F. W. de Klerk

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One More Thing: Stories and Other Stories by B. J. Novak

Bernie Madoff, carbon-based life, citation needed, dark matter, F. W. de Klerk, Nelson Mandela, Saturday Night Live

(Applause) President Mandela, you took one of the most unjust nations on earth and made it what it is today: one of the most violent nations on earth. (Laughter) I’m not saying life is cheap in Africa, but when they make movies over there? They use blood as fake ketchup. (Laughter) And the stars really came out for you, President Mandela. Nobel Peace Prize winner F. W. de Klerk is here, everybody. Of course the “F. W.” stands for “Fucking Who?” (Laughter, de Klerk nods politely) F. W. de Klerk is the man who co-orchestrated the transition from apartheid rule to an era of democracy. Dr. de Klerk, you’ve somehow accomplished the impossible: you’ve made more black men happy than Lisa Lampanelli. Lisa Lampanelli stands and makes an obscene gesture toward Archbishop Desmond Tutu. She receives a standing ovation. JEFFREY ROSS: But we’re not here to talk about Lisa Lampanelli’s enormous vagina.

The Comedy Central Roast of Nelson Mandela The following is a transcript of excerpts from the unaired 2012 special The Comedy Central Roast of Nelson Mandela. There is currently no broadcast date for this special. ANNOUNCER: Welcome to the Comedy Central Roast of Nelson Mandela! With Jeffrey Ross! Lisa Lampanelli! Archbishop Desmond Tutu! Archbishop Don “Magic” Juan! Winnie Mandela! Sisqo! Anthony Jeselnik! Pauly D! Former South African prime minister F. W. de Klerk! Sarah Silverman! A special appearance by His Holiness the Dalai Lama! And Gilbert Gottfried! And now, ladies and gentlemen, the “Roastmaster General” himself, JEFFREY ROSS! Jeffrey Ross enters dressed as Honey Boo Boo Child. He turns slowly to reveal his costume. He receives a standing ovation. JEFFREY ROSS: What an honor to be here roasting President Nelson Mandela. (Applause) President Mandela, you’re a good sport, thank you for agreeing to be here.

JEFFREY ROSS: And now, ladies and gentlemen, a man whose name I never pronounce correctly because he doesn’t deserve my respect, Anthony Jeselnik. ANTHONY JESELNIK: Thank you. Poor Jeff Ross—too ugly to come dressed as Honey Boo Boo Child, too fat to come dressed as her mother. (Laughter; Mandela smiles politely) President Mandela, I read that the reason you and your best friend left your small hometown for Johannesburg at age sixteen was to avoid an arranged marriage. (Mandela nods) So with all due respect to F. W. de Klerk: shouldn’t you be sharing your Nobel Peace Prize with this chick who was so hideous that she caused you to jump on a train for a thousand miles to avoid banging her? (Applause) But President Mandela isn’t the only Nobel laureate here—Archbishop Desmond Tutu is here. Yeah. Yeah. (Applause) Archbishop Tutu, in 2007 you convened a group with President Mandela, Kofi Annan, and others so that you could contribute your wisdom and leadership to tackling the world’s toughest problems.

pages: 298 words: 89,287

Who Are We—And Should It Matter in the 21st Century? by Gary Younge

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, British Empire, call centre, David Brooks, equal pay for equal work, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, feminist movement, financial independence, glass ceiling, global village, illegal immigration, inflation targeting, invisible hand, liberal capitalism, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral panic, phenotype, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Skype, Steven Levy, upwardly mobile, Wolfgang Streeck, World Values Survey

“For me, growing up colored meant knowing that I was not only not white, but less than white; not only not black, but better than black,” writes Zimitri Erasmus in the introduction to Colored by History, Shaped by Place. “Colored identity has never been seen as an identity ‘in its own right.’ It has been negatively defined in terms of ‘lack’ or taint or in terms of a remainder of excess which does not fit a classificatory scheme.” Accusations of inauthenticity came from whites and blacks. In 1983, Marike de Klerk, wife of the apartheid leader F. W. de Klerk, described coloreds as “a negative group. The definition of a colored in the population register is someone who is not black, and is not white and is also not Indian, in other words a no-person. They are the leftovers. They are the people who were left after the nations were sorted out. They are the rest.” “Coloreds don’t know where they come from,” Hombi Ntshoko, a black woman from Langa, told a researcher for the book Voices from the Communities.

“The Hindu became Hindu only when the British created the class in the early 19th century, to take in those who weren’t members of the famous monotheisms, and the identity gained salience only in opposition to the South Asian Muslims.” But quite how these different identities relate to each other is entirely contingent on their context. This was clearly illustrated during an interview I had with the former South African leader F. W. de Klerk, who tried to make apartheid sound a bit like an abortive attempt to create an early version of the European Union in Africa—a region split into various national groupings where each kept their autonomous jurisdiction but remained part of a whole. “When I was a young man, I supported the idea of building a federation that would look a little bit like Europe,” he said. “The Zulus would have Zululand, like the French have France, the Xhosas would have their own country like the Germans and the Afrikaans would have theirs, and all these different nation-states would be held together by something like the European Union.”

Carter, Stephen Casey, Norah Cedarbaum, Miriam Cheney, Dick Childbirth birth rates Chisholm, Shirley Civil rights Civil Rights Act (1968) NAACP Clapham Class Cleary, Marie Clinton, Bill Clinton, Chelsea Clinton, Hillary Clyburn, Jim Colbert, Stephen Colonialism Colored identity Commission for Racial Equality Connolly, Linda Conservative Party (UK) Cooper, Carolyn Coulter, Ann Cox, Adam B. Crisp, Quentin Croats Croke Park (Dublin) Crouch, Stanley Cultural identity Christianity and Flemish cultural identity language and See also Identity Davis, Angela Davis, Mike Davis, Nira Yuval Dayle, Philip d’Azeglio, Massimo de Block, Eddie De Bont, Eileen de Klerk, F. W. de Klerk, Marike Dejagah, Ashkan Democracy apartheid’s transition to globalization and– Democratic Party (US) DeStefano, John Diaspora– Dickerson, Debra Discrimination Doennig, Randy Dolan, Patrick D’Oliveira, Basil Domestic violence Douglass, Frederick Douglass, Ramona Dowling, Mary– Doyle, Roddy Druckman, Chaim Du Bois, W. E. B. “Earning the Right to Stay” (Home Office paper) Edinburgh Edwards, John Elder, Lee Engels, Friedrich England – See also Britain English Defence League Enlightenment Erasmus, Zimitri Estonia Ethnic cleansing Ethnicity European Central Bank European Network Against Racism (ENAR) European Union (EU) Exploring the Decision-making of Immigration Officers Fackenheim, Emil Fackenheim, Joseph Faludi, Susan Fanon, Frantz Farber, Seth Farrakhan, Louis Faulkner, William Feminism Ferraro, Geraldine Fertility rates See also Childbirth Fichte, Johann Fields, Barbara J.

pages: 641 words: 147,719

The Rough Guide to Cape Town, Winelands & Garden Route by Rough Guides, James Bembridge, Barbara McCrea

affirmative action, Airbnb, blood diamonds, British Empire, Cape to Cairo, carbon footprint, colonial rule, F. W. de Klerk, ghettoisation, haute cuisine, Maui Hawaii, Murano, Venice glass, Nelson Mandela, out of africa, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Gordon, Skype, sustainable-tourism, trade route, transfer pricing, young professional

In recent years, the vegetable patches have been revived to evoke the agricultural diversity and splendour of the VOC era, when Government Avenue was lined with citrus trees to supply the scurvy-ridden sailors. The garden-cum-park is a pleasant place to meander, with a good outdoor café situated under massive trees. De Tuynhuys Government Ave • Not open to the public Peer through an iron gate to see the grand facade and tended flowerbeds of De Tuynhuys, the office (but not residence) of the president. In 1992, President F.W. de Klerk announced outside this beautiful eighteenth-century building that South Africa had “closed the book on apartheid”. Under the governorship of Lord Charles Somerset (1814–26), an official process of Anglicization at the Cape included his private obsession with architecture, which saw the demolition of the two Dutch wings of De Tuynhuys in Government Avenue. Imposing contemporary English taste, Somerset reinvented the entire garden frontage with a Colonial Regency facade, characterized by a veranda sheltering under an elegantly curving canopy, supported on slender iron columns.

The restaurants and cafés on the mall’s southeast side, with their outdoor seating, have fabulous views of Table Mountain across the busy harbour. Wandering south, you’ll pass the Amphitheatre, where local musicians regularly perform. Look out, too, for Nobel Square, with its bronze statues of South Africa’s four Nobel Peace Prize-winners: Archbishop Desmond Tutu (1984); Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk (both 1993); and the least familiar, Chief Albert John Lutuli (1960), former president of the African National Congress (ANC) and the first African to receive the award. Watershed Dock Rd • Daily 10am–7pm • waterfront.co.za Superseding the old Red and Blue Shed craft markets, the Watershed is a colourful converted warehouse that houses over 150 shops and stalls. It’s a pleasant space to pick up African craftwork and souvenirs, covering the spectrum from township art, traditional handicrafts and batiks to jewellery, leatherwork and contemporary design.

Inside South Africa, security forces enjoyed a free hand to murder, maim and torture opponents of apartheid. Botha blustered and wagged his finger at the opposition through the late 1980s, while his bloated military sucked the state coffers dry as it prosecuted its dirty wars. Even National Party stalwarts realized that his policies were leading to ruin, and in 1989, when he suffered a stroke, the party was quick to replace him with F.W. de Klerk, who immediately proceeded to announce reforms. Botha lived out his unrepentant retirement near George, declining ever to apologize for any of the brutal actions taken under his presidency to bolster apartheid. Curiously, when he died in 2006, he was given an uncritical, high-profile state funeral, broadcast on national television and attended by members of the government, including then-president, Thabo Mbeki.

pages: 446 words: 578

The end of history and the last man by Francis Fukuyama

affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, business cycle, centre right, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, European colonialism, Exxon Valdez, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, Isaac Newton, Joan Didion, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, kremlinology, land reform, liberal world order, liberation theology, life extension, linear programming, long peace, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, New Journalism, nuclear winter, old-boy network, open economy, post-industrial society, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Socratic dialogue, strikebreaker, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, zero-sum game

While the Taiwanese political system was not reformed in such a dramatic way, there was considerable democratic ferment below the surface after the death of Chiang Ching-kuo in January 1988. With the passing of much of the old guard in the ruling Guomindang party, there has been growing participation by other sectors of Taiwanese society in the Nationalist Parliament, including many native Taiwanese. And finally, the authoritarian government of Burma has been rocked by prodemocracy ferment. In February 1990, the Afrikaner-dominated government of F. W. de Klerk in South Africa announced the freeing of Nelson Mandela and the unbanning of the African National Congress and the South African Communist party. He thereby inaugurated a period of negotiations on a transition to power sharing between blacks and whites, and eventual majority rule. In retrospect, we have had difficulty perceiving the depths of the crisis in which dictatorships found themselves due to a mistaken belief in the ability of authoritarian systems to perpetuate themselves, or more broadly, in the viability of strong states.

Such an effort at social engineering was both monumental in its ambition and, in retrospect, monumentally foolish in its ultimate aim: by 1981, almost eighteen million blacks were arrested under the so-called “pass-laws” for the crime of wanting to live near their places of employment. The impossibility of defying the laws of modern economics had, by the late 1980s, led to a revolution in Afrikaner thinking that caused F. W. de Klerk, well before he became state president, to assert that “the economy demands the permanent presence of millions of blacks in urban areas” and that “it does not help to bluff ourselves about this.”19 The apartheid system’s loss of legitimacy among whites was thus ultimately based on its ineffectiveness, and has led to an acceptance on the part of a majority of Afrikaners of a new system of power sharing with blacks.20 While recognizing the real differences that exist between these cases, there was a remarkable consistency in the democratic transitions in Southern Europe, Latin America, and South Africa.

Between 1948 and 1988 they underwent a dramatic transformation into an urban, educated, and increasingly entrepreneurial white-collar society.10 With that education came contact with the political norms and trends of the outside world, from which they could not isolate themselves. The liberalization of South African society had already started in the late 1970s with the re-legalization of black trade unions and the relaxation of censorship laws. By the time of F. W. de Klerk’s opening to the African National Congress in February 1990, the government was in many ways simply following the opinion of its white electorate, now little different in educational and occupational achievement from its counterparts in Europe and America. The Soviet Union as well has been undergoing a comparable social transformation, though at a slower pace than the countries of Asia. It too has changed from an agricultural to an urban society, with increasing levels of mass and specialized education.11 These sociological changes, going on in the background while the Cold War was being fought out in Berlin and Cuba, were conditions that encouraged the steps subsequently undertaken toward democratization.

pages: 465 words: 124,074

Atomic Obsession: Nuclear Alarmism From Hiroshima to Al-Qaeda by John Mueller

airport security, Albert Einstein, Black Swan, Cass Sunstein, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Doomsday Clock, energy security, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, long peace, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, nuclear winter, oil shock, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, side project, uranium enrichment, William Langewiesche, Yom Kippur War

Accordingly, there was no great pressure from the military to divert its budget in this manner, and it was not even involved in the decision. A major driving force appears to have been the personal preferences of Defense Minister, and later President, P. W. Botha, who was reportedly singularly fixated on obtaining nuclear weapons. It became something of a pet project for him.18 His successor, F. W. de Klerk, set about dismantling the project shortly after taking office in September 1989. By that time, Soviet connections to South Africa’s northern neighbors had been much scaled back, and the cold war was in the process of evaporating. However, de Klerk had never had enthusiasm for what he called a “massive spending programme,” and the changing security environment, concludes analyst Peter Liberman, “was at best a permissive condition for dismantling.”19 In addition to his hostility to a costly and seemingly pointless weapons program, de Klerk was substantially motivated by a desire to lead his country, shunned and sanctioned by most countries for its racial apartheid policy, back into the world.

Costs: Liberman 2001, 55; Reiss 1995, 15, 30; Reiss notes, however, that the program “siphoned off many of the country’s most talented scientists and engineers,” and this must be factored in when assessing the costs of the program (43n117). Danger remote: Liberman 2001, 58. Unthinkable: Reiss 1995, 29. Military: Liberman 2001, 66–67. Fixated: from a “well-placed” source, Liberman 2001, 64. Pet project: according to F. W. de Klerk: Liberman 2001, 72–73. 19. Soviet connections: Liberman 2001, 74–75; Reiss 1995, 20–21. de Klerk: Liberman 2001, 74; see also Reiss 1995, 19. Permissive condition: Liberman 2001, 75. 20. Large role: Reiss 1995, 28. Sensitivity, consistent with Solingen: Liberman 2001, 83–84. 21. Reiss 1995, 32. 22. Asked at an open forum at the 1992 meetings of the Midwest Political Science Association, “What would happen if Ukraine were to give up nuclear weapons?”

pages: 471 words: 127,852

Londongrad: From Russia With Cash; The Inside Story of the Oligarchs by Mark Hollingsworth, Stewart Lansley

Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bob Geldof, business intelligence, corporate governance, corporate raider, credit crunch, crony capitalism, Donald Trump, energy security, Etonian, F. W. de Klerk, income inequality, kremlinology, mass immigration, mega-rich, Mikhail Gorbachev, offshore financial centre, paper trading, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Skype, Sloane Ranger

Berezovsky was clearly impressed by the man who had honed his skills at the advertising agency Saatchi & Saatchi in the 1970s and whose personal allure led one former colleague to comment, ‘He was so charming that dogs would cross the street just to be petted by him.’ Berezovsky was impressed by the spin doctor’s energy, charm, and guile, and even more so by the leading figures he had advised: Lady Thatcher while she was Prime Minister, Rupert Murdoch, his business hero, and former President F. W. de Klerk of South Africa. Optimistic, articulate, and well connected, the chain-smoking Lord Bell was also a power broker and Berezovsky hired him as much for his contacts book as for his PR skills. ‘Using Tim Bell is the communications equivalent of dialling 911,’ said one industry executive. After leaving Saatchi & Saatchi, Bell moved into public relations. He specialized in advising accident-prone, high-profile figures - among them Lady Thatcher’s son Mark Thatcher; the coal industry boss Ian Macgregor during the 1984 miners’ strike; the BBC Director-General Lord Birt over allegations of tax avoidance; British Airways Chairman Lord King over claims of dirty tricks against Virgin Airlines; and David Mellor during the media firestorm that broke over his affair with the actress Antonia de Sancha in 1992.

Much of Berezovsky’s political networking has been filtered through the little-known Global Leadership Foundation (GLF), which comprises a group of former political leaders who provide confidential advice to current rulers, notably in emerging markets. The GLF was set up by Graham Barr, an associate of Lord Bell and an executive of Chime Communications (Bell’s holding company), and former South African President F. W. de Klerk. The foundation was launched in March 2004, at Chevening in Kent, the official country residence of the British Foreign Secretary, an indication that the GLF was sanctioned by the government. Prominent members of the GLF have included former International Development Minister Baroness Chalker, former adviser to President Reagan, Chester Crocker, and former British diplomat Sir John Shepherd.

pages: 181 words: 50,196

The Rich and the Rest of Us by Tavis Smiley

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, back-to-the-land, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Buckminster Fuller, Corrections Corporation of America, Credit Default Swap, death of newspapers, deindustrialization, ending welfare as we know it, F. W. de Klerk, fixed income, full employment, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, income inequality, job automation, liberation theology, Mahatma Gandhi, mass incarceration, mega-rich, Nelson Mandela, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, traffic fines, trickle-down economics, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, women in the workforce, working poor

Keller traveled internationally and testified before Congress to raise awareness and advocate for the blind and handicapped. It took the victory of one oppressed man to inspire the multitude and dismantle the oppressive apartheid system in South Africa. After 27 years in prison on charges of treason, Nelson Mandela emerged, resolve unbroken, as a symbol of resistance that inspired Black South Africans and the world. In 1990, South African president F. W. de Klerk ordered the release of Mandela. Still fiercely active at the age of 72, Mandela led negotiations with the minority government that resulted in the end of apartheid and the beginning of a multiracial government. In 1994, Mandela was elected South Africa’s president in the country’s first free election. Keller’s and Mandela’s stories prove that, yes, one unbound imagination, one individual, can become the inspiration for millions, as Orman said.

pages: 197 words: 49,296

The Future We Choose: Surviving the Climate Crisis by Christiana Figueres, Tom Rivett-Carnac

3D printing, Airbnb, autonomous vehicles, Berlin Wall, carbon footprint, clean water, David Attenborough, decarbonisation, dematerialisation, Donald Trump, en.wikipedia.org, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Internet of things, Jeff Bezos, job automation, Lyft, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Nelson Mandela, new economy, ride hailing / ride sharing, self-driving car, smart grid, sovereign wealth fund, the scientific method, trade route, uber lyft, urban planning, urban sprawl, Yogi Berra

Cleverly programmed algorithms turbocharge that process on the internet and social media.11 This means that often we have no idea what other people deeply value or think. Get offline and get to know your neighbors, people in the grocery line, or fellow commuters. Challenge your own assumptions, and be mindful of misinformation and disinformation. Share your hopes and fears in person, listen to others, and be honest and respectful. * * * — In 1990, after spending twenty-seven years in prison, Nelson Mandela was informed by President F. W. De Klerk that he would be freed in less than twenty-four hours. The following day Mandela walked out of Victor Verster Prison and into history. He had to pass through a courtyard, beyond which he would be a free man. As he later recounted, he knew that if he did not forgive his captors before he reached the outer wall, he never would. So he forgave them. This did not mean that he forgot. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) that he later established played a remarkable role in helping post-apartheid South Africa let go of its past.

pages: 475 words: 156,046

When They Go Low, We Go High: Speeches That Shape the World – and Why We Need Them by Philip Collins

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, collective bargaining, Copley Medal, Corn Laws, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, fear of failure, Fellow of the Royal Society, full employment, invention of the printing press, late capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, plutocrats, Plutocrats, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Rosa Parks, stakhanovite, Thomas Malthus, Torches of Freedom, World Values Survey

The emotional pain of imprisonment was always intense, but it would hit its peak when Mandela received the news, by telegram, that his eldest son Madiba had died in a car crash. Mandela’s vulnerability is evident in his prison letters, which are exquisitely written records of pain. Throughout his imprisonment Mandela was offered the chance of release, but always with unacceptable conditions attached. Finally, in 1989, in a meeting with President P. W. Botha shortly before he was succeeded by F. W. de Klerk, Mandela sensed a change of attitude. It was de Klerk who had the courage to concede, as he put it in the speech with which the two accepted a shared Nobel peace prize in 1993, that ‘a terrible wrong had been done to our country’. On 4.14 p.m. on 11 February 1990, televised live, Mandela walked out through the gates of Victor Verster prison near Cape Town into a world that he did not recognise but that recognised him.

The charges Mandela was forced to answer included aiding foreign military units in their attempt to invade the Republic, acting in ways to further the objects of communism, and soliciting and receiving money from named foreign sources. He was up on a charge of being a traitor to the nation and of being a communist. He had been imprisoned under the Suppression of Communism Act. There is a Cold War aspect to the trial which is easily forgotten but which it is imperative for Mandela to deal with. This is what he is doing here. The Cold War comparison may go further still. In his reflections on the time, F. W. de Klerk noted that apartheid was not really defeated by protests, boycotts or sanctions. It fell because millions of educated black South Africans had become economically indispensable and the prejudice of a generation of young whites had been quelled by working with black colleagues. The apartheid generation were succeeded by their more liberal children. This is the case that Mandela is making. He is not enlisting Africans in the international fraternity of the working man.

pages: 708 words: 176,708

The WikiLeaks Files: The World According to US Empire by Wikileaks

affirmative action, anti-communist, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, central bank independence, Chelsea Manning, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, drone strike, Edward Snowden, energy security, energy transition, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, experimental subject, F. W. de Klerk, facts on the ground, failed state, financial innovation, Food sovereignty, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, future of journalism, high net worth, invisible hand, Julian Assange, Kickstarter, liberal world order, Mikhail Gorbachev, millennium bug, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, Northern Rock, Philip Mirowski, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, statistical model, structural adjustment programs, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, uranium enrichment, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game, éminence grise

A subsequent secret cable discussing a November 1989 meeting between the ANC’s International Department director, Thabo Mbeki, and Assistant Secretary Warren Clark highlights the differences between the US and the ANC [1989STATE368870_a]. In a contentious meeting, Mbeki made it clear that the ANC did not consider Buthelezi a “credible black leader,” partly because of his refusal to denounce attacks on ANC activists in Natal province. Mbeki also refused to give credit to the South African president at the time, F. W. de Klerk, for ongoing reforms including the release of political prisoners. Mbeki argued that de Klerk was responding to local and international pressure. Clark made it clear that the US would not accept language that designated the ANC as the sole representative of the South African people. He also insisted that language referring to sanctions was “unacceptable,” despite the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act that had become law in 1986.

The growing unrest and clamor for change are reflected in a March 1990 cable, for instance, that transcribes a speech delivered in Durban by the US ambassador, which vividly reflects the contentious relations between the African nationalists led by Mandela and the Bush administration. The ambassador emphasized that the US continued to oppose apartheid but vowed that the US would reject any settlement that was not acceptable to all parties [90CAPETOWN623_a]. The ambassador noted that President Bush had invited both F. W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela to the White House. He took time to praise de Klerk for releasing political prisoners, and called on US allies in Europe to support the South African prime minister. The speech underscores the Bush administration’s tilt toward the white-minority regime. The ambassador clearly signaled the Bush administration’s ambivalence about the US sanctions mandated by the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986 and 1988.

pages: 272 words: 76,089

Billions & Billions: Thoughts on Life and Death at the Brink of the Millennium by Carl Sagan

addicted to oil, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, clean water, cosmic abundance, dark matter, demographic transition, Exxon Valdez, F. W. de Klerk, germ theory of disease, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of agriculture, invention of radio, invention of the telegraph, invention of the telephone, Isaac Newton, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, pattern recognition, planetary scale, prisoner's dilemma, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, stem cell, the scientific method, Thomas Malthus, zero-sum game

Examples: Your sister-in-law ignores your snub and invites you over for Christmas dinner; should you accept? Shattering a four-year-long worldwide voluntary moratorium, China resumes nuclear weapons testing; should we? How much should we give to charity? Serbian soldiers systematically rape Bosnian women; should Bosnian soldiers systematically rape Serbian women? After centuries of oppression, the Nationalist Party leader F. W de Klerk makes overtures to the African National Congress; should Nelson Mandela and the ANC have reciprocated? A coworker makes you look bad in front of the boss; should you try to get even? Should we cheat on our income tax returns? If we can get away with it? If an oil company supports a symphony orchestra or sponsors a refined TV drama, ought we to ignore its pollution of the environment? Should we be kind to aged relatives, even if they drive us nuts?

pages: 352 words: 80,030

The New Silk Roads: The Present and Future of the World by Peter Frankopan

active measures, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, blockchain, Boris Johnson, cashless society, clean water, cryptocurrency, Deng Xiaoping, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Ethereum, ethereum blockchain, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, global supply chain, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, land reform, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, Nelson Mandela, purchasing power parity, ransomware, Rubik’s Cube, smart cities, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, trade route, trickle-down economics, UNCLOS, urban planning, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game

‘The heroic deeds of Boris Yeltsin and the Russian people’ had steered Russia onto a course of reform and democracy, said President Bill Clinton at a meeting with the Russian president in Vancouver in 1993. The prospect of a ‘newly productive and prosperous Russia’ was good for everyone, he noted.1 Hopeful times lay ahead too in South Africa, where fraught negotiations to end apartheid had advanced sufficiently for the Nobel committee to award the Peace Prize for 1993 to F. W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela for their ‘their work for the peaceful termination of the apartheid regime, and for laying the foundations for a new democratic South Africa’.2 The award of the prestigious prize was a moment of hope for South Africa, for Africa and for the world – even if it later emerged that many of Mandela’s closest confidants urged him not to accept the prize if it meant having to share it with a man they referred to as ‘his oppressor’.

pages: 288 words: 90,349

The Challenge for Africa by Wangari Maathai

Berlin Wall, Bob Geldof, carbon footprint, carbon-based life, clean water, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, deliberate practice, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Live Aid, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, Scramble for Africa, sovereign wealth fund, structural adjustment programs, sustainable-tourism, trade liberalization, transatlantic slave trade, urban planning, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

That courage, however, also requires a leader (or his backers) who will acknowledge the rights of the people to self-determination and prosperity, and as a result demonstrate leadership that avoids bloodshed or further violence. So although the people of eastern Europe brought down the Berlin Wall, they needed Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev not to send in the tanks. While Nelson Mandela's principled stance led to sanctions against South Africa that brought unbearable pressure upon the apartheid regime, F. W. de Klerk had to concede that the era of apartheid had to come to an end. One of the reasons why success in securing democratic space continues to elude the populace in many African countries is that politicians tend to change with the tide. For instance, they become “democrats” when democracy is seen as the route to power. But when another route appears that is shorter, they are often willing to take it, even if it means joining a rival group or faction.

pages: 437 words: 115,594

The Great Surge: The Ascent of the Developing World by Steven Radelet

"Robert Solow", Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, business climate, business process, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, colonial rule, creative destruction, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doha Development Round, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Gini coefficient, global pandemic, global supply chain, income inequality, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of the steam engine, James Watt: steam engine, John Snow's cholera map, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, land reform, low skilled workers, M-Pesa, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, off grid, oil shock, out of africa, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, Robert Gordon, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, South China Sea, special economic zone, standardized shipping container, Steven Pinker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade route, women in the workforce, working poor

On December 29 Czechoslovakia elected Václav Havel as its new president. Poland elected Lech Wałesa as president in November 1990. Hungary elected a new parliament and sent a hundred thousand Soviet troops home. Within two years, new governments swept into power in Bulgaria, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine, and several other countries. The effects went well beyond Eastern Europe. In South Africa, within days of the fall of the Wall, President F. W. de Klerk called together his cabinet to discuss legalizing the African National Congress Party and freeing Nelson Mandela. They did so twelve weeks later. When Mobutu Sese Seko—one of Africa’s most ruthless dictators—watched television coverage of Ceauşescu’s execution, he reportedly concluded that his own regime was in trouble. He soon announced steps toward “democratization.” Augusto Pinochet, who had grabbed power in Chile in a US-supported 1973 coup d’état against the Socialist-Marxist leadership of Salvador Allende, was forced to relinquish power to a new elected government in December 1989.

pages: 372 words: 115,094

Reagan at Reykjavik: Forty-Eight Hours That Ended the Cold War by Ken Adelman

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Haight Ashbury, Kitchen Debate, kremlinology, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, old-boy network, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, Sinatra Doctrine, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra

The Oslo committee cited his “leading role” in the “dramatic changes [which] have taken place in the relationship between East and West. Confrontation has been replaced by negotiations. Old European nations have regained their freedom. The arms race is slowing down.” The prize went to Gorbachev alone. The committee never mentioned Ronald Reagan. Previously, the committee had recognized joint contributions, such as Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho for negotiating the end of the Vietnam War (though that turned out poorly) and F. W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela for undertaking a peaceful transition in South Africa (which turned out well). Clearly the end of the Cold War and the termination of Communist rule across Europe—both of which Reagan helped hasten—are grand, historic achievements worthy of a Nobel Prize. Freeing 415 million men, women, and children from totalitarian Communist rule will not dissipate soon, or ever. Winning awards is wonderful, but having someone to bring those awards home to is even more wonderful.

pages: 413 words: 119,379

The Looting Machine: Warlords, Oligarchs, Corporations, Smugglers, and the Theft of Africa's Wealth by Tom Burgis

Airbus A320, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, BRICs, British Empire, central bank independence, clean water, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, Gini coefficient, Livingstone, I presume, McMansion, megacity, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open economy, purchasing power parity, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, structural adjustment programs, trade route, transfer pricing, upwardly mobile, urban planning, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game

His relationship with De Beers soon soured, and he took a job at Rio Tinto, working on a copper mine close to the Kruger National Park, where the racial division was even more apparent. ‘I was working on the mine, in production, and I was really exposed to how things are,’ Moloi remembers. By 1990 mass protests and international sanctions had brought the apartheid regime to the verge of collapse. F. W. de Klerk released Nelson Mandela and lifted the ban on the African National Congress. The party set up working groups to prepare itself for government, and Moloi joined the one on science and technology. By 1993 the leading lights of the ANC’s economics team had identified the usefulness of a man who knew the mining business from the inside. Moloi was brought onto the party’s economic planning team as it made ready to face the sky-high expectations of black South Africans, many of whom believed that their imminent liberation would bring swift deliverance from poverty.

pages: 481 words: 121,300

Why geography matters: three challenges facing America : climate change, the rise of China, and global terrorism by Harm J. De Blij

agricultural Revolution, airport security, Anton Chekhov, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial exploitation, complexity theory, computer age, crony capitalism, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, Eratosthenes, European colonialism, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global village, illegal immigration, Internet Archive, John Snow's cholera map, Khyber Pass, manufacturing employment, megacity, Mercator projection, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Nelson Mandela, out of africa, RAND corporation, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, special economic zone, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, UNCLOS, UNCLOS

This is not over—AIDS is only the latest manifestation of just one of them—and it has reached the point where what benefits much of the rest of the world can actually hurt Africa's chances to catch up. Shortly after the remarkable transition to democratic government in South Africa, I happened to be in Australia where I heard President Mandela's Afrikaner partner in this remarkable process, F. W. de Klerk, present an address, unreported in the American media, in which he argued that what the world needed was an Indian Ocean version of the Pacific Rim phenomenon: an Indian Ocean Rim anchored by South Africa, Australia, Thailand, and Western India that would transform the economic geography of the Southern Hemisphere and "carry Africa into the twenty-first century." But in all of Africa, only South Africa and possibly southern Mozambique might see some benefit from that vision.

pages: 484 words: 136,735

Capitalism 4.0: The Birth of a New Economy in the Aftermath of Crisis by Anatole Kaletsky

"Robert Solow", bank run, banking crisis, Benoit Mandelbrot, Berlin Wall, Black Swan, bonus culture, Bretton Woods, BRICs, business cycle, buy and hold, Carmen Reinhart, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, Corn Laws, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, credit crunch, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, Deng Xiaoping, Edward Glaeser, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, experimental economics, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Financial Instability Hypothesis, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Akerlof, global rebalancing, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, laissez-faire capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, mandelbrot fractal, market design, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Nelson Mandela, new economy, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, oil shock, paradox of thrift, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, peak oil, pets.com, Ponzi scheme, post-industrial society, price stability, profit maximization, profit motive, quantitative easing, Ralph Waldo Emerson, random walk, rent-seeking, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, short selling, South Sea Bubble, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, statistical model, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, too big to fail, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game

Because economics is driven by both secular trends and cyclical patterns, we need to start by looking at both sets of forces separately and then consider how they interact. Only in this way can we properly understand why recent events happened and where they may lead. CHAPTER FOUR Annus Mirabilis Why did I free Nelson Mandela in February 1990? Because of the Berlin Wall. Once Communism collapsed in 1989, I felt sure that the ANC would abandon its revolutionary aspirations. This meant we had a chance to negotiate a peaceful end to Apartheid.1 —F.W. de Klerk, president of South Africa, 1989-94 You ask me why India broke out of the Hindu rate of growth in 1991. It is quite simple really. When we saw what happened to the Soviet Union in 1989, we realized that our reliance on central planning had been an historic mistake. The only alternative was to liberalize the economy. We started to do that in 1991.2 —Jaswant Singh, foreign minister and finance minister of India, 2004-06 IN SEPTEMBER 2006, at the Annual Meeting of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) in Singapore, the IMF’s chief economist, Ranghuram Rajan, presented probably the most optimistic World Economic Outlook in this august institution’s sixty-year history.3 Unaware that the first tremors of the 2007-09 crisis were about to shake the world economy just six months later, in February 2007, he began his presentation with a self-deprecating joke: “I have been told to smile more often.

pages: 458 words: 136,405

Protest and Power: The Battle for the Labour Party by David Kogan

Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, Brixton riot, centre right, crowdsourcing, Donald Trump, Etonian, F. W. de Klerk, falling living standards, financial independence, full employment, imperial preference, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, Northern Rock, open borders, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, wealth creators, Winter of Discontent, Yom Kippur War

Bush, but this was of secondary importance to the rise of Mikhail Gorbachev in the Soviet Union who, from 1985, launched glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) within the USSR that slowly but surely spread to the East European states under Soviet influence. In 1989, the last Russian troops left Afghanistan and Poland was ready to allow elections. By April 1989, this fever of liberalism had spread to China and Gorbachev became the first Soviet leader to visit China since the 1960s. Students occupied Tiananmen Square for a month only to be crushed by Chinese Army tanks on 4 June 1989. In August that year, F. W. de Klerk became the State President of South Africa, leading to the release of Nelson Mandela in February 1990. The Berlin wall opened in November 1989. It was incredible; the world had transformed. These were the most dramatic changes since the second world war. In Britain, 1989 saw the start of Margaret Thatcher’s hubris. She introduced the poll tax in Scotland, which was ultimately to be the main instrument of her downfall.

pages: 613 words: 151,140

No Such Thing as Society by Andy McSmith

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bob Geldof, Boris Johnson, British Empire, Brixton riot, call centre, cuban missile crisis, Etonian, F. W. de Klerk, Farzad Bazoft, feminist movement, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, full employment, glass ceiling, God and Mammon, greed is good, illegal immigration, index card, John Bercow, Kickstarter, liberal capitalism, light touch regulation, Live Aid, loadsamoney, long peace, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mortgage debt, mutually assured destruction, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, old-boy network, popular capitalism, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Rubik’s Cube, Sloane Ranger, South Sea Bubble, spread of share-ownership, strikebreaker, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban decay, Winter of Discontent, young professional

Though she had once been keen enough to see British athletes boycott the Moscow Olympics, she resolutely refused to see a case for sanctions against white-dominated South Africa. ‘Sanctions only work by causing unemployment and starvation and misery,’3 was her fixed view. She did, however, see a need for apartheid to reform itself, and when at last South Africa had a reforming political leader in President F.W. de Klerk, she hailed him as the new Gorbachev. The great symbolic event of February 1990 was the release of Nelson Mandela after more than twenty-seven years in prison, which did not mean that the apartheid system had been dismantled, but was a sign that the end was near. Thatcher had scheduled a press conference on the steps of Downing Street to mark Mandela’s release, but was so shocked to learn that as he emerged from prison he said that the ANC should not disarm while apartheid continued to exist that she cancelled her appearance.4 She wrote to President George Bush Sr and other world leaders suggesting that the ban on new investment in South Africa be lifted without delay.

pages: 470 words: 148,444

The World as It Is: A Memoir of the Obama White House by Ben Rhodes

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, demand response, different worldview, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, eurozone crisis, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Ferguson, Missouri, illegal immigration, intangible asset, Mahatma Gandhi, Mohammed Bouazizi, Nelson Mandela, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, trickle-down economics, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks

“It’s getting a ton of attention in our press,” I said. Already, there were vigorous debates about whether it was right to shake Raúl’s hand. “What am I supposed to do? Snub the guy at a funeral?” His voice was rising a bit. I had taken him out of the moment he’d been in, honoring Mandela, and put him back into the reality of American politics. Obama started talking about how he’d gone out of his way to talk to F. W. de Klerk, the white leader who had released Mandela from prison and handed power over to him after an election. I mentioned that Desmond Tutu had closed the event. Obama was surprised—Tutu, no longer in the best graces of the ANC, had been left off the official printed program. “I feel bad I didn’t see him,” he said. “Let’s give him a call,” Michelle said. I stood off to the side as they both spoke to him, Michelle going on about how much she enjoyed their time together on her last visit to South Africa, and ending the conversation by telling Tutu that she loved him.