W. Bush’, New York Times, October 17, 2004, make money mean something other: There are examples of this throughout Timothy O’Brien’s TrumpNation, Warner Business Books, 2005 ‘The philosophy of Survivor’: O’Brien, TrumpNation, p.16 ‘My name is Donald Trump’: O’Brien, TrumpNation, p.17 ‘laced with a number of howlers’: O’Brien, TrumpNation, p.18 ‘I’m going to be the biggest developer’: Confidential interview Trump’s mobster associates: David Cay Johnston, ‘Just what were Donald Trump’s ties to the mob?’, Politico, May 22, 2016,; O’Brien, TrumpNation, pp.67–70 Tamir Sapir: Gary Silverman, ‘Trump’s Russian riddle’, Financial Times, August 14, 2016, ‘wilful obliviousness’: Confidential interview Trump Ocean Club down in Panama: Ned Parker, ‘Ivanka and the fugitive’ cost $370 million: Mike McIntire, ‘Donald Trump settled a real estate lawsuit, and a criminal case was closed’, New York Times, April 5, 2016, supposed to follow: Monica Alonzo-Dunsmoor, ‘City rejects high-rises on camelback’, Arizona Republic, December 22, 2005 tower in Florida: Ryan Yousefi, ‘Failed Fort Lauderdale Beach Trump project will finally open as Conrad hotel’, Broward Palm Beach New Times, October 3, 2014, set off for Moscow with two of Trump’s children: Felix Sater deposition in Donald Trump v Timothy O’Brien et al., April 1, 2008, p.132 ‘We see a lot of money pouring in from Russia’: ‘Executive Talk: Donald Trump Jr bullish on Russia and few emerging markets’, eTurboNews, September 15, 2008, ‘Senior Adviser to Donald Trump’: Felix Sater’s LinkedIn profile, later deleted, said: ‘Senior Advisor to Donald Trump, The Trump Organization, January 2010 – 2011 (1 year)’ to meet Donald: Trump’s deposition in his lawsuit against Timothy L.

, Politico, May 22, 2016,; O’Brien, TrumpNation, pp.67–70 Tamir Sapir: Gary Silverman, ‘Trump’s Russian riddle’, Financial Times, August 14, 2016, ‘wilful obliviousness’: Confidential interview Trump Ocean Club down in Panama: Ned Parker, ‘Ivanka and the fugitive’ cost $370 million: Mike McIntire, ‘Donald Trump settled a real estate lawsuit, and a criminal case was closed’, New York Times, April 5, 2016, supposed to follow: Monica Alonzo-Dunsmoor, ‘City rejects high-rises on camelback’, Arizona Republic, December 22, 2005 tower in Florida: Ryan Yousefi, ‘Failed Fort Lauderdale Beach Trump project will finally open as Conrad hotel’, Broward Palm Beach New Times, October 3, 2014, set off for Moscow with two of Trump’s children: Felix Sater deposition in Donald Trump v Timothy O’Brien et al., April 1, 2008, p.132 ‘We see a lot of money pouring in from Russia’: ‘Executive Talk: Donald Trump Jr bullish on Russia and few emerging markets’, eTurboNews, September 15, 2008, ‘Senior Adviser to Donald Trump’: Felix Sater’s LinkedIn profile, later deleted, said: ‘Senior Advisor to Donald Trump, The Trump Organization, January 2010 – 2011 (1 year)’ to meet Donald: Trump’s deposition in his lawsuit against Timothy L.

pages: 390 words: 109,870

Radicals Chasing Utopia: Inside the Rogue Movements Trying to Change the World by Jamie Bartlett

Andrew Keen, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, blockchain, blue-collar work, Boris Johnson, brain emulation, centre right, clean water, cryptocurrency, Donald Trump, drone strike, Elon Musk, energy security, Ethereum, ethereum blockchain, failed state, gig economy, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Jaron Lanier, job automation, John Markoff, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, life extension, Occupy movement, off grid, Peter Thiel, post-industrial society, postnationalism / post nation state, precariat, QR code, Ray Kurzweil, RFID, Rosa Parks, Ross Ulbricht, Satoshi Nakamoto, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, smart contracts, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, technoutopianism

It also resulted in a spike in anti-Islamic crime, and renewed fears that xenophobia was on the rise. A few months later saw an even bigger victory: Donald Trump was elected as president of the United States. His unlikely win was helped along by a new and very disparate political movement loosely called the ‘alt-right’, which combined several of Pegida’s ideas with internet trolling culture, libertarian attitudes on free speech and, for some supporters, white supremacy. During his campaign, Trump said things that would not have been out of place at Pegida rallies, including a pledge to stop all immigration from Muslim-majority countries, until elected officials can ‘figure out what the hell is going on’. (In fact Pegida supporters often carried placards that read ‘Donald Trump is right.’) ‘Thank you America, thank you Donald Trump,’ Tommy said, the day after his election. ‘You’ve given us all a fighting chance.’

To run, one needs to enter a CV and some formal documentation here: 21. Beppe’s way of talking about these subjects seems to have been particularly important. In a similar way, Donald Trump’s word use when discussing subjects other politicians appeared reluctant to bring up was significant. See for example: Stacey Liberatore, ‘Donald Trump’s language could win him the presidency’, MailOnline, 21 March 2016, (accessed 9 August 2016). 22. Gian Antonio Stella and Sergio Rizzo, La Casta: così i politici italiani sono diventati intoccabili (ebook, Rizzoli, 2010). Data on trends in Italian trust in politics is available in various Eurobarometer studies and the Global Corruption Barometer. 23.

But it was also helped, in a small but definite way, by the restless activism, belief and energy of people like Tommy Robinson. In January 2017 Donald Trump signed an executive order suspending the entire US refugee admission system for 120 days, and banning citizens from seven majority-Muslim countries—Iran, Iraq, Libya, Sudan, Syria, Somalia and Yemen—entry to the United States. At the time of this writing, it’s difficult to predict where this will lead. Pegida might be misunderstood, patronized and lazily smeared as a bunch of ignorant fascists and racists, but that doesn’t mean their ideas are harmless, or that their desire to defend Western values won’t be twisted by others to promote illiberalism or xenophobia. Tommy celebrated the United Kingdom leaving the European Union and Donald Trump’s election, but so did David Duke, former Grand Wizard of the openly racist Ku Klux Klan, who said he has ‘the same message’ as Trump.

On the Road: Adventures From Nixon to Trump by James Naughtie

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Alistair Cooke, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, Donald Trump, Ferguson, Missouri, Haight Ashbury, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Julian Assange, Mikhail Gorbachev, Norman Mailer, obamacare, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-work, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, South China Sea, trickle-down economics, white flight, WikiLeaks, Yom Kippur War, young professional, zero-sum game

Not for the first time, when the president qualified his comments, presumably as part apology, and then retreated again, he made things worse. The episode reminded everyone how much the old racial wound still hurts. Sitting in New York, recollecting the day, Newsome said, ‘The hate is in your face, it’s outright. We have people who worship Trump as if he’s a god. He can do no wrong. You have Bible-belt Republicans who draw all their ideals from the Good Book. Donald Trump is violating God’s code, the commandments, and they choose Donald Trump over Jesus. Well, that’s amazing to me.’ These were the early signs of a presidency that by the beginning of the last year of his first term was the most chaotic America had known in the modern era. The tweets of Trump’s early days, which many people had taken as evidence of a fragile, tormented personality, and not much more, had turned into a conveyor belt of abuse, layered with fantasy and untruths that were so blatant that reporters spent their time not so much checking his messages for veracity – because the inventions were usually so obvious – as arguing among themselves whether he knew what he was saying, and just didn’t care, or whether he had passed into a state in which he had lost the ability to distinguish between fiction and truth, and had created a world so consumed by his boiling rage that it had none of the characteristics most people would associate with normality.

The intoxication is easy to describe, because no one with feeling can reasonably resist the excitement of the mingling of cultures, the country’s obsession with its own history and the romantic political tradition spawned as a result; nor the efforts of writers over two and a half centuries to describe the personality and the agonies of the New World, never mind the movies and the music, from jazz bar to Broadway, that gave the twentieth century across the world so much of its personality. Yet all of this is touched by the shadow that is cast, sooner or later, by every empire that has seen its power and assurance wax and wane. The heart of America, although it beats with precious self-confidence, is trembling. Donald Trump is the contemporary emblem of that pain, but the recent story stretches back to a time when he had nothing much in mind except another land deal, and a building taller than the next guy’s. Anyone who first came to America in the age of Vietnam, like me, and watched while Watergate drained politics of so many illusions, is bound to know that the struggle between America’s view of itself and the judgement of a world in which it tries to protect its role has produced a crisis of identity that cuts deep.

No wonder the place is irresistible. Thinking back to political campaigns and holidays, wanderings into the wild, dozens of small towns and happy valleys, cities that sketch out the twentieth century in their streets, these contrasts are sharp – a vigorous optimism set against urban despair and violence, and an unmistakable anxiety about the future. It explains many of the upheavals of our time, and Donald Trump, too. This book is not about him – emphatically not, because he would take it over – but about the urge that he has recognised and articulated (although that may not be the appropriate word), turning the anger and sense of loss that he’s identified into an electric current to shock politics. Anyone who has enjoyed America over the last few decades, in melodramatic moments, in crises and at times of hope, will recognise the feelings that are now on the loose.

pages: 276 words: 71,950

Antisemitism: Here and Now by Deborah E. Lipstadt

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Boycotts of Israel, Cass Sunstein, Donald Trump,, epigenetics, fixed income, ghettoisation, Stephen Hawking, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, union organizing, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game

Nicholas Kristof, “Is Donald Trump a Racist?” New York Times, July 23, 2017. 2. David Weigel, “ ‘Racialists’ Are Cheered by Trump’s Latest Strategy,” Washington Post, August 20, 2016. 3. Jane Eisner, “Why Trump Likes Jews Like Cohen and Dershowitz—For All the Wrong Reasons,” Forward, April 13, 2018. 4. “Trump Won’t Condemn Anti-Semitic Threats on Journalist Who Profiled His Wife (VIDEO),”​livewire/​trump-julia-ioffe-anti-semitic-threats; Mickey Rapkin, “Lady and the Trump,” DuJour, May 2016; Weisman, (((Semitism))), pp. 15–16, 143. 5. Weisman, (((Semitism))), p. 129; Donald Trump, “I Don’t Know David Duke,” Morning Joe, MSNBC, November 14, 2016 (television),​watch?v=YBOy8iTBA9g; Glenn Kessler, “Donald Trump and David Duke: For the Record,” Washington Post, March 1, 2016. 6.

., p. 29. 8. Trump did subsequently say that it was a mistake to change it because it was a sheriff’s star. Critics pointed out that sheriff’s stars, while six-pointed, have little circles at the point of each star. Louis Jacobson, “Donald Trump’s ‘Star of David’ Tweet: A Recap,” Politifact, July 5, 2016; Bryce Covert, “Trump Tries to Spin Anti-Semitic Symbol as ‘Sheriff’s Star,’ ” Think Progress, July 4, 2016. 9. Tal Kopan, “Donald Trump Retweets ‘White Genocide’ Twitter User,”, January 22, 2016; Ben Kharakh and Dan Primack, “Donald Trump’s Social Media Ties to White Supremacists,” Fortune, March 22, 2016; Weisman, (((Semitism))), p. 158. 10. Niraj Chokshi, “Trump Accuses Clinton of Guiding Global Elite against U.S. Working Class,” New York Times, October 13, 2016. 11.

But she was not alone.15 The cyber-antisemites began to place an echo symbol—((( )))—around the surnames of prominent Jewish journalists and commentators who adopted positions with which they disagreed. The echo symbol originated in 2014, on a podcast called The Daily Shoah that is hosted by The Right Stuff, a white nationalist blog. The echo began to be used in earnest to identify Jewish reporters who were critical of Donald Trump. Those who relied on it described the symbol as “closed captioning for the Jew-blind.” It ensured that the journalist’s Jewish identity was immediately evident.16 In May 2016, Jonathan Weisman, deputy Washington editor for the New York Times, mentioned an article by the historian Robert Kagan that linked Donald Trump to fascism. He quickly received a response—“Hello (((Weisman)))”—from someone who utilized the screen name @CyberTrump. Sensing that the parentheses had some connection to his Jewish identity, Weisman asked for an explanation and received the following response: “What, ho, the vaunted Ashkenazi intelligence, hahaha!

pages: 240 words: 74,182

This Is Not Propaganda: Adventures in the War Against Reality by Peter Pomerantsev

"side hustle", 4chan, active measures, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, call centre, citizen journalism, desegregation, Donald Trump, Etonian, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, illegal immigration, mass immigration, mega-rich, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Skype, South China Sea

Two could play at people protests, Moscow seemed to be saying. In America one of the tricks of the St Petersburg troll farm was to take on the personas of American civil liberties campaigns – Black Lives Matter, for instance – and then use them to raise the vote for the more pro-Russian presidential candidate, Donald Trump, or depress it for his rivals. The troll farm even organised protests in US cities, both for and against Trump, each chanting against the other. One protest in particular reminded me of a really crap copy of Srdja’s political street theatre: when a troll posing as a Donald Trump supporter in a fake Facebook group called Being Patriotic convinced a woman in Florida to hire an actor to wear a rubber Hillary Clinton mask and then lock the actor in a makeshift jail cell and wheel them about as if in a carnival procession.19 And it’s when the Kremlin’s efforts are unveiled that they have perhaps their most significant effect.

‘Moscow’, I would write later, ‘seemed a city living in fast-forward, changing so fast it breaks all sense of reality. Russia had seen so many worlds flick through in such rapid progression – from Communism to perestroika to shock therapy to penury to oligarchy to mafia state to mega-rich – that its new heroes were left with the sense that life is just one glittering masquerade, where every role and any position or belief is mutable.’ Notes 1 PolitiFact, ‘Donald Trump’s File’, (accessed 20 July 2016); PolitiFact, ‘Hillary Clinton’s File’, (accessed 20 July 2016). 2 BBC Breadth of Opinion Review; 3 BBC News, ‘Kremlin’s Chief Propagandist Accuses Western Media of Bias’, 23 June 2016; 4 Yaffa, Joshua, ‘Dmitry Kiselev Is Redefining the Art of Russian Propaganda’, New Republic, 1 July 2014; 5 Balmforth, Tom, ‘Gene Warfare?

smid=tw-share&_r=0&module=inline. 19 Atlantic Council, ‘Breaking Aleppo’, 2017; 20 For background on the use of barrel bombs and attacks on medical facilities, see: Boghani, Priyanka, ‘A Staggering New Death Toll for Syria’s War – 470,000’, PBS, 11 February 2016;; Barnard, Anne, ‘Death Toll from War in Syria Now 470,000, Group Finds’, New York Times, 11 February 2016;; Physicians for Human Rights, ‘2015 Marks Worst Year for Attacks on Hospitals in Syria’, 18 December 2015;; International Committee of the Red Cross, ‘Syria: Aid Stepped Up Amidst Heavy Fighting in Aleppo Province’, 10 February 2016; 21 Physicians for Human Rights, ‘UN Security Council Calls for End to Attacks on Doctors, Hospitals’, 3 May 2016; 22 Syrian American Medical Society, ‘The Failure of UN Security Council Resolution 2286’, January 2017; 23 McKernan, Bethan, ‘Aleppo Attack: Syrian Army to Invade City with Ground Troops’, Independent, 23 September 2016; 24 Atlantic Council, ‘Breaking Aleppo’. 25 BBC News, ‘Syria Conflict: US Accuses Russia of Barbarsim in Aleppo’, 26 September 2016; 26 Atlantic Council, ‘Breaking Aleppo’. 27 Osborne, Samuel, ‘Donald Trump Wins: All the Lies, Mistruths and Scare Stories He Told During the US Election Campaign’, Independent, 9 November 2016; 28 Graham, David, ‘The Wrong Side of the Right Side of History’, The Atlantic, 21 December 2015; 29 Shaheen, Kareem, ‘“Hell Itself”: Aleppo Reels from Alleged Use of Bunker-Buster Bombs’, Guardian, 26 September 2016; 30 Violations Documentation Centre: GJ5PWEua2lsbGVkX2RhdGV8c29ydGRpcj1ERVNDfGFwcHJvdmVkP XZpc2libGV8ZXh0cmFkaXNwbGF5PTB8cHJvdmluY2U9NnxzdGFydE RhdGU9MjAxMi0wNy0xOXxlbmREYXRlPTIwMTYtMTItMjJ8.

pages: 412 words: 96,251

Why We're Polarized by Ezra Klein

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, Cass Sunstein, centre right, Climategate, collapse of Lehman Brothers, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Ferguson, Missouri, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Nate Silver, obamacare, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, source of truth

Hopkins, “How Information Became Ideological,” Inside Higher Ed, October 11, 2016, 14 David Roberts, “Donald Trump and the Rise of Tribal Epistemology: Journalism Cannot Be Neutral Toward a Threat to the Conditions That Make It Possible,” Vox, May 19, 2017, 15 David Roberts, “Donald Trump Is the Sole Reliable Source of Truth, Says Chair of House Science Committee: ‘Better to Get Your News Directly from the President,’ said Rep. Lamar Smith of Texas,” Vox, January 27, 2017, 16 David Hookstead, “This Sexy Model Is Blowing Up the Internet [SLIDESHOW],” Daily Caller, December 16, 2016,; David Hookstead, “This UFC Octagon Girl’s Instagram Account Is Sizzling Hot [SLIDESHOW],” Daily Caller, December 24, 2016,; Kaitlan Collins, “13 Syrian Refugees We’d Take Immediately [PHOTOS],” Dailey Caller, November 18, 2015, 17 Jonathan A.

Key’s ‘South in the House,’ ” Studies in American Political Development 29, no. 2 (Oct. 2015): 154–84, 3 Robert Mickey, Paths Out of Dixie: The Democratization of Authoritarian Enclaves in America’s Deep South, 1944–1972 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015). 4 Ezra Klein, “American Democracy Has Faced Worse Threats Than Donald Trump,” Vox, May 10, 2018, 5 Ira Katznelson, Fear Itself: The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time (New York: Liveright, 2013), 61. 6 Ibid., 63. 7 Mickey, Paths Out of Dixie, 38. 8 Carol Anderson, White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide (New York: Bloomsbury, 2016). 9 Mickey, Paths Out of Dixie. 10 Brenda Wineapple, The Impeachers: The Trial of Andrew Johnson and the Dream of a Just Nation (New York: Random House, 2019). 11 Mickey, Paths Out of Dixie. 12 Ira Katznelson, Fear Itself. 13 Qtd. in ibid. 14 Kabaservice, Rule and Ruin. 15 Michael Oreskes, “Civil Rights Act Leaves Deep Mark on the American Political Landscape,” New York Times, July 2, 1989, 16 17 Ezra Klein, “No One’s Less Moderate Than Moderates,” Vox, February 26, 2015, 18 Lilliana Mason, Uncivil Agreement: How Politics Became Our Identity (Chicago; London: University of Chicago Press, 2018). 19 Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, How Democracies Die (New York: Crown, 2018). 20 “Religious ‘Nones’ Now Largest Single Religious Group among Democrats,” Pew Research Center, October 23, 2015, 21 Pew Research Center, “Partisan Divide.” 22 Alan Abramowitz, The Great Alignment: Race, Party Transformation, and the Rise of Donald Trump (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2018). 23 Author correspondence with Wilkinson, vice president of research at the Niskanen Institute. 24 Ronald Brownstein, “How the Election Revealed the Divide between City and Country,” Atlantic, November 17, 2016, 25 David Choi, “Hillary Clinton: “I Won the Places That Are ‘Dynamic, Moving Forward,’ while Trump’s Campaign ‘Was Looking Backwards,’ ” Business Insider, March 13, 2018, 26 Mark Muro and Sifan Liu, “Another Clinton-Trump Divide: High-Output America vs.

Lockhart, “How Russia Exploited Racial Tensions in America During the 2016 Elections: New Reports Detail How Russian Internet Trolls Manipulated Outrage over Racial Injustice in America,” Vox, December 17, 2018, 17 Amy Chua, Political Tribes: Group Instinct and the Fate of Nations (New York: Penguin, 2018). 18 Alexandra Bruell, “P&G Challenges Men to Shave Their ‘Toxic Masculinity’ in Gillette Ad,” Wall Street Journal, January 14, 2019, 19 Klein, “White Threat.” 20 Ronald Kessler, “Donald Trump: Mean-Spirited GOP Won’t Win Elections,” Newsmax, November 26, 2012, 21 Qtd. in Klein, “White Threat.” 22 Qtd. in ibid. 23 Betsy Cooper et al., “How Immigration and Concerns About Cultural Change Are Shaping the 2016 Election: PRRI/Brookings Survey,” Public Religion Research Institute, June 2016, 24 Sean Trende, “The Case of the Missing White Voters,” RealClearPolitics, November 8, 2012, 25 Ashley Jardina, White Identity Politics (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2019). 26 “When You’re Accustomed to Privilege, Equality Feels Like Oppression,” Quote Investigator, October 24, 2016, 27 John Sides, Michael Tesler, and Lynn Vavreck, Identity Crisis: The 2016 Presidential Campaign and the Battle for the Meaning of America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018). 28 Zack Beauchamp, “White Riot,” Vox, January 20, 2017, 29 Eric Kaufmann, Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration, and the Future of White Majorities (New York: Abrams, 2019). 30 Klein, “White Threat.” 31 Ibid. 32 Ibid. 33 Bret Stephens (@BretStephensNYT), “The right to offend is […],” Twitter, January 7, 2015, 1:16 p.m.

pages: 228 words: 68,880

Revolting!: How the Establishment Are Undermining Democracy and What They're Afraid Of by Mick Hume

anti-communist, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, central bank independence, colonial rule, David Brooks, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, non-tariff barriers, Occupy movement, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Slavoj Žižek, the scientific method, We are the 99%, World Values Survey

Finally, I would like to offer sincere thanks to my old friend and collaborator Frank Furedi, for the inspiration and advice to focus on the arguments that matter. When it comes to taking responsibility for the text, warts and all, I remain of course in a minority of one. Mick Hume, London, February 2017 1 From Brexit to Trump: ‘… but some voters are more equal than others’ This is not a book about Brexit. Nor is it a book about the election of Donald Trump. It is about a much bigger issue – one the debate around those extraordinary events has highlighted. What’s at stake is the future of democracy itself, in the UK, the US and across the West. We live at a strange moment in the history of democratic politics. Today, perhaps for the first time, every serious politician and thinker in the Western world will declare their support for democracy in principle.

That sneering attitude was even reflected in the satirical magazine Private Eye; under the spoof headline ‘Turkeys Vote for Christmas in Referendum Cliffhanger’, it reported that some turkeys were already regretting their ‘Brexmas vote’ as ‘evidence is piling up that, come Christmas lunch, they will in fact have their heads cut off, their giblets put in a plastic bag and be well and truly stuffed’. If it was irony the Eye was after, how about ‘Satirists Side with Establishment’?6 Then came the second political earthquake of 2016 – the November election of Republican candidate and celebrity capitalist Donald Trump as the forty-fifth president of the United States. The bitter responses to the voters’ failure to elect Democratic Party favourite Hillary Clinton were if anything even more starkly anti-democratic than the anti-Brexit backlash. ‘Your Vote is a Hate Crime!’ declared anti-Trump protesters, graffiti artists and bloggers, implying that Trump supporters should be denied not only their vote, but their liberty.7 One leading Democrat commentator issued the blanket declaration that ‘There’s No Such Thing as a Good Trump Voter’.

But the fury of the political, economic and cultural elites in response to the 17.4 million UK voters who dared to back Brexit, and the 62 million-plus Americans who had the temerity to vote for Trump, brought these anti-democratic poisons bubbling to the surface of our civilised societies once more. The real Brexit–Trump connection There has been a concerted attempt to explain the link between the Brexit referendum result and the election of Donald Trump. For angry social media commentators, it seemed obvious that ‘both were clearly mired in racism, bigotry and hate’. Many mainstream media pundits took a similar line, concluding that ‘both votes were marked by emotional, divisive campaigns’ and were won on ‘a tide’ of racism and hate.9 Much of this misses the point. The important link between the Brexit and Trump votes was not the campaigns, but the reaction they provoked.

pages: 339 words: 103,546

Blood and Oil: Mohammed Bin Salman's Ruthless Quest for Global Power by Bradley Hope, Justin Scheck

augmented reality, Ayatollah Khomeini, clean water, coronavirus, distributed generation, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, Elon Musk, Exxon Valdez, Google Earth, high net worth, Jeff Bezos, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, MITM: man-in-the-middle, new economy, Peter Thiel, ride hailing / ride sharing, Sand Hill Road, Silicon Valley, South of Market, San Francisco, sovereign wealth fund, starchitect, Steve Jobs, Tim Cook: Apple, trade route, Travis Kalanick, Uber for X, urban planning, women in the workforce, young professional, zero day

But war was still raging in Yemen, and the long-entrenched elites he’d knocked out of orbit were plotting behind his back. To survive, like his uncles and grandfather before him, he’d need support from the United States, where an upcoming election could be a huge boon to the kingdom. Neither Donald Trump nor Hillary Clinton seemed like a natural ally. Saudi leaders had long found Clinton an irksome counterparty when she was secretary of state, with her insistence on pressing the king and his deputies on human rights issues and demanding more freedom for women in the kingdom when they met. Donald Trump seemed even more problematic, with his naked Islamophobia and criticism of President Barack Obama for attempting to block a law that would let people sue Saudi Arabia in US courts for the 9/11 attacks. But Mohammed, with the help of allies in the United Arab Emirates, came to believe that Trump was the better choice.

President Barack Obama was reluctant to help empower the younger prince. (Olivier Douliery/Corbis/VCG via Getty Images) Mohammed bin Salman found an ally in Steve Bannon, chief strategist of President Donald Trump. (Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images) Mohammed bin Salman connected well with Jared Kushner, son-in-law of President Trump. (Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images) SoftBank’s Rajeev Misra and Masayoshi Son with the Public Investment Fund’s Yasir al-Rumayyan. (Bandar Algaloud/Saudi Royal Council/Handout/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images) Egyptian president Abdel Fattah el-Sisi with King Salman and President Donald Trump at the launch of Saudi counter-extremism center in Riyadh. (Bandar Algaloud/Saudi Royal Council/Handout/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images) Qataris write comments on a wall bearing a portrait of Qatar’s emir, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, in Doha.

Cast of Characters The Al Saud King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, son of the kingdom’s founder and father of Mohammed bin Salman Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud Prince Khalid bin Salman Al Saud, Mohammed’s younger brother and former ambassador to the United States Sultana bint Turki Al Sudairi, King Salman’s first wife Fahdah bint Falah al-Hithlain, King Salman’s third wife and mother of Mohammed bin Salman Crown Prince Muqrin bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, King Salman’s half brother and briefly heir apparent Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef Al Saud, King Salman’s nephew and a longtime antiterrorism official close to the US government King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, King Salman’s half brother and predecessor Prince Miteb bin Abdullah Al Saud, King Abdullah’s son and former chief of the Saudi Arabia National Guard Prince Turki bin Abdullah Al Saud, the seventh son of King Abdullah Prince Badr bin Farhan Al Saud, a prince from a distant branch of the family, minister of culture, and a longtime friend of Mohammed bin Salman Prince Abdullah bin Bandar Al Saud, another prince and longtime friend of Mohammed bin Salman and head of the National Guard Prince Sultan bin Turki Al Saud, the son of one of King Salman’s brothers, and an outspoken prince whose criticisms got him into trouble with more powerful members of the family The Palace Khalid al-Tuwaijri, the head of King Abdullah’s Royal Court Mohammed al-Tobaishi, King Abdullah’s chief of protocol Rakan bin Mohammed al-Tobaishi, Mohammed bin Salman’s protocol chief and the son of Mohammed al-Tobaishi The MBS Entourage Bader al-Asaker, a longtime associate of Mohammed who runs his private foundation Saud al-Qahtani, an advisor to Mohammed who specializes in quashing dissent Turki Al Sheikh, a longtime companion of Mohammed who has brought foreign sports and entertainment events to Saudi Arabia The Region Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, crown prince of Abu Dhabi Tahnoon bin Zayed, Abu Dhabi national security advisor Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, emir of Qatar Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, former emir of Qatar Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, president of Egypt Saad Hariri, prime minister of Lebanon Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, president of Turkey Residents of the Ritz Prince Alwaleed bin Talal Al Saud, a cousin of Mohammed and Saudi Arabia’s most prominent international businessman Adel Fakeih, a Saudi businessman who became minister of economy and planning Hani Khoja, a Saudi management consultant Mohammed Hussein Al Amoudi, a Saudi businessman with holdings in Ethiopia Ali al-Qahtani, a general Bakr bin Laden, scion of the bin Laden construction family The Critics Jamal Khashoggi, newspaper columnist with a long history of working for and sometimes criticizing the Saudi government Omar Abdulaziz, Canada-based dissident who criticizes Saudi leadership in online videos Loujain al-Hathloul, women’s rights activist who violated Saudi law by trying to drive into the kingdom from the United Arab Emirates The US Government President Donald Trump Jared Kushner, Ivanka Trump’s husband and an advisor to the president Steve Bannon, former Trump advisor Rex Tillerson, ex-CEO of ExxonMobil, later US secretary of state The Businessmen Jeff Bezos, founder and CEO of David Pecker, CEO of American Media, which publishes the National Enquirer Ari Emanuel, Hollywood agent and cofounder of Endeavor talent agency Masayoshi Son, CEO of Japanese tech investor SoftBank Rajeev Misra, head of SoftBank’s Vision Fund Nizar al-Bassam, Saudi deal maker and a former international banker Kacy Grine, independent banker and confidant of Alwaleed bin Talal A note on naming: In the Saudi convention, a man is identified through a patrilineal naming system.

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They Don't Represent Us: Reclaiming Our Democracy by Lawrence Lessig

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, blockchain, Cass Sunstein, Columbine, crony capitalism, crowdsourcing, David Brooks, do-ocracy, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Filter Bubble, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, illegal immigration, income inequality, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, Joi Ito, Mark Zuckerberg, obamacare, Parag Khanna, plutocrats, Plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, Skype, speech recognition, Steven Levy, Upton Sinclair

The Costs of Democracy From Jefferson to Lincoln,” The Journal of the Historical Society 6, no. 4 (December 2006): 501–12; Thomas Ferguson and Jie Chen, “Investor Blocs and Party Realignments in American History,” The Journal of the Historical Society 5, no. 4 (December 2005): 503–46. 111.“Speech: Donald Trump in Waterloo, IA—October 7, 2015,” Factbase, October 7, 2015, transcript and video available at link #67. 112.“Speech: Donald Trump in Green Bay, WI—August 5, 2016,” Factbase, August 5, 2016, transcript and video available at link #68. 113.Donald Trump, “Third Republican Presidential Candidate Debate, October 28, 2015,” Factbase, October 28, 2015, transcript and video available at link #69. 114.“Speech: Donald Trump in Beaumont, TX—November 14, 2015,” Factbase, November 14, 2015, transcript and video available at link #70. 115.Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, 494 U.S. 652, 660 (1990). 116.Stephanopoulos, Aligning Campaign Finance Law, 1430. 117.Christopher Ingraham, “Congress Thinks the Public Is Way More Conservative than It Actually Is.

Conclusion KATIE FAHEY WAS A TWENTYSOMETHING MICHIGANDER WHO WAS puzzled by Michigan’s response to the 2016 election. Initially a Clinton supporter, she was surprised when the state voted for Bernie Sanders. And then, she was surprised again when a state that had gone for Obama in 2012 (54 percent versus 45 percent) voted for Donald Trump. “What’s going on?” she asked herself. And then, as she described to me afterward, she tried to answer her own question. “Okay, what do Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump have in common that maybe Hillary Clinton didn’t have.” I really do think it was kind of like this: Bernie Sanders was all about the political revolution, and Donald Trump was about “drain the swamp.” I saw it on so many bumper stickers across Michigan. Those messages to me were actually pretty similar: . . . “The system is broken, and I will fix it.”1 That idealism, however, faded quite quickly soon after the election.

Hopelessness is the one idea that now unites much of the Rust Belt with inner cities across America, as aging populations face a future without retirement savings or a system of social security that can support them. Remove the “-ness” from the first word in that sentence and you have a fair estimate of the chance that Congress will address that problem either anytime soon.1 None of these—or a million other—problems are caused by Donald Trump. None of them would be fixed if Donald Trump were not president. These problems are deeper than the occupant of 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. They signal a failure much more fundamental than the misfiring of an Electoral College crafted at the birth of the nineteenth century. It is difficult in this moment to recognize that truth. Our attention is drawn to the dumpster fire; we are wired to be distracted by the dramatic.

pages: 134 words: 41,085

The Wake-Up Call: Why the Pandemic Has Exposed the Weakness of the West, and How to Fix It by John Micklethwait, Adrian Wooldridge

Admiral Zheng, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, basic income, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, carried interest, cashless society, central bank independence, Corn Laws, coronavirus, COVID-19, Covid-19, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Etonian, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, global pandemic, Internet of things, invisible hand, Jones Act, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, McMansion, night-watchman state, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Parkinson's law, pensions crisis, QR code, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, smart cities, trade route, universal basic income, Washington Consensus

The numbers underline this.1 By midyear, the death rate in Belgium was 850 per every million people; in Britain it was above 650; Italy and Spain were both around 550, while the United States, where the virus was once again surging in Arizona, Texas, and Florida, was closing in on 400. The figure for Germany was around 100. In South Korea and Japan the death rate was just seven and five respectively. Mainland China claims a figure of three. That final number comes with a lot of caveats, but even if the Chinese death toll was in fact ten times the official total, the regime would still be ten times better at protecting its people than Donald Trump was. Even relatively poor parts of Asia, such as Vietnam and Kerala state in India, outperformed both the United States and Britain by dramatic margins. Looking at individual cities, the comparison between the West and Asia is even starker. London and New York City are both a little smaller than Seoul. But by the end of June 2020, when New York City had seen twenty-one thousand Covid-related deaths and London six thousand, the Korean capital had lost just six people.

But they were much more successful in changing the rhetoric than the reality, so the state has continued to grow; only now it is a much more loathed monster. Then along came the populists. Silvio Berlusconi was the trailblazer, promising to boost his fellow Italians’ fortunes but mysteriously only boosting his own (Italy’s economy under his rule grew more slowly than any other country, except Zimbabwe and Haiti). In 2016, Donald Trump appeared, vowing to “drain the swamp” in Washington, DC, while Britain voted for Brexit. Four years later, the swamp is fuller than ever, and Britain is in danger of leaving the European Union chaotically. On one day in June more people died of Covid in Britain than in the whole of the EU.8 The two countries that have set the mood music for the West for the past half century, look divided and shambolic.

The populist revolution began on the periphery—in Eastern Europe (Viktor Orban in Hungary and the Law and Justice Party in Poland) and the euro-ravaged Mediterranean (Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece, and a cluster of parties in Italy).21 In 2016, the barbarians reached the gates of Rome. First Britain voted for Brexit. “Isle of madness” wrote Der Spiegel in despair, and the New Yorker displayed a group of bowler-hatted lemmings walking off a cliff. Then Donald Trump beat Hillary Clinton to secure the White House. Since then, the populist effect has been most striking on the global stage. The West is losing its collective ability to act as a voice for free trade and free minds. Not only has nationalism widened the divide between Europe and America; the West is now led by a man who loathes globalization, wants to quit pretty much every global institution, and disdains the language of Liberty.

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Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right by Arlie Russell Hochschild

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Sanders, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, clean water, collective bargaining, Deep Water Horizon, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, equal pay for equal work, Exxon Valdez, feminist movement, full employment, greed is good, guest worker program, invisible hand, knowledge economy, McMansion, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, obamacare, oil shock, payday loans, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, Thorstein Veblen, urban sprawl, working poor, Yogi Berra

Gerald Seib, “How Trump’s Army Is Transforming the GOP,” Wall Street Journal, February 23, 2016. 225“I’ll press charges” CNN Politics, “Trump Ends Wild Day on Campaign Trail by Calling for Protesters’ Arrests,” March 13, 2016, Also see “Next Time We See Him, We Might Have to Kill Him: Trump Fan on Punching Black Protester,”, March 11, 2016, 225“I would have gone bum, bum, bum” Donald J. Trump, rally in Kansas City, Missouri, March 12, 2016, 225“We’re going to get rid of it in almost every form” Coral Davenport, “E.P.A. Faces More Tasks, Louder Critics, and a Shrinking Budget,” New York Times, March 19, 2016. 225“We’re not silent anymore” “Donald Trump Forcefully Removes Protesters from Louisiana Rally,”, March 5, 2016, 225They gather to affirm their unity Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (New York: The Free Press, 1965 [1915]), 432; also page 417 on rites as a form of dramatic art and page 446 on scapegoating.

At the last meeting of the Republican Women of Southwest Louisiana, a Benelli Super Black Eagle II shotgun was raffled off. Proceeds were to be used to promote “Pillows for the Troops, college scholarships, and assistance to military families.” A tense split had opened between those who would vote for Donald Trump gleefully and those who would do so reluctantly. (A few didn’t know what to do.) The lifelong red-blue friends, Sally Cappel and Shirley Slack, now live in different towns—Sally in Lake Charles, Shirley in Opelousas. They talk two or three times a week by phone, and avoid mention of Donald Trump or Bernie Sanders. Sally is deeply upset about “the GMO monster Monsanto.” Shirley frets about skyrocketing national debt. They recently flew together to Cleveland to see Shirley’s daughter perform as a professional ballerina in the Ohio Ballet.

The American Non-Dilemma: Racial Inequality Without Racism. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2013. Dlouhy, Jennifer A. “Dangers Face Immigrant Contract Workforce in Gulf.” Fuel-Fix (November 3, 2013). “Dome Issues Kept Quiet.” The Advocate (August 12, 2012). “Donald Trump Forcefully Removes Protesters from Louisiana Rally.” (March 5, 2016). Drozd, David J. Trends in Fertility Rates by Race and Ethnicity for the U.S. and Nebraska: 1989 to 2013. University of Nebraska at Omaha: Center for Public Affairs Research, 2015.

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The Rise of the Outsiders: How Mainstream Politics Lost Its Way by Steve Richards

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, call centre, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, David Brooks, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Etonian, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, full employment, housing crisis, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Neil Kinnock, obamacare, Occupy movement, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley

Johnson: former US president Lionel Jospin: former French PM Sir Mervyn King: former Governor of the Bank of England Neil Kinnock: former Labour leader Pia Kjærsgaard: founder of the Danish People’s Party Oskar Lafontaine: former German minister Nigel Lawson: former UK chancellor Left Bloc: part of a coalition in Portugal Left Party: Germany Jean-Marie Le Pen: Front National, France Marine Le Pen: Front National Enrico Letta: Italian PM Damian McBride: Gordon Brown’s press secretary John McDonnell: Labour MP Emmanuel Macron: French minister John Major: former PM Peter Mandelson: former Labour politician and adviser Catarina Martins: leader of Portugal’s Left Bloc Theresa May: PM Angela Merkel: German chancellor David Miliband: former Foreign Secretary Ed Miliband: former Labour leader François Mitterrand: former French president Walter Mondale: former US vice-president Mario Monti: former Italian PM Chantal Mouffe: Belgian political theorist Lisa Nandy: MP for Wigan National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) Northern League (Lega Nord): Italy Paul Nuttall: current leader of UKIP Barack Obama: former US President Occupy movement: global movement against social inequality One Nation party: Australia George Osborne: former Chancellor of the Exchequer Party for Freedom: Holland Pasok: Greek socialist party Mike Pence: US vice-president People’s Party (PP): Spain Frauke Petry: chairwoman of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party Podemos: left-wing party in Spain Virginia Raggi: Mayor of Rome Mariano Rajoy: Spanish PM Matteo Renzi: former Italian PM Republican Party: US Marco Rubio: Florida senator Kevin Rudd: former PM of Australia Mark Rutte: Dutch prime minister Paul Ryan: Speaker of the US House of Representatives Alex Salmond: former SNP leader Matteo Salvini: leader of Italy’s Northern League Antonis Samaras: former PM of Greece Pedro Sánchez: former leader of PSOE in Spain Bernie Sanders: US presidential candidate Nicolas Sarkozy: former French president Anthony Scaramucci: Trump adviser Gerhard Schroeder: former German chancellor Martin Schulz: leader of Germany’s SDP Scottish National Party (SNP): UK Peter Skaarup: leader of the Danish People’s Party Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ): Austria Social Democratic Party (SPD): Germany Social Democratic Party (SDP): UK Social Democrats: Denmark Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE) Heinz-Christian Strache: Freedom Party Nicola Sturgeon: SNP leader Larry Summers: former US Secretary of the Treasury and economist Sweden Democrats party Syriza: left-wing party in Greece Tea Party: US Margaret Thatcher: former PM Justin Trudeau: Canadian prime minister Donald Trump: US president Alexis Tsipras: leader of Greece’s Syriza party Malcolm Turnbull: Australian PM Alexander Van der Bellen: President of Austria Yanis Varoufakis: former Greek finance minister William Waldegrave: former Conservative minister Geert Wilders: founder of the Dutch Party for Freedom Harold Wilson: former PM Stewart Wood: a senior adviser to Gordon Brown Steven Woolfe: UKIP leadership candidate ______ NOTES INTRODUCTION 1 Mervyn King to Treasury Select Committee, 1 March 2011 2 The Briefing Room, BBC Radio 4, 22 December 2016 CHAPTER ONE: The Outsiders on the Right 1 The Guardian, 23 May 2016 2 Televised debate of potential Republican candidates, 14 January 2016 3 The New York Times, 30 January 2016 4 Donald Trump’s victory speech in New Hampshire, 9 February 2016 5 Trump press conference, 16 February 2017 6 Trump rally in Florida, 18 February 2017 7 The Guardian, 6 September 2016 8 Ibid. 9 The Economist, 23 January 2016 10 Stephen Nickell (SERC, CEP, Nuffield College, University of Oxford) and Jumana Saleheen (Bank of England), ‘The Impact of Immigration on Occupational Wages: Evidence from Britain’, Spatial Economics Research Centre discussion paper 34, October 2009 11 The Economist, 23 January 2016 12 Ibid. 13 BBC2, Stewart Lee Comedy Vehicle, 8 March 2014 14 Tony Blair speech, Bloomberg, London, 17 February 2017 15 Jan-Werner Müller, The Guardian, 2 September 2016, and What is Populism?

And in its leadership contest in 2015 the UK’s Labour Party elected the left-wing rebel, Jeremy Corbyn, to be its new leader. The veteran Corbyn won a landslide. In the same year Marine Le Pen’s Front National made huge gains in local elections, coming first in six of France’s thirteen regions. In 2016 the UK voted to leave the European Union, against the advice of the prime minister, all living former prime ministers, the leader of the Opposition and President Obama. A few months later Donald Trump was elected President of the US, as Obama’s successor. Trump was a supporter of Brexit – the proposition that the UK should leave the EU – and had accurately proclaimed during his campaign that Brexit was a sign that he would win, too. The voters were in revolt against their traditional rulers. The pattern of volcanic significance takes firmer shape when turning to the mainstream. Many mainstream parties have suffered a crisis of identity that partly explains the rise of the outsiders, and in turn boosts their ascendancy further.

Across much of the democratic world, large numbers of voters are turning away from mainstream politicians and looking to those who come from the ‘outside’ to rescue them from tumultuous change. Some outsiders soar from the left as well as from the populist right. A few of them rise fleetingly, only to decline just as fast when fatal flaws are exposed. On occasions, mainstream parties or individual liberal progressives get their act together and win elections with a confident flourish. The US elects Donald Trump. Canada elects Justin Trudeau. Austria nearly elected a far-right president, but in the end chose a progressive member of the Green Party in the 2016 election. In March 2017 Holland’s centre-right prime minister, Mark Rutte, was re-elected, defeating the far right’s Geert Wilders by a relatively wide margin, and yet Wilders’ party made gains. The result in Holland, and the reaction to it, showed how electoral assumptions had changed.

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War for Eternity: Inside Bannon's Far-Right Circle of Global Power Brokers by Benjamin R. Teitelbaum

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, bitcoin, Boris Johnson, creative destruction, crony capitalism, cryptocurrency, Donald Trump, Etonian, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, illegal immigration, Joseph Schumpeter, liberal capitalism, liberal world order, mass immigration, mutually assured destruction, Network effects, Saturday Night Live, school choice, side project, Skype, South China Sea, Westphalian system, WikiLeaks

He seemed dangerous: Personal communication, Keith Mahoney, various dates, August 2019. Bagley already had channels: John Catsimatidis, “Michael Bagley—A refugee solution?” Catsimatidis, September 24, 2017, platform for the alt-right: Sarah Posner, “How Donald Trump’s New Campaign Chief Created an Online Haven for White Nationalists,” Mother Jones, August 22, 2016, Chapter 17: Alt-Right, Inc. compared the sensation: Jef Costello, “‘That’s It, We’re Through!’: The Psychology of Breaking Up with Trump,” Counter-Currents, April 10, 2017, “A detailed work plan was presented to Flynn”: “Will Russia and the USA Help Libya Together?”

., “Goldman Buys $2.8 Billion Worth of Venezuelan Bonds, and an Uproar Begins,” New York Times, May 30, 2017, Chapter 18: Bannon Against the World unavoidability of destruction: Michael Wolff, Fire and Fury (New York: Holt, 2018). none other than Aleksandr Dugin: Henry Meyer and Onur Ant, “Alexander Dugin—The one Russian linking Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdogan,” Independent, February 3, 2017, “special Russian truth”: “Aleksandr Dugin: ‘We have our special Russian truth,’” BBC Newsnight, YouTube, October 28, 2016, Chapter 19: Unite the Right “Rebel yell”: Kyle Chattleton, presentation during roundtable, “Recognizing and Confronting White Supremacy Through Sound Scholarship,” Annual Meeting of the Society for Ethnomusicology, Albuquerque, New Mexico, 2018.

“Incredible,” Bannon says. “Can you imagine what Washington would think?” Good question. Dugin was banned from traveling to the United States and Canada in 2015 after allegedly calling for a genocide in Ukraine. His international reputation, justified or not, as the mad mastermind of Vladimir Putin’s geopolitical agenda makes him particularly poisonous for someone like Bannon. Back in the States, Donald Trump’s successful presidential campaign has been under criminal investigation for over a year and a half amid allegations it coordinated and colluded with the Russian government during the 2016 election. Bannon managed that campaign, and although those who worked under and around him are falling to the investigation as it churns on—three high-profile figures have pled guilty in the past weeks alone—he himself remained untouched.

pages: 416 words: 100,130

New Power: How Power Works in Our Hyperconnected World--And How to Make It Work for You by Jeremy Heimans, Henry Timms

"side hustle", 3D printing, 4chan, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, augmented reality, autonomous vehicles, battle of ideas, Benjamin Mako Hill, bitcoin, blockchain, British Empire, Chris Wanstrath, Columbine, Corn Laws, crowdsourcing, David Attenborough, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Ferguson, Missouri, future of work, game design, gig economy, hiring and firing, IKEA effect, income inequality, informal economy, job satisfaction, Jony Ive, Kibera, Kickstarter, Lean Startup, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, Minecraft, Network effects, new economy, Nicholas Carr, obamacare, Occupy movement, profit motive, race to the bottom, ride hailing / ride sharing, rolodex, Saturday Night Live, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, six sigma, Snapchat, social web, TaskRabbit, the scientific method, transaction costs, Travis Kalanick, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, upwardly mobile, web application, WikiLeaks

That is some”: “Here’s Donald Trump’s Presidential Announcement Speech,” Time, June 16, 2015. He reportedly hired: Aaron Crouch and Emmett McDermott, “Donald Trump Campaign Offered Actors $50 to Cheer for Him at Presidential Announcement,” Hollywood Reporter, June 17, 2015. “ ‘I’m f——trembling’ ”: Abby Ohlheiser, “ ‘We Actually Elected a Meme as President’: How 4chan Celebrated Trump’s Victory,” Washington Post, November 9, 2016. The 4channers appropriated: Olivia Nuzzi, “How Pepe the Frog Became a Nazi Trump Supporter and Alt-Right Symbol,” Daily Beast, May 26, 2016. In one instance, he retweeted: Taylor Wafford, “Donald Trump Retweets Racist Propaganda,” Newsweek, November 23, 2015. “If you see somebody getting ready”: Philip Bump, “Donald Trump Reverses Course on Paying Legal Fees for Man Who Attacked Protester.

Unlike NERC, which dipped its toe into new power waters and retreated at the first sign of a wave, the organizations who get this right are those who dive deep. 9 LEADERSHIP “Thank you for everything. My last ask is the same as my first. I’m asking you to believe—not in my ability to create change, but in yours.” —Barack Obama, January 2017 “I alone can fix it.” —Donald Trump, Republican National Convention, July 2016 How do we make sense of leadership when the world’s leading democracy can elect Barack Obama—and then replace him with Donald Trump? How do we reconcile a world of ever-proliferating “leaderless” movements like Occupy Wall Street and the Arab Spring, but also ever-proliferating strongmen like Russia’s Putin, Turkey’s Erdoǧan, and Egypt’s el-Sisi? This chapter is about leadership in a world of colliding—and overlapping—old and new power forces.

There’s so much more than a regular job in this and once you’ve had this, it’s hard to go back to a regular job.” But, as we shall see, after the election, this highly structured and directed approach to involving people became more straitjacket than supercharger. From rent-a-crowd to intensity machine: The campaign of Donald Trump “Wow. Whoa. That is some group of people. Thousands…This is beyond anybody’s expectations. There’s been no crowd like this.” Donald Trump began his presidential campaign by buying himself a crowd. He reportedly hired a casting agency and paid actors $50 each to show up with “homemade” signs and cheer him on as he descended the elevator at Trump Tower. He started that speech by noting with surprise just how many people were in attendance, and then offered a rambling tour d’horizon of the epic failings of America and his unique capacity to put things right.

pages: 100 words: 31,338

After Europe by Ivan Krastev

affirmative action, bank run, Berlin Wall, central bank independence, clean water, conceptual framework, creative destruction, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, illegal immigration, job automation, mass immigration, moral panic, open borders, post-work, postnationalism / post nation state, Silicon Valley, Slavoj Žižek, too big to fail, Wolfgang Streeck, World Values Survey, Y Combinator

Viktor Orbán’s speech at Băile Tuşnad (Tusnádfürdő) of 26 July 2014, 10. Jan-Werner Müller, What Is Populism? (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2016), 3. 11. Philip Bump, “Donald Trump’s Spectacular, Unending, Utterly Baffling, Often-Wrong Campaign Launch,” The Washington Post, June 16, 2015. 12. Rob Brotherton, Suspicious Minds: Why We Believe Conspiracy Theories (London: Bloomsbury, 2015), 6. 13. Smolensk Crash News Digest is focused on issues surrounding the April 10, 2010 crash of Polish government Tupolev Tu-154M, near Smolensk, Russia. 14.

Surveys indicate that the majority of Britons, Germans, and French believe that the world is heading to a major war, but the external threats that the EU faces divide rather than unify the continent. A recent survey conducted by Gallup International shows that in a case of a major security crisis, the public in at least three of the EU member states (Bulgaria, Greece, and Slovenia) would look to Russia and not to the West for assistance. The nature of the transatlantic relationship has also changed dramatically. Donald Trump is the first American president who does not believe that the preservation of the European Union should be a strategic objective of US foreign policy. The welfare state, once the heart of the postwar political consensus, has also come under question. Europe is aging—the median age on the continent is expected to increase to 52.3 years in 2050 from 37.7 years in 2003—and the future of European prosperity can hardly be taken for granted.

Democracy as a regime-type that favors the emancipation of minorities (gay parades, women’s marches, affirmative action policies) is supplanted by a political regime that empowers the prejudices of majorities. And it is the political shock caused by the flow of refugees and migrants that is the driving force of the transformation. A study by London’s Demos think tank, long prior to Brexit and Donald Trump’s presidential victory, showed that opposition to liberal migration policies is the defining characteristic of those supporters of right-wing populist parties8. It was liberalism’s failure to address the migration problem, rather than the economic crisis or rising social inequality, that explains the public’s turn against it. The inability and unwillingness of liberal elites to discuss migration and contend with its consequences, and the insistence that existing policies are always positive sum (i.e., win-win), are what make liberalism for so many synonymous with hypocrisy.

pages: 424 words: 119,679

It's Better Than It Looks: Reasons for Optimism in an Age of Fear by Gregg Easterbrook

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, air freight, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, coronavirus, David Brooks, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Exxon Valdez, factory automation, failed state, full employment, Gini coefficient, Google Earth, Home mortgage interest deduction, hydraulic fracturing, Hyperloop, illegal immigration, impulse control, income inequality, Indoor air pollution, interchangeable parts, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, labor-force participation, liberal capitalism, longitudinal study, Lyft, mandatory minimum, manufacturing employment, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, obamacare, oil shale / tar sands, Paul Samuelson, peak oil, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, post scarcity, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, self-driving car, short selling, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Slavoj Žižek, South China Sea, Steve Wozniak, Steven Pinker, supervolcano, The Chicago School, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, the scientific method, There's no reason for any individual to have a computer in his home - Ken Olsen, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, uber lyft, universal basic income, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, working poor, Works Progress Administration

Commentators speak of Armageddon approaching: the London-born foreign affairs observer Roger Cohen said in 2014 that people “have never previously felt so uneasy about the state of the world,” not even during the Nazi horror. The impression given by the leadership class is of destruction abounding: “ The world is in chaos,” Henry Kissinger said in 2016. Political candidates speak of murder at unprecedented levels. Running for president, Donald Trump referred often to a “crime wave” making American cities “living hell.” Whatever else he may be, Donald Trump is a media president: he watches TV obsessively—five hours a day in the White House, if writer Elaine Godfrey is right—and tailors himself to others who do, while obsessively trolling social media. In the artificial universe of television, crime just keeps getting worse: decent citizens aren’t safe in their homes with the doors bolted. Seniors watch more TV than the young, absorbing the false impression of rising crime, and seniors vote at a higher percentage.

PART II The Arrow of History Eight: How Declinism Became Chic Nine: The “Impossible” Challenge of Climate Change Ten: The “Impossible” Challenge of Inequality Eleven: We’ll Never Run Out of Challenges… Twelve: … And It Will Never Be Too Late Acknowledgments About the Author Notes Index For William Whitworth from the Arkansas Gazette to The New Yorker to editor-in-chief of The Atlantic: the consummate editor The great fact to remember is that the trend of civilization is forever upward. —Franklin Delano Roosevelt, shortly before his 1945 death Preface: Optimism Goes Out of Style ON THE NOVEMBER 2016 DAY Donald Trump was elected president of the United States, unemployment was 4.6 percent, a number that would have caused economists of the 1970s to fall to their knees and kiss the ground. In real-dollar terms, gasoline prices were the same as when teenagers rushed to record stores to buy the latest 45-rpm monaural singles. Natural resources and foodstuffs were plentiful. Middle-class wages and household income were rising.

I do not suppose that history is deterministic, wrought by forces external to our choices. Nor do I suppose that history is teleological, guided toward some end. I do not suggest history is cyclical, or bound to do that which can be predicted from previous events. (Cycles-of-history contentions hinge on pretending there are “secrets” that “control” history; for this reason, it is disturbing that some top advisers to Donald Trump endorse cycles-of-history mumbo jumbo.) I do assert that as time passes, in the main the human condition improves and this can be expected to continue. THE MID-NINETEENTH-CENTURY FRENCH PHILOSOPHER FRÉDÉRIC Bastiat maintained that when assessing any situation, it is vital to consider what might have occurred instead. His essay on this topic, That Which Is Seen and That Which Is Not Seen, became the foundation of what economists now call “opportunity-cost analysis.”

pages: 91 words: 24,469

The Once and Future Liberal: After Identity Politics by Mark Lilla

affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Gordon Gekko, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, New Urbanism, Ronald Reagan, sensible shoes, Silicon Valley

And now we face far right populist websites mixing half-truths, lies, conspiracy theories, and fabrications into a toxic brew eagerly swallowed by the credulous, the angry, and the menacing. Liberals have become America’s ideological third party, lagging behind self-declared independents and conservatives, even among young voters and certain minority groups. We have been repudiated in no uncertain terms. Donald Trump the man is, frankly, not the greatest of our worries. And if we don’t look beyond him there is very little hope for us. American liberalism in the twenty-first century is in crisis: a crisis of imagination and ambition on our side, a crisis of attachment and trust on the side of the wider public. The majority of Americans have made it abundantly clear that they no longer respond to whatever larger message we have been conveying over the past decades.

We have stood together to defend the country against foreign adversaries in the past. Now we must stand together at home to make sure that none of us faces the risk of being left behind. We’re all Americans and we owe that to each other. That’s what liberalism means. American liberals have a reputation, as the saying goes, of never missing an opportunity to miss an opportunity. May that prophecy not be fulfilled this time. The election of Donald Trump has released stores of energy among liberals and progressives that even they seem surprised to have discovered within themselves. A popular wave from the left has risen up to resist a populist one from the right; and it’s encouraging to observe. But “resistance” will not be enough. Our short-term strategy must be to direct every bit of that energy into electoral politics so we can actually bring about the change we profess to seek.

For all his bombast, Beck was among the first on the right to report the truth that the American middle class was being hollowed out and that its children faced drastically reduced prospects. That a small class of highly educated people was benefiting from the new global economy and becoming fantastically wealthy. And that vast sections of the country had become deserted, heartbroken . . . and angry. Mainstream Republicans never got the message. Donald Trump did. The Republican primaries of 2016 will no doubt prove as historically significant as the election that followed. We must never forget that Trump defeated both of America’s major political parties, starting with the one he nominally belonged to. It was an extraordinary spectacle. The Breaker of the Idols did not come from the left or from the right. He came from below. He was unconstrained by piety toward the Gipper, by fealty toward the cause, by deep study of the Laffer Curve, or by adherence to the principle of noncontradiction.

Mindf*ck: Cambridge Analytica and the Plot to Break America by Christopher Wylie

4chan, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, availability heuristic, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, Boris Johnson, British Empire, call centre, Chelsea Manning, chief data officer, cognitive bias, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, computer vision, conceptual framework, cryptocurrency, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, desegregation, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, Etonian, first-past-the-post, Google Earth, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, information asymmetry, Internet of things, Julian Assange, Lyft, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, Network effects, new economy, obamacare, Peter Thiel, Potemkin village, recommendation engine, Renaissance Technologies, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Sand Hill Road, Scientific racism, Shoshana Zuboff, side project, Silicon Valley, Skype, uber lyft, unpaid internship, Valery Gerasimov, web application, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game

CHAPTER 10 THE APPRENTICE - “I’m not going to lie, this is certainly one of the weirder cases I’ve dealt with,” my lawyer said as we sat in her office in London reading through a June 2015 pre-action letter from Cambridge Analytica (falsely) claiming that I was attempting to set up a rival firm in aid of the nascent Trump presidential campaign. Donald Trump had first come into my life a few months before, in the spring of 2015, when Mark Block called me with a proposition refreshingly far removed from the work I’d done with Cambridge Analytica. As Block explained it, the Trump Organization needed help with market research, either for Trump’s reality TV show The Apprentice or his casinos. Block had also called Jucikas and Gettleson, who were still in London. The three of us talked, and we agreed to a meeting with the Trump executives. In calls with the Trump Organization, we heard about declining ratings for The Apprentice and how fewer people were staying at Trump hotels and gambling in the casinos. With the advent of online gambling and the total dependence on Donald Trump’s public image as a sexy, savvy billionaire, it seemed his team was beginning to realize that an outdated casino system and an aging, orange-stained C-list celebrity didn’t conjure “sexy and fun” for potential new customers.

They claimed that we had violated the non-solicitation clause in our NDAs with the firm. We had, according to the lawsuit, solicited one of Cambridge Analytica’s clients: Donald Trump. The letters informing us of the lawsuit gave us two weeks to respond, so even though the case was clearly bogus, I decided to hire a lawyer to make it go away as quickly as possible. At our first meeting, the attorneys were baffled. Imagine how strange this conversation was, long before Cambridge Analytica or Steve Bannon became household names: “So there’s this psychological warfare firm,” I told them. “And it got acquired by this Republican billionaire in the United States. And after I quit, I got invited to talk with Donald Trump—the guy from The Apprentice? Apparently, he’s going to run for president, and he’s secretly a client of theirs. And so now they’re suing me…” By now, Cambridge Analytica had spread like a disease through the Republican Party, advising prominent candidates in House and Senate races and undertaking projects to study cultural phenomena, such as militarism among U.S. youth, on behalf of right-wing interests.

A week later came indictments of former Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort and his deputy, Rick Gates. On March 16, Attorney General Jeff Sessions fired FBI deputy director Andrew McCabe, just a little more than twenty-four hours before he was to retire with a pension. People were desperate for information about what had happened between the Trump campaign and Russia, but no one had been able to connect the dots. I provided evidence tying Cambridge Analytica to Donald Trump, Facebook, Russian intelligence, international hackers, and Brexit. This evidence revealed how both an obscure foreign contractor engaged in illegal activity and the same foreign contractor had been used by the winning Trump and Brexit campaigns. The email chains, internal memos, invoices, bank transfer records, and project documentation I brought demonstrated that Trump and Brexit had deployed the same strategies, powered by the same technologies, directed by many of the same people—all under the specter of covert Russian involvement.

pages: 493 words: 98,982

The Tyranny of Merit: What’s Become of the Common Good? by Michael J. Sandel

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, coronavirus, COVID-19, Credit Default Swap, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, global supply chain, helicopter parent, High speed trading, immigration reform, income inequality, Khan Academy, laissez-faire capitalism, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Nate Silver, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ronald Reagan, smart grid, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Washington Consensus

., p. 57. 15. Ibid., pp. 57–58. 16. Ibid., pp. 133, 146. 17. Ibid., p. 3. 18. Michael Young, “Down with Meritocracy,” The Guardian , June 28, 2001, . 19. John W. Gardner, Excellence: Can We Be Equal and Excellent Too? , p. 66. 20. Jeff Guo, “Death Predicts Whether People Vote for Donald Trump,” The Washington Post , March 4, 2016, . 21. Richard Butsch, “Ralph, Fred, Archie and Homer: Why Television Keeps Re-creating the White Male Working Class Buffoon,” in Gail Dines and Jean Humez, eds., Gender, Race and Class in Media: A Text-Reader , 2nd ed. (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2003), pp. 575–85; Jessica Troilo, “Stay Tuned: Portrayals of Fatherhood to Come,” Psychology of Popular Media Culture 6, no. 1 (2017), pp. 82–94; Erica Scharrer, “From Wise to Foolish: The Portrayal of the Sitcom Father, 1950s–1990s,” Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 45, no. 1 (2001), pp. 23–40. 22.

As the contagion spread, the wealthiest country in the world found itself unable to provide even the medical masks and other protective gear that doctors and nurses needed to treat the flood of infected patients. Hospitals and state governments found themselves bidding against one another to acquire testing kits and life-saving ventilators. This lack of preparedness had multiple sources. President Donald Trump, ignoring the warnings of public health advisors, downplayed the crisis for several crucial weeks, insisting in late February, “We have it very much under control … We have done an incredible job … It’s going to disappear.” 1 The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) at first distributed flawed test kits and was slow to find a fix. And decades of outsourcing by American companies had left the United States almost entirely dependent on China and other foreign manufacturers for surgical masks and medical gear. 2 But beyond its lack of logistical preparedness, the country was not morally prepared for the pandemic.

Some denounce the upsurge of populist nationalism as little more than a racist, xenophobic reaction against immigrants and multiculturalism. Others see it mainly in economic terms, as a protest against job losses brought about by global trade and new technologies. But it is a mistake to see only the bigotry in populist protest, or to view it only as an economic complaint. Like the triumph of Brexit in the United Kingdom, the election of Donald Trump in 2016 was an angry verdict on decades of rising inequality and a version of globalization that benefits those at the top but leaves ordinary citizens feeling disempowered. It was also a rebuke for a technocratic approach to politics that is tone-deaf to the resentments of people who feel the economy and the culture have left them behind. The hard reality is that Trump was elected by tapping a wellspring of anxieties, frustrations, and legitimate grievances to which the mainstream parties had no compelling answer.

pages: 138 words: 43,748

Conscience of a Conservative: A Rejection of Destructive Politics and a Return to Principle by Jeff Flake

4chan, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, cognitive dissonance, crony capitalism, David Brooks, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global supply chain, immigration reform, impulse control, invisible hand, Mark Zuckerberg, obamacare, Potemkin village, race to the bottom, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, uranium enrichment, zero-sum game

Foreign policy experts across the ideological spectrum were aghast—the established kabuki theater of international diplomacy and stability had been violated, and flagrantly so. For anyone who pays attention to these matters, the breach was a big deal. For my part, I will say that overreaction seems to be the order of the day (and perhaps the desired effect) when it comes to all things to do with Donald Trump, and that the sky did not fall after the president-elect’s chat with Taiwanese president Tsai Ing-wen. At least it hasn’t yet. I will also say that it may even be past time to consider a change—in a nuanced way—in our relationship with China and Taiwan, if that change is pursued purposefully. But in the tweeting life of our president, strategy is difficult to detect. Influencing the news cycles seems to be the principal goal; achieving short-term tactical advantage, you bet.

It is not enough to be conservative anymore. You have to be vicious. Of course, this culture of vicious dehumanization is bipartisan. But in the election of 2016, our side outdid itself. It helps if you ascribe the absolute worst motives to your opponents, traffic in outlandish conspiracy theories, abandon reason and any old-fashioned notions of the common good, and have an unquenchable appetite for destruction. But Donald Trump is not the source code for our obsession with the politics of personal destruction. Our crisis has many fathers. Among them is Newt Gingrich, the modern progenitor of that school of politics. Any honest accounting of how we got to this new day has to reckon with Newt, whose talent for politics exceeded his interest in governing. I arrived in Congress after Gingrich departed, but I did serve with his consigliere, Tom DeLay.

In my life, I have tried to conduct myself in a way that would make my parents proud and not embarrass my children. According to the dictates of my faith. I’ve always believed that politics will take care of itself, but principle—principle requires fidelity. And the older I get, the more that partisan pressure fades against the tenets of conscience. — It is not easy to oppose the presidential nominee of one’s own party, and never in my life did I expect that circumstance to arise. My opposition to Donald Trump’s candidacy did not escape his notice during the campaign, and we have had one memorable run-in. Just after he became the presumptive nominee of the Republican Party in the early summer of 2016, he came to a meeting of the Republican Caucus in the Senate. “You’ve been very critical of me,” Trump said, as I got up to introduce myself. “Yes, I’m the other senator from Arizona—the one who didn’t get captured—and I want to talk to you about statements like that,” I responded.

pages: 354 words: 92,470

Grave New World: The End of Globalization, the Return of History by Stephen D. King

9 dash line, Admiral Zheng, air freight, Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, bilateral investment treaty, bitcoin, blockchain, Bonfire of the Vanities, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, central bank independence, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, corporate governance, credit crunch, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, debt deflation, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, eurozone crisis, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, George Akerlof, global supply chain, global value chain, hydraulic fracturing, Hyman Minsky, imperial preference, income inequality, income per capita, incomplete markets, inflation targeting, information asymmetry, Internet of things, invisible hand, joint-stock company, Kickstarter, Long Term Capital Management, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, moral hazard, Nixon shock, offshore financial centre, oil shock, old age dependency ratio, paradox of thrift, Peace of Westphalia, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, profit maximization, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, reserve currency, reshoring, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Second Machine Age, Skype, South China Sea, special drawing rights, technology bubble, The Great Moderation, The Market for Lemons, the market place, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, trade liberalization, trade route, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

This leaves populists in the US in an awkward position. Either they deny the facts and pretend the entire model is at fault (the Sanders approach) or they use the facts to suggest that the future of Americans is imperilled by the success of others (the Donald Trump approach). This latter version is inevitably tinged with nationalism: according to one narrative, Americans have suffered thanks to the Chinese, the Mexicans or others, some of whom have, apparently, conspired to damage American interests. Given the views of Republican grandees – and, for that matter, the mainstream media – Donald Trump was an unlikely candidate to win the Republican nomination, let alone the 2016 presidential election. As was argued in Chapter 6, his success was a function of his ability to subvert Republican party elites and to reach out to voters directly.

Household Wealth Trends in the United States, 1961–2013: What happened over the Great Recession?, National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper No. 20733, Cambridge, MA, December 2014 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In a parallel universe, I might have been tempted to thank Donald Trump and Nigel Farage. The ideas for Grave New World originally crystallized in 2015, long before the extraordinary political upheavals of 2016. I jokingly suggested to a number of people that the book would seem a lot more relevant if UK citizens were to vote in favour of Brexit and US citizens were to elect Donald Trump. Whilst I certainly hadn’t ruled out either development, I was very much aware that the majority of pundits in 2015 and the early months of 2016 thought UK ‘Remainers’ would triumph and that the battle for the White House was most likely to be between Hillary Clinton and Jeb Bush (or, at a pinch, Mario Rubio).

Economic power is shifting eastwards and, as it does so, new alliances are being created, typically between countries that are not natural cheerleaders for Western political and economic values. There are signs that pre-Columbus versions of globalization – in which power was centred on Eurasia, not the West – are making a tentative reappearance. The US is no longer sure whether its priorities lie across the Atlantic, on the other side of the Pacific or, following the election of Donald Trump as president in 2016, at home rather than abroad. Indeed, President Trump confirmed as much in his January 2017 inauguration speech, stating that ‘From this day forward, it’s going to be only America first.’ Free markets have been found wanting, particularly following the global financial crisis. Support and respect for the international organizations that provided the foundations and set the ‘rules’ for post-war globalization – most obviously, the International Monetary Fund, the European Union and the United Nations Security Council (whose permanent members anachronistically include the UK and France, but not Germany, Japan, India or Indonesia) – are rapidly fading.

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The System: Who Rigged It, How We Fix It by Robert B. Reich

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, business cycle, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, cryptocurrency, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, financial deregulation, Gordon Gekko, immigration reform, income inequality, Jeff Bezos, job automation, London Whale, Long Term Capital Management, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, mortgage debt, Occupy movement, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, union organizing, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game

That’s how you explain an economy that is rigged to corporations and to the very wealthiest,” said Beto O’Rourke at the first Democratic presidential candidates’ debate in 2019. “When you’ve got a government, when you’ve got an economy that does great for those with money and isn’t doing great for everyone else, that is corruption, pure and simple,” said Senator Elizabeth Warren at the same forum. “Big business, elite media, and major donors are lining up behind the campaign of my opponent because they know she will keep our rigged system in place,” said Donald Trump in his acceptance speech at the Republican convention in 2016. “If solutions within the system are so impossible to find, then maybe we should change the system itself,” said sixteen-year-old climate activist Greta Thunberg. As New York magazine’s Frank Rich put it: “Everything in the country is broken. Not just Washington, which failed to prevent the financial catastrophe and has done little to protect us from the next, but also race relations, health care, education, institutional religion, law enforcement, the physical infrastructure, the news media, the bedrock virtues of civility and community.

It will continue to eliminate protections for consumers, workers, and the environment. It will become a government for, of, and by the oligarchy. The biggest political divide in America today is not between Republicans and Democrats. It’s between democracy and oligarchy. Hearing and using the same old labels prevents most people from noticing they’re being shafted. The propagandists and demagogues who protect the oligarchy (Donald Trump included) are pouring salt into the nation’s oldest wounds. They’re stoking racial resentments, describing human beings as illegal aliens, fueling hatred of immigrants, and spreading fears of communists and socialists. This strategy gives the oligarchy freer rein: It distracts Americans from how the oligarchy is looting the nation, buying off politicians, and silencing critics. The way to overcome oligarchy is for the rest of us to join together and win America back.

This agenda is neither right nor left. It is the bedrock for everything else America must do. * * * — Jamie Dimon is one of the highest-paid banking and finance CEOs in the world. His 2018 compensation package was $31 million. His reported net worth is $1.6 billion. He believes he deserves every penny. “This wealthy New Yorker actually earned his money,” Dimon said, comparing himself to Donald Trump. “It wasn’t a gift from Daddy.” Not exactly. Dimon was born March 13, 1956, in New York, the grandson of a Greek immigrant who rose from bank clerk to stockbroker, and the son of an even more successful stockbroker. Dimon’s father worked for Sanford I. Weill when Weill was already becoming the legendary head of a brokerage empire. As Weill’s fortune grew, so did Dimon’s father’s. The family moved from Queens to an apartment on Park Avenue on Manhattan’s exclusive Upper East Side.

Not Working by Blanchflower, David G.

active measures, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, bank run, banking crisis, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, Boris Johnson, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, Clapham omnibus, collective bargaining, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, declining real wages, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, George Akerlof, gig economy, Gini coefficient, Growth in a Time of Debt, illegal immigration, income inequality, indoor plumbing, inflation targeting, job satisfaction, John Bercow, Kenneth Rogoff, labor-force participation, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, market clearing, Martin Wolf, mass incarceration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral hazard, Nate Silver, negative equity, new economy, Northern Rock, obamacare, oil shock, open borders, Own Your Own Home, p-value, Panamax, pension reform, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, price stability, prisoner's dilemma, quantitative easing, rent control, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, selection bias, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), Silicon Valley, South Sea Bubble, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, universal basic income, University of East Anglia, urban planning, working poor, working-age population, yield curve

Ex-president of Mexico Vicente Fox Quesada made it clear to Trump on Twitter that Mexico was not going to pay for his “#f***ingwall.” On July 29, 2018, Donald Trump tweeted, “I would be willing to ‘shut down’ government if the Democrats do not give us the votes for Border Security, which includes the Wall! Must get rid of Lottery, Catch & Release etc. and finally go to system of Immigration based on MERIT! We need great people coming into our Country!” At that time the GOP controlled the House, the Senate, and the presidency. Shutting down the federal government to get funding for a wall in December 2018 didn’t work out so well for President Trump, who reopened the government with no concessions from the Democrats. In a speech on June 16, 2015, Donald Trump labeled immigrants from Mexico “rapists” and criminals. “When Mexico sends its people, they’re not sending their best.

“China has agreed to start purchasing agricultural product from our farmers immediately.”3 At the start of 2019 trade discussions between the United States and China were continuing. The New York Times has reported that even the White House’s own analysis from the President’s Council of Economic Advisers has found that tariffs will hurt growth, as officials continue to insist otherwise!4 You couldn’t make this up. Then Larry Kudlow, Donald Trump’s chief economic advisor, accused Canadian prime minister Justin Trudeau of undermining the United States and its allies with comments he made at the G7 summit. Peter Navarro, a trade advisor to President Donald Trump, said, “There’s a special place in hell for any foreign leader that engages in bad faith diplomacy with President Donald J. Trump and then tries to stab him in the back on the way out the door.” Analogously, in February 2019 European Council President Donald Tusk warned of a “special place in hell” for those who pushed for Brexit “without even a sketch of a plan.”5 Figure 12.1.

Margot Sanger-Katz, “Bleak New Estimates in Drug Epidemic: A Record 72,000 Overdose Deaths in 2017,” New York Times, August 15, 2018. 11. 12. See also Pedro Nicolaci da Costa, “There’s a Worrying Disconnect between How Fed Officials Look at the Economy and the Way Workers Experience It,” Business Insider, May 23, 2018. Chapter 2. Unemployment and Its Consequences 1. Glenn Kessler, “Donald Trump Still Does Not Understand the Unemployment Rate,” Washington Post, December 12, 2016. 2. Louis Jacobson, “Donald Trump Says U.S. Has 93 Million People ‘Out of Work,’ but That’s Way Too High,”, August 31, 2015. 3. The Bureau of Labor Statistics of the U.S. Department of Labor is the principal federal agency responsible for measuring labor market activity, working conditions, and price changes in the economy. 4. Alana Semuels, “It’s Not about the Economy,” Atlantic, December 27, 2016. 5.

pages: 244 words: 81,334

Picnic Comma Lightning: In Search of a New Reality by Laurence Scott

4chan, Airbnb, airport security, augmented reality, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, clean water, colonial rule, cryptocurrency, dematerialisation, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, housing crisis, Internet of things, Joan Didion, job automation, late capitalism, Mark Zuckerberg, Narrative Science, Productivity paradox, QR code, ride hailing / ride sharing, Saturday Night Live, sentiment analysis, Silicon Valley, Skype, Slavoj Žižek, Snapchat, Y2K

‘There are two different Donald Trumps,’ Carson said, ‘there’s the one you see on the stage and there’s the one who’s very cerebral, [who] sits there and considers things very carefully […] and that’s the Donald Trump that you’re going to start seeing more and more of right now.’ After a fumbling hug, Trump took over the podium to answer questions, and the journalists in attendance pursued Carson’s theory with great interest. They asked Trump to expand on this proposed duality. They used words such as ‘persona’, ‘character’ and ‘performance’. Trump initially agreed with the verdict: ‘I think there are two Donald Trumps. There’s the public version and people see that […] and it seems to have worked over my lifetime, but it’s probably different, I think, from the personal Donald Trump.’ While it doesn’t seem unreasonable for someone to suggest that they behave differently in public than in private, Trump is too keen to insist on the inherent falsity of the politician’s public life for the distinction to be useful to him.

Matthew Miele, Quixotic Endeavors, 2016. 12 ‘an obscene amount …’, see ‘George Clooney on Why He’s Not Like the Koch Brothers’, NBC News YouTube Channel, published 18th April 2016. 13 ‘All right, I’ll …’, I was informed here by the work of Ian C. Storey and Arlene Allan: A Guide to Ancient Greek Drama (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2005); ‘plays on the …’, David Wiles, Greek Theatre Performance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 14 ‘says what he …’, see The New York Times/CBS Poll, 4th–8th December 2015; ‘never turn around …’, see ‘Watch Ben Carson endorse Donald Trump full news conference’, PBS NewsHour YouTube Channel, 11th March 2016. 15 ‘Anyone who knows …’, see ‘Donald Trump apologises for controversial video remarks’, Fox News YouTube Channel, 7th October 2016; ‘everyone can draw …’, see ‘Watch Live: The 2nd Presidential Debate’, CBS News YouTube Channel, 9th October 2016. 16 ‘If, for example …’, Herbert Marcuse, An Essay on Liberation (Boston, MA: Beacon, 1969). 17 ‘I had to …’, The Last Unicorn, dir. Jules Bass and Arthur Rankin, Jr, Rankin/Bass Productions, 1982. 18 ‘pornography of information …’, Jean Baudrillard, Revenge of the Crystal: Selected Writings on the Modern Object and its Destiny, 1968– 1983, ed. and trans.

We seem to be moving through a period that could be described as the age of dismantling. This is seen by turns as a necessary, progressive act and also as a nightmarish disassembly of hard-won freedoms and protections. Since the 1980s10, in the UK a major political concern has been the stealthy outsourcing and privatisation of the welfare state, a process that is often discussed in terms of ‘dismantling’. In America, the damage of Donald Trump’s presidency is described similarly, as though he is physically pulling apart the founding structures of American society. The author and analyst Malcolm Nance announces on MSNBC that Trump ‘is dismantling the Constitution’; professor of law Jon Michaels writes a series of essays called ‘While You Weren’t Looking – How Trump is Dismantling the Administrative State’. For David Cay Johnston, author of the Trump polemic It’s Even Worse Than You Think, the president is ‘dismantling democracy’.

Mbs: The Rise to Power of Mohammed Bin Salman by Ben Hubbard

Ayatollah Khomeini, bitcoin, Donald Trump, Jeff Bezos, knowledge economy, Mark Zuckerberg, medical residency, megacity, Mohammed Bouazizi, RAND corporation, ride hailing / ride sharing, Rosa Parks, Rubik’s Cube, Silicon Valley, Snapchat, Steve Jobs, Tim Cook: Apple, urban planning, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce, Yom Kippur War

The leaked Saudi Strategic Partnership proposal was obtained by the Lebanese newspaper Al-Akhbar and shared with NYT. “don’t know who’s who”: Donald Trump on CNN, March 9, 2016.​watch?v=C-Zj0tfZY6o “Muslims entering the United States”: Donald J. Trump Statement on Preventing Muslim Immigration, press release, Dec. 7, 2015. calling for surveillance of mosques: Trump during the presidential debate, Oct. 9, 2016. “not done by Swedish people”: Trump on Fox Business Network, March 22, 2016. Quran its constitution: “About Saudi Arabia,” website of the Embassy of Saudi Arabia in Washington, D.C., accessed June 2019. “yet you take their money”: Trump during presidential debate, Oct. 19, 2016. “Take a look at Saudi Arabia”: “Donald Trump Suggested Saudi Arabia Was Behind 9/11 Multiple Times Wednesday,” New York, Feb. 17, 2016.

“They see it as a threat”: “Tiny, Wealthy Qatar Goes Its Own Way, and Pays for It,” NYT, Jan. 22, 2018. useful for hostage negotiations: “Qatar: Governance, Security, and U.S. Policy,” Congressional Research Service, June 13, 2019. Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria: Ibid. “pointed to Qatar—look!”: Donald Trump (@realDonaldTrump). “During my recent trip to the Middle East I stated that there can no longer be funding of Radical Ideology,” Twitter, June 6, 2017.​realDonaldTrump/​status/​872062159789985792 “end to the horror of terrorism”: Donald Trump (@realDonaldTrump). “…extremism, and all reference was pointing to Qatar,” Twitter, June 6, 2017.​realDonaldTrump/​status/​872086906804240384 entice them away from Iran: “King Salman of Saudi Arabia Meets With Hamas Leaders,” NYT, July 17, 2015.

“the public interest”: “Anti-graft committee will ‘create new era of financial transparency’ in KSA,” Arab News, Nov. 6, 2017. “ ‘milking’ their country for years”: Donald Trump (@realdonaldtrump), “I have great confidence in King Salman and the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia,” Twitter post, Nov. 7, 2017.​realdonaldtrump/​status/​927672843504177152 told him to withdraw: Alwaleed bin Talal (@Alwaleed_Talal). “@realDonaldTrump You are a disgrace not only to the GOP but to all America,” Twitter post, Dec. 11, 2015.​Alwaleed_Talal/​status/​675390247165915137 “U.S. politicians with daddy’s money”: Donald Trump (@realdonaldtrump), “Dopey Prince @Alwaleed_Talal wants to control our U.S. politicians with daddy’s money,” Twitter post, Dec. 12, 2015.​realdonaldtrump/​status/​675523728055410689 on his win: Alwaleed bin Talal (@Alwaleed_Talal), “President elect @realDonaldTrump, whatever the past differences, America has spoken,” Twitter post, Nov. 9, 2016.​Alwaleed_Talal/​status/​796341367106637828 in a room by himself: All quotes and details from author interview, former Ritz detainee, May 2019.

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The Road to Somewhere: The Populist Revolt and the Future of Politics by David Goodhart

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, assortative mating, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, borderless world, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, carbon footprint, central bank independence, centre right, coherent worldview, corporate governance, credit crunch, deglobalization, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, Edward Glaeser,, Etonian, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, first-past-the-post, gender pay gap, gig economy, glass ceiling, global supply chain, global village, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, job satisfaction, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, market friction, mass immigration, mittelstand, Neil Kinnock, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, North Sea oil, obamacare, old-boy network, open borders, Peter Singer: altruism, post-industrial society, post-materialism, postnationalism / post nation state, race to the bottom, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, selection bias, shareholder value, Skype, Sloane Ranger, stem cell, Thomas L Friedman, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, ultimatum game, upwardly mobile, wages for housework, white flight, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, World Values Survey

Louis, b.John Coder and Gordon Green, ‘Comparing Earnings of White Males by Education for Selected Age Cohorts’, Sentier Research, October 2016, 23.Frank Newport, ‘Fewer Americans Identify as Middle Class in Recent Years’, Gallup, 28 April 2015, 24.John Harris, ‘Donald Trump supporters are not the bigots the left likes to demonise’, The Guardian, 13 May 2016, 25.Almost all counties with the highest proportion of highly educated people saw a sharp increase in support for Hillary Clinton in 2016 and vice versa for counties with the least well educated people, see 26.See New York Times, 9 November 2016, for a report on how one county in Ohio, won by Obama with a 22 per cent margin in 2012, voted Trump with a six-point margin in 2016. 27.YouGov/Policy Exchange/Birkbeck survey August 2016. 28.See Jens Hainmueller and Daniel Hopkins, ‘Public Attitudes Toward Immigration’, Annual Review of Political Science, 2014. 29. 30.Ariel Edwards-Levy, ‘Nearly half of Trump voters think Whites face a lot of discrimination’, Huffington Post, 21 November 2016, 31.Anne Case and Angus Deaton, ‘Rising morbidity and mortality in midlife among white non-Hispanic Americans in the twenty-first century’, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, September 2015, 32.The experimental research consistently suggests that whites prefer more culturally similar immigrants (Western Europeans and Australians for the British).

I would also like to thank: Michelle Bannister, Jamie Bartlett, Hannah Beard, Phillip Blond, Sam Bright, Alex Brummer, Andrew Cahn, Samantha Callan, Daisy Christodoulou, Jon Cruddas, René Cuperus, William Davies, Swati Dhingra, Stephen Driver, Bobby Duffy, Daniel Finkelstein, Janan Ganesh, Maurice Glasman, Dean Godson, Maud Goodhart, Matthew Goodwin, Charles Grant, Andrew Green, Francis Green, Kathy Gyngell, Jonathan Haidt, Ernst Hillebrand, Sunder Katwala, Inara Khan, Shiria Khatun, Ivan Krastev, David Landsman, Tim Leunig, Warwick Lightfoot, Alexander Linklater, John Lloyd, Rebecca Lowe Coulson, Pam Meadows, Anand Menon, David Metcalf, Jasper McMahon, Richard Norrie, Liav Orgad, Geoff Owen, Marie Peacock, Trevor Phillips, John Philpott, Rachel Reeves, Christopher Roberts, Shamit Saggar, Paul Scheffer, Tom Schuller, Jonathan Simons, Jon Simmons, David Soskice, Nick Timothy, David Willetts, Max Wind-Cowie, Alison Wolf, Philip Wood, Michela Wrong. 1 THE GREAT DIVIDE Brexit and the election of Donald Trump—the two biggest protest votes in modern democratic history—marked not so much the arrival of the populist era in western politics but its coming of age. Looking back from the future, the first few years of the twenty-first century, culminating in those two votes, will come to be seen as the moment when the politics of culture and identity rose to challenge the politics of left and right. Socio-cultural politics took its place at the top table alongside traditional socio-economic politics—meaning as much as money.

For Somewheres, meanwhile, post-industrialism has largely abolished manual labour, reduced the status of lower income males and weakened the national social contract—neither the affluent nor employers feel the same obligation towards ‘their’ working class that they once did. In a democracy the Somewheres cannot, however, be ignored. And in recent years in Britain and Europe, and in the US through Donald Trump, they have begun to speak through new and established parties and outside party structures altogether. In Britain they helped to win the Brexit referendum and then the vote itself, and by constantly telling pollsters how worried they are about immigration they have kept that issue at the centre of British politics. The Anywhere ideology is invariably a cheerleader for restless change. Consider this from Tony Blair, again, at the 2005 Labour conference: ‘I hear people say we have to stop and debate globalisation.

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Hijacking the Runway: How Celebrities Are Stealing the Spotlight From Fashion Designers by Teri Agins

Donald Trump, East Village, haute couture, new economy, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steve Jobs, women in the workforce

Carter Show World Tour Limited Edition 2013 Beyoncé Rise 2014 Billy Dee Williams Avon Undeniable 1990 Bret Michaels Roses & Thorns 2014 Britney Spears Curious 2004 Britney Spears Fantasy 2005 Britney Spears In Control Curious 2006 Britney Spears Midnight Fantasy 2007 Britney Spears Believe 2007 Britney Spears Curious Heart 2008 Britney Spears Hidden Fantasy 2009 Britney Spears Circus Fantasy 2009 Britney Spears Radiance 2010 Britney Spears Cosmic Radiance 2011 Britney Spears Fantasy Twist 2012 Britney Spears Island Fantasy 2013 Britney Spears Fantasy Anniversary Edition 2013 Britney Spears Fantasy The Naughty Remix 2014 Britney Spears Fantasy The Nice Remix 2014 Bruce Willis Bruce Willis Eau de Parfum 2010 Bruce Willis Bruce Willis Personal Edition 2014 Carmen Electra Carmen Electra 2007 Carlos Santana Carlos Santana for Men 2005 Carlos Santana Carlos Santana for Women 2005 Catherine Deneuve Deneuve 1986 Céline Dion Céline Dion 2003 Céline Dion Notes 2004 Céline Dion Belong 2005 Céline Dion Always Belong 2006 Céline Dion Enchanting 2006 Céline Dion Paris Nights 2007 Céline Dion Spring in Paris 2007 Céline Dion Sensational 2008 Céline Dion Sensational Moment 2008 Céline Dion Spring in Provence 2009 Céline Dion Chic 2009 Céline Dion Simply Chic 2010 Céline Dion Pure Brilliance 2010 Céline Dion Signature 2011 Céline Dion Sensational Luxe Blossom 2013 Cher Uninhibited 1987 Cher Lloyd Pink Diamond 2012 Christina Aguilera Christina Aguilera 2007 Christina Aguilera Inspire 2008 Christina Aguilera By Night 2009 Christina Aguilera Royal Desire 2010 Christina Aguilera Secret Potion 2011 Christina Aguilera Red Sin 2012 Christina Aguilera Unforgettable 2013 Cindy Crawford Cindy Crawford 2002 Cindy Crawford Waterfalls 2005 Cindy Crawford Summer Day 2006 Daddy Yankee Daddy Yankee for Men 2008 Daddy Yankee Dyamante 2010 Daisy Fuentes Dianoche 2006 Daisy Fuentes So Luxurious 2007 Daisy Fuentes Dianoche Ocean 2008 Daisy Fuentes Dianoche Love 2009 Daisy Fuentes Dianoche Passion 2010 Daisy Fuentes Mysterio 2011 Danielle Steel Danielle 2006 David Beckham Instinct 2005 David Beckham Intimately Beckham Women 2006 David Beckham Intimately Beckham Men 2006 David Beckham Intimately Beckham Night Women 2007 David Beckham Intimately Beckham Night Men 2007 David Beckham Intense Instinct 2007 David Beckham Instinct After Dark 2008 David Beckham Signature Women 2008 David Beckham Signature Men 2008 David Beckham Signature Women 2009 David Beckham Signature Men 2009 David Beckham Pure Instinct 2009 David Beckham Instinct Ice 2010 David Beckham Homme 2011 David Beckham The Essence 2012 David Beckham Instinct Sport 2012 David Beckham Urban Homme 2013 David Beckham Classic 2013 David Beckham Classic Summer 2014 Denise Richards Denise Richards 2012 Derek Jeter Avon Driven 2006 Dionne Warwick Dionne 1986 Dita Von Teese Dita Von Teese 2011 Dita Von Teese Rouge 2012 Dita Von Teese Erotique 2013 Dita Von Teese FleurTeese 2013 Donald Trump Donald Trump The Fragrance 2004 Donald Trump Success 2012 Elizabeth Taylor Passion 1987 Elizabeth Taylor Passion for Men 1989 Elizabeth Taylor White Diamonds 1991 Elizabeth Taylor Diamonds and Emeralds 1993 Elizabeth Taylor Diamonds and Rubies 1993 Elizabeth Taylor Diamonds and Sapphires 1993 Elizabeth Taylor Black Pearls 1996 Elizabeth Taylor Forever Elizabeth 2002 Elizabeth Taylor Gardenia 2003 Elizabeth Taylor Violet Eyes 2010 Elizabeth Taylor White Diamonds Lustre 2014 Elvis Presley Teddy Bear 1957 Eva Longoria Eva 2010 Eva Longoria EVAmour 2012 Faith Hill Faith Hill 2009 Faith Hill True 2010 Faith Hill Soul2Soul 2012 Faith Hill Soul2Soul Vintage 2013 Fergie Avon Outspoken 2010 Fergie Avon Outspoken Intense 2011 Fergie Viva by Fergie for Avon 2012 Gabriela Sabatini Gabriela Sabatini 1989 Gabriela Sabatini Magnetic 1992 Gabriela Sabatini Bolero 1997 Giorgio Giorgio Beverly Hills 1981 Gloria Vanderbilt Vanderbilt 1982 Gwen Stefani L.A.M.B. 2007 Gwen Stefani (Harajuku Lovers) Harajuku Lovers Baby 2008 Gwen Stefani (Harajuku Lovers) Harajuku Lovers G 2008 Gwen Stefani (Harajuku Lovers) Harajuku Lovers Lil’ Angel 2008 Gwen Stefani (Harajuku Lovers) Harajuku Lovers Love 2008 Gwen Stefani (Harajuku Lovers) Harajuku Lovers Music 2008 Halle Berry Halle 2009 Halle Berry Pure Orchid 2010 Halle Berry Reveal 2010 Halle Berry Reveal The Passion 2011 Halle Berry Closer 2012 Halle Berry Exotic Jasmine 2013 Heidi Klum Shine 2011 Heidi Klum Shine Rose 2012 Heidi Klum Surprise 2013 Herb Alpert Listen 1989 Hilary Duff With Love . . .

Riding the Wave of Blurred Lines “Brands matter more than ever—the consumer perceives greater value, higher quality, and greater status—but the definition of brands has broadened immensely,” said Richard Jaffe, an analyst who follows retail stocks for Stifel, Nicolaus & Company. He told me in 2012, “A brand can be a fashion designer who has been making high-quality merchandise for a long time, or it can also be Alex Rodriguez or Donald Trump.” A celebrity’s name on a label effectively fast-tracks a new fashion brand—shaving off as much as ten years to develop widespread recognition. It’s not just Jessica Simpson. Brands like The Row by Mary-Kate and Ashley Olsen, Victoria Beckham, Tory Burch, Donald Trump, Air Jordan by Michael Jordan, Sean John by Sean Combs, Selena Gomez, Carlos Santana, and Daisy Fuentes are increasingly outstripping those of traditional fashion designers. This is the brave new world we find ourselves in, one where the lines between celebrity and fashion designer have become blurred.

After mergers and acquisitions across the department-store sector in the early 2000s, Macy’s emerged as Goliath in 2007, a $26 billion chain with 850 stores and a burgeoning online division, Macy’s would continue to gallop ahead of the pack as the strongest better department-store chain in America, getting celebrity buzz starting with its fragrances that extends to fashion collections from Jessica Simpson and Madonna, to menswear from Donald Trump, to bed linens and towels from Martha Stewart, and to pots and kitchenware from Food Network celebrity chef Rachael Ray. Macy’s formidable lineups of celebrity brands have served it well, especially as the bridge to shoppers under thirty, who had eluded Macy’s for years. The gateway drug at Macy’s, right on the ground floor, has been around twenty celebrity fragrances introduced with great fanfare at the Herald Square flagship store in Manhattan from 2002 to 2013.

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The Decadent Society: How We Became the Victims of Our Own Success by Ross Douthat

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, AI winter, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, Burning Man, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, charter city, crack epidemic, crowdsourcing, David Graeber, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, East Village, Elon Musk, Flynn Effect, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, ghettoisation, gig economy, Haight Ashbury, helicopter parent, hive mind, Hyperloop, immigration reform, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Islamic Golden Age, Jeff Bezos, Joan Didion, Kevin Kelly, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, life extension, mass immigration, mass incarceration, means of production, megacity, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, multiplanetary species, New Journalism, Nicholas Carr, Norman Mailer, obamacare, Oculus Rift, open borders, out of africa, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, pre–internet, QAnon, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Snapchat, social web, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, technoutopianism, the built environment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, wage slave, women in the workforce, Y2K

But it’s important context for thinking about whether online politics is likely to really unleash the furies in the real world. Lies and propaganda are normal features of revolutionary movements, but there is usually true belief woven in as well; Joseph Goebbels propagandized like Satan, but he believed absolutely in his Führer and his cause. But Alex Jones just believes in selling supplements, Donald Trump just believes in selling Donald Trump, and a remarkable amount of online extremism is a mix of irony memes and pranks and playacting, with anonymous trolls competing with very public grifters to exploit an aging society’s anxieties and a drifting youthful population’s appetite for stimulation. The reason that Steve Bannon achieved—for a brief spell—so much celebrity was that almost alone among Trumpian figures, he seemed to have a coherent philosophy beyond grifting, and I emphasize that “seemed” because there’s a possibility that all his name-checks of fascist intellectuals were part of the grift as well.

First, emphasizing the economic element limits the scope of decadence to societies that are actually stagnating in a measurable way and frees us from the habit of just associating decadence with anything we dislike in rich societies or with any age (Gilded, Jazz) of luxury, corruption, and excess. Emphasizing the decay of institutions, likewise, frees us from the trap of regarding an individual case—whether a Nero, or a Bill Clinton, or a Donald Trump—as a synecdoche for a civilization as a whole. Focusing on repetition in the cultural and intellectual realm frees us—well, a bit—from the problems of individual intellectual and aesthetic taste and lightens the obligation of deciding exactly which literary style or intellectual shift constitutes the tipping point into decadence. In each case, the goal is to define decadence as something more specific than just any social or moral trend that you dislike.

But it also weaves the social sciences together with observations on our intellectual climate, our popular culture, our religious moment, our technological pastimes, in the hopes of painting a fuller portrait of our decadence than you can get just looking at political science papers on institutional decay or an economic analysis of the declining rate of growth. And then it also looks ahead and tries to assess the stability and sustainability of our decadence, what it will mean for our society if it should continue, and how it might ultimately end. * * * This means that the writing of the book has inevitably been shadowed by the strange phenomenon of Donald Trump, and the larger populist irruptions in Europe and the United States. As a leader for a decadent age, Trump contains multitudes. He is both an embodiment of our society’s distinctive vices and a would-be rebel against our torpor and repetition and disappointment; a figure who rose to power by attacking the system for its sclerosis while exploiting that same decadence to the very hilt. “Make America Great Again” is a precisely calibrated statement of what you might call reactionary futurism, a howl against a present that wasn’t what was promised, the mixture of nostalgia and ambition that you would expect a decadent era to conjure up.

pages: 245 words: 72,893

How Democracy Ends by David Runciman

barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, blockchain, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Internet of things, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, loss aversion, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, mutually assured destruction, Network effects, Norman Mailer, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Peter Thiel, quantitative easing, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Steven Pinker, The Wisdom of Crowds, Travis Kalanick, universal basic income, Yogi Berra

No one, not even Francis Fukuyama – who announced the end of history back in 1989 – has believed that its virtues make it immortal.1 But until very recently, most citizens of Western democracies would have imagined that the end was a long way off. They would not have expected it to happen in their lifetimes. Very few would have thought it might be taking place before their eyes. Yet here we are, barely two decades into the twenty-first century, and almost from nowhere the question is upon us: is this how democracy ends? Like many people, I first found myself confronting this question after the election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States. To borrow a phrase from philosophy, it looked like the reductio ad absurdum of democratic politics: any process that produces such a ridiculous conclusion must have gone seriously wrong somewhere along the way. If Trump is the answer, we are no longer asking the right question. But it’s not just Trump. His election is symptomatic of an overheated political climate that appears increasingly unstable, riven with mistrust and mutual intolerance, fuelled by wild accusations and online bullying, a dialogue of the deaf drowning each other out with noise.

If he is really unlucky it all ends in a fireball. But it is nothing like as dangerous as when a seventeen-year-old buys a motorbike. More often, it is simply embarrassing. The mid-life motorbike gets ridden a few times and ends up parked in the street. Maybe it gets sold. The crisis will need to be resolved in some other way, if it can be resolved at all. American democracy is in miserable middle age. Donald Trump is its motorbike. It could still end in a fireball. More likely, the crisis will continue and it will need to be resolved in some other way, if it can be resolved at all. I am conscious that talking about the crisis of democracy in these terms might sound self-indulgent, especially coming from a privileged, middle-aged white man. Acting out like this is a luxury many people around the world cannot afford.

The future will be different from the past. The past is longer than we think. America is not the whole world. Nevertheless, the immediate American past is where I begin, with the inauguration of President Trump. That was not the moment at which democracy came to an end. But it was a good moment to start thinking about what the end of democracy might mean. INTRODUCTION 20 January 2017 I WATCHED THE INAUGURATION of Donald Trump as president of the United States on a large screen in a lecture hall in Cambridge, England. The room was full of international students, wrapped up against the cold – public rooms in Cambridge are not always well heated and there were as many people in coats and scarves inside the hall as there were on the podium in Washington, DC. But the atmosphere among the students was not chilly. Many were laughing and joking.

pages: 170 words: 49,193

The People vs Tech: How the Internet Is Killing Democracy (And How We Save It) by Jamie Bartlett

Ada Lovelace, Airbnb, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Andrew Keen, autonomous vehicles, barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, blockchain, Boris Johnson, central bank independence, Chelsea Manning, cloud computing, computer vision, creative destruction, cryptocurrency, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, Filter Bubble, future of work, gig economy, global village, Google bus, hive mind, Howard Rheingold, information retrieval, Internet of things, Jeff Bezos, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Julian Assange, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, Marshall McLuhan, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, mittelstand, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, Network effects, Nicholas Carr, off grid, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, payday loans, Peter Thiel, prediction markets, QR code, ransomware, Ray Kurzweil, recommendation engine, Renaissance Technologies, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Mercer, Ross Ulbricht, Sam Altman, Satoshi Nakamoto, Second Machine Age, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Silicon Valley startup, smart cities, smart contracts, smart meter, Snapchat, Stanford prison experiment, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, strong AI, TaskRabbit, technological singularity, technoutopianism, Ted Kaczynski, the medium is the message, the scientific method, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, too big to fail, ultimatum game, universal basic income, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey, Y Combinator

Hyper-personalisation incentivises politicians to make different pledges to different ‘universes’ of users. But how can we hold anyone to account if there is no clear, single set of promises that everyone can see and understand? And how do we even know if we’re getting the real Trump anyway? When I was at Alamo, Theresa told me that she wrote many of Donald Trump’s Facebook posts. That was odd. I’d always assumed Trump wrote his own posts. I’d read many of them, and they certainly sounded like him. Nope, it was Theresa, sitting in her San Antonio office. ‘I channelled Mr Trump,’ she told me, smiling. ‘How do you channel someone like Donald Trump?’ I asked. ‘A lot of believe mes, a lot of alsos, a lot of verys . . . he was really wonderful to write for. It was so refreshing. It was so authentic.’ She seemed unaware of the irony. Personalisation causes problems for regulators too, of course.

Liberals have always read the Guardian or the New York Times, and conservatives the Telegraph or the Wall Street Journal. But the internet has taken this to a whole new level. And just wait. Within a couple of years, video manipulation will be extremely believable and widely available. Anyone will be able to make any public figure ‘say’ anything they want, making it indistinguishable from the real thing. Fake videos could circulate of Donald Trump saying he’s secretly a member of the Ku Klux Klan, or that George Soros is funding an anti-democratic coup. The problem with tribes Tribalism and ‘system one’ thinking are the direct products of information overload. These are ideal conditions for division and disagreement to turn into existential opposition. There’s nothing wrong per se with political tribes. In democracies some degree of partisanship is necessary and even desirable.9 But if partisanship overwhelms everything democracy breaks down because it makes compromise impossible.

However, decades of studies have found that getting someone to change their mind about anything is extremely difficult. ‘Beliefs are like fast cars,’ writes the neuroscientist Tali Sharot. ‘They affect our well-being and happiness . . . we try to fill our minds with information that makes us feel strong and right, and to avoid information that makes us confused or insecure.’ This is why, when exposed to contradictory facts, most of us become more strongly set in our beliefs. Note, for example, how much Donald Trump was negatively fact-checked, and how little difference it made to the result of the election.14 Several inconvenient studies have found that if two groups of people debate with each other they often consequently hold more extreme views than when they started.15 No one knows why exactly (some studies say that it is an evolved trait that helps us cooperate, a kind of ‘my-side bias’). Under certain conditions, we can and do change our minds, of course.

The New Map: Energy, Climate, and the Clash of Nations by Daniel Yergin

3D printing, 9 dash line, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, addicted to oil, Admiral Zheng, Albert Einstein, American energy revolution, Asian financial crisis, autonomous vehicles, Ayatollah Khomeini, Bakken shale, Bernie Sanders, BRICs, British Empire, coronavirus, COVID-19, Covid-19, decarbonisation, Deng Xiaoping, disruptive innovation, distributed generation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, energy security, energy transition, failed state, gig economy, global pandemic, global supply chain, hydraulic fracturing, Indoor air pollution, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), inventory management, James Watt: steam engine, Kickstarter, LNG terminal, Lyft, Malacca Straits, Malcom McLean invented shipping containers, Masdar, mass incarceration, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, new economy, off grid, oil rush, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, paypal mafia, peak oil, pension reform, price mechanism, purchasing power parity, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, smart cities, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, supply-chain management, trade route, Travis Kalanick, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, ubercab, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, uranium enrichment, women in the workforce

Altogether this will catapult the United States into becoming one of the top LNG exporters, along with Qatar and Australia. * * * — With the arrival of the Trump administration, LNG became a tool in conflict over trade. This administration—and Donald Trump himself—was obsessed with deficits in the trade balance with individual countries, and no deficit loomed larger than that with China. The administration seized on U.S. energy exports, specifically LNG, as a way to help reduce trade deficits. Previous administrations had also promoted U.S. exports ranging from Boeing jets to corn and pork. What was different, however, was that Donald Trump personally turned himself into America’s top LNG salesman. When India’s prime minister Narendra Modi visited Washington, Trump told him that he was looking forward to “exporting more American energy to your country,” including “major long-term contracts to purchase American natural gas, which are being negotiated right now.”

Members of the militia and their supporters then entered with ease into the protected Green Zone in Baghdad and counter-attacked the U.S. embassy, a spectacle that unfolded on television worldwide. Among those watching was Donald Trump. On the night of January 2, 2020, the leader of the Quds Force, Qassem Soleimani, boarded a civilian airliner in Damascus bound for Baghdad. He had met the day before in Beirut with the head of Hezbollah, demonstrating how he seemed to be everywhere in the region. He had also been in something of a Twitter and Instagram war with Donald Trump. Dismissing Trump as a “gambler” in 2018, he had messaged the president, “You know how powerful we are in asymmetrical warfare. Come, we are waiting for you.”16 But now they were waiting for him. At about 12:45 a.m. on January 3, as he drove away from Baghdad International Airport, missiles from an American drone struck his vehicle, killing him.

Germany announced that it would no longer sell arms to Saudi Arabia. U.S. senators who had praised MBS as a reformer and modernizer now criticized him and Saudi Arabia. The same for international media. The U.S. Congress passed a joint resolution to end U.S. military support for Saudi Arabia in the Yemen war. Donald Trump pushed back against these critics and reaffirmed his administration’s support for MBS and Saudi Arabia. * * * — Relations with the United States had already become complicated on another front. In May 2017, for his first foreign trip as president, Donald Trump flew to Saudi Arabia, where he and King Salman cohosted a summit with the leaders of Arab and Muslim countries. The two also jointly inaugurated an anti-terrorism center, to which the other Arab Gulf states signed on. That included Qatar, the small gas-exporting emirate adjacent to Saudi Arabia.

pages: 385 words: 121,550

Three Years in Hell: The Brexit Chronicles by Fintan O'Toole

airport security, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, blockchain, Bob Geldof, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, cognitive dissonance, congestion charging, deindustrialization, deliberate practice, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, Downton Abbey, Etonian, eurozone crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, full employment, income inequality, l'esprit de l'escalier, labour mobility, late capitalism, open borders, Slavoj Žižek, South China Sea, technoutopianism, zero-sum game

At the end of the ‘scepter’d isle’ speech Gaunt says something that may in fact be more pertinent to England’s current situation that his earlier hyperbole: ‘That England, that was wont to conquer others, / Hath made a shameful conquest of itself.’ 2 July 2016 Boris Johnson’s campaign to succeed David Cameron collapses in farce. Donald Trump is looming as the most likely next president of the United States. We are living with the politics of the fake orgasm. The leaders of the Brexit campaign are obliged to join in with the ecstasies of their followers. They must let out a few polite yelps of satisfaction. But a week on, it is increasingly clear that theirs is a phoney consummation. The earth may have moved – but not for them. As shown by Boris Johnson’s retreat from the prospect of having to actually govern the new kingdom he did so much to create, it was all a performance. It will not be long before those they embraced – the alienated, the dispossessed – realise that they have been had in more ways than one. Like the followers of Donald Trump in the US, white working-class Brexit voters are experiencing a new kind of political relationship.

Neither before nor after the referendum of June 2016 did its leading proponents come up with any serious plan for what Brexit would really mean in practice for Britain’s economy, for its place in the world, for its very existence as a unitary state. An aspect of this paradox is that Brexit is, on the one hand, unquestionably historic – but it is not, in the imaginations of its proponents, history. It is not an event that is unfolding in the 2020s, amid all the other realities of the time: climate change, Donald Trump, runaway technological transformations and so on. It is, rather, a flight from history. It is both literally and metaphorically escapist – the great leap out of the EU is also a giant bound out of the real, compromised, messy truths of the world in which Britain, alongside everyone else, finds itself. Into what can it escape? Only that last refuge of bankrupt utopians, the Golden Age. A perfect little dramatisation of this clash between historic moment and ahistoric fantasy is an exchange in the House of Commons on 17 October 2019.

It may be true that the best lack conviction, but the second part of Yeats’s comparison emphatically does not apply. The worst are not full of passionate intensity; they are, to borrow from a different Yeats poem, just a pretty bellows full of faux-angry wind. They have no serious intention – no plan and no means – of doing the things they say they will do. Here are some of the things that are not going to happen in the next few years, even if we end up with President Donald Trump and Prime Minister Michael Gove. There will not be a wall across the Mexico/US border and Mexico will not pay for it. Muslims will not be barred from entering the United States on the grounds of their religion. Immigration into the UK will not be drastically reduced. An extra £350 million a year will not be put into the National Health Service. British fisherman will not be hauling in greatly increased catches.

pages: 579 words: 160,351

Breaking News: The Remaking of Journalism and Why It Matters Now by Alan Rusbridger

accounting loophole / creative accounting, Airbnb, banking crisis, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, centre right, Chelsea Manning, citizen journalism, cross-subsidies, crowdsourcing, David Attenborough, David Brooks, death of newspapers, Donald Trump, Doomsday Book, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, Downton Abbey, Edward Snowden, Etonian, Filter Bubble, forensic accounting, Frank Gehry, future of journalism, G4S, high net worth, invention of movable type, invention of the printing press, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, Julian Assange, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, natural language processing, New Journalism, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, open borders, packet switching, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, pre–internet, ransomware, recommendation engine, Ruby on Rails, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, Skype, Snapchat, social web, Socratic dialogue, sovereign wealth fund, speech recognition, Steve Jobs, The Wisdom of Crowds, Tim Cook: Apple, traveling salesman, upwardly mobile, WikiLeaks

It quoted very selectively and briefly from the document.14 Here was a new asymmetry of information. The sprayers ensured that voters were treated to tens of thousands of raw Clinton emails: the irrigators decided the voters should not be trusted with much more explosive – and raw – information about Donald Trump . . . until it was too late to make any difference. Many in the old world vented their fury at Buzzfeed for playing by the new rules, rather than the old ones: their behaviour, they said, stank. Corn, who had allowed his readers only a peek in late October, was dismayed at the publication: ‘Even Donald Trump deserves journalistic fairness.’ Brad Heath, an investigative journalist for USA Today, protested: ‘“not how journalism works . . .” decide for yourself if it’s legit’. The editor of Buzzfeed, Ben Smith, was having none of it. To his mind, this was precisely how journalism should work in 2017.

On this most people could agree: we were now up to our necks in a seething, ever churning ocean of information; some of it true, much of it wrong. There was too much false news, not enough reliable news. There might soon be entire communities without news. Or without news they could trust. There was a swamp of stuff we were learning to call ‘fake news’. The recently elected 45th President of the United States, Donald Trump, used the term so indiscriminately it rapidly lost any meaning. The best that traditional journalism could offer was – or so he repeatedly told us – fake. We should believe him, not lying journalists. Truth was fake; fake was true. And that’s when the problem suddenly snapped into focus. Throughout recent centuries anyone growing up in a western democracy had believed that it was necessary to have facts.

‘The result of a consistent and total substitution of lies for factual truth is not that the lie will now be accepted as truth and truth be defamed as a lie,’ Arendt had written in 1951, ‘but that the sense by which we take our bearings in the real world – and the category of truth versus falsehood is among the mental means to this end – is being destroyed . . .’ Nearly 70 years later many of us may be surprised to be asking the most basic question imaginable: how do you know if something is true or not? * Here is just one small example of this new world of information chaos, playing out as I was writing this chapter. I could have chosen a thousand such illustrations, but this had most of the components of the unfolding problem. In February 2017 Donald Trump used a rally in Melbourne, Florida, to draw attention to disturbing events he said were happening in Sweden.2 ‘You look at what’s happening in Germany. You look at what’s happening last night in Sweden.’ The President of the United States paused for the name to sink in and then repeated it. ‘Sweden.’ ‘Who would believe this? Sweden. They took in large numbers and they’re having problems like they never thought possible.’

pages: 297 words: 84,009

Big Business: A Love Letter to an American Anti-Hero by Tyler Cowen

23andMe, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, augmented reality, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, blockchain, Bretton Woods, cloud computing, cognitive dissonance, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, correlation coefficient, creative destruction, crony capitalism, cryptocurrency, dark matter, David Brooks, David Graeber, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, employer provided health coverage, experimental economics, Filter Bubble, financial innovation, financial intermediation, global reserve currency, global supply chain, Google Glasses, income inequality, Internet of things, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, late fees, Mark Zuckerberg, mobile money, money market fund, mortgage debt, Network effects, new economy, Nicholas Carr, obamacare, offshore financial centre, passive investing, payday loans, peer-to-peer lending, Peter Thiel, pre–internet, price discrimination, profit maximization, profit motive, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, reserve currency, ride hailing / ride sharing, risk tolerance, Ronald Coase, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, Snapchat, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, Steve Jobs, The Nature of the Firm, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, transaction costs, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, ultimatum game, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce, World Values Survey, Y Combinator

If you believe the copy of this e-book you are reading infringes on the author’s copyright, please notify the publisher at: To Natasha, Yana, and Kyle 1. A NEW PRO-BUSINESS MANIFESTO We live in an age when the reputation of business is under siege. Among Democrats, for instance, the word “socialism” now polls better than does “capitalism.” But Republicans, while they pay greater lip service to some business ideals, are not in practice much better. Many of them have quite readily followed President Donald Trump into his attacks on free trade, immigration, outsourcing, and the American media (which is labeled “the enemy of the people”)—all fundamentally anti-business stances.1 Business, quite simply, has become underrated, and thus I am writing a contrarian book that ought not to be contrarian at all. All of the criticisms one might mount against the corporate form—some of which are valid—pale in contrast to two straightforward and indeed essential virtues.

And yet big business on average pays much higher wages and offers superior benefits and workplace conditions compared with smaller business. In other words, arguably the biggest problem with American business is the politically incorrect truth that too often it simply isn’t big enough and successful enough. It isn’t ambitious enough or doing a good enough job boosting profits and growing toward gargantuan size.11 Trump Supporters and the Conservative Right Donald Trump often presents himself as a fan of big business and a representative of America’s productive class. But big business also serves as his whipping boy. He is very happy to taunt businesses and business executives in his tweets (such as Carrier and Amazon). When push comes to shove, on the issues where Trump is in the wrong, do Trump supporters side with the man or with the better parts of American business?

We’ve already taken a look at nonprofits, so let’s turn to government, also a large and focal institution and a potential regulator of business, and ask whether government has become more honest in recent times. I think there is a fair amount of evidence that it has not, at least not from the point of view of voters. Approval ratings for Congress have been at all-time lows, often below 10 percent. The election of Donald Trump as president and the choice of Brexit in the United Kingdom are often interpreted as protests against the corruption, lies, and smug, complacent, business-as-usual attitudes of our political elites. Or at least that is how things are viewed by numerous critics of the status quo. Does that sound like a world where trust in government and its honesty is increasing? Overall, I see that the trustworthiness of mainstream business is going up and that of government is going down.

pages: 287 words: 82,576

The Complacent Class: The Self-Defeating Quest for the American Dream by Tyler Cowen

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Alvin Roth, assortative mating, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, business climate, business cycle, circulation of elites, clean water, David Graeber, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, drone strike, East Village, Elon Musk, Ferguson, Missouri, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, gig economy, Google Glasses, Hyman Minsky, Hyperloop, income inequality, intangible asset, Internet of things, inventory management, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, medical residency, meta analysis, meta-analysis, obamacare, offshore financial centre, Paul Samuelson, Peter Thiel, purchasing power parity, Richard Florida, security theater, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Skype, South China Sea, Steven Pinker, Stuxnet, The Great Moderation, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, total factor productivity, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, upwardly mobile, Vilfredo Pareto, working-age population, World Values Survey

Everything seems calm and fine, until one day it is not. That is because the buildup of social and economic pressures can be fairly invisible until a crisis situation comes along, in this case the appearance on the scene of a candidate—Donald Trump—with some pretty special talents for appealing to the disgruntled. Very commonly it is suggested that income inequality is behind these growing dysfunctions in our politics, and that is one of the most common memes you read in the press today or hear on television. But for all the popularity of this view, it doesn’t have enough evidence behind it. For instance, if we look at those who voted for Donald Trump in the Republican primaries, they had an average income of about $70,000 and also education levels higher than the American average. No matter what you may read or hear, that is not exactly the revolt of the have-nots.

These individuals tend to be tolerant, liberal in the broad sense of that word, and often quite munificent and generous. They fit the standard description of cosmopolitan and usually take an interest in the cultures of other countries, though, ironically, many of them have become sufficiently insulated from hardship and painful change that they are provincial in their own way and have become somewhat of a political target (from both Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders in the recent campaigns). Because they are intelligent, articulate, and often socially graceful, they usually seem like very nice people, and often they are. Think of a financier or lawyer who vacations in France or Italy, has wonderful kids, and donates generously to his or her alma mater. I think of these people as the wealthiest and best educated 3 to 5 percent of the American population. 2.

You might think the group at the bottom cannot possibly be complacent about their situation, but by standards of recent history, indeed they have been when it comes to their actual behavior. As we’ll see later, the numbers show this pretty clearly. They have been committing much less crime, engaging in much less social unrest, and embracing extreme ideologies such as communism to a smaller degree; if anything, they have been more disillusioned than politically engaged. I’ll consider later in the book whether the Ferguson riots and the election of Donald Trump and other unusual current events might be signaling an end to this trend, but the point is that we have been building toward stasis for about the last forty years. Whether or not you think the break point has come just now, to understand why the stasis eventually must fall apart, first we must see how and why it has evolved. The good news is that more and more Americans are entering the upper tier than ever before—it’s nice to have something to be complacent about.

pages: 245 words: 83,272

Artificial Unintelligence: How Computers Misunderstand the World by Meredith Broussard

1960s counterculture, A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, Ada Lovelace, AI winter, Airbnb, Amazon Web Services, autonomous vehicles, availability heuristic, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, Buckminster Fuller, Chris Urmson, Clayton Christensen, cloud computing, cognitive bias, complexity theory, computer vision, crowdsourcing, Danny Hillis, DARPA: Urban Challenge, digital map, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Douglas Engelbart, easy for humans, difficult for computers, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, Elon Musk, Firefox, gig economy, global supply chain, Google Glasses, Google X / Alphabet X, Hacker Ethic, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, John von Neumann, Joi Ito, Joseph-Marie Jacquard, life extension, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, Minecraft, minimum viable product, Mother of all demos, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, Nate Silver, natural language processing, PageRank, payday loans, paypal mafia, performance metric, Peter Thiel, price discrimination, Ray Kurzweil, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ross Ulbricht, Saturday Night Live, school choice, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, speech recognition, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, Stewart Brand, Tesla Model S, the High Line, The Signal and the Noise by Nate Silver, theory of mind, Travis Kalanick, Turing test, Uber for X, uber lyft, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, Whole Earth Catalog, women in the workforce

Figure 5.1 Correct answer on a question from the 2009 PSSA. Figure 5.2 Partially correct answer on a question from the 2009 PSSA. Figure 8.1 A typical Karel the Robot problem. Figure 11.1 Bailiwick splash screen customized to show three 2016 US presidential candidates. Figure 11.2 Independent expenditures in support of Donald Trump. Figure 11.3 Operating expenditures for Donald Trump campaign committee as of December 2017, organized by category. Note the rectangle at the bottom labeled “Collateral: Hats.” Figure 11.4 Payments from Donald Trump’s campaign committee to Cali-Fame marked “Hats,” organized by date and amount. Figure 11.5 Story idea page. I How Computers Work 1 Hello, Reader I love technology. I’ve loved it since I was a little girl and my parents bought me an Erector Set that I used to build a giant (to me) robot out of small pierced pieces of metal.

Clicking in, we can see that this donor spent $12.7 million dollars in support of Trump’s campaign, in dozens of separate transactions over the course of the race. Figure 11.2 Independent expenditures in support of Donald Trump. Data visualizations often trigger story ideas. For example, the first time I saw the tree map of Trump’s campaign committee spending pattern, I saw there was a fairly large rectangle devoted to hats (see figure 11.3). As of December 2016, the campaign had spent $2.2 million on hats from a company called Cali-Fame (see figure 11.4). Figure 11.3 Operating expenditures for Donald Trump campaign committee as of December 2017, organized by category. Note the rectangle at the bottom labeled “Collateral: Hats.” Figure 11.4 Payments from Donald Trump’s campaign committee to Cali-Fame marked “Hats,” organized by date and amount. I didn’t know anything about Cali-Fame in the fall of 2016, but it seemed to me like there might be a story in Trump’s spending on hats.

Brown, John Seely, and Paul Duguid. The Social Life of Information. Updated, with a new preface. Boston: Harvard Business Review Press, 2017. Brown, Mike. “Nearly a Third of Millennials Have Used Venmo to Pay for Drugs.” (blog), July 10, 2017. Bump, Philip. “Donald Trump’s Campaign Has Spent More on Hats than on Polling.” The Washington Post, October 25, 2016. Busch, Lawrence. “A Dozen Ways to Get Lost in Translation: Inherent Challenges in Large-Scale Data Sets.” International Journal of Communication 8 (2014): 1727–1744. Butterfield, A., and Gerard Ekembe Ngondi, eds. A Dictionary of Computer Science. 7th ed. Oxford Quick Reference.

pages: 322 words: 84,580

The Economics of Belonging: A Radical Plan to Win Back the Left Behind and Achieve Prosperity for All by Martin Sandbu

"Robert Solow", Airbnb, autonomous vehicles, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, carbon footprint, Carmen Reinhart, centre right, collective bargaining, debt deflation, deindustrialization, deskilling, Diane Coyle, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial intermediation, full employment, future of work, gig economy, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, intangible asset, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labour market flexibility, liquidity trap, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Martin Wolf, meta analysis, meta-analysis, mini-job, mortgage debt, new economy, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open economy, pattern recognition, pink-collar, precariat, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, Richard Florida, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, social intelligence, TaskRabbit, total factor productivity, universal basic income, very high income, winner-take-all economy, working poor

Even if voters opposed to the open Western liberal order—the millions of Americans, French, or Germans who support Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen, or the Alternative for Germany—are motivated by cultural identity or authoritarian and illiberal attitudes, the question remains why identity and attitudes of this sort have become so much more politically powerful in the last decade. Have voters become more nativist and illiberal—and if so, why did this happen? Or is it that such attitudes have always been present to the same extent but their influence on how people vote has increased—and if so, why did that happen? Answering these questions convincingly is impossible without the economic story this book tells. The United States offers a stark illustration. A decisive number of American voters swung from supporting Barack Obama in 2008 and 2012 to voting for Donald Trump in 2016. Those two leaders could not be more different.

Fringe antisystem forces had been on the rise for years, but two political earthquakes that year marked the first time since 1945 that such forces won decisive electoral victories in any major Western country. And not just any country, but the two powers that had done the most to set up the postwar order in the first place. The British referendum to leave the European Union showed a major European nation turning its back on the European project, which had gone further than any other part of the world in realising the West’s borderless, rules-based ideal. Then Americans elected Donald Trump as their president—an authoritarian who hides neither his racist-tinged nationalism nor his contempt for democratic principles and the rule of law—and thereby repudiated a world order the United States had shaped and led in its own image. Through these choices, voters at the core of the Western system showed that they no longer feel they belong to it. This end of belonging was a colossal fall from grace for the Western model, and one that has energised illiberal antisystem movements on the extreme fringes of politics in almost every Western country and beyond.

By the mid-1980s almost a fifth of the town’s men were on the dole, sending Tilbury into a downward spiral from which it has yet to emerge. —ECONOMIST, TILBURY, UK2 In 2016, rage boiled over in the West. Support for illiberal, antisystem movements had been building in country after country since the financial crisis, until finally the politics of two countries at the heart of the Western order—the United States and the United Kingdom—were irreversibly ruptured by the victories of Brexit and Donald Trump. But the fuses of that rage had been lit long before, including in places far beyond the Anglo-American economies. Those angry yells to “take our country back” did not come from people who had lost their country overnight. Their narrative is one of a lengthy usurpation. It says that what was rightfully theirs—well-paid employment, the social status it provided, and the communities structured around it—has been taken away from them.

pages: 98 words: 27,201

Are Chief Executives Overpaid? by Deborah Hargreaves

banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bonus culture, business climate, corporate governance, Donald Trump, G4S, Jeff Bezos, loadsamoney, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, performance metric, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Snapchat, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, wealth creators

In a world where just forty-two people have as much wealth as the poorest 3.7 billion and the lion’s share of income generated in recent years has gone to those at the very top,1 it is important to ask why the global economy operates in this way. Why have wages stagnated in developed countries, while stock payments, bonuses and dividends for those at the top have exploded? Company bosses in most Western societies are cashing in untold riches for just a few years’ labour in stark contrast to those who work for them, who have not had a real-terms pay rise for years. The Brexit vote in Britain, the election of Donald Trump in the US, as well as the rise of populism in Europe, are commonly seen as an expression of frustration by those ‘left behind’ by the current economic structure and moves towards greater globalization. It is worth asking how late-stage capitalism in the West has created the conditions that hand so many benefits to the ‘few’: those at the top of the income scale and the wealthy. The economic changes that have enriched the top 1 per cent have come since the 1980s and the rise in inequality over the past 25 years risks taking us back to a Dickensian-style divergence in incomes and lifestyles if we do nothing to reverse it.

It makes it very hard for successive governments to challenge the high pay culture of big business. It also means the mantra of the market has reached into the heart of government around the world. Politicians have looked to business people to overcome the sclerotic workings of their own civil servants and departments. Top executives have been drafted in to run working groups, examine operational practices and even into government itself. Donald Trump’s former Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, was the boss of oil major, ExxonMobil; his Treasury Secretary, Steven Mnuchin, is a former Goldman Sachs banker. In fact, Charles Schumer, the senate minority leader, says between them, Trump’s cabinet had a net worth of $9.5 billion (before Rex Tillerson left). In the UK, according to Professor Wilks,6 600 former ministers and top-level civil servants were appointed to over 1,000 different business roles between 2000 and 2014.

‘We must accept that Big Finance and runaway inequality are incompatible with either a functioning democracy or a sustainable economy.’1 Nevertheless, successive UK and US governments have shied away from raising tax rates. David Cameron, Conservative prime minister of the UK coalition government in 2010, was quick to scrap the 50p top rate of tax that was briefly imposed in April 2010 by Gordon Brown’s Labour administration to help pay for the banking crisis. Donald Trump has passed an extensive tax bill in the US that marks the biggest changes to the tax base since Ronald Reagan’s reforms in 1986, slashing top rates in a direct benefit to the wealthy. The bill includes a deep cut to corporate taxes from 35 per cent to 21 per cent. Unions and campaigners have strongly argued for some of those tax breaks to be passed on to the workforce and a handful of companies have increased wages, but this has not been widespread.

pages: 222 words: 70,132

Move Fast and Break Things: How Facebook, Google, and Amazon Cornered Culture and Undermined Democracy by Jonathan Taplin

1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Amazon Mechanical Turk, American Legislative Exchange Council, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, back-to-the-land, barriers to entry, basic income, battle of ideas, big data - Walmart - Pop Tarts, bitcoin, Brewster Kahle, Buckminster Fuller, Burning Man, Clayton Christensen, commoditize, creative destruction, crony capitalism, crowdsourcing, data is the new oil, David Brooks, David Graeber, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, Dynabook, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, equal pay for equal work, Erik Brynjolfsson, future of journalism, future of work, George Akerlof, George Gilder, Google bus, Hacker Ethic, Howard Rheingold, income inequality, informal economy, information asymmetry, information retrieval, Internet Archive, Internet of things, invisible hand, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, job automation, John Markoff, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, John von Neumann, Joseph Schumpeter, Kevin Kelly, Kickstarter, labor-force participation, life extension, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, Metcalfe’s law, Mother of all demos, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, natural language processing, Network effects, new economy, Norbert Wiener, offshore financial centre, packet switching, Paul Graham, paypal mafia, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, pre–internet, Ray Kurzweil, recommendation engine, rent-seeking, revision control, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Metcalfe, Ronald Reagan, Ross Ulbricht, Sam Altman, Sand Hill Road, secular stagnation, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, smart grid, Snapchat, software is eating the world, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, The Chicago School, The Market for Lemons, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Tim Cook: Apple, trade route, transfer pricing, Travis Kalanick, trickle-down economics, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, unpaid internship, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, web application, Whole Earth Catalog, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, Y Combinator

Those decisions were made by engineers and executives at Google, Facebook, and Amazon (plus a few others) and imposed upon the public with no regulatory scrutiny. The result is what President Obama calls “a Wild West” world without privacy or security that leaves every citizen vulnerable to criminal, corporate, and government intrusion. As Obama wrote in The Economist, “a capitalism shaped by the few and unaccountable to the many is a threat to all.” The Internet is changing our democracy, too: in Twitter, Donald Trump found the perfect vehicle for his narcissistic personality, allowing him to strike out at all his perceived tormentors. And Facebook (the primary news source for 44 percent of Americans) was equally responsible for the Trump victory, according to Ed Wasserman, the dean of the University of California, Berkeley, Graduate School of Journalism: “Trump was able to get his message out [on Facebook] in a way that was vastly influential without undergoing the usual kinds of quality checks that we associate with reaching the mass public.”

That’s not on your balance sheet, that’s on our collective balance sheet, because we have a sacred duty to take care of those veterans. And that’s hard and it’s messy, and we’re building up legacy systems that we can’t just blow up. But this sense of shared social responsibility is not part of the libertarian creed, which in many respects is antidemocratic. As Ben Tarnoff, writing in the Guardian noted, one of the reasons Peter Thiel was drawn to Donald Trump’s authoritarian candidacy was that “he would discipline what Thiel calls ‘the unthinking demos’: the democratic public that constrains capitalism.” But for now there are few constraints on Tech capitalism. The monopoly profits of this new era have been very, very good to a few men. The Forbes 400 list, which ranks American wealth, places Bill Gates, Larry Ellison, Larry Page, Jeff Bezos, Sergey Brin, and Mark Zuckerberg in the top ten.

As a result of an ever-expanding list of non-discrimination—“affirmative action”—laws and non-discriminatory, multicultural, egalitarian immigration policies, every nook and cranny of American society is affected by government management and forced integration; accordingly, social strife and racial ethnic and moral-cultural tension and hostility have increased dramatically. That a country in such peril would need a more authoritarian government that could counter the forces of “egalitarian immigration” and “forced integration” feels at once like a throwback to the Jim Crow 1950s and a contemporary statement from someone like Donald Trump. This is in essence the truly elitist theory behind Peter Thiel’s thinking. Though his undergraduate degree was in philosophy, Thiel gravitated toward technology and politics. What he believed was that politics was impeding progress and that he needed to find a way to make money without its interference. He wrote in his manifesto on the Cato Institute’s website: In our time, the great task for libertarians is to find an escape from politics in all its forms—from the totalitarian and fundamentalist catastrophes to the unthinking demos that guides so-called “social democracy”.… We are in a deadly race between politics and technology.… The fate of our world may depend on the effort of a single person who builds or propagates the machinery of freedom that makes the world safe for capitalism.

Falter: Has the Human Game Begun to Play Itself Out? by Bill McKibben

23andMe, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, American Legislative Exchange Council, Anne Wojcicki, artificial general intelligence, Bernie Sanders, Bill Joy: nanobots, Burning Man, call centre, carbon footprint, Charles Lindbergh, clean water, Colonization of Mars, computer vision, David Attenborough, Donald Trump, double helix, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, energy transition, Flynn Effect, Google Earth, Hyperloop, impulse control, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, job automation, life extension, light touch regulation, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, megacity, Menlo Park, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, obamacare, off grid, oil shale / tar sands, pattern recognition, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ray Kurzweil, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, Sam Altman, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, smart meter, Snapchat, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Steven Pinker, strong AI, supervolcano, technoutopianism, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, traffic fines, Travis Kalanick, urban sprawl, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, Y Combinator, Y2K, yield curve

In fact, when the White House was reviewing possible candidates for the federal bench, Thomas was recommended by the right-wing Institute for Justice precisely because of “his devotion to the philosophy of Ayn Rand.”9 Rex Tillerson, the former secretary of state, says Atlas Shrugged is his “favorite book.” Ditto his successor, Mike Pompeo. Indeed, the billionaire Ray Dalio, one of those confidants Donald Trump calls late at night when he can’t sleep, said, “Her books pretty well capture the mind-set” of the president and his men. “This new administration hates weak, unproductive, socialist people and policies and it admires strong, can-do profit-makers.”10 Andrew Puzder, Trump’s first nominee for secretary of labor, named his private equity fund after Howard Roark, one of Rand’s fictional heroes. And what of the great man himself? Donald Trump has called The Fountainhead his favorite book. “It relates to business and beauty and life and inner emotions,” he told USA Today. “That book relates to … everything.”11 The cult of Ayn Rand extends far beyond the richest and most powerful.

I think I’m not alone when I say I find America increasingly perplexing: three hundred million may be past the population size at which any of us can feel fully at home or completely responsible. I try to imagine Donald Trump coming to a town meeting in my small community, the first-Tuesday-in-March gathering where we vote on the budget for the year and discuss community business. His foul mouth and obvious disdain for detail would mean that no one would pay him much mind; if he kept up his ranting, he’d be asked to sit down so that the rest of us could do the necessary work of making sure there was money to buy sand for the road crew and of figuring out if the roof on the town office had another year of life in it. Donald Trump, I think, would have had a hard time being elected a mayor or a governor, because the damage he’d have done would have hit too close to home.

Even compared to the twentieth century, violence is now far less likely to kill us—of the more than 55 million people who died around the world in 2012, war killed just 120,000 of them.2 Eighty-five percent of adults can read now, a staggering increase inside two generations.3 Women, with more education and at least a modicum of equality, have gone from having more than five kids apiece on average in 1970 to having fewer than two and a half today, probably the most rapid and remarkable demographic change the planet has ever witnessed. In the year 1500, humans managed to produce goods and services worth $250 billion in today’s dollars—five hundred years later, that number is $60 trillion, a 240-fold increase.4 The chorus of affirmation swells, from Steven Pinker insisting we’re in an age of unprecedented enlightenment to Donald Trump tweeting, “There is an incredible spirit of optimism sweeping the country right now—we’re bringing back the JOBS!” We’re quite accustomed to this idea of progress, so accustomed that some can’t imagine anything else: the former chief economist of the World Bank, Kaushik Basu, recently predicted that, in fifty years, global GDP will be growing 20 percent a year, meaning that income and consumption will be doubling every four years or so.5 There are, each day, more ideas hatched, more songs sung, more pictures taken, more goals scored, more schoolbooks read, more money invested

pages: 197 words: 49,240

Melting Pot or Civil War?: A Son of Immigrants Makes the Case Against Open Borders by Reihan Salam

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bonfire of the Vanities, charter city, delayed gratification, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, ghettoisation, guest worker program, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, interchangeable parts, job automation, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, mass immigration, megacity, new economy, obamacare, open borders, race to the bottom, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, two tier labour market, upwardly mobile, urban decay, working poor

As president, he called for curbing family-based admissions on the grounds that it meant admitting millions of immigrants lacking in “merit.” Immigration advocates pushed back. Some argued that it was obscene to suggest that a man like Ullah was representative of immigrants at large. Others said that it was racist to question our current approach to family-based admissions. And where was I? In an uncomfortable place. Donald Trump had built his political career on demonizing immigrants, and I sympathized with immigration advocates who resented him for it. I am not just the son of immigrants. I am the brother, neighbor, and friend of immigrants, many of whom found Trump’s rhetoric frightening. To the extent I harbor stereotypes about immigrants, they are positive. Some immigrants are violent and cruel, and others are feckless and lazy, just as there are many millions of natives who suffer from similar failings.

However, our current immigration system is increasing both the number and the share of children being raised in low-income households. If the children of immigrants were immune to the ill effects of growing up poor, this wouldn’t be cause for concern. But the evidence suggests otherwise. Today’s poor immigrants are raising tomorrow’s poor natives, and we aren’t doing nearly enough to break the cycle. Just as Donald Trump’s election spoke to the rage and disaffection of older whites in the heartland, the years to come may see a new populist revolt, driven by the resentments of working-class Americans of color. Imagine an America in which wealthy whites and Asians wall themselves off from the rest of society, and low-wage immigrants and their offspring constitute a new underclass. Working-class Americans of color will look upon their more privileged fellow citizens with envy, if not resentment, and better-off whites will look upon their poorer brown and black counterparts with fear and suspicion.

My mother might find the prospect of an America overrun by little Salams delightful, and I rather like the idea myself, but not everyone welcomes the prospect. I thought of her when, in 2017, Steve King, an Iowa congressman known for his strident opposition to immigration, tweeted, “We can’t restore our civilization with somebody else’s babies.” King’s remark was widely denounced.1 It came not long after Donald Trump’s inauguration, at a moment when the immigration debate felt even more combustible than usual, and it raised disturbing questions. What did King mean by “somebody else’s babies”? Was the congressman implying that the children of immigrants, or the children of Muslims or nonwhites, are not our babies? I can hardly blame King’s critics for drawing that conclusion. My takeaway was that if not for babies, the immigration debate wouldn’t be nearly as contentious.

pages: 273 words: 87,159

The Vanishing Middle Class: Prejudice and Power in a Dual Economy by Peter Temin

"Robert Solow", 2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, clean water, corporate raider, Corrections Corporation of America, crack epidemic, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Ferguson, Missouri, financial innovation, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, full employment, income inequality, intangible asset, invisible hand, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, mandatory minimum, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, mass incarceration, means of production, mortgage debt, Network effects, New Urbanism, Nixon shock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, price stability, race to the bottom, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, the scientific method, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, white flight, working poor

University of Michigan working paper, March 3. Accessed September 20, 2016. Bacevich, Andrew J. 2016. America’s War for the Great Middle East: A Military History. New York: Random House. Bagli, Charles V. 2016. “How Donald Trump Built an Empire on $885 Million in Tax Breaks.” New York Times, September 17. Baily, Martha J., and Susan M. Dynarski. 2011. “Inequality in Postsecondary Education.” In Whither Opportunity? Rising Inequality, Schools, and Children’s Life Chances, ed. Greg J. Duncan and Richard J. Murnane, 117–132. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Barbaro, Michael. 2016. “Donald Trump Clung to ‘Birther’ Lie for Years, and Still Isn’t Apologetic.” New York Times, September 16. Barnett, W. Steven, Kwanghee Jung, Min-Jong Youn, and Ellen C. Freder. 2013. “Abbott Preschool Program Longitudinal Effects Study: Fifth Grade Follow-Up.”

New York: Simon and Schuster. Putnam, Robert D. 2015. Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis. New York: Simon and Schuster. Rajan, Radhuram. 2010. Fault Lines: How Hidden Fractures Still Threaten the World Economy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Rankine, Claudia. 2015. Citizen: An American Lyric. Minneapolis, MN: Greywolf Press. Rappeport, Alan. 2016. “Donald Trump Says His Remarks on Judge Were ‘Misconstrued.’” New York Times, June 7. Rattner, Steven. 2016a. “Donald Trump and Art of the Tax Loophole.” New York Times, May 1. Rattner, Steven. 2016b. “Long Lines at Airports? You Ain’t Seen Nothing Yet.” New York Times, July 8. Rawls, John. 1999. A Theory of Justice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Reardon, Sean F. 2012. “The Widening Academic Achievement Gap between the Rich and the Poor.” Community Investments 24 (Summer): 19–30.

As Bob Dylan said in a song at Martin Luther King’s 1963 March on Washington, “The poor white remains / On the caboose of the train / But it ain’t him to blame / He’s only a pawn in their game.”3 Race and class are distinct, but they have interacted in complex ways from the U.S. slavery era that ended in 1865; to Ronald Reagan announcing his 1980 presidential campaign in Philadelphia in Mississippi, where three civil rights workers had been murdered in 1964; to Donald Trump’s equally indirect claim to “Make America Great Again” in his 2016 presidential campaign—where “great” is a euphemism for “white.” The Civil Rights Movement changed the language of racism without reducing its scope. As incomes become more and more unequal, racism becomes a tool for the rich to arouse poor whites to feel superior to blacks and distract them from their economic plight. Figure 1 is both simple and complex.

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Empty Planet: The Shock of Global Population Decline by Darrell Bricker, John Ibbitson

affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Berlin Wall, BRICs, British Empire, Columbian Exchange, commoditize, demographic dividend, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump,, full employment, gender pay gap, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, global reserve currency, Gunnar Myrdal, Hans Rosling, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, John Snow's cholera map, Kibera, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, Mark Zuckerberg, megacity, New Urbanism, nuclear winter, off grid, offshore financial centre, out of africa, Potemkin village, purchasing power parity, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, transcontinental railway, upwardly mobile, urban planning, working-age population, young professional, zero-sum game

.: Central Intelligence Agency). 260 Ibid. 261  Global Trends: Forced Displacement in 2015 (Geneva: UNHCR, 20 June 2016). 262 “Nearly Half a Million Displaced Syrians Return Home,” Al Jazeera, 1 July 2017. 263  International Migration Report 2015. 264 Ibid. 265 Ibid. 266 Ibid 267 Ibid. 268 Ibid. 269 Anna Gonzalez-Barrera, “More Mexicans Leaving Than Coming to the U.S.” (Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center, 19 November 2015). 270 Keith Ellison for Congress, “Keith on ABC’s ‘This Week’ 7/26/15,” YouTube, 24 May 2016. 271 “Full Text: Donald Trump Announces a Presidential Bid,” Washington Post, 16 June 2015. 272 Yankee Patriot News, “Trump: ‘Compete Shutdown on Muslims Entering the United States—Speech,” YouTube, 8 December 2015. 273 Jeffrey Sparshott, “Immigration Does More Good Than Harm to Economy, Study Finds,” Wall Street Journal, 22 September 2016. 274 Ibid. 275  International Migration Report 2015. 276 “Worldwide Displacement Hits All-Time High as War and Persecution Increase” (Geneva: UNHCR, 18 June 2015). 277 “Fecund Foreigners?”

Millions have happily plunged into the melting pot—America’s version of multiculturalism—enriching both its economy and culture. Immigration made the twentieth century the American century, and continued immigration will define the twenty-first as American as well. Unless. The suspicious, nativist, America First groundswell of recent years threatens to choke off the immigration tap that made America great by walling up the border between the United States and everywhere else. Under President Donald Trump, the federal government not only cracked down on illegal immigrants, it reduced legal admissions for skilled workers, a suicidal policy for the U.S. economy. If this change is permanent, if Americans out of senseless fear reject their immigrant tradition, turning their backs on the world, then the United States too will decline, in numbers and power and influence and wealth. This is the choice that every American must make: to support an open, inclusive, welcoming society, or to shut the door and wither in isolation.

Instead, too many surf the fears revealed by the Ipsos survey, warning of jobs lost and lives threatened. Yes, it doesn’t help that the Middle Eastern refugee crisis has generated local acts of terrorism from extremists posing as refugees. But long before the Syrian civil war or the rise of ISIS, national populations chafed at what they saw as the infiltration of their societies by foreigners. ISIS didn’t create Donald Trump in the United States, or Marine Le Pen in France or Viktor Orbán in Hungary. The seeds had already been sown. But the blame for this sorry state lies not only with the populist, nativist nationalists on the right. Defenders of immigration on the left contribute too, by characterizing immigration as a test of personal compassion and tolerance. To oppose immigration, for them, is to be selfish at best and racist at worst.

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Reaching for Utopia: Making Sense of an Age of Upheaval by Jason Cowley

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, coherent worldview, Corn Laws, corporate governance, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deindustrialization, deskilling, Donald Trump, Etonian, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, illegal immigration, liberal world order, Neil Kinnock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Right to Buy, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, University of East Anglia

But Corbyn is also an epiphenomenon: his election to the leadership is a symptom rather than the cause of Labour’s malaise, as well as more generally of the rejection of mainstream social democracy and what Tony Blair calls ‘muscular progressive centrism’ by voters throughout Europe. From the United States to France to Germany, the left is losing. This is an era of authoritarian Big Men: Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin, China’s Xi Jinping, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Turkey, Egypt’s Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines, Narendra Modi in India. Corbyn has a simple answer to the question of the struggles of the establishment left. He believes that for too long progressive parties have pursued the wrong policies and have been too-willing servants of ‘neoliberalism’. In America, Donald Trump won the presidency because he ‘was a well-funded opportunist who doesn’t appear to put forward an entirely coherent message other than one of blaming women and minorities’, and because he ‘somehow managed to present himself as a “saviour” to people who were suffering the trauma of industrial decline’.

ANTONIO GRAMSCI ‘A map of the world that does not include Utopia is not worth even glancing at.’ OSCAR WILDE ‘Brexit means Brexit.’ THERESA MAY Introduction: Getting the Balance Right There’s no denying that we are living through an era of extraordinary politics. Old certainties are crumbling, social trust has declined, and shocks keep happening, from the election of Donald Trump as president of the United States, to the vote for Brexit, to the no less astonishing triumph in France of Emmanuel Macron, a former Rothschild banker who founded his own movement and party and swept to power in 2017. The New Statesman – where I have worked as editor since autumn 2008 – began in 1913 as a weekly review of politics and literature. So, it has existed for more than a century – through two world wars – and yet by any measure the present era is remarkable: Trump, Brexit, the Scottish independence referendum, the election of Jeremy Corbyn as Labour leader and the rise of the radical left, the crises in Europe, the rise and fall of Islamic State, a mini world war in Syria, an unprecedented shift in power from the West to the East – these are turbulent and volatile new times.

‘I think, in the end, it’s going to be about parliament and the country scrutinising the deal. So, for example, the deal that was done with Nissan’ – to persuade the Japanese carmaker to expand its production in Sunderland after Brexit – ‘I don’t know what the terms of that deal are, but we should know. Because that will tell us a lot about what they’re prepared to concede in order to keep access to the single market.’ * * * Blair says that he has never met Donald Trump, although he knows his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, the real estate multimillionaire. Trump’s venality, belligerence, isolationist rhetoric and narrow definition of the national interest has alarmed the Anglo-American foreign policy establishment, which considers Trump to be a clear and present danger to the rules-based liberal world order. The urgent challenge facing the West in an age of intensifying nationalism, great power rivalry and demagogic plutocracy will be to hold together the alliance structure that has defined the world for the past seventy years.

pages: 297 words: 83,651

The Twittering Machine by Richard Seymour

4chan, anti-communist, augmented reality, Bernie Sanders, Cal Newport, Cass Sunstein, Chelsea Manning, citizen journalism, colonial rule, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, crowdsourcing, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Erik Brynjolfsson, Filter Bubble, Google Chrome, Google Earth, hive mind, informal economy, Internet of things, invention of movable type, invention of writing, Jaron Lanier, Jony Ive, Kevin Kelly, knowledge economy, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, Mark Zuckerberg, Marshall McLuhan, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mohammed Bouazizi, moral panic, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, Network effects, new economy, packet switching, patent troll, Philip Mirowski, post scarcity, post-industrial society, RAND corporation, Rat Park, rent-seeking, replication crisis, sentiment analysis, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, smart cities, Snapchat, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, Stuxnet, TaskRabbit, technoutopianism, the scientific method, Tim Cook: Apple, undersea cable, upwardly mobile, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks

Rather than have this public conversation about what is happening with our degraded information ecologies, however, states are increasingly bringing the social industry giants to book over ‘fake news’. III. Donald Trump’s gleeful appropriation of the term ‘fake news’ ought to have been a red flag. It ought to have alerted us to the intrinsically authoritarian cadences of this language, and to the fact that it isn’t saying exactly what we’d like to think it is. In the United States, the term gained currency as part of an attempt to explain why the paragon of the Washington governing class, Hillary Clinton, lost to the far-right rank outsider Donald Trump. After all, Trump’s candidacy was supposed to assure a Clinton win; leaked Democratic Party strategy documents showed that they sought to encourage the Republicans to veer as far right as possible, in the hope of building a broad centre to rival them.15 The New York Times, a paper very much of the Democratic Party establishment, conducted an in-depth investigation into these ‘fake news’ stories that it said had warped the outcome.

Even more so than in the case of drugs, then, the toxicity is something we as users bring to the game. There is no evidence that this toxicity is chemical. To locate it, we may have to go, as Freud put it, ‘beyond the pleasure principle’.94 The name for our compulsion to pursue that which we know will give us unpleasure is ‘death drive’. CHAPTER THREE WE ARE ALL CELEBRITIES Show me someone without an ego, and I’ll show you a loser. Donald Trump, The ideological function of celebrity (and lottery systems) is clear – like a modern ‘wheel of fortune’ the message is ‘all is luck; some are rich, some are poor, that is the way the world is. . . it could be you!’ Guy Debord, The Society of the Spectacle I. No one kneads us again out of earth and clay/no one incants our dust. No one. Paul Celan, ‘Psalm’ A wannish-grey June day in Égly, an ugly banlieue on the outskirts of Paris, and Océane was about to do something with celebrity.

Alex Jones’s far-right conspiracy website, Infowars, builds on talk radio’s tradition of right-wing rage, conspiracy-as-infotainment and ‘home shopping’. Much of what is classified as ‘fake news’ is just satire taken literally. For example, the satirical claim that the US would house a quarter of a million Syrian refugees at the Standing Rock Reservation was repeated in earnest by Sean Hannity of Fox News, and Donald Trump.25 In other cases, the old media concocts a false news story out of random detritus found on the internet. The Toronto Sun’s false story claiming that asylum seekers being temporarily housed at the Radisson Hotel Toronto East had ‘slaughtered goats’ in the bathrooms, was based entirely on unverified reviews left on the TripAdvisor website.26 Nonetheless, ‘fake news’ has galvanized governments to act against Facebook, as part of the general attempt to invigilate liberal states against the populist menace.

pages: 526 words: 160,601

A Generation of Sociopaths: How the Baby Boomers Betrayed America by Bruce Cannon Gibney

1960s counterculture, 2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, business cycle, buy and hold, carbon footprint, Charles Lindbergh, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, corporate personhood, Corrections Corporation of America, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, equal pay for equal work, failed state, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, future of work, gender pay gap, gig economy, Haight Ashbury, Home mortgage interest deduction, Hyperloop, illegal immigration, impulse control, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Kitchen Debate, labor-force participation, Long Term Capital Management, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, mass immigration, mass incarceration, McMansion, medical bankruptcy, Menlo Park, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, neoliberal agenda, Network effects, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, operation paperclip, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price stability, quantitative easing, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, rent control, ride hailing / ride sharing, risk tolerance, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, Rubik’s Cube, school choice, secular stagnation, self-driving car, shareholder value, short selling, side project, Silicon Valley, smart grid, Snapchat, source of truth, stem cell, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, survivorship bias, TaskRabbit, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, War on Poverty, white picket fence, Whole Earth Catalog, women in the workforce, Y2K, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

Pew Research Center, 23 July 2015, (citing data from 2015). 3. United States Constitution. Preamble. 4. Buettner, Russ, and Charles V. Bagli. “How Donald Trump Bankrupted His Atlantic City Casinos, but Still Earned Billions.” New York Times, 11 June 2016,; Carroll, Lauren, and Clayton Youngman. “Fact-Checking Claims About Donald Trump’s Four Bankruptcies.” Politifact, 21 Sept. 2015,; Isidore, Chris. “Everything You Want to Know about Donald Trump’s Bankruptcies.” CNN, 31 Aug. 2015,; Harwell, Drew, and Jacob Bogage. “What Trump Didn’t Say About His Four Big Business Bankruptcies.” Washington Post, 7 Aug. 2015,

US Department of the Treasury, Office of Debt Management. “Treasury Presentation to TBAC,” 40. See supra notes 38–40; author’s calculations (based on Treasury data and ten-year yields). 41. Appelbaum, Binyamin. “Donald Trump’s Idea to Cut National Debt: Get Creditors to Accept Less.” New York Times, 6 May 2016, 42. US Federal Reserve System, Board of Governors “Financial Accounts of the United States,” 10 Mar. 2016, table D3; Federal Reserve Statistical Release, G.19, Consumer Credit, released 6 May 2016. 43. US Federal Reserve Statistical Release. “Financial Accounts of the United States,” 10 Mar. 2016, table D3. 44.

Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1999, sec. 1, no. 14 (defines adults by excluding population nineteen and under). 46. Eder, Steve, and Michael Barbaro. “Marco Rubio’s Career Bedeviled by Financial Struggles.” New York Times, 9 June 2015, 47. Rubin, Richard, and John McCormick. “Even 40,000 Scott Walkers Aren’t as Wealthy as Donald Trump.” Bloomberg, 3 Aug. 2015,; Jacobs, Harrison. “Scott Walker has tens of thousands of dollars’ worth of credit-card debt.” Business Insider, 3 Aug. 2015, 48. Topaz, Jonathan, and Kristen East. “Bernie Sanders’ Wife Accounts for All His Reported Assets.”

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All the Money in the World by Peter W. Bernstein

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bill Gates: Altair 8800, call centre, Charles Lindbergh, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, currency peg, David Brooks, Donald Trump, estate planning, family office, financial innovation, George Gilder, high net worth, invisible hand, Irwin Jacobs: Qualcomm, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job-hopping, John Markoff, Long Term Capital Management, Marc Andreessen, Martin Wolf, Maui Hawaii, means of production, mega-rich, Menlo Park, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, Norman Mailer, PageRank, Peter Singer: altruism, pez dispenser, popular electronics, Renaissance Technologies, Rod Stewart played at Stephen Schwarzman birthday party, Ronald Reagan, Sand Hill Road, school vouchers, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, the new new thing, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, traveling salesman, urban planning, wealth creators, William Shockley: the traitorous eight, women in the workforce

Trump with Kate Bohner, Trump: The Art of the Comeback (New York: Random House, 1997), introduction. 39. The resulting company: Stephane Fitch, “The Real Apprentices,” Forbes, Oct. 16, 2006. Also Stephane Fitch, “What Is Trump Worth?”, Sept. 21, 2006. 40. “I took a big risk”: E-mail interview with Donald Trump. The Apprentice dominated ratings during its first three seasons (2004 and early 2005), then trailed off. 41. “Pressure can bring out the best”: E-mail interview with Donald Trump. 42. Born in 1897: “Daniel Ludwig, Billionaire Businessman Dies at 95,” obituary, New York Times, Aug. 29, 1992. Much of the material in the subsequent section comes from this obituary. 43. When Ludwig ran into difficulties: Warren Hoge, “Ludwig May Cut Brazil Project,” New York Times, Oct. 16, 1980. 44.

Soros was the largest single donor: Center for Responsive Politics, “Top Individual Contributors to 527 Committees, 2004 Election Cycle.” 18. President Bush felt so threatened: AP Wire Service, “Republicans File Complaint over Kerry, Group Ads,” Apr. 1, 2004. 19. Indeed, being wealthy: Jeffrey H. Birnbaum, Eileen P. Gunn, and Michelle McGowan, “The Money Chase,” Fortune, Sept. 7, 1998. 20. Even Donald Trump considered: Jerry Useem and Theodore Spencer, “What Does Donald Trump Really Want?” Fortune, Apr. 3, 2000. 21. Rockefeller says that in 1967: David Rockefeller, Memoirs (New York: Random House, 2002), p. 194. 22. And in 1992 Ross Perot spent: Connie Cass, “For His Second Presidential Bid, Ross Perot Has Turned from a Free-Spending Billionaire into Something of a Penny-Pincher,” Associated Press, Oct. 22, 1996. 23. Meanwhile, John D.

Power and Politics Afterword: Money and Happiness Endnotes Appendix: The Forbes 400, 1982–2006 Notes Contributors Copyright Page Acknowledgments For the past twenty-five years, Forbes magazine has compiled its now legendary list of the four hundred wealthiest Americans and considered the state of the nation’s vast fortunes. Its issues on the subject have been rich in facts and figures, on who’s up and who’s down, on whether Bill Gates (or Donald Trump) has a billion more or less. But the list is perforce numbers-driven; the issues focus less on the character of the people and the peculiar world they inhabit. What makes the Forbes 400 members tick? Who gets to the top—and why? How different are they from more average Americans? Are they happy? What lessons about money and life can we glean from them? In All the Money in the World: How the Forbes 400 Make—and Spend—Their Fortunes, we set out to answer these questions and to create a collective profile of America’s superrich over twenty-five years.

Survival of the Friendliest: Understanding Our Origins and Rediscovering Our Common Humanity by Brian Hare, Vanessa Woods

Cass Sunstein, cognitive bias, desegregation, Donald Trump, drone strike, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, Law of Accelerating Returns, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microbiome, Milgram experiment, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, nuclear winter, out of africa, phenotype, Ray Kurzweil, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), self-driving car, smart cities, social intelligence, Stanford marshmallow experiment, stem cell, Steven Pinker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, theory of mind, Tim Cook: Apple, trade route, white flight, zero-sum game

Canepa, “From Court to Forest: The Literary Itineraries of Giambattista Basile,” Italica 71, 291–310 (1994). 90. C. Johnson, “Donald Trump Says the US Military Will Commit War Crimes for Him,” Fox News Debate, published online March 4, 2016.​watch?time_continue=9&v=u3LszO-YLa8. 91. B. Kentish, “Donald Trump Blames ‘Animals’ Supporting Hillary Clinton for Office Firebomb Attack,” The Independent (2016), published online October 17, 2016,​news/​world/​americas/​us-elections/​us-election-donald-trump-hillary-clinton-animals-firebomb-attack-north-carolina-republican-party-a7365206.html. 92. M. Miller, “Donald Trump On a Protester: ‘I’d Like to Punch Him in the Face,’ ” Washington Post (2016). Published online February 23, 2016,​news/​morning-mix/​wp/​2016/​02/​23/​donald-trump-on-protester-id-like-to-punch-him-in-the-face/. 93.

As citizens, we can make sure such language is never normalized. As the Italian poet Giambattista Basile wrote, “though the tongue has no bones, it can break a spine.”89 “Can you imagine—can you imagine these people, these animals over in the Middle East, that chop off heads, sitting around talking and seeing that we’re having a problem with waterboarding?” Donald Trump said on his campaign trail. “We should go for waterboarding and we should go tougher than waterboarding.”90 The presidential campaign of Donald Trump was unique for many reasons, but one of the most disturbing was the dehumanizing rhetoric he used throughout the campaign. Trump had an uncanny intuition for groups his constituents would consider outsiders and was adept at framing these outsiders as threatening. Trump called reporters who insulted his supporters “scum,” “slime,” and “disgusting.”

We are both the most tolerant and the most merciless species on the planet.8 * * * — Dehumanizing rhetoric flourishes in the current United States Congress, which is more polarized now than it has been since the Civil War.41 The former Republican representative Jim Leach, of Iowa, claimed that “In the Republican cloakroom, truly bizarre things are said about the Democrats.”42 The former Democratic senator Tom Daschle of South Dakota said that “these caucuses have become pep rallies…and it becomes a ‘we,’ ‘they,’ ‘kill-’em’ attitude.”43 Social media has made this brand of animosity public. When Donald Trump, Jr., was quoted as saying “A border wall is like a zoo fence protecting you from the animals,” the Democratic congresswoman Ilhan Omar of Minnesota retorted, “The higher a monkey climbs, the more you see of its behind.” In the recent past, Washington was a friendlier place. President Ronald Reagan used to invite both Democrats and Republicans to the White House for drinks, “just to tell jokes.”43 Democrats and Republicans used to carpool from their hometowns to D.C., driving all night and taking turns at the wheel.

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Straight Talk on Trade: Ideas for a Sane World Economy by Dani Rodrik

3D printing, airline deregulation, Asian financial crisis, bank run, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, BRICs, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, carried interest, central bank independence, centre right, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, continuous integration, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, endogenous growth, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, failed state, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, financial repression, floating exchange rates, full employment, future of work, George Akerlof, global value chain, income inequality, inflation targeting, information asymmetry, investor state dispute settlement, invisible hand, Jean Tirole, Kenneth Rogoff, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market clearing, market fundamentalism, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral hazard, Nelson Mandela, new economy, offshore financial centre, open borders, open economy, Pareto efficiency, postindustrial economy, price stability, pushing on a string, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, regulatory arbitrage, rent control, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, spectrum auction, Steven Pinker, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, transaction costs, unorthodox policies, Washington Consensus, World Values Survey, zero-sum game, éminence grise

Nevertheless, they are useful examples for other countries, including developed ones, which are in search of growth strategies in a global environment that threatens to turn even more hostile. Inclusive Growth in the Developed World The developed world needs new ideas—perhaps even more so than developing nations, which can always emulate yesterday’s successes—to embark on a path of inclusive economic growth. We are getting a fresh policy take for sure with Donald Trump’s ascendancy to the US presidency. But all indications as I write these lines are that he will lead us astray and make our problems worse. Donald Trump’s brand of flawed economic strategy was on full display even before he took office as president. Within weeks of the election, Trump had already claimed a victory. Through a mix of carrots and sticks, he was able to prevail on the heating and cooling firm Carrier to keep some of its operations alive in Indiana, “saving” around 1,000 American jobs.

Even two decades ago, it was easy to see that mainstream politicians’ unwillingness to offer remedies for the insecurities and inequalities of our globalized age would create political space for demagogues with easy solutions. Back then, it was Ross Perot and Patrick Buchanan; today it is Donald Trump, Marine Le Pen, and sundry others. The Abdication of the Left The bigger surprise is the decidedly right-wing tilt the political reaction has taken. In Europe, it is predominantly nationalists and nativist populists that have risen to prominence, with the left advancing only in a few places such as Greece and Spain. In the United States, the right-wing demagogue Donald Trump has managed to displace the Republican establishment, while the leftist Bernie Sanders was unable to overtake the centrist Hillary Clinton. As an emerging new establishment consensus grudgingly concedes, globalization accentuates class divisions between those who have the skills and resources to take advantage of global markets and those who don’t.

. ∞ Printed in the United States of America 1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2 To my children Deniz, Odile, and Delphine, who replenish my faith daily that the world will become a better place CONTENTS Preface ix CHAPTER 1 A Better Balance 1 CHAPTER 2 How Nations Work 15 CHAPTER 3 Europe’s Struggles 48 CHAPTER 4 Work, Industrialization, and Democracy 79 CHAPTER 5 Economists and Their Models 114 CHAPTER 6 The Perils of Economic Consensus 139 CHAPTER 7 Economists, Politics, and Ideas 159 CHAPTER 8 Economics as Policy Innovation 181 CHAPTER 9 What Will Not Work 202 CHAPTER 10 New Rules for the Global Economy 222 CHAPTER 11 Growth Policies for the Future 239 CHAPTER 12 It’s the Politics, Stupid! 267 Acknowledgments 275 Notes 281 Index 301 PREFACE Are economists responsible for Donald Trump’s shocking victory in the US presidential election? Economists might only wish they have the kind of power it takes to determine elections. But even if they may not have caused (or stopped) Trump, one thing is certain: economists would have had a greater—and much more positive—impact on the public debate had they stuck closer to their discipline’s teaching, instead of siding with globalization’s cheerleaders.

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Why Wall Street Matters by William D. Cohan

Apple II, asset-backed security, bank run, Bernie Sanders, Blythe Masters, bonus culture, break the buck, buttonwood tree, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, Donald Trump, Exxon Valdez, financial innovation, financial repression, Fractional reserve banking, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, income inequality, Joseph Schumpeter, London Interbank Offered Rate, margin call, money market fund, moral hazard, Potemkin village, quantitative easing, secular stagnation, Snapchat, South Sea Bubble, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, too big to fail, WikiLeaks

And to do this, the Democrats advocated “breaking up too-big-to-fail financial institutions that pose a systemic risk to the stability of our economy” and an “updated and modernized” version of the so-called Glass-Steagall Act of 1933, which forced the separation of investment banking from commercial banking for the next sixty-six years, until its repeal in 1999. Plugging his new book, Our Revolution: A Future to Believe In, after the election of Donald Trump, Senator Sanders continues to lambast Wall Street. Hell, Wall Street has grown so unpopular that even the 2016 Republican Party platform called for the reinstatement of Glass-Steagall. Just think about that for a moment. Rest assured, Trump’s victory does not necessarily mean that the populist anger directed toward Wall Street dissolves overnight. So, is Senator Sanders correct? Is Wall Street actually rigged to benefit the rich in America at the expense of everyone else?

Take, for instance, the word “securities,” which is nothing more than Wall Street argot for an ownership position in a stock—the equity value of a corporation—or a bond, which is a creditor’s right to receive fixed payments (plus the return of the principal) from a corporation, or a government entity, over time in exchange for lending money to it. If you’re like most people, though, once you hear the term “leveraged buyout” or “credit default swap,” your eyes glaze over and you mentally check out. Or maybe you are just utterly confused by the fact that after attacking Wall Street mercilessly during his campaign, Donald Trump has surrounded himself with Wall Street veterans. But here’s the thing: If you like your iPhone (which you clearly do, because more than one billion iPhones have been sold worldwide since its inception in June 2007), or your wide-screen TV, or your car, or your morning bacon, or your pension, or your 401(k), then you are a fan of Wall Street, whether you know it or not. If you like the power and functionality of Facebook, Snapchat, and Twitter, you actually like Wall Street.

Wall Street today is more akin to a Disney theme park, or what a Disney park might be if it mythologized moneymaking. There is a Tiffany, a Hermès store, a BMW showroom, a Tumi luggage store, and an outlet for True Religion brand jeans. Fifty-Five Wall Street, which at one time was the headquarters of what is now Citigroup, is a branch of the Cipriani restaurant empire and is used for benefit dinners. Donald Trump claims to own 40 Wall Street, but, of course, that’s not entirely true: He leases the building from the Italian businessmen who actually own the land underneath it. There are apartments for rent or sale at 37 Wall Street, at 63 Wall Street, at 75 Wall Street, at 95 Wall Street, and at 101 Wall Street. But Wall Street remains a powerful symbol of American capitalism. Since September 11, cars are no longer permitted on Wall Street, and there are huge steel plates embedded into the road that are operated by motors that make sure that no unwanted vehicle ever again gets anywhere near the street or any of its historic buildings.

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We Are All Fast-Food Workers Now: The Global Uprising Against Poverty Wages by Annelise Orleck

airport security, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, British Empire, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, card file, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate social responsibility, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, Food sovereignty, gig economy, global supply chain, global value chain, immigration reform, indoor plumbing, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, McJob, means of production, new economy, payday loans, precariat, race to the bottom, Rana Plaza, rent-seeking, ride hailing / ride sharing, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, Skype, special economic zone, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, union organizing, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor

Though rooted in and motivated by local politics and history, the activists I spoke with were all engaged in fighting the same things: poverty wages, the disappearance of public services (education, healthcare, water), the transformation of workers into independent contractors (and with that a loss of seniority, benefits, pensions), disrespect, sexual harassment and violence, mass evictions and disregard of people’s land rights. What follows are some stories of their resistance—their struggles, their losses, their victories, their visions for the future. When I began this book Donald Trump had not yet been elected president of the United States. As the book goes to press, the US and many parts of the world are just coming out of a period of shock and mourning that followed the election. Listening to the activists whose words animate this book has been healing for me, inspiring. US activists, especially African American and Latinx workers, reminded me that their battles had begun long before Trump, and that they planned to keep on struggling as they had for centuries.

In a twenty-first-century update of Andrew Carnegie’s nineteenth-century “Gospel of Wealth,” corporate titans espoused a gospel of global profit-taking. Politicians—many with ties to global corporations—signed on, passing tax cuts for the wealthy, slashing labor and environmental protections, Social Security, education and healthcare programs. Like Carnegie, they have argued that philanthropy obviates the need for rights. But from Donald Trump to the Walton family, the 1 percent has given selectively and stingily.3 In many ways, Trump’s election as president of the United States in 2016 was a culminating moment in the rise of the twenty-first-century Gospel of Wealth. The oil-magnate Koch brothers had long worked to dismantle welfare-state provisions and worker protections. They continue to. Walmart had long used government food and cash aid programs to supplement poverty wages, while arguing that corporate employers should not have to pay into workers’ compensation programs for those injured on the job.

But workers have seen that if they keep the pressure on, wages will rise, and conditions will improve.2 In the US, the Fight for $15 movement begun by fast-food and Walmart workers has grown to include adjunct professors, retail and airport workers, and gas station and home-healthcare attendants. Since most American workers no longer earn a living wage, activists see unlimited possibilities for growth. Many cities have passed the $15 minimum wage. New York and California enacted $15 state minimums. And new living-wage bills are considered every term by cities and towns across the US.3 Will these victories survive the presidency of Donald Trump, and the rise of authoritarian regimes in the Philippines, Brazil, and other parts of Africa, Latin America, and Asia? Activists believe they will, because rising inequality and falling real wages are so widespread, and are sparking anger across political divides. Some movement gains will likely not survive. In 2016, the US National Labor Relations Board limited “on-demand scheduling,” under which workers must always be on call but have no guaranteed hours.

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"They Take Our Jobs!": And 20 Other Myths About Immigration by Aviva Chomsky

affirmative action, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, call centre, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, European colonialism, full employment, guest worker program, illegal immigration, immigration reform, informal economy, invisible hand, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, mass incarceration, new economy, out of africa, postindustrial economy, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, thinkpad, trickle-down economics, union organizing, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce

The results were also comparable: increased deportations, the pushing of migrants into more remote and dangerous routes, greater risk of abuse and violence, yet little slowing of migrant flows.6 As journalist Manuel Bojórquez reported, “The Obama administration wants to stem the flow of children entering the United States illegally by highlighting the perils of the journey. But many young immigrants say they know the dangers. They believe the risk at home is greater.”7 DONALD TRUMP, IMMIGRATION, AND THE WORKING CLASS It wasn’t that big a jump from President Bill Clinton’s criminalization of immigrants with the 1996 Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) to Obama’s recriminalization with humanitarian exceptions, to candidate and then president Donald Trump’s repeated references to immigrants as “rapists,” “criminals,” “bad hombres,” and “bad dudes.” Nativism had become one arm of a multifaceted project of the criminalization of people of color, with mass incarceration, expansion and militarization of the police, and the creation of a climate of fear so as to justify the growth and institutionalization of a repressive apparatus at home and abroad.

On analyzing the white working-class vote, see Emma Green, “It Was Cultural Anxiety That Drove White Working Class Voters to Trump,” Atlantic, May 9, 2017,; Stephen Rose, “Trump and the Revolt of the White Middle Class,” Washington Monthly, January 18, 2017,; Konstantin Kilibarda and Daria Roithmayr, “The Myth of the Rust Belt Revolt,” Slate, December 1, 2016,; John Henley, “White and Wealthy Voters Gave the Victory to Donald Trump,” Guardian, November 9, 2016,; Ted Mellnik, John Muyskens, Kim Soffen and Scott Clement, “That Big Wave of Less-Educated White Voters? It Never Happened,” Washington Post, May 10, 2017, Voting restrictions include laws that prevent prisoners, persons with prior felony convictions, and persons on probation from voting, as well as new voter-identification laws that primarily affect the poor, rural people, and people of color.

Following a more general move away from identifying people through a single characteristic (e.g., “a schizophrenic”), the stylebook recommended specifying an action, rather than labeling a person. Thus “a person living in the country illegally” would be preferred. But many newspapers, and even AP itself, continued to use the proscribed terms.1 The concept of “illegality,” as discussed in Part II of this book, received new impetus from Donald Trump, who, in addition to using the term, frequently invoked words such as “rapist,” “gangs,” and “criminals” when talking about immigrants. Most immigrant rights organizations continued to support the use of the term “undocumented” and promoted slogans like “undocumented and unafraid.” Young people who obtained temporary status through President Obama’s DACA program sometimes referred to themselves as “DACA-mented.”

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Don't Burn This Book: Thinking for Yourself in an Age of Unreason by Dave Rubin

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, Burning Man, butterfly effect, centre right, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, Donald Trump, failed state, gender pay gap, illegal immigration, immigration reform, job automation, low skilled workers, mutually assured destruction, obamacare, Peter Thiel, pre–internet, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, school choice, Silicon Valley, Steven Pinker, Tim Cook: Apple, unpaid internship, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

You’ll also know that straight white men aren’t evil (it’s actually racist and sexist to believe so) and that Western values rooted in individual rights are the cornerstones of free societies. Defend them proudly! Learn how to spot fake news: So much of this hatred comes from our deeply corrupt mainstream media. Activists pretending to be journalists have helped spread fake news more than Donald Trump ever could do on his own, so we’ll look at how to spot the lies. You’ll learn that the blue-check Twitterati at Vox, BuzzFeed, and HuffPo release ideologically driven articles presented as legitimate journalism. You’ll no longer believe that just because the staff at The New York Times and CNN once did their jobs they also do it now. Instead, you will become a discerning consumer of news, a person who challenges their beliefs and understands that if a story fits a narrative too well, then it’s probably just propaganda.

Real reform means establishing a responsible pathway to earned citizenship—a path that includes passing a background check, paying taxes and a meaningful penalty, learning English, and going to the back of the line behind the folks trying to come here legally. He even once told ABC’s George Stephanopoulos: “Our direct message to families is ‘do not send your children to the border.’ If they do make it, they’ll be sent back. But they may not make it [at all].” Yes, that’s progressive hero, Mr. Hope and Change himself, Barack Obama, sounding an awful lot like evil, racist Republican Donald Trump, wouldn’t you say? Meanwhile, Democrat senator Chuck Schumer of New York once said during a 2009 speech at Georgetown University: “The American people are fundamentally pro-legal immigration and anti-illegal immigration. We will only pass comprehensive reform when we recognize this fundamental concept. “First, illegal immigration is wrong. A primary goal of comprehensive immigration reform must be to dramatically curtail future illegal immigration.”

I felt that after the disaster of Iraq it was time for some of the other regional actors to step up and do something to stabilize Syria, most notably Turkey or Saudi Arabia. Once we’d committed to doing something, however, we had to back it up with action. Preventive threats in other situations have been successful for years, which is why we cannot operate on a no-war policy. Interestingly, Donald Trump has been resetting our policy of credible deterrence quite well. When he killed Iranian general Qasem Soleimani in an airstrike in January of 2020, many media elites and Twitter warriors proclaimed this was the beginning of World War III. As of this writing, the war has yet to break out. Bad news for MSNBC, good news for the rest of the world. Bernie Sanders and his socialist buddies love to say that they’d avoid military action at all costs, but they ignore the fact that we’re the world’s last remaining superpower.

pages: 242 words: 73,728

Give People Money by Annie Lowrey

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Airbnb, airport security, autonomous vehicles, barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, clean water, collective bargaining, computer age, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, full employment, gender pay gap, gig economy, Google Earth, Home mortgage interest deduction, income inequality, indoor plumbing, information asymmetry, Jaron Lanier, jitney, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Kickstarter, Kodak vs Instagram, labor-force participation, late capitalism, Lyft, M-Pesa, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, McMansion, Menlo Park, mobile money, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, Peter Thiel, post scarcity, post-work, Potemkin village, precariat, randomized controlled trial, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Sam Altman, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, Steve Jobs, TaskRabbit, The Future of Employment, theory of mind, total factor productivity, Turing test, two tier labour market, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, women in the workforce, working poor, World Values Survey, Y Combinator

Welfare Spending Up—but Help for the Neediest Down,” press release, May 6, 2014,​2014/​05/​06/​u-s-welfare-spending-up-but-help-for-the-neediest-down/. mostly by accident in 2010: Nik DeCosta-Klipa, “How Paul LePage Got Elected, and How Mainers Think They Can Fix a Broken Voting System,” Boston Globe, Sept. 1, 2016. less and less of the state’s federal grant: Eric Russell, “Maine Sits on Millions in Federal Welfare Dollars, yet Poverty Rises,” Portland Press Herald, Oct. 23, 2016. “Donald Trump before Donald Trump”: Associated Press, “I Was Donald Trump Before Donald Trump Became Popular,” New York Post, Mar. 5, 2016. “The Maine food stamp work requirement”: Robert Rector, Rachel Sheffield, and Kevin Dayaratna, “Maine Food Stamp Work Requirement Cuts Non-Parent Caseload by 80 percent” (Washington, DC: Heritage Foundation, Feb. 8, 2016). “If a man will not work”: Caitlin Dewey, “GOP Lawmaker: The Bible Says ‘If a Man Will Not Work, He Shall Not Eat,’ ” Washington Post, Mar. 31, 2017.

He used executive power to attach work requirements, an asset test, and time limits to SNAP, making recipients work twenty hours a week or volunteer twenty-four hours a month. He rolled back MaineCare for nondisabled but very low-income adults. He slashed the TANF case rolls, spending less and less of the state’s federal grant on cash assistance. In his bluster and bluntness and his occasional outbursts of racism, LePage sounded a lot like Trump, and he had described himself as “Donald Trump before Donald Trump became popular.” (He hates Trump, for the record.) But his policies have won plaudits from conservatives intent on shrinking the size of the welfare state and concerned with welfare dependency. “The Maine food stamp work requirement is sound public policy,” scholars at the Heritage Foundation, a think tank that tends to feed policy thinkers into Republican administrations, wrote in 2016.

“It is not a dream of motor cars and high wages merely, but a dream of social order in which each man and each woman shall be able to attain to the fullest stature of which they are innately capable, and be recognized by others for what they are, regardless of the fortuitous circumstances of birth or position.” The American faith in hard work and the American cult of self-reliance exist and persist, seen in our veneration of everyone from Franklin to Frederick Douglass to Oprah Winfrey, or in our obsession with antiheroes like Jay Gatsby, Stringer Bell, Al Swearengen, and Tony Soprano. (I would gently note that Donald Trump has persistently promoted the idea that he is mostly a self-made success, turning a $1 million loan into a $10 billion fortune; fact-checkers have disputed this claim.) We believe in hard work, that it will get you ahead and that it is the pathway to righteous prosperity. We believe that we are all responsible for our own success. Even the Great Recession could not shake this belief. A Pew Economic Mobility Project survey conducted in 2011, one of the worst years of the postwar period in economic terms, found that Americans cited “hard work” and “ambition” as the two most important factors determining whether or not a person succeeded.

pages: 1,034 words: 241,773

Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress by Steven Pinker

3D printing, access to a mobile phone, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, Alfred Russel Wallace, anti-communist, Anton Chekhov, Arthur Eddington, artificial general intelligence, availability heuristic, Ayatollah Khomeini, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, Bonfire of the Vanities, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carbon footprint, clean water, clockwork universe, cognitive bias, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, conceptual framework, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, decarbonisation, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, distributed generation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, Doomsday Clock, double helix, effective altruism, Elon Musk,, end world poverty, endogenous growth, energy transition, European colonialism, experimental subject, Exxon Valdez, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Flynn Effect, food miles, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, frictionless, frictionless market, germ theory of disease, Gini coefficient, Hans Rosling, hedonic treadmill, helicopter parent, Hobbesian trap, humanitarian revolution, Ignaz Semmelweis: hand washing, income inequality, income per capita, Indoor air pollution, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of writing, Jaron Lanier, Joan Didion, job automation, Johannes Kepler, John Snow's cholera map, Kevin Kelly, Khan Academy, knowledge economy, l'esprit de l'escalier, Laplace demon, life extension, long peace, longitudinal study, Louis Pasteur, Martin Wolf, mass incarceration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, Nate Silver, Nathan Meyer Rothschild: antibiotics, Nelson Mandela, New Journalism, Norman Mailer, nuclear winter, obamacare, open economy, Paul Graham, peak oil, Peter Singer: altruism, Peter Thiel, precision agriculture, prediction markets, purchasing power parity, Ralph Nader, randomized controlled trial, Ray Kurzweil, rent control, Republic of Letters, Richard Feynman, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Rodney Brooks, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rory Sutherland, Saturday Night Live, science of happiness, Scientific racism, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Simon Kuznets, Skype, smart grid, sovereign wealth fund, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steven Pinker, Stewart Brand, Stuxnet, supervolcano, technological singularity, Ted Kaczynski, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, the scientific method, The Signal and the Noise by Nate Silver, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thomas Malthus, total factor productivity, union organizing, universal basic income, University of East Anglia, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, War on Poverty, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, women in the workforce, working poor, World Values Survey, Y2K

Norris & Inglehart 2016. 26. History of Trump through his election: J. Fallows, “The Daily Trump: Filling a Time Capsule,” The Atlantic, Nov. 20, 2016, History of Trump in his first half-year as president: E. Levitz, “All the Terrifying Things That Donald Trump Did Lately,” New York, June 9, 2017. 27. “Donald Trump’s File,” PolitiFact, See also D. Dale, “Donald Trump: The Unauthorized Database of False Things,” The Star, Nov. 14, 2016, which lists 560 false claims he made in a span of two months, about twenty per day; M. Yglesias, “The Bullshitter-in-Chief,” Vox, May 30, 2017; and D. Leonhardt & S. A. Thompson, “Trump’s Lies,” New York Times, June 23, 2017. 28. Adapted from the science-fiction writer Philip K.

In 2016 populist parties (mostly on the right) attracted 13.2 percent of the vote in the preceding European parliamentary elections (up from 5.1 percent in the 1960s) and entered the governing coalitions of eleven countries, including the leadership of Hungary and Poland.25 Even when they are not in power, populist parties can press their agendas, notably by catalyzing the 2016 Brexit referendum in which 52 percent of Britons voted to leave the European Union. And in that year Donald Trump was elected to the American presidency with an Electoral College victory, though with a minority of the popular vote (46 percent to Hillary Clinton’s 48 percent). Nothing captures the tribalistic and backward-looking spirit of populism better than Trump’s campaign slogan: Make America Great Again. In writing the chapters on progress, I resisted pressure from readers of earlier drafts to end each one by warning, “But all this progress is threatened if Donald Trump gets his way.” Threatened it certainly is. Whether or not 2017 really represents a turning point in history, it’s worth reviewing the threats, if only to understand the nature of the progress they threaten.26 Life and Health have been expanded in large part by vaccination and other well-vetted interventions, and among the conspiracy theories that Trump has endorsed is the long-debunked claim that preservatives in vaccines cause autism.

The corruptions include gerrymandering, imposing voting restrictions designed to disenfranchise Democratic voters, encouraging unregulated donations from moneyed interests, blocking Supreme Court nominations until their party controls the presidency, shutting down the government when their maximal demands aren’t met, and unconditionally supporting Donald Trump over their own objections to his flagrantly antidemocratic impulses.71 Whatever differences in policy or philosophy divide the parties, the mechanisms of democratic deliberation should be sacrosanct. Their erosion, disproportionately by the right, has led many people, including a growing share of young Americans, to see democratic government as inherently dysfunctional and to become cynical about democracy itself.72 Intellectual and political polarization feed each other. It’s harder to be a conservative intellectual when American conservative politics has become steadily more know-nothing, from Ronald Reagan to Dan Quayle to George W. Bush to Sarah Palin to Donald Trump.73 On the other side, the capture of the left by identity politicians, political correctness police, and social justice warriors creates an opening for loudmouths who brag of “telling it like it is.”

pages: 519 words: 155,332

Tailspin: The People and Forces Behind America's Fifty-Year Fall--And Those Fighting to Reverse It by Steven Brill

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airport security, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, asset allocation, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Blythe Masters, Bretton Woods, business process, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, computerized trading, corporate governance, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, failed state, financial deregulation, financial innovation, future of work, ghettoisation, Gordon Gekko, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, immigration reform, income inequality, invention of radio, job automation, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, laissez-faire capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, old-boy network, paper trading, performance metric, post-work, Potemkin village, Powell Memorandum, quantitative hedge fund, Ralph Nader, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, telemarketer, too big to fail, trade liberalization, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor

Vitter, whose title will be co-chairman, gives the firm a veteran lawmaker with deep relationships with top members of the Trump administration, including Attorney General–designate Jeff Sessions….Vin Weber, a Mercury partner and a former congressman himself, called Vitter the firm’s “top choice among retiring members of Congress….” Mercury had been working to recruit Vitter since he announced he’d retire from Congress, Weber said. That may have given the firm an advantage over other lobbying shops that reached out to Vitter only after Donald Trump’s victory. “When Donald Trump won the presidency, David Vitter became an even hotter commodity,” Weber said. Vitter is forbidden from lobbying his former colleagues for two years under the “cooling-off period” mandated by legislation that Vitter himself worked to pass….But the ban doesn’t apply to the executive branch. “I can lobby the administration immediately,” Vitter said. “That’s really significant given President Trump’s win

The Pentagon spent: This figure represents spending on outside goods and services rather than overall Pentagon spending. See also this December 2016 Congressional Research Service report on Department of Defense contracts:​sgp/​crs/​natsec/​R44010.pdf. D-FARS is a tribute: Brill, “Donald Trump, Palantir, and the Crazy Battle to Clean Up a Multibillion-Dollar Military Procurement Swamp.” A study by a Defense Department: “Transforming DoD’s Core Business Processes for Revolutionary Change,” January 2015,​dtic/​tr/​fulltext/​u2/​a618526.pdf. Defense Acquisition University: See the university’s website: See also Brill, “Donald Trump, Palantir, and the Crazy Battle to Clean Up a Multibillion-Dollar Military Procurement Swamp.” formal protests of bid awards: Annual reports of bid protests are available on the GAO website:​legal/​bid-protest-annual-reports/​about.

Yet measures of public engagement, satisfaction, and confidence—voter turnout, knowledge of public policy issues, faith that the next generation will have it better than the current one, and respect for basic institutions, especially the government—are far below the levels of a half century ago, and in many cases have reached historic lows. So deep is the estrangement that 46.1 percent of American voters were so disgusted with the status quo that in 2016 they chose to put Donald Trump in the White House. It is difficult to argue that the cynicism is misplaced. From the relatively small things—that Americans are now navigating through an average of 657 water main breaks a day, for example—to the core strengths that once propelled America, it is clear that the country has gone into a tailspin since the post-war era, when John F. Kennedy’s New Frontier was about seizing the future, not trying to survive the present.

pages: 224 words: 71,060

A Time to Build: From Family and Community to Congress and the Campus, How Recommitting to Our Institutions Can Revive the American Dream by Yuval Levin

affirmative action, Airbnb, assortative mating, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, conceptual framework, David Brooks, demand response, Donald Trump, hiring and firing, Jane Jacobs, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, Silicon Valley, Snapchat, Steven Pinker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method

IT MIGHT SEEM STRANGE to say so, since we are certainly not used to thinking of the executive branch as lacking ambition. But it has come to lack a properly constitutional ambition in a way that is highly relevant to the broader problem we are tracing here. Our presidents, like many members of Congress, now too often see themselves as outsiders yelling about the government more than insiders wielding its power. This has become especially clear under President Donald Trump, though it began well before him. The Trump presidency has made the problem clearer because Trump, in an unusually explicit way, approaches politics in performative, theatrical terms. He exhibits an ambition to put himself at the center of our national consciousness and attention even more than to use the institutional power of the presidency to pursue policy goals. He expresses himself almost always as an outside voice speaking at, not for, the institutions of the government.

This is in part because Trump has not been subject, as his predecessors were, to the formative power of our political institutions. Every one of our past presidents was formed by a set of institutions—as either a senior military officer or (much more frequently) a government official serving in other offices—that shaped his understanding of how to act effectively as the head of the executive branch. Donald Trump is the first American president who has not been shaped by any experience in such institutions. His life experience involved running a family business in real estate and then becoming a professional celebrity, essentially playing the part of a successful real-estate developer in American popular culture. He entered politics as another performance in that role and was elevated to the presidency thanks to his great success in playing it.

The rest of us might do a little better at distinguishing the most outlandish conspiracies and provocations from real outrages. But it does get harder all the time, and we live with a vague sense of unease about drawing distinctions between what people say and do and what they mean and intend. The moral logic of reality television increasingly defines the political arena: what we’re seeing is real, but it’s also being put on for show. And of course, reality television is how Donald Trump became a truly household name. He has long been at home in the genre, while the rest of us are only getting used to it. Rather than being shaped by the contours of the presidency and using it to advance an agenda, he has tended to embrace it as a platform for a kind of reality-television act. His ambition has been directed at making himself the most visible player in the drama of our culture war, filling a great deal of space in our national consciousness but leaving a void in our constitutional system.

pages: 93 words: 30,572

How to Stop Brexit (And Make Britain Great Again) by Nick Clegg

Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, collapse of Lehman Brothers, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, offshore financial centre, sceptred isle, Snapchat

Such groups include the Heritage Foundation, the Gatestone Institute and the David Horowitz Freedom Center 64. L. Kaufman, ‘Breitbart News Network Plans Global Expansion’,, 16th February 2014 65. J. Lester Feder, ‘This is How Steve Bannon Sees the Entire World’,, 15th November 2016 66. For the full transcript of the interview with Donald Trump, see, 16th January 2017 67. J. Pickard and J. Garrahan, ‘Rupert Murdoch Secretly Sat in on Interview with Donald Trump’, Financial Times, 9th February 2017 68. International Monetary Fund (IMF) figures 69. Jeremy Hunt and Greg Clark, letter to the Financial Times, 5th July 2017 70. Ed Vaizey and Rachel Reeves, ‘Why We Must Save Vital Nuclear Treaty with our Allies in the EU’, Sunday Telegraph, 8th July 2017 71. Ipsos Mori, Lord Ashcroft polls and YouGov 72.

Should we want to, the opportunity exists for Britain to carve out a new relationship with the continent that better reflects our distinctive preferences. There will be a Europe of concentric circles. Through ingenuity and generosity, we could find, if we chose to, a place for Britain within this new EU. If the triple-whammy of the eurozone economic crisis, the refugee crisis and Brexit were the immediate catalysts prompting the European Union to focus on the need for reform, the sucker punch of Donald Trump’s presidential victory stunned it into even more urgent action. Brexit, followed by Trump’s self-proclaimed ‘Brexit plus plus plus’ victory, had excitable pundits predicting that an unstoppable right-wing populist surge was poised to sweep across the whole of Europe. There had been a dramatic shift in the political weather; could Europe survive the coming storm? The answer, it appears, is a resounding Yes.

And yet, even if some readers find these arguments persuasive, there might still be one major reason why they would nonetheless be tempted to vote for Brexit again: to put firmly in their place the sanctimonious, metropolitan, global elite who wanted Britain to remain in the EU. The truth is that voting for Brexit felt so good to so many people because it felt like a victory of ordinary voters against the arrogance of an out-of-touch political elite. It was a triumph of the many against the elitist few. But what if this is also turning out to be untrue as well? In a speech in Mississippi in support of Donald Trump’s presidential campaign, Nigel Farage hailed the vote for Brexit as a victory for the ‘little people, the real people … the ordinary, decent people’. A few months later Mr Farage, a privately educated ex-City trader with a taste for a post-prandial glass of port, flew across the Atlantic to join President Trump at the billionaire’s victory party. There is a famous photo of the pair celebrating in front of one of Trump Tower’s gold-plated lift doors.

pages: 337 words: 86,320

Everybody Lies: Big Data, New Data, and What the Internet Can Tell Us About Who We Really Are by Seth Stephens-Davidowitz

affirmative action, AltaVista, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Asian financial crisis, Bernie Sanders, big data - Walmart - Pop Tarts, Cass Sunstein, computer vision, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Filter Bubble, game design, happiness index / gross national happiness, income inequality, Jeff Bezos, John Snow's cholera map, longitudinal study, Mark Zuckerberg, Nate Silver, peer-to-peer lending, Peter Thiel, price discrimination, quantitative hedge fund, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, sentiment analysis, Silicon Valley, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, Steven Pinker, TaskRabbit, The Signal and the Noise by Nate Silver, working poor

Better still, they lay down these digital traces in a form that is easy to aggregate and analyze. They come from all walks of life. They can take part in unobtrusive experiments which vary the stimuli and tabulate the responses in real time. And they happily supply these data in gargantuan numbers. Everybody Lies is more than a proof of concept. Time and again my preconceptions about my country and my species were turned upside-down by Stephens-Davidowitz’s discoveries. Where did Donald Trump’s unexpected support come from? When Ann Landers asked her readers in 1976 whether they regretted having children and was shocked to find that a majority did, was she misled by an unrepresentative, self-selected sample? Is the internet to blame for that redundantly named crisis of the late 2010s, the “filter bubble”? What triggers hate crimes? Do people seek jokes to cheer themselves up? And though I like to think that nothing can shock me, I was shocked aplenty by what the internet reveals about human sexuality—including the discovery that every month a certain number of women search for “humping stuffed animals.”

With unflagging curiosity and an endearing wit, Stephens-Davidowitz points to a new path for social science in the twenty-first century. With this endlessly fascinating window into human obsessions, who needs a cerebroscope? —Steven Pinker, 2017 INTRODUCTION THE OUTLINES OF A REVOLUTION Surely he would lose, they said. In the 2016 Republican primaries, polling experts concluded that Donald Trump didn’t stand a chance. After all, Trump had insulted a variety of minority groups. The polls and their interpreters told us few Americans approved of such outrages. Most polling experts at the time thought that Trump would lose in the general election. Too many likely voters said they were put off by his manner and views. But there were actually some clues that Trump might actually win both the primaries and the general election—on the internet.

Eight years later, they elected as president Donald J. Trump, a man who retweeted a false claim that black people are responsible for the majority of murders of white Americans, defended his supporters for roughing up a Black Lives Matters protester at one of his rallies, and hesitated in repudiating support from a former leader of the Ku Klux Klan. The same hidden racism that hurt Barack Obama helped Donald Trump. Early in the primaries, Nate Silver famously claimed that there was virtually no chance that Trump would win. As the primaries progressed and it became increasingly clear that Trump had widespread support, Silver decided to look at the data to see if he could understand what was going on. How could Trump possibly be doing so well? Silver noticed that the areas where Trump performed best made for an odd map.

pages: 310 words: 85,995

The Future of Capitalism: Facing the New Anxieties by Paul Collier

"Robert Solow", accounting loophole / creative accounting, Airbnb, assortative mating, bank run, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, Bob Geldof, bonus culture, business cycle, call centre, central bank independence, centre right, Commodity Super-Cycle, computerized trading, corporate governance, creative destruction, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, delayed gratification, deskilling, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, full employment, George Akerlof, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, greed is good, income inequality, industrial cluster, information asymmetry, intangible asset, Jean Tirole, job satisfaction, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, late capitalism, loss aversion, Mark Zuckerberg, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, negative equity, New Urbanism, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, out of africa, Peace of Westphalia, principal–agent problem, race to the bottom, rent control, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, sovereign wealth fund, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, too big to fail, trade liberalization, urban planning, web of trust, zero-sum game

And they conclude that both this distancing and the emergence of more-favoured groups, perceived as creaming off benefits, weaken their own claim to help. The erosion of their confidence in the future of their social safety net is happening just as their need for it has increased. Anxiety, anger and despair have shredded people’s political allegiances, their trust in government and even their trust in each other. The less educated were at the core of the mutinies that saw Donald Trump defeat Hillary Clinton in the USA; Brexit defeat Remain in the UK; the insurgent parties of Marine Le Pen and Jean-Luc Mélenchon gain over 40 per cent of the vote in France (shrivelling the incumbent Socialists to under 10 per cent); and in Germany so shrinking the Christian Democrat–Social Democrat coalition to turn the far right AfD (Alternative for Germany) into the official opposition in the Bundestag.

These policies proved to be so valuable that they became accepted across the central range of the political spectrum. Political parties of the centre-left and centre-right alternated in power, but the policies remained in place. Yet, social democracy as a political force is now in existential crisis. The last decade has been a roll-call of disasters. On the centre-left, mauled by Bernie Sanders, Hillary Clinton lost against Donald Trump; the Blair–Brown British Labour Party has been taken over by the Marxists. In France, President Hollande decided not even to seek a second term, and his replacement as the Socialist Party candidate, Benoît Hamon, crashed out with merely 8 per cent of the vote. The Social Democrat parties of Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway and Spain have all seen their vote collapse. This would normally have been good news for the politicians of the centre-right, yet in Britain and America they too have lost control of their parties, while in Germany and France their electoral support has collapsed.

This variant of nationalism is relatively recent, the heir to fascism, and this new definition of national identity would exclude millions of people who are citizens living in the society. Not only do the new nationalists quite explicitly intend to divide society into an ‘us’ and a ‘them’, they trigger a further division within their self-defined ‘us’ due to the many people who are offended by them. Their rise bitterly divides the society. Marine Le Pen did not unite France: she divided it two-to-one against her; Donald Trump has polarized American society down the middle. Hence, such nationalism is not even a feasible means of restoring the loss of shared identity which is giving it momentum; on the contrary, it would destroy any prospect of it. In turn, this would undermine trust and the co-operation that it facilitates, and mutual regard and the generosity that it facilitates. The other group, the educated ‘citizens of the world’, are abandoning their national identity.

pages: 334 words: 104,382

Brotopia: Breaking Up the Boys' Club of Silicon Valley by Emily Chang

23andMe, 4chan, Ada Lovelace, affirmative action, Airbnb, Apple II, augmented reality, autonomous vehicles, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, Burning Man, California gold rush, Chuck Templeton: OpenTable:, David Brooks, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, equal pay for equal work, Ferguson, Missouri, game design, gender pay gap, Google Glasses, Google X / Alphabet X, Grace Hopper, high net worth, Hyperloop, Jeff Bezos, job satisfaction, Khan Academy, Lyft, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Maui Hawaii, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microservices, paypal mafia, Peter Thiel, post-work, pull request, ride hailing / ride sharing, rolodex, Saturday Night Live, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, Snapchat, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Steven Levy, subscription business, Tim Cook: Apple, Travis Kalanick, uber lyft, women in the workforce

online harassment and cyber hate: “Gender Distinctions in Cyber Bullying,” soc101group2, Wikispaces, Providence College, accessed Nov. 20, 2017,; Maeve Duggan, “Part 1: Experiencing Online Harassment,” Pew Research Center, Oct. 22, 2014, “by the pussy”: “Transcript: Donald Trump’s Taped Comments About Women,” New York Times, Oct. 8, 2016, “I know that so many women”: Sheryl Sandberg, “#metoo. These two simple words . . .” Facebook post, Oct. 16, 2017, “Travis can spend eight”: Chris Sacca, “Lowercase Capital Founder Chris Sacca: Studio 1.0,” interview by author, Bloomberg, June 12, 2015, video, 27:43,

“emotional outbursts” in “electronic mail”: Erik Eckholm, “Emotional Outbursts Punctuate Conversations by Computer,” New York Times, Oct. 2, 1984, “low I.Q. Crazy Mika”: Donald Trump (@realDonaldTrump), “I heard poorly rated @Morning_Joe speaks badly of me (don’t watch anymore). Then how come low I.Q. Crazy Mika, along with Psycho Joe, came,” Twitter post, June 29, 2017, “bleeding badly from a face-lift”: Donald Trump (@realDonaldTrump), “. . . to Mar-a-Lago 3 nights in a row around New Year’s Eve, and insisted on joining me. She was bleeding badly from a face-lift. I said no!” Twitter post, June 29, 2017,

Outside Silicon Valley, allegations of sexual improprieties imploded the careers of Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein, comedians Bill Cosby and Louis C.K., television anchors Matt Lauer, Charlie Rose, and Bill O’Reilly, and media mogul Roger Ailes. Politicians were dogged by allegations as well, including Congressman John Conyers, Senator Al Franken, and Senate candidate Roy Moore, who was accused of molesting teenage girls. During the 2016 presidential election, an Access Hollywood tape revealed Donald Trump bragging about grabbing women “by the pussy.” Although Trump won the election, many women, it seems, became furious and emboldened, and 2017 turned into a watershed year, with more women coming forward daily, shining a spotlight on men who had grossly overstepped. In Silicon Valley, the scandals were just as serious. Dozens of women made claims of unwanted advances by high-profile men in technology, who finally had to face the consequences of their actions.

pages: 475 words: 134,707

The Hype Machine: How Social Media Disrupts Our Elections, Our Economy, and Our Health--And How We Must Adapt by Sinan Aral

Airbnb, Albert Einstein, Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, augmented reality, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, carbon footprint, Cass Sunstein, computer vision, coronavirus, correlation does not imply causation, COVID-19, Covid-19, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, death of newspapers, disintermediation, Donald Trump, Drosophila, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk,, Erik Brynjolfsson, experimental subject, facts on the ground, Filter Bubble, global pandemic, hive mind, illegal immigration, income inequality, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Metcalfe’s law, mobile money, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, multi-sided market, Nate Silver, natural language processing, Network effects, performance metric, phenotype, recommendation engine, Robert Bork, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Second Machine Age, sentiment analysis, shareholder value, skunkworks, Snapchat, social graph, social intelligence, social software, social web, statistical model, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Chicago School, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, Tim Cook: Apple, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, WikiLeaks, Yogi Berra

The Internet Research Agency created fake accounts on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, YouTube, Google, Tumblr, SoundCloud, Meetup, and other social media sites months, sometimes years, in advance. They amassed a following, coordinated with other accounts, rooted themselves in real online communities, and gained the trust of their followers. Then they created fake news intended to suppress voting and to change our vote choices, in large part toward Republican candidate Donald Trump and away from Democratic candidate Hillary Clinton. The fake news included memes about Black Lives Matter, the mistreatment of American veterans, the Second Amendment and gun control, the supposed rise of sharia law in the United States, and well-known falsehoods like the accusation that Hillary Clinton was running a child sex ring out of the basement of a pizza shop in Washington, D.C. (known as “PizzaGate”).

If they can get an influential human to retweet fake news, it simultaneously amplifies and legitimizes it. Menczer and his colleagues point to an example in their data in which a single bot mentioned @realDonaldTrump nineteen times, linking to the false news claim that millions of votes were cast by illegal immigrants in the 2016 presidential election. The strategy works when influential people are fooled into sharing the content. Donald Trump, for example, has on a number of occasions shared content from known bots, legitimizing their content and spreading their misinformation widely in the Twitter network. It was Trump who adopted the false claim that millions of illegal immigrants voted in the 2016 presidential election as an official talking point. But bots can’t spread fake news without people. In our ten-year study with Twitter, we found that it was humans, more than bots, that helped make false rumors spread faster and more broadly than the truth.

Deepfake technology uses deep learning, a form of machine learning based on multilayered neural networks, to create hyperrealistic fake video and audio. If seeing is believing, then the next generation of falsity threatens to convince us more than any fake media we have seen so far. In 2018 movie director (and expert impersonator) Jordan Peele teamed up with BuzzFeed to create a deepfake video of Barack Obama calling Donald Trump a “complete and total dipshit.” It was convincing but obviously fake. Peele added a tongue-in-cheek nod to the obvious falsity of his deepfake when he made Obama say, “Now, I would never say these things…at least not in a public address.” But what happens when the videos are not made to be obviously fake, but instead made to convincingly deceive? Deepfake technology is based on a specific type of deep learning called generative adversarial networks, or GANs, which was first developed by Ian Goodfellow while he was a graduate student at the University of Montreal.

pages: 470 words: 148,444

The World as It Is: A Memoir of the Obama White House by Ben Rhodes

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, demand response, different worldview, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, eurozone crisis, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Ferguson, Missouri, illegal immigration, intangible asset, Mahatma Gandhi, Mohammed Bouazizi, Nelson Mandela, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, trickle-down economics, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks

Trump in a couple of months. * * * — AT OUR FIRST STOP, in Athens, we had planned to give a speech celebrating the resilience of democracy in its birthplace, with the Acropolis as the backdrop. As we’d sketched it out, we’d foreseen a defiant challenge to Russia and its revanchist leader, Vladimir Putin. Somehow, that setting no longer felt equal to America’s moment. It was two weeks after the election of Donald Trump. We moved the speech indoors to an auditorium that could have been anyplace. We ended up touring the Acropolis instead, on a pristine, warm morning. From its perch up on a hill, the world was lovely and calm—in the clear blue sky and sweeping view of Athens, there was no hint of the financial crisis gripping Greece, the flow of refugees crossing its borders, or the uncertainty that those forces had unleashed in the world beyond.

Later, Obama told us that Merkel had talked to him about her looming decision on whether to seek another term, something that she now felt more obliged to do because of Brexit and Trump. At the end of our time in Germany, when Obama bade her farewell at the door of the Beast, a single tear appeared in her eye—something that none of us had ever seen before. “Angela,” he said, shaking his head. “She’s all alone.” At this third and final stop, a summit of Pacific nations in Lima, Obama was pulled aside by leader after leader and asked what to expect from Donald Trump. Ever conscious of the norms of his office, Obama dutifully urged his counterparts to give the new administration a chance. “Wait and see,” he told them. The leaders of eleven other countries who had painstakingly negotiated the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement met with Obama on the first day. If they were angry at having taken tough political decisions to bind their economic futures to the United States only to see the new president-elect commit to pulling out, they concealed it.

I’d spent eight years pursuing it in a windowless West Wing office where I could hear rats scurrying in the ceiling above me and could walk into meetings where the fate of nations was discussed. I’d experienced highs I could never have anticipated, such as walking into the Vatican to tell a cardinal we were normalizing relations with Cuba. I’d suffered lows I couldn’t yet understand, being demonized by the same forces that led to the rise of Donald Trump. Most of all, I’d subsumed my own story into the story of Barack Obama—his campaign, his presidency, the place where he was leading us. Standing there, I struggled to find some feeling within myself that would sum up what it felt like to watch our country represented abroad for the last time by this man—decent and determined, at times reticent, at others bolder than any politician I’d seen.

pages: 756 words: 120,818

The Levelling: What’s Next After Globalization by Michael O’sullivan

"Robert Solow", 3D printing, Airbnb, algorithmic trading, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, Black Swan, blockchain, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, business process, capital controls, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, cloud computing, continuation of politics by other means, corporate governance, credit crunch, cryptocurrency, deglobalization, deindustrialization, disruptive innovation, distributed ledger, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial innovation, first-past-the-post, fixed income, Geoffrey West, Santa Fe Institute, Gini coefficient, global value chain, housing crisis, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), knowledge economy, liberal world order, Long Term Capital Management, longitudinal study, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, open economy, pattern recognition, Peace of Westphalia, performance metric, private military company, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, Sinatra Doctrine, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, special drawing rights, supply-chain management, The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, tulip mania, Valery Gerasimov, Washington Consensus

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS DISCOVER MORE ABOUT THE AUTHOR BIBLIOGRAPHY NOTES INDEX For Myrna Explore book giveaways, sneak peeks, deals, and more. Tap here to learn more. ONE THE LEVELLING Brexit, Trump, Noise, and Disruption THAT OUR WORLD IS CHANGING AT A TECTONIC LEVEL IS CLOSE TO UNDENIABLE, yet we often do not seem able to see beyond headline-grabbing events of recent years—the election of Donald Trump, Brexit, and new governments in Mexico and Italy, to name a few. These events simply represent the smashing of the old order; they are the detonators, the wrecking balls of the system that has grown up since the fall of communism. The Levelling is about how the center of gravity in our world, societies, and economies is changing, the confusion those changes create, and the ideas that will help bring new structure to what is a disordered world.

Predictably, I can cite the late 1920s as an example. Additionally, central banks, now more powerful than governments, own enormous pools of assets, which they bought in an effort to keep the side effects of the global financial crisis at bay. As they unwind these holdings, this will make financial markets more jumpy and fragile economies more vulnerable. In politics, there is Brexit, the election of Donald Trump, and the emergence in Europe of new, mostly right-wing political parties that are starting to disrupt traditional parties and politics. The rise of radical politics is spreading to emerging nations, notably Brazil. Voter volatility, apathy toward established political parties, and distrust in politics have risen to levels not seen since the Second World War. Gravely, democracy as a political choice looks as if it has peaked.

Vance’s book Hillbilly Elegy, which does a superb job of synthesizing the forces and influences that have led many lower-middle-class Americans to change their allegiance from the Democratic Party to politicians on the right. I find myself recommending his book to anyone interested in American politics today. It is honest and charming, though I am somewhat suspicious of the way it was received and lauded by Washington, DC, elites for apparently showing that large segments of the American population were “falling behind” and that traditional Democratic voters turned toward Donald Trump. Accounts of the demise of the white lower-middle-class and lower-class population are plentiful in social science, literature, and music in the United States, but few policy makers and corporate leaders appear to have paid attention to this demise. In his book, Vance tells how he turned his life around through enlisting in the Marines, seeking an education (Ohio State and then Yale Law School), and playing golf (his grandmother had advised him that playing golf would help him understand how wealthier people socialize and do business).

The Despot's Accomplice: How the West Is Aiding and Abetting the Decline of Democracy by Brian Klaas

Asian financial crisis, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, citizen journalism, clean water, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, failed state, financial independence, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, global pandemic, moral hazard, Ronald Reagan, selection bias, Skype, Steve Jobs, trade route, Transnistria, unemployed young men, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game

‘Dayton’s Gun Control Position Questioned’, Minnesota Public Radio, 3 November 2000,, last accessed 4 April 2016. 21.╇ See Marois, Michael (2013). ‘California’s Redistricting Shake-Up Shakes Out Politicians’, 23 March 2013, news/articles/2013–03–21/californias-redistricting-shake-up-shakesout-politicians, last accessed 27 March 2016. 22.╇Chasmar, Jessica (2016). ‘Donald Trump: I Consult Myself on Foreign Policy, “Because I have a Very Good Brain’”, The Washington Times, 17 March 2016, mar/17/donald-trump-i-consult-myself-on-foreign-policy-be/, last accessed 29 July 2016. 23.╇Carothers, Thomas (2016). ‘Look Homeward, Democracy Promoter’, 27 January 2016, Foreign Policy, 01/27/look-homeward-democracy-promoter/, last accessed 18 March 2016. 24.╇Ibid. 25.╇See The Electoral Integrity Project,, last accessed 29 July 2016. 26.╇Van de Walle, Nicolas (2002).

Ellie listened to every awful first draft of each chapter eagerly and patiently. She managed to always offer encouragement even as she (rightfully) told me when I was wrong. Ellie, I love you. Sorry in advance for the shock when you finally realize, as I’ve known all along, that you’re clearly out of my league. viii INTRODUCTION ACCESSORY TO AUTHORITARIANISM For the first time since the end of the Cold War, the world is losing faith in democracy. Between Donald Trump’s rise in American politics and the predictable but self-inflicted “Brexit” economic shockwave, many are now openly asking what was previously an unthinkable question in the West: can people really be trusted with self-government? Is it time to ditch democracy and try something else? â•… After the Soviet Union fell, democracy expanded at an unprecedented rate. Today, global democracy has receded slightly every year since 2006; in other words, there has been no democratic forward progress for the last decade.1 â•… At the other end of the spectrum, powerful authoritarian regimes are becoming more authoritarian.2 Across multiple indexes and measures, democracy is stagnating at best and steadily declining at worst.

There’s the birth of democracy in Athens that can be traced to a fateful incident involving gay lovers; or the failed Cold War CIA plot to assassinate a Congolese politician with poisoned toothpaste; or the backfiring “democracy war” quagmires in Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya; or Rwandan hitmen plotting to assassinate pro-democracy critics in London; or the results of an election in Azerbaijan being released on an iPhone app the day before voting took place; or the tragicomic blowhard Donald Trump blustering about how he has himself as his primary foreign policy adviser because he “has a very good brain” and he’s “said a lot things”; or even the story of how a Turkish court was forced to enlist “Gollum experts” to determine if a pro-democracy activist comparing the authoritarian President Erdoggan to the Lord of the Rings character was, in fact, insulting him. â•… Curious and occasionally amusing tales aside, the crisis of democracy is real and it is dangerous.

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Crashed: How a Decade of Financial Crises Changed the World by Adam Tooze

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, Basel III, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, break the buck, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, centre right, collateralized debt obligation, corporate governance, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, dark matter, deindustrialization, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, diversification, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Edward Snowden,, energy security, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, family office, financial intermediation, fixed income, Flash crash, forward guidance, friendly fire, full employment, global reserve currency, global supply chain, global value chain, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Growth in a Time of Debt, housing crisis, Hyman Minsky, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, interest rate derivative, interest rate swap, Kenneth Rogoff, large denomination, light touch regulation, Long Term Capital Management, margin call, Martin Wolf, McMansion, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, mittelstand, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mutually assured destruction, negative equity, new economy, Northern Rock, obamacare, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, old-boy network, open economy, paradox of thrift, Peter Thiel, Ponzi scheme, predatory finance, price stability, private sector deleveraging, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, reserve currency, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, structural adjustment programs, The Great Moderation, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, trade liberalization, upwardly mobile, Washington Consensus, We are the 99%, white flight, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce, Works Progress Administration, yield curve, éminence grise

“Moody’s: Political Contagion Across EU Is Greatest Brexit Risk, Moody’s Says,” Independent, July 8, 2016. 87. “What If the French Second Round Pits Melenchon Against Le Pen?,” Economist, April 11, 2017. 88. P. Anderson, “The Center Can Hold,” New Left Review 105 (May/June 2017). 89. A. Parker, “Donald Trump, in Scotland, Calls ‘Brexit’ Result ‘a Great Thing,’” New York Times, June 24, 2016. CHAPTER 24: TRUMP 1. “Full Text: Donald Trump 2016 RNC Draft Speech Transcript,” Politico, July 21, 2016. 2. D. Diaz, “Ivanka Trump Markets Her Look After RNC Speech,” CNN, July 22, 2016. 3. K. Reilly, “Read President Obama’s Remarks on Donald Trump’s Convention Speech,” Time, July 22, 2016. 4. D. W. Drezner, “My One Contribution to the Autopsies of the 2016 Presidential Election,” Washington Post, May 2, 2017. 5. The question of whether young white men—the so-called Bernie bros—dominated the Sanders coalition stirred passions on the left long after the election.

C. Laderman and B. Simms, Donald Trump: The Making of a Worldview (London: Endeavour Pess, 2017). 19. K. W. Capehart, “Hyman Minsky’s Interpretation of Donald Trump,” Journal of Post Keynesian Economics 38.3 (2015): 477–492 20. F. Norris, “Trump Sees Act of God in Recession,” New York Times, December 4, 2008. 21. Soopermexican, “Trump on TARP and Stimulus Sounds More Like a Crony Capitalist Than a Conservative,” The Right Scoop (blog), August 15, 2015, 22. Southern constitutionalist, “Trump Has Supported Nearly All of Obama’s Economic Policy Agenda,” RedState (blog), August 27, 2015. 23. J. Green, Devil’s Bargain: Steve Bannon, Donald Trump, and the Storming of the President (New York: Penguin Press, 2017), 96–103. 24.

Zumbrun, “Economists Who’ve Advised Presidents Are No Fans of Donald Trump,” Wall Street Journal, August 25, 2016. 48. B. Casselman, “Why Trump’s Carrier Deal Isn’t the Way to Save US Jobs,” FiveThirtyEight (blog), December 5, 2016, 49. D. Griswold, “Trump’s Carrier ‘Success’ Signals a Retreat of US Business in Global Markets,” Mad About Trade, December 2, 2016. 50. S. Liesman, “Optimism on Economy, Stocks Surges Since Trump Election: CNBC Survey,” CNBC, December 9, 2016. 51. P. Domm, “How Donald Trump Blew Up the Bond Market and Changed Everyone’s View of Interest Rates,” CNBC, November 14, 2016. 52. D. Dayen, “Donald Trump Isn’t Even Pretending to Oppose Goldman Sachs Anymore,” The Intercept, March 15, 2017. 53.

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Technically Wrong: Sexist Apps, Biased Algorithms, and Other Threats of Toxic Tech by Sara Wachter-Boettcher

Airbnb, airport security, AltaVista, big data - Walmart - Pop Tarts, Donald Trump, Ferguson, Missouri, Firefox, Grace Hopper, job automation, Kickstarter, lifelogging, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, natural language processing, pattern recognition, Peter Thiel, recommendation engine, ride hailing / ride sharing, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Snapchat, Steve Jobs, Tim Cook: Apple, Travis Kalanick, upwardly mobile, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

Census Looking at Big Changes in How It Asks about Race and Ethnicity,” Pew Research Center, March 14, 2014, 7. Pew Research Center, “Multiracial in America: Proud, Diverse and Growing in Numbers,” June 11, 2015, 8. Jamelle Bouie, “What Pundits Keep Getting Wrong about Donald Trump and the Working Class,” Slate, May 5, 2016, 9. Renee Stepler and Anna Brown, “Statistical Portrait of Hispanics in the United States,” Pew Research Center, April 19, 2016, 10. Jeffrey S. Passel and D’Vera Cohn, “U.S. Population Projections: 2005–2050,” Pew Research Center, February 11, 2008, 11.

Fell 10% in February,” Motley Fool, March 3, 2017, 6. Hudson Hongo, “Facebook Finally Rolls Out ‘Disputed News’ Tag Everyone Will Dispute,” Gizmodo, March 3, 2017, 7. Spencer Woodman, “Palantir Provides the Engine for Donald Trump’s Deportation Machine,” Intercept, March 2, 2017, Index Page numbers listed correspond to the print edition of this book. You can use your device’s search function to locate particular terms in the text. Note: Italic page numbers refer to illustrations. Abler, Erin, 32–33 Acxiom data brokers, 104 advertising and collection of gender information, 65–66 Facebook’s selections for users, 10 and filtering, 65 and proxy data, 110–112 and Reddit, 162 and value of user data, 96 Airbnb, 20 Alciné, Jacky, 129–130, 132–133, 135, 137–138 alcohol use, 17–18 algorithms biases in, 144–145, 176 and clean design aesthetic, 143 and COMPAS, 120–121, 125–129, 145 and debiasing word-embedding systems, 140 described, 121–123 and edge cases, 137 and Facebook’s use of proxy data, 112 and Friends Day Facebook feature, 84 and Google, 123, 136, 144 and neural networks, 131–133 and News Feed Facebook feature, 168 and social media trends, 10 and training data, 145–146, 171 and Trending Facebook feature, 149, 166–167, 169 and Yelp, 123–125 Allen, Paul, 182 AltaVista, 2 alt-right movement, 153, 164 Apple and emoji suggestions, 80 iPhone location settings, 105–108 and Siri’s female voice, 36 and Siri’s responses to crises, 6–7, 7 and Siri’s teasing humor, 88–89 smartwatches from, 13 and use of personas, 27 and workforce diversity, 19–20 artificial intelligence and failure to understand crises, 6–7 and loss of jobs, 192 Siri as, 88–89 word-embedding systems, 139–140 Automattic, 183 “average” users, 38–44, 47 Barron, Jesse, 114–115 Batman, Miranda, 57 Bawcombe, Libby, 40–42 Beyoncé, 55 bias.

“We lose core user after core user by not addressing simple trolling issues that they face every day.” 2 Costolo was right: in a 2014 Pew Research Center study, 13 percent of people who’d been harassed online said they had deleted a profile or changed their username because of harassment, and 10 percent said they had left an online forum because of it.3 After two more years of sustained harassment, that’s precisely what West did. In January 2017—as then-president-elect Donald Trump was taunting South Korea and strangers were harassing her for her views on the death of Carrie Fisher—West realized she was done: She was tired of neo-Nazis digging into her personal life. She was tired of men telling her they’d like to rape her, “if [she] weren’t so fat.” More than anything, she was tired of feeling like all Twitter’s talk about taking harassment seriously hadn’t gotten her anywhere: I talk back and I am “feeding the trolls.”

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Fantasyland: How America Went Haywire: A 500-Year History by Kurt Andersen

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, animal electricity, anti-communist, Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, augmented reality, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, Burning Man, California gold rush, Celebration, Florida, centre right, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, delayed gratification, dematerialisation, disintermediation, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Donner party, Downton Abbey, Edward Snowden, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, failed state, Ferguson, Missouri, God and Mammon, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, high net worth, illegal immigration, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, John von Neumann, Kickstarter, large denomination, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, McMansion, Mikhail Gorbachev, Minecraft, moral panic, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, placebo effect, pre–internet, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, smart meter, Snapchat, South Sea Bubble, Steve Jobs, Ted Kaczynski, the scientific method, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, trade route, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks, Y2K, young professional

More than a third of us believe not only that global warming is no big deal but that it’s a hoax perpetrated by a conspiracy of scientists, government, and journalists. A third believe that our earliest ancestors were humans just like humans today; that the government has, in league with the pharmaceutical industry, hidden evidence of “natural” cancer cures; that extraterrestrials have recently visited (or now reside on) Earth. A quarter believe vaccines cause autism and that Donald Trump won the popular vote in the 2016 general election. A quarter believe that our previous president was (or is?) the Antichrist. A quarter believe in witches. Remarkably, no more than one in five Americans believe the Bible consists mainly of legends and fables—around the same number who believe that “the media or the government adds secret mind-controlling technology to television broadcast signals” and that U.S. officials were complicit in the 9/11 attacks.*2 When I say that a third believe X or a quarter believe Y, it’s important to understand that those are different thirds and quarters of the U.S. population.

A white woman felt black, pretended to be, and under those fantasy auspices became an NAACP official—and then, busted, said, “It’s not a costume…not something that I can put on and take off anymore. I wouldn’t say I’m African American, but I would say I’m black.” Bill Gates’s foundation has funded an institute devoted to creationist pseudoscience. Despite his nonstop lies and obvious fantasies—rather, because of them—Donald Trump was elected president. The old fringes have been folded into the new center. The irrational has become respectable and often unstoppable. As particular fantasies get traction and become contagious, other fantasists are encouraged by a cascade of out-of-control tolerance. It’s a kind of twisted Golden Rule unconsciously followed: If those people believe that, then certainly we can believe this.

America was created by true believers and passionate dreamers, by hucksters and their suckers—which over the course of four centuries has made us susceptible to fantasy, as epitomized by everything from Salem hunting witches to Joseph Smith creating Mormonism, from P. T. Barnum to Henry David Thoreau to speaking in tongues, from Hollywood to Scientology to conspiracy theories, from Walt Disney to Billy Graham to Ronald Reagan to Oprah Winfrey to Donald Trump. In other words: mix epic individualism with extreme religion; mix show business with everything else; let all that steep and simmer for a few centuries; run it through the anything-goes 1960s and the Internet age; the result is the America we inhabit today, where reality and fantasy are weirdly and dangerously blurred and commingled. I hope we’re only on a long temporary detour, that we’ll manage somehow to get back on track.

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The Meritocracy Trap: How America's Foundational Myth Feeds Inequality, Dismantles the Middle Class, and Devours the Elite by Daniel Markovits

"Robert Solow", 8-hour work day, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, Anton Chekhov, asset-backed security, assortative mating, basic income, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, business cycle, capital asset pricing model, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, computer age, corporate governance, corporate raider, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deskilling, Detroit bankruptcy, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Emanuel Derman, equity premium, European colonialism, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, fear of failure, financial innovation, financial intermediation, fixed income, Ford paid five dollars a day, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, future of work, gender pay gap, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, high net worth, hiring and firing, income inequality, industrial robot, interchangeable parts, invention of agriculture, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job satisfaction, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, Kodak vs Instagram, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass incarceration, medical residency, minimum wage unemployment, Myron Scholes, Nate Silver, New Economic Geography, new economy, offshore financial centre, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, precariat, purchasing power parity, rent-seeking, Richard Florida, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, school choice, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, six sigma, Skype, stakhanovite, stem cell, Steve Jobs, supply-chain management, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Thomas Davenport, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, total factor productivity, transaction costs, traveling salesman, universal basic income, unpaid internship, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce, working poor, young professional, zero-sum game

“I love the poorly educated”: See Edward Luce, “The End of American Meritocracy,” Financial Times, May 8, 2016, accessed July 24, 2018, “under[stood] the depth”: See “Why the White Working Class Voted for Trump,” interview with Joan C. Williams. “believe that the modern”: See J. D. Vance, Hillbilly Elegy (New York: Harper, 2016), 191. thought the same of them: See Chris Cillizza, “Donald Trump’s Appeal Was Just Perfectly Summed Up by Chris Matthews,” Washington Post, September 30, 2016, accessed July 24, 2018, agreed with both statements: The survey was conducted by the Huffington Post in conjunction with YouGov. See Michael Tesler, “Trump Voters Think African Americans Are Much Less Deserving Than ‘Average Americans,’” Huffington Post, December 19, 2016, accessed July 24, 2018,

Clair Shores voted about 62 percent Kennedy-Johnson and 37 percent Nixon-Lodge. 10 percentage point victory in 2016: Michigan Department of State, Michigan Election Precinct Results, 2016 General Election, President of the United States, St. Clair Shores City, accessed July 24, 2018, St. Clair Shores voted 53 percent Trump-Pence and 42 percent Clinton-Kaine. “Donald Trump’s speeches”: See Kevin Williamson, “Chaos in the Family, Chaos in the State: The White Working Class’s Dysfunction,” National Review, March 17, 2016, accessed July 23, 2018, See also Edward Luce, “The New Class Warfare in America,” Financial Times, March 20, 2016, accessed July 24, 2018, any winning candidate since 1980: See American National Election Studies, “Time Series Cumulative Data File” (2012),; American National Election Studies, “2016 Time Series Study” (2016),

utm_term=.3b4d0390d167. And the core of Donald Trump’s support comes from voters with middle-class incomes but no college degrees. See Thomas Edsall, “The Not-So-Silent White Majority,” New York Times, November 17, 2016, accessed November 18, 2018,; Jon Huang, Samuel Jacoby, Michael Strickland, and K. K. Rebecca Lai, “Election 2016: Exit Polls,” New York Times, November 8, 2016, accessed November 18, 2018, For a largely congruent analysis of the sources of Trump’s support using a massive data set of preelection Gallup surveys, see Jonathan Rothwell and Pablo Diego-Rosell, “Explaining Nationalist Political Views: The Case of Donald Trump,” SSRN working paper (November 2, 2016),

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Squeezed: Why Our Families Can't Afford America by Alissa Quart

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Automated Insights, autonomous vehicles, barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, business intelligence, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, East Village, Elon Musk, full employment, future of work, gig economy, glass ceiling, haute couture, income inequality, Jaron Lanier, job automation, late capitalism, Lyft, minimum wage unemployment, moral panic, new economy, nuclear winter, obamacare, Ponzi scheme, post-work, precariat, price mechanism, rent control, ride hailing / ride sharing, school choice, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, Snapchat, surplus humans, TaskRabbit, Travis Kalanick, Uber and Lyft, Uber for X, uber lyft, union organizing, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, wages for housework, women in the workforce, working poor

“The vast wealth depicted”: For example, in a meta-touch, the $150 million Netflix series The Crown, which is devoted to Queen Elizabeth II and the royal family, features an episode about the first televised coronation: in sharing its excessive pageantry with the citizenry via TV, the monarchy distracted them from their postwar rations and hardships. A decade ago, in a New York Times article: Felicia R. Lee, “Being a Housewife Where Neither House nor Husband Is Needed,” New York Times, March 5, 2008, about $2 billion in free media exposure: Nicholas Confessore and Karen Yourish, “$2 Billion Worth of Free Media for Donald Trump,” New York Times, March 15, 2016, Will Wilkinson wrote: Will Wilkinson, “The Majesty of Trump,” New York Times, November 2016, the writer Michael Lerner: Michael Lerner, “Stop Shaming Trump Supporters,” New York Times, November 9, 2016,

There women post accounts of how their pregnancies got them fired or otherwise warped their careers. A carpenter’s apprentice was told that her job performance had been suffering since she got pregnant. A legal worker, Ivy League educated, was initially much praised by her supervisors, but her story also ended in “job elimination” once pregnant. It would seem that women’s livelihoods are jeopardized by motherhood, starting at conception. Why? As President Donald Trump once commented, pregnancy is “certainly an inconvenience for a business. And whether people want to say that or not, the fact is it is an inconvenience for a person that is running a business.” However loathsome, he was articulating the cruel common sense of capitalism: why should employees take any kind of leave for any reason at all, least of all for reproduction? But by this logic, what about those of us who do reproduce?

And politically, countries want to stay competitive internationally through their prowess in technical fields. The social impact has been brutal. Whole sectors of employment are dwindling away, and many people who are untrained for the new economic reality find themselves stranded, not only jockeying to stay where they are socially but also at odds, personally, socially, and politically, with what they invidiously call “the elite.” The spectacular rise of Donald Trump can be understood as an expression of the gulf between middle-class citizens and America’s ruling classes. It should not have been news to anyone, since these changes have been under way since at least the Reagan era. Yet colleges and universities have been slow to adapt to these changes, which are already more than a generation old. There was once prestige in having a humanities degree, but much of that esteem is now gone; this credential may now be seen as an antiquated honor.

pages: 363 words: 92,422

A Fine Mess by T. R. Reid

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Sanders, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, centre right, clean water, Donald Trump, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, game design, Gini coefficient, High speed trading, Home mortgage interest deduction, Honoré de Balzac, income inequality, industrial robot, land value tax, loss aversion, mortgage tax deduction, obamacare, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, seigniorage, Silicon Valley, Skype, Snapchat, sovereign wealth fund, Tesla Model S, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, Tobin tax, We are the 99%, WikiLeaks

That reform was based on principles that have been adopted by countries around the world. If we go back to those fundamental principles, the United States could achieve serious tax reform, even in our current state of political gridlock. Another benefit of looking at other countries is that comparative analysis can tell us where Americans stand relative to the rest of the world when it comes to how much tax we have to pay. During his campaign for the presidency in 2016, Donald Trump repeatedly said, “The United States is the highest-taxed country in the world.” Was he right? 2. “LOW EFFORT, LOW COLLECTION” The Gallup poll surveys Americans every year about the taxes they pay, and every year a hefty majority says that taxes are too high.1 Whenever I mentioned this to economists in other countries, they laughed. Nobody in the world’s other rich democracies would say that American taxes are too high.

Generally, the advocates of the flat tax focus so tightly on “fairness” and “simplicity” that they fail to mention the most important impact of a flat-rate income tax: it would amount to a major tax break for the richest people in the country and a corresponding tax hike for many average workers. While a progressive income tax tends to reduce the gap between rich and poor, a flat-tax regime would serve to increase economic inequality. Even the self-proclaimed multibillionaire Donald Trump acknowledged this in his 2000 book, The America We Deserve. “Only the wealthy,” Trump conceded, “would reap a windfall, because a flat-rate tax would shift the tax burden from the richest taxpayers to those in the lower brackets.” To see how this shift would work, consider the case of a corporate CEO and her spouse with a taxable income, after exemptions, of $500,000 (a fairly conservative figure for corporate chieftains these days).

Of all the advocates, the most visible and exuberant has been Steve Forbes, an extremely high-income taxpayer who inherited a family business (Forbes magazine) and a family fortune from his father, Malcolm Forbes. Steve Forbes ran twice, on a flat-tax platform, for the Republican nomination for president. He made the covers of Time and Newsweek—in the same week!—promoting the idea. He wrote a book about his plan, titled Flat Tax Revolution; it came with a blurb on the cover from (who else?) Donald Trump and a gushing preface written by (who else?) Newt Gingrich. I know and admire Steve Forbes; he is a kind, friendly guy, a good father, and a successful corporate leader. But I was surprised when he ran for president. Unlike his flamboyant father—Malcolm Forbes flew his own blimps and dated Elizabeth Taylor—Steve is a rather shy and understated gentleman, much happier in an arcane policy debate than in the turmoil of a hand-shaking, baby-kissing political campaign.

pages: 493 words: 136,235

Operation Chaos: The Vietnam Deserters Who Fought the CIA, the Brainwashers, and Themselves by Matthew Sweet

Berlin Wall, British Empire, centre right, computer age, Donald Trump, energy security, Fall of the Berlin Wall, game design, Haight Ashbury, hiring and firing, Howard Zinn, Kickstarter, Mikhail Gorbachev, planetary scale, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Skype, South China Sea, Stanford prison experiment, Thomas Malthus, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, WikiLeaks, Yogi Berra, éminence grise

Gaddy,” Brookings Institution, Donald Trump’s chief adviser on Russia: John Hudson, “Trump Taps Putin Critic for Senior White House Position,” Foreign Policy, March 2, 2017; Nicholas Schmidle, “General Chaos,” New Yorker, February 18, 2017. “the Manchurian Candidate”: David Remnick and Evan Osnos, “What to Make of Donald Trump’s Early-Morning Wiretap Tweets,” New Yorker, March 4, 2017. The official announcement might have come sooner: Karen de Young, “Trump Adds Russia Scholar as a National Security Council Director,” Washington Post, March 28, 2017. Newspaper profiles discussed Hill’s experience: Steve Robson, “Revealed: Coal Miner’s Daughter from County Durham Set to Be Donald Trump’s Top Adviser on Russia,” Daily Mirror, March 4, 2017,; Kyle Scott Clauss, “Fiona Hill, Trump’s New Russia Expert, Went to Harvard,” Boston Magazine, March 2, 2017,

Newspaper profiles discussed Hill’s experience: Steve Robson, “Revealed: Coal Miner’s Daughter from County Durham Set to Be Donald Trump’s Top Adviser on Russia,” Daily Mirror, March 4, 2017,; Kyle Scott Clauss, “Fiona Hill, Trump’s New Russia Expert, Went to Harvard,” Boston Magazine, March 2, 2017, A blogger in Moscow: John Helmer, “Vladimir Putin Is Safe If Donald Trump’s Expert on Russia Is Fiona Hill, But Is Trump?,” Dances with Bears, May 15, 2017, to accuse her of being a mole for George Soros: “Roger Stone: Soros Mole Infiltrates Trump White House,” June 1, 2017,, “Disgusting”: “Strobe Talbott: The Full Transcript,” June 5, 2017,,

When we left the house, either to go for burgers at a nearby strip mall or to walk Ninja by the river, we passed a small encampment of homeless men. Faces deformed by poverty and alcohol. It was a picture out of Steinbeck. They sat in folding chairs beneath the trees, waiting for America to be somewhere else. And each time we passed, Chuck gave them a respectful nod. The 2016 U.S. election was only a few months away. Chuck was voting for Donald Trump. Chuck wanted that wall on the Mexican border, and he scorned those who said it couldn’t be built. Chuck believed that a Muslim invasion of America was taking place and that rape was the enemy’s weapon of choice. He’d been thrown off Facebook for saying so, but that only increased his sense of being in the right. Feminism, too, was a dangerous and unjust force. Chuck played me videos of his favorite alt-right commentators explaining why.

pages: 297 words: 69,467

Dreyer's English: An Utterly Correct Guide to Clarity and Style by Benjamin Dreyer

a long time ago in a galaxy far, far away, Albert Einstein, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, elephant in my pajamas, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, Jane Jacobs, Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, non-fiction novel, Norman Mailer, pre–internet, Ralph Waldo Emerson, The Death and Life of Great American Cities

In which case you’ve got it easy: Donald Trump Jr. is a perfidious wretch. and thus: Donald Trump Jr.’s perfidy Old-school construction, though, sets off a “Jr.”*23 with commas, as in: Donald Trump, Jr., is a perfidious wretch. When possessivizing such a person, your options are that horror noted above, which I’ll refrain from repeating Donald Trump, Jr.’s perfidy (which is admittedly a little unbalanced) Donald Trump, Jr.’s, perfidy (better balanced, and at least not eye-stabbingly ugly) You choose.*24 28. Let’s move on to plural proper noun possessives, over which many tears have been shed, particularly around Christmas-card time. First we have to properly construct the plurals themselves.

Be careful. 27. THE POSSESSIVIZATION OF DONALD TRUMP, JR. A GRAND GUIGNOL IN ONE ACT In July 2017 one of our nation’s preëminent if perhaps somewhat self-delightedly parochial magazines foisted upon the world this headline: DONALD TRUMP, JR.,’S LOVE FOR RUSSIAN DIRT The writer Michael Colton, in an aghast tweet, identified this particular method of rendering a possessive “period-comma-apostrophe bullshit,” which may not be the precise technical term for it but which does just fine anyway. Let me say this about that: That’s not how this works. That’s not how any of this works. If you are a younger or more forward-thinking person, you may already render the names of photocopied offspring commalessly, thus: Donald Trump Jr. In which case you’ve got it easy: Donald Trump Jr. is a perfidious wretch.

pages: 379 words: 109,223

Frenemies: The Epic Disruption of the Ad Business by Ken Auletta

Airbnb, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Build a better mousetrap, Burning Man, call centre, carbon footprint, cloud computing, commoditize, connected car, corporate raider, crossover SUV, disintermediation, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, forensic accounting, Google Glasses, Internet of things, Jeff Bezos, Khan Academy, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market design, Menlo Park, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, Naomi Klein, NetJets, Network effects, pattern recognition,, race to the bottom, Richard Feynman, ride hailing / ride sharing, Saturday Night Live, self-driving car, sharing economy, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, Snapchat, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, Tim Cook: Apple, transaction costs, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, Upton Sinclair, éminence grise

An initial advertising prediction was offered by Arpita Chowdhuri, a digital marketing vice president at Hewlett Packard Enterprise, who said: 2017 and beyond “is going to be the year for data. . . . Data is going to be the new oil.” With the surprising election of Donald Trump in mind, Kassan wondered whether there were some lessons to be learned from the contest, especially about data. “People are going to question data more,” he said, “because the projections said there was a ninety-one percent chance on the morning of the election that Hillary Clinton would be president.” Data from the polls and the predictions of prognosticators were dead wrong. Donald Trump’s success in winning the Republican nomination, and his election as president, challenged not just conventional political wisdom but some cherished precepts of advertising and marketing, starting with the assumption that there is a meaningful relationship between vast expenditures on advertising and the electoral outcome.

This June meeting demonstrated how dependent the bank was on forces it could not control, and how advertising often takes a backseat at a marketing meeting and why more money is spent on marketing—media strategy, public relations, polling, lobbying, consulting, research, design, direct mail—than on advertising. This meeting commenced with a report on BofA’s finances. Bank profits rose from $4 billion in 2014 to $16 billion; the bank’s liquidity was four times as large as in 2008. But this good news was drowned out by the background noise of an angry presidential campaign where expected Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton and her challenger, Bernie Sanders, and likely Republican nominee Donald Trump, vied to criticize big banks. Surveys reveal that support for banks dropped five points, Finucane said. “My concern is Bank of America should not be a focus of the conversation when the talk is about Dodd-Frank.” Pollster Joel Benenson said Sanders enjoyed broad support when he declared, “We have a rigged economic system.” That issue won’t disappear after the election, in part because “corporate profits are at record highs and yet wages are largely frozen.”

I thought that was the object of the exercise, to behave like an owner and entrepreneur and not a bureaucrat.” Today he owns 2 percent of WPP and chooses not to diversify his investments but to tie his wealth to how his company performs. “My dad said, ‘Invest with companies you know best,’” he says. Despite his rich pay, Sorrell rarely chooses to fly privately, insisting that it would cheat shareholders. He feels liberated to opine on most any subject, from Brexit to Donald Trump’s immigration policies (he was opposed to both), not to mention the unabashed joy he takes in belittling Maurice Levy, his Publicis rival. Members of his WPP team bristle when he publicly disparages “the snooty” attitude of creatives, who play a diminished role in the advertising business. Interviewed by Michael Kassan before an Advertising Week audience in September 2015, he proclaimed, “Seventy-five percent of our revenues comes from things—$15 billion of nearly $20 billion—Don Draper wouldn’t recognize.”

We Are the Nerds: The Birth and Tumultuous Life of Reddit, the Internet's Culture Laboratory by Christine Lagorio-Chafkin

4chan, Airbnb, Amazon Web Services, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, bitcoin, blockchain, Brewster Kahle, Burning Man, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, David Heinemeier Hansson, Donald Trump, East Village, game design, Golden Gate Park, hiring and firing, Internet Archive, Jacob Appelbaum, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, Joi Ito,, Kickstarter, Lean Startup, Lyft, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, medical residency, minimum viable product, natural language processing, Paul Buchheit, Paul Graham, paypal mafia, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, QR code, recommendation engine, RFID, rolodex, Ruby on Rails, Sam Altman, Sand Hill Road, Saturday Night Live, self-driving car, semantic web, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Silicon Valley startup, slashdot, Snapchat, social web, South of Market, San Francisco, Startup school, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, technoutopianism, uber lyft, web application, WikiLeaks, Y Combinator

This language was a key part of their defiance of the mainstream: “If you’re using the left’s buzzwords like ‘racist’ and ‘sexist’ then you’re gonna find yourself following leftist thought patterns,” one moderator wrote. “However, it’s very hard to accidentally align with SJWs by using words like ‘cuckold’ or ‘faggot.’ Our culture exists for a reason and we’re gonna cherish it, and enjoy the power it gives us.” The massive effort, in all its extremism, wasn’t lost on Donald Trump’s campaign. In the lead-up to the election, Donald Trump on his Twitter account reposted memes and videos that bubbled up on T_D, including, as far back as 2015, an image of Pepe that had been altered to resemble Trump. Former campaign staffers have admitted that from the war room that had been set up in Trump Tower in New York, they relentlessly monitored the huge forum for content to push out to Trump’s followers online.

I watched the site’s community heave and grow to hundreds of millions of people, who at turns participated in extraordinarily uplifting moments, and at others engaged in hateful, harmful behavior, and even mutinied against the very system that had nurtured them. I was rapt by the hyperpoliticized lead-up to the 2016 election on Reddit, which had already kindled some of the roots of the modern alt-right’s digital strategy, and was, we’d later learn, providing a fertile ground for Russian propagandists. Reddit was also where Donald Trump’s most vociferous online community had taken root. When I began working on this book, Reddit had a couple dozen employees spread across several cities; it was a ramshackle operation. In part because Huffman and Ohanian had already let me into their lives, I wound up with a view into the inner workings of the company once they returned in 2015, something extraordinarily rare for a company of its size.

By May 2009, a subreddit dedicated purely to the form r/IAmA, named after the first words a user volunteering to answer questions would write—as in, “I am a slumlord. Ask me anything!”—was created. Today, they’re mostly known as “AMAs,” as in “Ask Me Anything,” and they are easily Reddit’s most known feature. (Early and longtime Reddit employees still call them “IAmAs,” pronounced eye-am-uhs.) Celebrities, Nobel laureates, and politicians—up to President Donald Trump—have participated in them. Some of the most popular of all time, though, are still those by intriguing everymen possessing useful information. One by a vacuum repair specialist was for years one of the most widely viewed Reddit threads. By the end of the year, fifty thousand individual accounts followed r/IAmA. It contained incredible stories of cheating death, professional accomplishment, and bizarre wonders of modern medicine.

pages: 721 words: 238,678

Fall Out: A Year of Political Mayhem by Tim Shipman

banking crisis, Beeching cuts, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, centre right, Clapham omnibus, Corn Laws, corporate governance, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, drone strike, Etonian, eurozone crisis, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, iterative process, John Bercow, Kickstarter, kremlinology, land value tax, mutually assured destruction, Neil Kinnock, new economy, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, open borders, quantitative easing, Ronald Reagan, Snapchat, working poor

Unless … Tim Shipman Westminster, Preggio, Camerata, San Nicolo,Church Knowle, Studland and Blackheath July–October 2017 Timeline 2016 23 Jun – Britain votes to leave the European Union by a margin of 52 per cent to 48 per cent 29 Jun – Other 27 member states agree a ‘no negotiations without notification’ stance on Brexit talks and Article 50 13 Jul – Theresa May becomes prime minister and pledges to create ‘a country that works for everyone’ 7 Sep – May insists she will not give a ‘running commentary’ on Brexit negotiations 24 Sep – Jeremy Corbyn re-elected as Labour Party leader 30 Sep – Carlos Ghosn, Nissan’s CEO, says he could scrap potential new investment in its Sunderland plant 2 Oct – In Brexit speech to party conference, May says she will trigger Article 50 before the end of March and create a Great Repeal Bill to replace the 1972 European Communities Act 5 Oct – In main speech to party conference, May criticises ‘citizens of nowhere’ 6 Oct – Keir Starmer appointed shadow Brexit secretary 27 Oct – Nissan says it will build its Qashqai and X-Trail models at its Sunderland plant, protecting 7,000 jobs 2 Nov – At Spectator awards dinner May compares Boris Johnson to a dog that was put down 3 Nov – High Court rules that only Parliament not the government has the power to trigger Article 50 4 Nov – Daily Mail calls the judges ‘enemies of the people’ 8 Nov – Donald Trump elected the 45th president of the United States 14 Nov – FT reveals the EU wants a €60 billion exit bill from Britain 15 Nov – Boris Johnson tells a Czech paper the UK will ‘probably’ leave the customs union and is reprimanded by May 19 Nov – Johnson accused of turning up to a cabinet Brexit meeting with the wrong papers 20 Nov – Sixty pro-Brexit Tory MPs demand Britain leaves the single market 21 Nov – Trump calls for Nigel Farage to be made British ambassador to Washington 7 Dec – MPs back government amendment to opposition day debate saying the government must set out its Brexit plans but also that Article 50 should be triggered by the end of March 8 Dec – Johnson calls Saudi Arabia a ‘puppeteer’ in the Middle East, sparking a rebuke from Downing Street and fears he will resign 11 Dec – Fiona Hill’s ‘Trousergate’ texts to Nicky Morgan, banning her from Downing Street, are published 15 Dec – BBC reveals that Sir Ivan Rogers has privately warned ministers a post-Brexit trade deal might take ten years 2017 4 Jan – Ivan Rogers resigns 10 Jan – Corbyn announces a wage cap in his ‘Trump relaunch’ 17 Jan – In speech at Lancaster House May announces Britain will seek a hard Brexit leaving the single market, the customs union and the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice.

May and her team thought they had signalled clearly where they were heading, but her cabinet was divided and Whitehall was in open revolt. To make matters worse, the European Commission was now playing hardball too, over the most contentious issue of all. Money. 3 The Enemy Gets a Vote It is lost to history whether Martin Selmayr was an admirer of General James ‘Mad Dog’ Mattis, the American general who was to become Donald Trump’s defence secretary, but he certainly understood one of Mattis’s favourite aphorisms about war – ‘the enemy gets a vote’. While the debate in cabinet and the British media was almost entirely consumed with what Britain wanted from a new deal with Brussels, senior Eurocrats had their own ideas and were beginning to flex their muscles. They didn’t come any more senior, or more aggressive, than Selmayr, the chief of staff to European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker.

The chancellor told friends Johnson was unprepared and the anecdote was passed to the press. Cabinet colleagues continued to be frustrated by Johnson’s controversialism – and his seeming ability to get away with things they could not. On a cabinet away day in early 2017, Johnson was walking with Andrea Leadsom and Ben Gummer while press photographers stalked them. Gummer referred to the controversy over the size of the crowds at Donald Trump’s inauguration. Johnson, who had misheard said, ‘The Krauts? What do you mean the Krauts?’ ‘No, no, no. Crowds, Boris.’ ‘What about the Krauts?’ ‘I said the crowds, the people there.’ Johnson bellowed, ‘I thought you said Krauts! It wasn’t Krauts at all! I thought you were talking about Krauts.’ Gummer said, ‘For God’s sake don’t say that in front of the cameras because they’ll be able to lip read what you’re saying.’

pages: 531 words: 125,069

The Coddling of the American Mind: How Good Intentions and Bad Ideas Are Setting Up a Generation for Failure by Greg Lukianoff, Jonathan Haidt

AltaVista, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, Black Swan, cognitive dissonance, correlation does not imply causation, demographic transition, Donald Trump, Ferguson, Missouri, Filter Bubble, helicopter parent, hygiene hypothesis, income inequality, Internet Archive, Isaac Newton, low skilled workers, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, mass incarceration, means of production, moral panic, Nelson Mandela, Ralph Nader, risk tolerance, Silicon Valley, Snapchat, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Unsafe at Any Speed

In a Harris poll a few months before he was assassinated, nearly 75% of Americans expressed disapproval of him, although he had been substantially more popular at the time of his 1963 I Have a Dream speech, and he is wildly popular now, with approval levels above 90%. It took time, but the ideas in his 1963 speech changed the country. See Cobb, J. C. (2018, April 4). When Martin Luther King Jr. was killed, he was less popular than Donald Trump is today. USA Today. Retrieved from sassination-donald-trump-disapproval-column/482242002 42. Pauli Murray College. (n.d.). About Pauli Murray. Retrieved from 43. Murray (1945), p. 24. 44. MainersUnited (Producer). (2012, November 2). Yes on 1: Mainers United for Marriage—Will & Arlene Brewster [Video file]. Retrieved from

UC Berkeley Campus Police tweeted: @UCBerkeley Milo event cancelled. Shelter in place if on campus. All campus buildings on lockdown. #miloatcal. Retrieved from 25. Riot forces cancellation (2017); see n. 8. 26. Zoppo, A., Proença Santos, A., & Hudgins, J. (2017, February 14). Here’s the full list of Donald Trump’s executive orders. NBC News. Retrieved from 27. Helsel, P. (2017, February 2). Protests, violence prompt UC Berkeley to cancel Milo Yiannopoulos event. NBC News. Retrieved from 28. Lawrence, N. (2017, February 7). Black bloc did what campus should have.

Terrorists carried out large-scale attacks across Europe and the Middle East.16 In the United States, fourteen people were killed and more than twenty others injured in an ISIS-inspired shooting in San Bernardino, California;17 another ISIS-inspired attack, on a gay nightclub in Orlando, Florida, became the deadliest mass shooting in U.S. history, with forty-nine people killed,18 and that number was surpassed just sixteen months later in Las Vegas when a man with what was essentially a machine gun shot and killed fifty-eight people and wounded 851 others at an outdoor concert.19 And 2016 became one of the strangest years ever in U.S. presidential politics when Donald Trump—a candidate with no prior political experience who had been widely regarded as unelectable because of the many groups of people he had offended—not only won the Republican primary but won the election. Millions turned out across the country to protest his inauguration, cross-partisan hatred surged, and the news cycle came to revolve around the president’s latest tweet or latest comment about nuclear war.

pages: 378 words: 121,495

The Abandonment of the West by Michael Kimmage

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, City Beautiful movement, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, European colonialism, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global pandemic, global supply chain, Gunnar Myrdal, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, Peace of Westphalia, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, Thomas L Friedman, transatlantic slave trade, urban planning, Washington Consensus

Since 2016, despite the unpopularity of Donald Trump among most European populations—and especially in Germany—Europe’s countries have pursued a strategy of preserving transatlantic ties and of not openly breaking with the United States, hedging in hopes of a better future. Disagreements about trade, Middle East policy and climate change have not (yet) been overwhelming. France, Britain and Germany remain wedded to the liberal international order and to human rights, and through these principles to the core elements of the Euro-American West. European leaders like Chancellor Angela Merkel and President Emmanuel Macron continue to advocate for liberty and self-government in Europe, and where possible for liberty and self-government outside of Europe. The day after the election of Donald Trump, Merkel made the case for liberty and self-government in the United States.

That the government’s legislative and judicial branches have not given the Trump White House their obeisance (with some exceptions) does not erase the fact of Trump’s anticonstitutional aspirations, which are gradually permeating American foreign policy, minimizing alliances, elevating deals above values and alienating the countries of Western Europe that have been the historic backbone of the transatlantic alliance: a Fort Trump in Poland will not compensate for a ruptured US-German relationship. Trump’s admiration for autocrats like Vladimir Putin is not an anomaly of his worldview. It is an expression of his worldview. In his indifference to liberty and contempt for self-government at home and abroad, Donald Trump is the first non-Western president of the United States. THE CURRENT CRISIS in transatlantic relations cannot be pinned entirely on the person of Donald Trump and on the accidental nature of his election in 2016. The abandonment of the West has been long in the making, and on both sides of the Atlantic the rationales for codependence are gone. Europe is not destitute. Its military situation is not dire. So secure has most of Europe been since 1989 that a balance-of-power or a sphere-of-influence foreign policy is more a history lesson and a reminder of wrong turns than a living aspect of European diplomacy and strategic planning.

In the summer of 2016, Britain voted to leave the European Union, reversing a twenty-five-year trend in Europe toward greater institutional integration and greater internationalism. The political rhythms in the United States were similar. Year by year, the culture wars had been sharpening. After September 11, intractable battlefield wars in Afghanistan and Iraq made Americans wary of intervening abroad, while the entire era was one of gaudy prosperity and Dickensian inequalities. The 2016 election was won by Donald Trump, an advocate of an ethnonationalist West, a skeptic about Europe and the transatlantic relationship, a nonbeliever in international order and international institutions. Trump was a man at odds with both the American foreign-policy elite and the entire Wilsonian heritage in American foreign policy. Only in 2016 did the scope of the actual cultural and economic tensions—so long in the making—come fully into view.

pages: 359 words: 97,415

Vanishing Frontiers: The Forces Driving Mexico and the United States Together by Andrew Selee

Berlin Wall, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Donald Trump, energy security, Gini coefficient, guest worker program, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, informal economy, job automation, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, oil shale / tar sands, open economy, payday loans, Richard Florida, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Steve Wozniak, Y Combinator

The courts eventually struck down the local ordinances; yet the conflict over who should live in the city continues to smolder beneath the surface, as it does in many cities and towns around the United States. Hazleton, almost 2,000 miles from the border with Mexico, became a bellwether for many of the tensions Americans feel in their relationship to the country next door. Today the debate about Mexican immigrants that tore at the seams of Hazleton has become a national one that increasingly touches on the larger issue of America’s relationship with Mexico. Donald Trump won the presidency in part by promising to deport unauthorized immigrants, renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) that ties the Mexican, American, and Canadian economies together, and build a “big, beautiful wall” on the border between Mexico and the United States. Polls show that these positions are not actually popular with most Americans—majorities register positive opinions of Mexico and even more so of immigrants—but they do appeal to a quarter to a third of citizens.

His decision to migrate along with his father ultimately helped the rest of the family stay in Mexico. Hazleton is in many ways a microcosm of the relationship between Mexico and the United States, both the one that exists between the two countries across our shared border and the one that exists within our own society. After all, Mexico has become both an intricate and intimate part of American life and a proxy for our own hopes, expectations, and frustrations. Donald Trump’s campaign prescriptions for the relationship—a border wall, more deportations, and withdrawal from NAFTA—may be at odds with reality, but they struck a note with an important segment of the American population because they captured the fears of change—and some of its painful realities—that Americans project onto Mexico and Mexicans. In Hazleton, as in many of the other smaller cities and towns across the United States, Trump’s message about Mexico quickly caught on.

This jump of nine points in two years appeared largely driven by Democrats and Independents who disliked Trump’s attacks on the country next door and expressed their opposition to the president by reaffirming their support of Mexico. Much like those who dislike Mexico, those who appreciate it are also often projecting domestic concerns onto the neighbor next door. Sometimes it seems that Mexico has become more an emblem of Americans’ hopes and fears for our own future than a real country that we deal with on its own terms. Today, with Donald Trump as president, political discussions of Mexico have become focused, above all, on his promise to build “a big, beautiful wall” to keep Mexicans from jumping across the border into the United States. It’s sold as a way of stopping illegal immigration and the flow of drugs into American communities, but it’s also a powerful symbol of how he wants to deal with the larger forces shaping American society.

pages: 393 words: 91,257

The Coming of Neo-Feudalism: A Warning to the Global Middle Class by Joel Kotkin

Admiral Zheng, Andy Kessler, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Bernie Sanders, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carbon footprint, Cass Sunstein, clean water, creative destruction, deindustrialization, demographic transition, don't be evil, Donald Trump, edge city, Elon Musk, European colonialism, financial independence, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, gig economy, Gini coefficient, Google bus, guest worker program, Hans Rosling, housing crisis, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job satisfaction, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, liberal capitalism, life extension, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, megacity, Nate Silver, new economy, New Urbanism, Occupy movement, Parag Khanna, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-industrial society, post-work, postindustrial economy, postnationalism / post nation state, precariat, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ray Kurzweil, rent control, Richard Florida, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Sam Altman, Satyajit Das, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, smart cities, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, superstar cities, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Future of Employment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, trade route, Travis Kalanick, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, unpaid internship, upwardly mobile, We are the 99%, Wolfgang Streeck, women in the workforce, working-age population, Y Combinator

Malcolm Debevoise (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2019), 24. 25 “The far right’s new fascination with the Middle Ages,” Economist, January 2, 2017, 26 Guilluy, Twilight of the Elites, 43. 27 Neil Munro, “Billionaire Steve Case says immigrants will offset middle class job losses,” Daily Caller, December 5, 2013, 28 Alex Pfeiffer, “Bill Kristol Says ‘Lazy’ White Working Class Should Be Replaced by ‘New Americans,’” Daily Caller, February 8, 2017, 29 Geoff Colvin, “Donald Trump’s Immigration Ban Ushers In a New Era of CEO Activism,” Fortune, February 7, 2017, 30 Douglas Murray, The Strange Death of Europe: Immigration, Identity, Islam (London: Bloomsbury, 2017), 99, 226. 31 Giles Kepel, remarks at the Tocqueville Conversations, Château de Tocqueville, Normandy, France, June 7–8, 2018. 32 Goodhart, The Road to Somewhere, 3–4, 100; “The Brexit Index: a who’s who of Remain and Leave supporters,” Populus,; House of Commons Library, “General Election 2019: Results and Analysis,” Number CBP 8749, 28 January 2020. 33 Peter Foster, “Denmark’s EU referendum is a blow to David Cameron,” Telegraph, December 4, 2015,; “Dutch referendum voters overwhelmingly reject closer EU links to Ukraine,” Guardian, April 7, 2016,; Nick Gutteridge, “European Superstate to be unveiled: EU nations ‘to be morphed into one’ post-Brexit,” Express, June 29, 2016,; Project 28, “Handling the Immigration Crisis,” Századvég Foundation, 34 Matthew Karnitschnig, “Cologne puts Germany’s ‘lying press’ on defensive,” Politico, January 25, 2016,; Robert Spencer, “Google manipulates Search Results to Conceal Criticism of Islam and Jihad,” PJ Media, August 2, 2017,; “Rome opens its gates to the modern barbarians,” Financial Times, May 15, 2018, 35 Goodhart, The Road to Somewhere, 14. 36 Robert Samuelson, “The Middle Class Rocks—Again,” Real Clear Politics, September 18, 2017,; Nate Silver, “Silver Bulletpoints: The Union Vote Could Swing the Election,” FiveThirtyEight, May 2, 2019, 37 Richard Florida, “Why Is Your State Red or Blue?

People born in the 1970s and 1980s are less strongly opposed to such undemocratic assertions of power as a military coup than are those born in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s.32 Today there is a turning away from democratic liberalism around the world. Authoritarian leaders are consolidating power in countries that previously appeared to be on a liberalizing path—Xi Jinping in China, Vladimir Putin in Russia, Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey. In more democratic countries, we can see a new longing for a strongman—such as the bombastic and often crude Donald Trump, as well as equivalents in Europe, some of them more functionally authoritarian. Many people who are losing faith in the prospects of liberty look for a paternalistic protector instead. Authoritarian leaders often rise by evoking the imagined glories of the past and stoking resentments both old and new. At the end of the Cold War, the world seemed to be traveling on a natural “arc” to a more democratic future, but today’s new world order has instead become a promising springtime for dictators.33 Peasant Rebellions The feudal order did not go unchallenged in the Middle Ages: periodically there were peasant uprisings, sometimes led by religious dissidents.

They are all the same, and the same people always end up footing the bill.”39 Realignment As the major left-leaning parties in high-income countries have become gentrified, the political orientation of working-class voters is realigning. Populist and nationalist parties in Sweden, Hungary, Spain, Poland, and Slovakia have done particularly well among younger votes. In fact, many of the right-wing nationalist parties are led by millennials.40 American millennials too are surprisingly attracted to right-wing populism. In November 2016, more white American millennials voted for Donald Trump than for Hillary Clinton. Their much-ballyhooed shift toward the Democratic Party has reversed, and now less than a majority identify as Democrats.41 More broadly, a sense of betrayal among those being left behind by progress is leading to defections from mainstream parties of both right and left. Among the working classes and the young, there is a steady growth of far-left opposition to the established liberal order, as well as strong support for the far right.

pages: 364 words: 119,398

Men Who Hate Women: From Incels to Pickup Artists, the Truth About Extreme Misogyny and How It Affects Us All by Laura Bates

4chan, Ada Lovelace, Boris Johnson, cognitive dissonance, coherent worldview, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, feminist movement, Filter Bubble, gender pay gap, glass ceiling, Grace Hopper, job satisfaction, Kickstarter, off grid, recommendation engine, ride hailing / ride sharing, Snapchat, young professional

And They Want You To Know They’ve Evolved’, BuzzFeed, 22 September 2018 5 BuzzFeed (5 October 2017), op. cit. 6 ‘How Men’s Rights Leader Paul Elam Turned Being A Deadbeat Dad Into A Moneymaking Movement’, BuzzFeed, 6 February 2015 7 ‘Jordan Peterson & Fascist Mysticism’, New York Review of Books, 19 March 2018 8 ‘The Making of an American Nazi’, The Atlantic, December 2017 9 BuzzFeed (6 February 2015), op. cit. 10 ‘Trump’s rationalization for calling women “dogs” helped define his campaign’, Washington Post, 14 August 2018 11 ‘Controversial pick-up artist Roosh V celebrates Donald Trump’s victory: “If the President can say it then you can say it” ’, The Independent, 16 November 2016 12 ‘Donald Trump’s False Comments Connecting Mexican Immigrants and Crime’, Washington Post, 8 July 2015 13 ‘Trump ramps up rhetoric on undocumented immigrants: “These aren’t people. These are animals.” ’, USA Today, 16 May 2018 14 ‘Trump mocks Christine Blasey Ford at Mississippi rally as supporters cheer’, The Guardian, 2 October 2018 15 ‘Trump Jr Accuses Facebook Silencing Conservatives Day After It Bans Some Far Right Users’, Washington Post, 3 May 2019 16 Brian F.

The Southern Poverty Law Center describes how ‘chaotic’ online forums have enabled white-nationalist ideas, ‘most notably the belief that white identity is under attack by multiculturalism and political correctness’, to ‘flourish under dizzying layers of toxic irony’. And, just like the manosphere, the alt-right takes a privileged group (white people) and sells them the comforting idea that they are really the ones facing discrimination at the hands of the group actually facing prejudice (people of colour and immigrants), who are portrayed as the true oppressors. Much has been written about the alt-right, and particularly its links to the rise of Donald Trump. But the deeply misogynistic beliefs that run through the movement, and their role in many of its foundational tenets, often go overlooked and unreported. In the same way, the racist elements of the incel movement are often omitted from commentary, suggesting that it is an exclusively misogynistic, sex-obsessed community. Rarely, too, do those writing about either group pause to focus on the extreme and sometimes violently heteronormative framing of their worldview, which depends on the idea that all men are (or should be) straight, and that all women exist purely as sexual vessels, either to satisfy men or to bear (white) children.

But, as soon as the idea is attached to the US vice president, it becomes untouchable – valid and respectable fodder for widespread coverage. Then other pundits weigh in and, far from a contested fringe idea, the ‘rule’ becomes accepted as a mainstay of the public conversation, treated by some as simply good common sense. It becomes part of the dialogue and, as such, is quickly used by men to further pursue a sexist agenda. ‘THINK,’ tweets Sebastian Gorka, former deputy assistant to Donald Trump: ‘If Weinstein had obeyed @VP Pence’s rules for meeting with the opposite sex, none of those poor women would ever have been abused.’ Of course, if Weinstein hadn’t been an abusive predator, the same outcome could have been achieved, too. Just a thought. Indeed, far from isolated examples, the mainstream discussion of the Pence rule as a reasonable precaution for men to take in an age of harassment allegations is reflected in the workplace behaviour of a startlingly high percentage of men.

pages: 286 words: 79,305

99%: Mass Impoverishment and How We Can End It by Mark Thomas

"Robert Solow", 2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, additive manufacturing, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, autonomous vehicles, bank run, banks create money, bitcoin, business cycle, call centre, central bank independence, complexity theory, conceptual framework, creative destruction, credit crunch, declining real wages, distributed ledger, Donald Trump, Erik Brynjolfsson, eurozone crisis, fiat currency, Filter Bubble, full employment, future of work, Gini coefficient, gravity well, income inequality, inflation targeting, Internet of things, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, job automation, Kickstarter, labour market flexibility, laissez-faire capitalism, light touch regulation, Mark Zuckerberg, market clearing, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Nelson Mandela, North Sea oil, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, Own Your Own Home, Peter Thiel, Piper Alpha, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit maximization, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Second Machine Age, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, smart cities, Steve Jobs, The Great Moderation, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, wealth creators, working-age population

Homeless people are banned from town centres, routinely fined hundreds of pounds and sent to prison if caught repeatedly asking for money… Local authorities in England and Wales have issued hundreds of fixed-penalty notices and pursued criminal convictions for ‘begging’, ‘persistent and aggressive begging’ and ‘loitering’ since they were given strengthened powers to combat antisocial behaviour in 2014 by then home secretary, Theresa May.18 In the US, the unemployed already face strict constraints on the support they can receive, and President Donald Trump has declared his intention to let states tie eligibility for Medicaid to work: Benefits under welfare programmes – including temporary cash assistance to needy families and food stamps – can [already] be linked to work. But to date conservative hopes of tying Medicaid benefits to employment have failed to bear fruit. Under current law states are not allowed to impose work requirements… The Trump White House has been signalling for some time that it wants to change course… Hannah Katch, a senior policy analyst at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, called the guidance a ‘drastic change’ that would not help people’s health outcomes.

Distinguished followers of these writers include some of the wealthiest and most powerful people on the planet:20 Jeff Bezos, the founder of Amazon; Alan Greenspan, former Chairman of the US Federal Reserve; Steve Jobs, former CEO of Apple; the Koch brothers, one the chairman and the other the EVP of Koch Industries, the second largest privately owned company in the US21; Rupert Murdoch, executive chairman of News Corp; Politicians Donald Trump,22 Rex Tillerson, Ron and Rand Paul, and Paul Ryan in the US, and Daniel Hannan and Sajid Javid in the UK; Pay-Pal co-founder, Peter Thiel and Wikipedia co-founder Jimmy Wales. These are serious people. And they wield untold influence. Politicians respond to this influence. It is easy for a politician to attack people on benefits; it is very risky for them to attack wealthy tax-avoiders. It is easy to propose cuts in public spending; it requires enormous courage to propose an increase.

On their projections, not only will average wages perform extremely poorly but the pain will also be disproportionately borne by the lower-income segments of the population. This is, of course, a relatively short view. Unfortunately, the longer term will pose additional challenges because of the automation, described in Chapter 5, of most jobs and the inability (under current policies) of society to cope with this phenomenon. In the US, of course, the election of Donald Trump represents a more significant change in the direction of travel. His most significant legislation has been his Tax Bill which, according to the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP), will result in a total reduction in tax of US$205 billion in 2027.5 Of this US$205 billion, over US$98 billion (or 48 per cent) will go to the top 1 per cent, and only US$3.9 billion (or 2 per cent) to the bottom 20 per cent of the population.

pages: 241 words: 75,417

The Last President of Europe: Emmanuel Macron's Race to Revive France and Save the World by William Drozdiak

Berlin Wall, bilateral investment treaty, Boeing 737 MAX, Boris Johnson, centre right, cloud computing, Donald Trump, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, reserve currency, Silicon Valley, Socratic dialogue, South China Sea, UNCLOS, working poor

The irony is that within two years of rising to power by sweeping aside the traditional political parties, Macron found his presidency imperiled by the same kind of anti-establishment hostility. The Yellow Vest protest is often compared to other populist rebellions in Western democracies, such as those that led to Britain’s vote to leave the European Union, the 2016 American presidential election of Donald Trump, and the rise to prominence of right-wing governments in Poland, Hungary, and Italy. French geographer Christophe Guilluy, who has studied the demographics of “left behinds” in Britain, Italy, the United States, and France, concludes that the sociology of these populist uprisings is remarkably similar. In each case, he has observed the gravitation of power and affluence to the cities in a process he calls métropolisation, which he believes is the domestic corollary of globalization.

This economic model, Guilluy says, polarizes not just employment but also the territorial map. It can have pernicious political effects, pushing depressed rural and post-industrial areas to embrace extremist causes. As a result, British voters outside the wealth centers of London and Manchester became the principal foundation of support for Brexit. The economically depressed areas of the Midwest and the South turned to Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election. And in France, the Yellow Vest movement took root in the working-class exurbs and deserted rural areas of France. “Geography is the common point of the gilets jaunes, Brexit and Trump, and the populist wave,” Guilluy says, whose book La France péripherique (Peripheral France) is often cited as one of the rare works that foreshadowed the rise of the Yellow Vest protesters.

Since Merkel and her government were doubtful, however, that Macron would be able to deliver everything within the first year of his presidency, they felt confident that his inevitable difficulties at home would diminish the pressure on Germany to adopt painful measures that might irritate its taxpayers, particularly ahead of September national elections. On the eve of the Bastille Day ceremonies in 2017, which included Donald Trump as the guest of honor, Macron and Merkel convened a special conclave of their cabinet ministers at the Élysée Palace to review a clutch of initiatives to deepen European integration in defense, security, immigration, and the economy. They gave approval for their two countries to collaborate in developing a new generation of European fighter jets, ending decades of rivalry. Military cooperation between Europe’s two major powers made sense to avoid duplication and strengthen a common industrial base now that Britain was leaving the European Union and American defense commitments were being called into question by Trump.

Super Continent: The Logic of Eurasian Integration by Kent E. Calder

3D printing, air freight, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, blockchain, Bretton Woods, business intelligence, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, cloud computing, colonial rule, Credit Default Swap, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, disruptive innovation, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, energy transition, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Gini coefficient, housing crisis, income inequality, industrial cluster, industrial robot, interest rate swap, intermodal, Internet of things, invention of movable type, inventory management, John Markoff, liberal world order, Malacca Straits, Mikhail Gorbachev, mittelstand, money market fund, moral hazard, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, seigniorage, smart cities, smart grid, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, special economic zone, supply-chain management, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, trade route, transcontinental railway, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, union organizing, Washington Consensus, working-age population, zero-sum game

Capitalizing on its continuing rapid growth, positive relations with major global power centers in Europe, and failures of US global leadership under Donald Trump, however, China is expanding its connectivity initiatives, both to other continents and also to the global agenda-setting stage. In January 2017 at the World Economic Forum in Davos, and again in May 2017 at the inaugural Belt and Road Forum in Beijing, President Xi emphasized the global scope of the BRI and its role in promoting global communication, interdependence, and sustainable growth. Xi reiterated these themes at the 2018 Boao Forum for Asia. Premier Li Keqiang stressed similar themes in extensive meetings with European leaders in the immediate aftermath of Donald Trump’s controversial visit to NATO headquarters and Trump’s decision to withdraw the US from the historic COP-21 global environmental agreement.

It could also potentially secure a global leadership role for both China and possibly other illiberal powers, while insulating domestic interests in such countries from the turbulence of full domestic liberalization. In Conclusion The two and a half centuries since the Industrial Revolution were, in the long eye of world history, an anomalous interlude. They represented a fleeting era of American political-economic dominance, combined with Eastern fragmentation, that could now be entering its twilight years. A clear erosion of economic liberalism, manifest in Brexit and the trade policies of Donald Trump, is one central development. Also important are the dramatic growth and transformation of the Chinese political economy, the rise of a new Eurasian continentalism, and explosively growing “South–South” trade. These historic changes take place against a backdrop of enduring, embedded geo-economic realities that are all too often ignored. China lies at the geographic heart of the largest and most populous continent on earth, surrounded by dynamic neighbors in East and Southeast Asia.

Domestically, Alibaba is already one of the firms trialing a government-initiated “social credit” system for assessing the behavior of individuals, while its work on big data and cloud computing has major potential for boosting government surveillance and data collection capabilities. Internationally, Alibaba founder Jack Ma, although not involved in any formal Chinese political activity, has been a prominent international spokesman for President Xi’s global economic initiatives, including the BRI. Ma met with president-elect Donald Trump just before Trump’s inauguration, for example, to discuss ways of promoting US small-business exports through e-commerce.58 And he spoke again in support of President Xi’s initiatives at the 2018 Davos World Economic Forum meetings.59 Through its e-commerce activities, Alibaba is continually promoting a next-generation version of the BRI.60 Taken together, the three types of Chinese national champions—SOEs, government-supported private firms, and employee-owned collectives—all play central, if varied, roles in deepening Eurasian connectivity.

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Super Pumped: The Battle for Uber by Mike Isaac

"side hustle", activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Airbnb, Albert Einstein, always be closing, Amazon Web Services, Andy Kessler, autonomous vehicles, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Burning Man, call centre, Chris Urmson, Chuck Templeton: OpenTable:, citizen journalism, Clayton Christensen, cloud computing, corporate governance, creative destruction, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, family office, gig economy, Google Glasses, Google X / Alphabet X, high net worth, Jeff Bezos, John Markoff, Kickstarter, Lyft, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, Menlo Park, Mitch Kapor, money market fund, moral hazard, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, Network effects, new economy, off grid, peer-to-peer,, Richard Florida, ride hailing / ride sharing, Sand Hill Road, self-driving car, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, skunkworks, Snapchat, software as a service, software is eating the world, South China Sea, South of Market, San Francisco, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, TaskRabbit, the payments system, Tim Cook: Apple, Travis Kalanick, Uber and Lyft, Uber for X, uber lyft, ubercab, union organizing, upwardly mobile, Y Combinator

President Trump,” New York Times, July 17, 2018, 200 “Facebook enabled a Trump victory”: Max Read, “Donald Trump Won Because of Facebook,” Intelligencer, November 9, 2016, 200 Even inside of Facebook: Mike Isaac, “Facebook, in Cross Hairs After Election, Is Said to Question Its Influence,” New York Times, November 12, 2016, 200 Trump had banked more: Nicholas Confessore and Karen Yourish, “$2 Billion Worth of Free Media for Donald Trump,” New York Times, March 15, 2016, 201 “a huge step backward”: Biz Carson, “ ‘I Do Not Accept Him As My Leader’—Uber CTO’s Explosive Anti-Trump Email Reveals Growing Internal Tensions,” Business Insider, January 24, 2017, 202 Uber’s $3.5-billion funding round: Isaac and de la Merced, “Uber Turns to Saudi Arabia for $3.5 Billion Cash Infusion.” 202 Some of Uber’s institutional shareholders: Alex Barinka, Eric Newcomer, and Lulu Yilun Chen, “Uber Backers Said to Push for Didi Truce in Costly China War,” Bloomberg, July 20, 2016, 202 Uber conceded the fight: Paul Mozur and Mike Isaac, “Uber to Sell to Rival Didi Chuxing and Create New Business in China,” New York Times, August 1, 2016, 202 For investors, it was a win: 203 top tech CEOs were called: David Streitfeld, “ ‘I’m Here to Help,’ Trump Tells Tech Executives at Meeting,” New York Times, December 14, 2016,

Chapter 21: #DELETEUBER 205 “We don’t want them here”: Michael D. Shear and Helene Cooper, “Trump Bars Refugees and Citizens of 7 Muslim Countries,” New York Times, January 27, 2017, 206 he called for a complete restriction: Patrick Healy and Michael Barbaro, “Donald Trump Calls for Barring Muslims From Entering U.S.,” New York Times, December 7, 2015, 206 Thousands of lawyers arrived: Jonah Engel Bromwich, “Lawyers Mobilize at Nation’s Airports After Trump’s Order,” New York Times, January 29, 2017, 206 “NO PICKUPS @ JFK Airport”: NY Taxi Workers (@NYTWA), “NO PICKUPS @ JFK Airport 6 PM to 7 PM today.

Though many had written about the negative aspects of tech, the American press and public often overlooked Facebook’s towering monopoly on social media, Amazon’s takeover of internet infrastructure, the disappearance of privacy enabled by Google’s advertising technology, the noxious, racist trolls enabled by Twitter, and the outlandish and harmful theories fed to users by YouTube’s automated algorithms—the earth is flat, vaccinations cause autism, 9/11 was an inside job. That generous view of technology would curdle on the night of November 8, 2016, when Donald Trump unexpectedly won the US presidential election. But while the election cast a pall over tech in general, the night also served as the turning point for Uber in particular. The company’s troubles did not stem from the election, of course, nor did they cause the result, but they were soon caught up in the chaos that followed. The maelstrom marked the beginning of one of the worst twelve-month periods in American corporate history.

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The New Urban Crisis: How Our Cities Are Increasing Inequality, Deepening Segregation, and Failing the Middle Class?and What We Can Do About It by Richard Florida

affirmative action, Airbnb, basic income, Bernie Sanders, blue-collar work, business climate, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, Columbine, congestion charging, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, East Village, edge city, Edward Glaeser, failed state, Ferguson, Missouri, Gini coefficient, Google bus, high net worth, income inequality, income per capita, industrial cluster, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, jitney, Kitchen Debate, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, land value tax, low skilled workers, Lyft, megacity, Menlo Park, mortgage tax deduction, Nate Silver, New Economic Geography, new economy, New Urbanism, occupational segregation, Paul Graham, plutocrats, Plutocrats, RAND corporation, rent control, rent-seeking, Richard Florida, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, superstar cities, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the High Line, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trickle-down economics, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, white flight, young professional

Royal Society for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures and Commerce, “Unleashing Metro Growth: Final Recommendations of the City Growth Commission,” London, October 2015, 32. See Benjamin Barber, If Mayors Ruled the World: Dysfunctional Cites, Rising Nations, Yale University Press, 2013; Barber, “Can Cities Counter the Power of President-Elect Donald Trump?” The Nation, November 14, 2013, APPENDIX 1. Paul D. Allison, “Measures of Inequality,” American Sociological Review 43, no. 6 (December 1978): 865–880. 2. On the Dissimilarity Index, see Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton, “The Dimensions of Residential Segregation,” Social Forces 67, no. 2 (1988): 281–315. 3. On the Milken Tech-Pole Index, see Ross DeVol, Perry Wong, John Catapano, and Greg Robitshek, America’s High-Tech Economy: Growth, Development, and Risks for Metropolitan Areas (Santa Monica, CA: Milken Institute, 1999). 4.

In short order came England’s stunning and wholly unexpected decision to leave the European Union with the Brexit. Vehemently opposed by affluent, cosmopolitan London, it was backed by the struggling residents of working-class cities, suburbs, and rural areas who were being left behind by the twin forces of globalization and re-urbanization. But what came next was even more unanticipated—and even more frightening: the election of Donald Trump to the presidency of the most powerful country on the planet. Trump rose to power by mobilizing anxious, angry voters in the left-behind places of America. Hillary Clinton took the dense, affluent, knowledge-based cities and close-in suburbs that are the epicenters of the new economy, winning the popular vote by a substantial margin. But Trump took everywhere else—the farther-out exurbs and rural areas—which provided his decisive victory in the Electoral College.

Meanwhile, the middle of our suburban geography is being hollowed out and squeezed economically: growth is bypassing the older suburban areas that lie between the two poles of urban center and outlying new development. The stagnation and decline of older suburbs is one of the biggest forces shaping America today. Besides the effect that they are having on individuals and families, on America’s neighborhoods and cities, and on the economy of the nation, they are creating an earthquake in our politics.21 Suburban distress played a key role in the rise of Donald Trump, who harnessed the simmering anger and resentment of voters in economically distressed working-class suburbs. Trump won the 2016 GOP primary based on his support from whiter, more blue-collar, less educated, and older counties, according to my own analysis. Trump’s primary support was concentrated in counties with larger white populations, more blue-collar “old-economy” jobs, larger shares of people who did not graduate from high school, and also the portion of the population living in mobile homes, according to a New York Times analysis.22 Trump’s unpredicted and shocking victory in the general election was a product of the same overlapping class and geographic divides.

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Sex Power Money by Sara Pascoe

Albert Einstein, call centre, Donald Trump, Firefox, gender pay gap, invention of movable type, Louis Daguerre, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Neil Kinnock, phenotype, telemarketer, twin studies, zero-sum game

She made me promise to never do it again, because it wasn’t fair. ‘Even in a fight, gentlemen don’t go for the goolies,’ Jools instructed, and I apologised. I learned something important that day, the word ‘goolies’. Three decades later, and Donald Trump had moved into politics. Amongst the debates and speeches there was schoolyardy name-calling. Critics of Trump disagreed with his opinions, what he said and (when imitating a journalist with cerebral palsy) how he said it. But while attempting to undermine him, some dissenters aimed for his penis. Here’s an example: in 2016 Marco Rubio entertains at a rally, first by saying Donald Trump has the hands of a much shorter man, then asking suggestively, ‘You know what they say about men with small hands?’ Men’s hands (and feet) have been referenced facetiously as indicators of penis size ever since I’ve been alive.

Men want big hands and women want small hands, even though we use them for all the same stuff: petting cats, masturbating, keying our enemy’s car. Oddly Donald Trump was more offended at being called small-handed than untrustworthy. At his next public address he asked everyone to look at his titchy, pussy-grabbing hands and declared, ‘If they’re small, something else must be small. I guarantee you there’s no problem. I guarantee you.’ It’s so surreal. A man reassuring American voters that, if elected, he will provide an unproblematic presidential penis. Trump’s defensiveness reminded me that one of the many euphemisms for male genitalia is ‘manhood’. That word can be used in an absolutely literal way about the male anatomy: ‘Sara was running towards me and I grabbed a bin lid to protect my manhood’; or it can be metaphorical: ‘After Rubio’s comments Donald Trump used a public address to defend his manhood.’

In the 1980s Labour leader Neil Kinnock’s political ambitions went down on Brighton beach when he did. If you’re too young to remember this, you can watch it on YouTube. Kinnock was walking hand in hand with his wife when the sea surprised him and he tripped up trying to keep his shoes dry. ‘That’s it,’ said the nation. ‘You can’t be leader, you can’t even stay upright on pebbles.’ When some American voters continued to respect Donald Trump, I realised I did not understand people very well. Or at all. The discussions about what Trump had said were fascinating. Lots of people claimed it was ‘banter’, ‘men’s talk’, ‘locker-room’. What I’m expected to understand is that men in groups sometimes talk in a special way about women. It’s not supposed to be taken seriously, which is why they keep it secret. This is difficult for me to investigate: if I go to a locker room to hear men talking about women when women aren’t around then I’m around, being a woman, and the ‘banter’ stops.

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The Participation Revolution: How to Ride the Waves of Change in a Terrifyingly Turbulent World by Neil Gibb

Airbnb, Albert Einstein, blockchain, Buckminster Fuller, call centre, carbon footprint, Clayton Christensen, collapse of Lehman Brothers, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, gig economy, iterative process, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, Khan Academy, Kibera, Kodak vs Instagram, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, Minecraft, Network effects, new economy, performance metric, ride hailing / ride sharing, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, Snapchat, Steve Jobs, the scientific method, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, trade route, urban renewal

On 27 September 2016, Donald Trump stepped onstage in front of a massive crowd of 15,000 people in Melbourne, Florida. Outside, another 10,000 Trump fans were clamouring to get in. About 650 miles north in Raleigh, North Carolina, his rival Hillary Clinton was addressing 1,400 supporters at Wake Tech Community College. There was a little over a month to go in the American presidential election, and Trump was well behind in the polls. Every expert, every opinion poll – even the ones that often went against the grain – said he had practically no chance of winning. Despite the majority of the mainstream media, and just about every high-profile political pundit and establishment figure going, being vehemently against Trump, something was happening on the ground. The Stone Roses and Donald Trump employed the same strategy as the high-growth social businesses like Facebook, WhatsApp, and Instagram.

In early 2017, it had to admit its second forecast had also turned out to be incorrect and tried again. This was set against a backdrop of all sorts of other confusion. Inflation was supposed to go up, but it didn’t. The rapid decline in oil prices was meant to be good news, but the drop seemed anything but. In the meantime, the biggest shock of all had happened. On Tuesday 8 November 2016, Donald Trump was elected president of the United States, defying every major poll, metric, tracker, expert opinion, and analysis. No one called it – not even the outliers who make their reputations on calling such things. People started to panic. What on earth was going on? That thing we seek “I define connection as the energy that exists between people when they feel seen, heard, and valued; when they can give and receive without judgment; and when they derive sustenance and strength from the relationship” Dr.

The Stone Roses and Donald Trump employed the same strategy as the high-growth social businesses like Facebook, WhatsApp, and Instagram. Instead of using traditional top-down methods of marketing and engagement, they worked from the bottom up. They focused their attention on their fans. The successful businesses and enterprises in the emerging new paradigm don’t have customers, they have fans. And fans have an entirely different relationship with the things they care about and love. On 8 November 2016, Donald Trump won the American presidential election, defying every mainstream poll. Much was said in the aftermath about Trump’s many controversial views, including his seemingly backward ideas about energy policy and climate change. In the weeks after his win, though, the biggest threat to the polar ice cap was probably from server farms overheating as social media went ballistic. The seeds of Trump’s success were planted in places like Melbourne, Florida.

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