centre right

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pages: 691 words: 203,236

Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future of White Majorities by Eric Kaufmann

4chan, affirmative action, Amazon Mechanical Turk, anti-communist, anti-globalists, augmented reality, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, Chelsea Manning, cognitive dissonance, complexity theory, corporate governance, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, deindustrialization, demographic transition, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, en.wikipedia.org, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Haight Ashbury, illegal immigration, immigration reform, imperial preference, income inequality, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, liberal capitalism, longitudinal study, Lyft, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral panic, Nate Silver, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, open borders, phenotype, postnationalism / post nation state, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Silicon Valley, statistical model, Steven Pinker, the built environment, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, transcontinental railway, twin studies, uber lyft, upwardly mobile, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, white flight, working-age population, World Values Survey, young professional

The West is becoming less like homogeneous South Korea, where foreign policy and economic divisions dominate, and more like South Africa, where ethnicity is the main political division.89 The rise of anti-immigration parties in Western Europe presents challenges to the main centre-right and centre-left parties. After some hesitation, the centre right in most European countries has attempted to co-opt the populist right. This has paid off handsomely and placed centre-left parties on the back foot.90 From Norway to the Netherlands to Austria, the centre right has either entered into coalition with the populist right or tried to move onto its territory to win ownership of immigration and integration issues.91 In Austria, the centre-right ÖVP entered into coalition with Haider’s FPÖ after the latter’s 27 per cent showing in the election. In France, Nicolas Sarkozy gained a reputation as being tough on immigration and Islam after the 2005 banlieue riots.

In September 2009, he made his views on the burqa crystal clear to a cheering crowd of lawmakers: ‘In our country, we cannot accept that women be prisoners behind a screen … The burqa is … a sign of debasement … It will not be welcome on the territory of the French Republic.’92 Only in Germany and Sweden did the centre right, constrained by anti-racist norms, accede to the bipartisan idea of isolating the far right and its agenda. This strategy collapsed under the weight of the migration crisis of 2015: the CDU and Swedish Moderate Party have changed their tone on immigration, though neither has yet entered into coalition with the far right. In Britain, notwithstanding May’s unpopularity, the Tories were seen as the party of Brexit, permitting them to absorb UKIP support, reducing the populist right from its 12.7 per cent showing in 2015 to just 1.8 per cent. In the Netherlands, Mark Rutte’s ‘Act normal or leave’ commercial burnished his anti-Muslim credentials, helping his centre-right VVD best Geert Wilders’ PVV in 2017. In Austria, 31-year-old Sebastian Kurz of the centre-right ÖVP positioned immigration and hostility to ‘parallel communities’ – a thinly veiled reference to Islam – at the centre of his message.

The anti-racism taboo represents the successful institutionalization of liberal and left-modernist ideas, but the scope of the taboo is eroding or under challenge in most Western societies. ‘We have erected a whole series of taboos that we cannot debate without being immediately described as incendiary,’ announced Laurent Wauquiez, aspiring leader of the French centre-right Les Républicains in October 2017. ‘The nation, massive immigration, identity, the transmission of values, Islamism.’12 Wauquiez’s attempt to steal the populist right’s clothing was a promising technique whose worth has been proven by the success of other centre-right leaders in capturing these voters, including Mark Rutte in the Netherlands, Sebastian Kurz in Austria and Theresa May in Britain. For our purposes, what jumps out is Wauquiez’s politicization of the term ‘taboo’, a frequent refrain of conservative politicians going back to Pim Fortuyn in the Netherlands and William Hague in Britain in the early 2000s.


pages: 323 words: 95,492

The Rise of the Outsiders: How Mainstream Politics Lost Its Way by Steve Richards

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, call centre, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, David Brooks, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Etonian, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, full employment, housing crisis, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Neil Kinnock, obamacare, Occupy movement, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley

She was surrounded by the powerless in power. In Austria the country’s two main parties – the Social Democratic Party and the centre-right Austrian People’s Party – which together made up the governing coalition, were humiliated in the 2016 presidential election. Disillusioned voters selected candidates from the far-right Freedom Party (FPÖ) and the Green Party to contest the election, both parties uncontaminated by power. The main parties of the coalition were unrepresented in the presidential election. In supporting two outsiders, the voters were rebelling against another grand coalition, another government tottering grandly. In contrast, the outsiders in Austria retained their ideological purity. The parties from the centre left and centre right became impure as they governed erratically, changing their positions on the refugee crisis and coming to terms with the aftermath of the financial crisis.

Perhaps it would have been healthier for Labour to have staged a more volcanic debate during the leadership contest that took place after its general-election defeat in 2010. Similarly, social democrats in much of Europe lost support after the financial crash, without much debate as to why they were becoming unpopular. On the centre right there was also little ideological revisionism after the financial crash. Guiding assumptions about the role of government remained largely unchanged for decades. These assumptions were the dominant force in much of the Western world from the early 1980s, and were based around the virtues of the light-touch state. From the turn of the century, centre-right parties showed themselves to be fairly adaptable in terms of their support for social liberalism. But some of them continued to worship at the altar of the Reagan/Thatcher economic orthodoxies that took hold in the incomparably different circumstances of the early 1980s.

How best can governments intervene to address the generational divide? Democratic politics would benefit from a more robust debate between centre left and centre right, in the aftermath of the financial crash. The centre-left case for a Keynesian response to the 2008 financial crash was put much more confidently by a few newspaper columnists – Paul Krugman in The New York Times, Martin Wolf in the Financial Times, William Keegan in The Observer – than it was by politicians. The centre-left politicians, with their nervy eyes on the voters, could not find a way of explaining why a deficit could be addressed by more government borrowing. With the centre left in retreat, the centre right had much of the stage to itself and, in imposing an excess of spending cuts, made itself so unpopular that it gave space to those even further to the right, who put the case for government hyperactivity.


pages: 337 words: 101,440

Revolution Française: Emmanuel Macron and the Quest to Reinvent a Nation by Sophie Pedder

Airbnb, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, bike sharing scheme, centre right, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, Erik Brynjolfsson, eurozone crisis, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, ghettoisation, haute couture, Jean Tirole, knowledge economy, liberal capitalism, mass immigration, mittelstand, new economy, post-industrial society, rent-seeking, ride hailing / ride sharing, Second Machine Age, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Travis Kalanick, urban planning, éminence grise

In what was to become the most contentious element of the speech, Hollande announced that he planned to write into the constitution the power to strip nationality from French-born dual citizens convicted of terrorism, a measure known as déchéance. The Socialists were aghast. So were Republicans on the liberal centre-right. The proposal flew in the face of the French legal tradition of droit du sol, or the right to nationality based on birth on French soil, and created the impression that those of dual citizenship would become a second-class category of French nationals. Thomas Piketty, the economist on the left, accused the government of ‘running after the National Front’. Alain Juppé, on the centre-right, described its likely effectiveness as a counter-terrorism measure as ‘feeble, if not zero’. This episode was the moment at which Macron’s plans accelerated. Not only did political parties no longer reflect underlying divisions on economic policy – the lesson the minister drew from the debate over his Sunday trading bill – but the same was also true for questions of citizenship and identity.

He also upended an existing political order, and turned the party system inside out. For the first time since the Fifth Republic was established by Charles de Gaulle in 1958, the two broad political groups that had run modern France were eliminated from the second-round presidential run-off. A month later, Macron’s chaotic fledgling movement was swept into the National Assembly, bagging 60 per cent of the seats, decimating the Socialist Party, and reducing the centre-right Republicans to a nationalist rump. In a country famed for its resistance to change, Mr Macron cast aside the ancien régime, overturned the left-right divide and crushed the two biggest political parties. Out went a generation of grey-haired men in suits. Fully 75 per cent of incoming deputies in the National Assembly had not held seats in the previous parliament. Nearly half the new legislators were women.

Various members of Brigitte Macron’s family remained in Amiens, and indeed still run the Trogneux chocolate business, which has a boutique in the city centre selling ribbon-wrapped boxes of homemade truffles and macaroons. But her adult children also left to settle elsewhere, and family reunions usually took place in Le Touquet. Macron, said one acquaintance from Amiens days, ‘became more of an Auzière than a Macron’. Amiens belonged to the past. ‘Macron rarely comes back. He launched his campaign here, but it was just publicity,’ Brigitte Fouré, the centre-right mayor of Amiens, declared during the 2017 election campaign. Macron had left too young to have had any involvement in local politics. He seldom visited. The connection to the town was remote. It was politics, in the end, that brought Macron back to Amiens. On 6 April 2016 he launched En Marche in this Picardy city, a place it suited him to reclaim. A year later, Amiens was again the backdrop for Macron’s political ambitions, during a visit between the two rounds of the presidential election that became a turning point in the campaign.


pages: 322 words: 84,580

The Economics of Belonging: A Radical Plan to Win Back the Left Behind and Achieve Prosperity for All by Martin Sandbu

"Robert Solow", Airbnb, autonomous vehicles, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, carbon footprint, Carmen Reinhart, centre right, collective bargaining, debt deflation, deindustrialization, deskilling, Diane Coyle, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial intermediation, full employment, future of work, gig economy, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, intangible asset, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labour market flexibility, liquidity trap, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Martin Wolf, meta analysis, meta-analysis, mini-job, mortgage debt, new economy, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open economy, pattern recognition, pink-collar, precariat, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, Richard Florida, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, social intelligence, TaskRabbit, total factor productivity, universal basic income, very high income, winner-take-all economy, working poor

Leftist parties reforming themselves in the 1990s took on board much of the deregulation and tax cutting that had been controversially pushed through by centre-right parties in the 1980s. Sometimes they doubled down on the 1980s reforms—witness the German labour reforms in the early 2000s (mentioned in chapter 4), which made work more precarious and caused wage stagnation for many, passed and put in place under Gerhard Schröder, a Social Democratic Party leader. In general, the “third way” centre-left was prepared to let free markets work much like its centre-right rivals, but using the fruits of growth to increase redistribution or spend more on public services. In this way, both the centre-right and the centre-left either left unchecked or spurred on the underlying dynamics of divergence and inequality in the economy, which were beginning to take effect but escaped serious attention.

The survey in part 1 of the economic forces that ended the postwar economy of belonging highlighted both the lack of adequate policy responses to the transformations undergone by Western economies and, in many places, a political shift towards policies that made matters even worse. The most seductive explanation for why governments let these problems happen is the wave of centre-right support that washed over the West in the 1980s. That was above all the Reagan and Thatcher revolution, a carefully prepared (and often well-funded) intellectual and political crusade to discredit New Deal liberalism and postwar social democracy. But the ideas these politicians brought with them into power in the United States and the United Kingdom also enjoyed far-reaching influence in many other countries, including those where centre-right parties were not as electorally successful. A programme of deregulation, lower tax rates, and looser state control of the postwar social democratic economy was implemented in many countries over the following decades.

All these points illustrate that while certainly compatible with centre-left politics, the economics of belonging is not a social democratic throwback. There are many elements of it that would sit equally comfortably with a centre-right party. The net wealth tax, for example, is a proposal not for higher taxation but for different taxation. As I explained in chapter 10, it should be seen as a capitalist-friendly tax, because it rewards those who make the most of their capital and punishes those who manage their wealth badly. That is especially true if it replaces other, more commonly used taxes on capital, such as dividend or capital gains taxes. A progressive net wealth tax also promotes more widespread wealth holdings—one might even say it encourages a “property-owning democracy.” That is surely something a centre-right party could embrace with gusto. UBI/NIT, too, has long been supported on the right. Milton Friedman and his followers understood how means-tested welfare benefits could disempower recipients and create low-income traps because of the exorbitant effective marginal tax rates borne by lower-middle earners who face the withdrawal of their benefits if they achieve higher pay.


pages: 382 words: 100,127

The Road to Somewhere: The Populist Revolt and the Future of Politics by David Goodhart

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, assortative mating, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, borderless world, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, carbon footprint, central bank independence, centre right, coherent worldview, corporate governance, credit crunch, deglobalization, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, Etonian, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, first-past-the-post, gender pay gap, gig economy, glass ceiling, global supply chain, global village, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, job satisfaction, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, market friction, mass immigration, mittelstand, Neil Kinnock, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, North Sea oil, obamacare, old-boy network, open borders, Peter Singer: altruism, post-industrial society, post-materialism, postnationalism / post nation state, race to the bottom, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, selection bias, shareholder value, Skype, Sloane Ranger, stem cell, Thomas L Friedman, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, ultimatum game, upwardly mobile, wages for housework, white flight, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, World Values Survey

And as recent Conservative governments have shown, it is possible for other parties to borrow the policies—living wage, apprenticeship levy—and even the language of social democracy. Parties of the centre-right have seen their vote share fall in many countries too, and have also lost votes to right-wing populists, but have generally found it easier to straddle the Anywhere/Somewhere divide. At least in the British Conservative Party opposition to liberal openness on immigration and European integration has co-existed, if not always happily, with support for free markets and business de-regulation. Cross-class and cross-value appeal has been achieved by the centre-right through a liberal ‘modernisation’ drive tempered by a more traditional Conservative belief in a strong nation state. To the extent that there has been an Anywhere/Somewhere divide in the party it has probably been over the EU itself (one reason for the deep persistence of the argument) and less dramatically over gay marriage.

3 EUROPEAN POPULISM AND THE CRISIS OF THE LEFT A few months ago I was sitting in a bar in Amsterdam with a couple of Dutch friends when one of them, the political writer René Cuperus, came up with a phrase (adapted from Tony Blair’s famous couplet on crime)—‘tough on populism, tough on the causes of populism.’ I have had occasion to borrow it on many occasions since. We were talking about the rise of European populism over the past fifteen years and how 2002 was the year that changed everything. Political systems dominated by competition between a main party of the centre-left and the centre-right had been slowly fraying in much of continental Europe in the last decades of the twentieth century, with proportional representation making it easier for small parties to eat into the voter base of the big ones. But then came 2002. It was the year in which Jean-Marie Le Pen unexpectedly beat the Socialist Lionel Jospin into the final round of the French presidential election before going down to a heavy defeat to Jacques Chirac.

Scheffer, a charming man in his early 60s, wrote an essay in 2000 called ‘The Multicultural Tragedy’, taking a critical look at the hands-off way that the Netherlands had managed immigration, Islam and national cohesion.1 He was, and remains, an influential member of the Dutch Labour party but his challenge to liberal squeamishness about minority segregation and illiberalism led to a heated national ‘integration debate’.2 That Scheffer debate in the Netherlands helped to clear intellectual space for the anti-multiculturalism candidate Pim Fortuyn to gather a growing wave of support in the 2002 Dutch election. When Fortuyn was assassinated two days before the election by an unhinged vegan activist his death swept away any remaining taboos about opposing immigration and multiculturalism in the Netherlands. A series of governments, of both centre-left and centre-right, have subsequently implemented more overtly integrationist policies—pushed hard from the outside (and briefly from the inside) by Geert Wilders and his anti-immigration, anti-Islam Party of Freedom (PVV). The Wilders party, which emerged in the 2006 election, has consistently claimed between 10 and 20 per cent of the popular vote ever since, which in the Netherlands’ fragmented political system usually makes it the second or third largest party in popular support.


pages: 267 words: 74,296

Unhappy Union: How the Euro Crisis - and Europe - Can Be Fixed by John Peet, Anton La Guardia, The Economist

bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, debt deflation, Doha Development Round, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fixed income, Flash crash, illegal immigration, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, light touch regulation, market fundamentalism, moral hazard, Northern Rock, oil shock, open economy, pension reform, price stability, quantitative easing, special drawing rights, supply-chain management, The Great Moderation, too big to fail, transaction costs, éminence grise

Thus Greece has seen the rise not just of Golden Dawn, an explicitly extreme-right party, but also of Syriza, an anti-austerity left-wing party that is running ahead of the ruling New Democracy party in opinion polls. Spain and Portugal have, so far, escaped the rise of populist parties of the right, but the more extreme United Left party is doing well in Spain and support for the two mainstream centre-right and centre-left parties has collapsed. Italy has seen the spectacular rise of Beppe Grillo’s Five Star movement, which took almost 25% of the vote in the election of February 2013, forcing the centre-left and centre-right parties into an uneasy coalition. In France, Marine Le Pen’s National Front is running close to 20% in the opinion polls. The rise of populists and extremists is not confined to troubled euro-zone countries alone. In Finland, the True Finns (now the Finns Party) under Timo Soini, which came out of nowhere in 2011, largely to protest against the euro, are scoring 20% or more in most opinion polls.

On this the key person was the new German chancellor, Angela Merkel, who took office in late 2005 at the head of a “grand coalition” between her Christian Democrats and the Social Democrats. She was determined to revive as much as she could from the constitution, not least because the new voting system that it proposed at long last recognised that Germany’s population is larger than that of other EU countries. After her fellow centre-right leader, Nicolas Sarkozy, became French president in mid-2007, the two pressed ahead with what later became the Lisbon treaty, which incorporated most of what had been in the constitution but in a disguised and less comprehensible fashion. Critics complained that reviving the treaty in this way was a backdoor route around the negative votes in France and the Netherlands. They objected even more vociferously when almost all EU leaders, including the French and the Dutch, said they would not try to ratify Lisbon by referendums but use parliamentary votes instead.

Europe à I’Hollandaise The election on May 6th 2012 of a Socialist president in France, François Hollande, who had campaigned on an anti-austerity platform, was greeted with mixed feelings: hope that the Merkozy diktat would end, but also worry that the untested Merkhollande might lead to paralysis or worse. There was not much of a honeymoon. On the same day, Greek voters crushed both main centrist parties, the centre-right New Democracy and especially the Socialist Pasok. The old giants barely mustered 30% of the vote between them. It was, in a sense, as if the abortive referendum that cost George Papandreou his job had been held after all. But having expressed their revulsion with the political elite, Greek voters were less clear about what should replace it. Votes were scattered among anti-austerity factions ranging from the Stalinist left to the neo-Nazi right.


pages: 390 words: 109,870

Radicals Chasing Utopia: Inside the Rogue Movements Trying to Change the World by Jamie Bartlett

Andrew Keen, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, blockchain, blue-collar work, Boris Johnson, brain emulation, centre right, clean water, cryptocurrency, Donald Trump, drone strike, Elon Musk, energy security, Ethereum, ethereum blockchain, failed state, gig economy, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Jaron Lanier, job automation, John Markoff, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, life extension, Occupy movement, off grid, Peter Thiel, post-industrial society, postnationalism / post nation state, precariat, QR code, Ray Kurzweil, RFID, Rosa Parks, Ross Ulbricht, Satoshi Nakamoto, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, smart contracts, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, technoutopianism

It was named after the American political scientist Joseph Overton, who described the range of policies that both left- and right-wing politicians needed to support if they wanted to get elected. Superficial deviations are fine, but anything outside of that window is too unusual, unworkable, unrealistic to be accepted by the public. Too radical. The Overton window has barely moved for years. But when I started this book in late 2014 there were signs it was beginning to widen. Fewer people were voting, and those who did bother were drifting away from the centre-right and (especially) centre-left parties towards the edges.3 There is even a word for this collapse of the centre: ‘Pasokification’, after the once-dominant Greek social democratic party Pasok, whose public support fell from 45 per cent to 4 per cent in 2015, a pattern mirrored in several other countries.4 According to various surveys, citizens’ trust in elected officials, parliament, the justice system and even democracy itself had been falling steadily for years and was at record lows.

Radicals Chasing Utopia is an examination of the ideas and the people on the political and social fringes. It’s an effort to explore how and why new groups and ideas emerge and gain currency. Of course, the distinction between radical ideas and mainstream ones is not always clear. Received wisdoms always change over time, and what passes for political consensus exists in a mild state of flux and change. But that process is quickening. Centre-right and centre-left parties across Western democracies are watching helplessly as their long-assumed monopoly on power slips away, and candidates spouting ideas once considered the lunacy of the tin-hat fringe-types—Marine Le Pen in France, Podemos in Spain—are surging in opinion polls. Against the wishes of the majority of political and business leaders, the United Kingdom voted to leave the European Union.

Italy is used to democratic upheavals. After the collapse of the First Republic and Craxi in the early 1990s, several parties disappeared entirely. But no one could quite believe it when the results came in on 25 February 2013. Five Star received 26 per cent of the vote in the Chamber of Deputies and 24 per cent in the Senate, making it the single largest party in Italy. (They did not ‘win’, as both the centre-left and centre-right parties formed an alliance, and so secured—only just—more votes.†) Days later, 163 Five Star MPs—54 senators and 109 deputies, none of whom had ever held national political office before—headed to Rome. ‘Beppe Grillo’s enormous tidal wave crashes on the Italian political system, revolutionising it forever’ wrote a stunned La Repubblica. A combination of anger at the status quo, endemic corruption, smart use of new technology and a charismatic figurehead had propelled this fledgling movement from the weird fringe of Italian politics to the heart of the establishment in just over three years.


pages: 310 words: 85,995

The Future of Capitalism: Facing the New Anxieties by Paul Collier

"Robert Solow", accounting loophole / creative accounting, Airbnb, assortative mating, bank run, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, Bob Geldof, bonus culture, business cycle, call centre, central bank independence, centre right, Commodity Super-Cycle, computerized trading, corporate governance, creative destruction, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, delayed gratification, deskilling, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, full employment, George Akerlof, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, greed is good, income inequality, industrial cluster, information asymmetry, intangible asset, Jean Tirole, job satisfaction, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, late capitalism, loss aversion, Mark Zuckerberg, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, negative equity, New Urbanism, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, out of africa, Peace of Westphalia, principal–agent problem, race to the bottom, rent control, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, sovereign wealth fund, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, too big to fail, trade liberalization, urban planning, web of trust, zero-sum game

Political parties of the centre-left and centre-right alternated in power, but the policies remained in place. Yet, social democracy as a political force is now in existential crisis. The last decade has been a roll-call of disasters. On the centre-left, mauled by Bernie Sanders, Hillary Clinton lost against Donald Trump; the Blair–Brown British Labour Party has been taken over by the Marxists. In France, President Hollande decided not even to seek a second term, and his replacement as the Socialist Party candidate, Benoît Hamon, crashed out with merely 8 per cent of the vote. The Social Democrat parties of Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway and Spain have all seen their vote collapse. This would normally have been good news for the politicians of the centre-right, yet in Britain and America they too have lost control of their parties, while in Germany and France their electoral support has collapsed.

In the 2017 election, Jeremy Corbyn pitched an ideological populism of the left, whereas Teresa May failed to articulate a coherent strategy, leaving voters bereft of choice and resulting in a hung parliament. Even in Germany, Chancellor Merkel’s brief flirtation with a curious blend of Rawlsian legalism and populism that opened Germany’s borders for a few months, was sufficient to drive one-in-eight voters to a new Nativist party in the 2017 election. The vote share of her Christian Democrat party of the centre-right collapsed to its lowest level since its foundation in 1949. Yet the collapse of the centre-right did not help the centre-left. The vote share of the Social Democrats collapsed even more sharply, also to its post-1949 low. The centre is shrinking, leaving the field to populist ideologues. RESTORING THE CENTRE: SOME POLITICAL MECHANICS We need a process by which the mainstream parties are driven back to the centre. Here are two possible rule changes to leadership selection, both far more democratic that the present systems.

In contrast, the co-operative movement was grounded in those normal moral instincts: a philosophical tradition going back to David Hume and Adam Smith. Indeed, Jonathan Haidt is explicit about this debt in seeing his own work as ‘a first step in resuming Hume’s project’. While the intellectuals of the left were abandoning practical communitarian social democracy in favour of Utilitarian and Rawlsian ideologies, the parties of the centre-right either ossified into an ideas-light zone of nostalgia, or got captured by an equally misguided group of intellectuals. The Christian Democrats of continental Europe, exemplified by Silvio Berlusconi, Jacques Chirac and Angela Merkel, mostly took the path of nostalgia; the Conservative and Republican parties of the Anglophone world chose ideology. The philosophy of Rawls was countered by that of Robert Nozick: individuals had rights to freedom which overrode the interests of the collective.


pages: 308 words: 99,298

Brexit, No Exit: Why in the End Britain Won't Leave Europe by Denis MacShane

3D printing, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, centre right, Corn Laws, deindustrialization, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, Etonian, European colonialism, first-past-the-post, fixed income, Gini coefficient, greed is good, illegal immigration, James Dyson, labour mobility, liberal capitalism, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Mont Pelerin Society, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, new economy, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, open borders, open economy, price stability, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, reshoring, road to serfdom, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, Thales and the olive presses, trade liberalization, transaction costs, women in the workforce

If the EU is not simply to survive but start becoming confident again a new political era must open. 22 NEW POLITICS ARE NEEDED IN EUROPE A partial explanation of Brexit and the crisis of Europe’s future lies in the end of the historic political compromise that sustained European construction during the second half of the twentieth century. The centre-right grouped around Christian democratic and liberal parties shared power in a rough-and-ready way with their social democratic colleagues. They kept at bay populist-nationalist communists and the weak revivals of the far right. The Socialist François Mitterrand worked with the Conservative Margaret Thatcher to bring in the Single Market. The liberal rightist Valéry Giscard d’Estaing cooperated closely with the Social Democratic Helmut Schmidt to create the European Exchange Rate Mechanism, the forerunner of the euro. Today, European social democracy is weak and unable to offer convincing leaders or policies. The federation of centre-right parties, the European People’s Party (EPP) group, dominates in Brussels.

Juncker placed a late-night call to Angela Merkel to convey his pessimism about the lack of knowledge or understanding in Downing Street about the Brexit policy of the EU27 governments – every bit as sovereign and accountable to their voters as May is in Britain. The next day Merkel told the Bundestag that Britain suffered from ‘illusions’ over Brexit, which produced the predictable insults from anti-EU Tories and London’s monolingual journalists writing for the off-shore-owned press. What is surprising is that anyone is surprised. The dominant centre-right confederation of EU conservative parties, the European People’s Party, published a full-page advertisement in the Brussels weekly Politico setting out Brexit negotiating priorities. These include ‘EU citizens will not pay the bill for the British; EU citizens will not accept British blockades; The right order of the negotiations has to be respected’, along with other demands. In visits to seven EU capitals in the first half of 2017, I heard all of these points from senior ministers and officials responsible for Brexit talks.

It is not quite clear when the European Parliament would have to ratify any negotiated agreement on Britain leaving the EU, but it is likely to be after the end of Article 50 negotiations, which should be the autumn of 2018 to allow the elected governments of 27 member states and the European Parliament to agree the withdrawal agreement before the new Commission and newly elected European Parliament begin operations in May 2019. The decision in 2009 of the Conservative Party to break links with all its sister centre-right parties in the federation known as the European People’s Party means that Tory ministers and MPs have very little contact or networking relationship with elected politicians in other EU member states. After Prime Minister May’s aggressive anti-EU speech at her party conference in October 2016 the reaction from other key EU leaders became much more resolute, following the example of Chancellor Merkel, President Hollande and Commission President Juncker.


pages: 162 words: 56,627

Top 10 Venice by Gillian Price

call centre, centre right, G4S, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Murano, Venice glass

It is only 3 km (2 miles) from Verona’s railway station. d Salita Fontana del Ferro 15, Verona • Bus No. 73 (Mon–Sat), 91 (evenings & Sun) from the railway station • 045 590 360 • € Note: Price categories for hostels and camp sites are per person per night and range between €6–30 151 General Index Index A A Guide in Venice 136 Aalto, Alvar 102 Accademia Bridge 21 Accademia Galleries 7, 24–5, 91 Acqua Alta 19 Agriturismo Le Garzette 119 Ai Assassini 79 Ai Cacciatori 119 air travel 133 disabled visitors 139 Al Bottegon 57 Albanian community 53 Albinoni, Tomasso Giovanni 67 alcohol 140 Alexander III, Pope 39 Altana Terraces 33 ambulances 22, 142 American community 53 Anafesto, Paoluccio 15 Angiò Bar 103 animals 49 Anthony, St 39, 123 Antica Birraria La Corte 83, 85 Antica Mola 99 Antica Trattoria alla Maddalena 113 apartments 150 Arbor Boutique 118 architecture 43, 45 Armenian community 53 Armoury, Doge’s Palace 13, 64 Arsenale 54, 101 artists 44 art courses 143 ArtStudio 112 ATMs (cash dispensers) 141 Attila the Hun 31 Attombri 68 audio guides 136 Auditorium Santa Margherita 67 Aulenti, Gae 68, 74 AVA Venice Hoteliers’ Association 134 B Bac Art Studio 92 Bacaro Jazz 61 Bach, J.S. 52 Bacini 48 Banco Giro Arcade 29 Banco Giro 85 banking 141 Bar Abbazia 93 Bar all’Angolo 78 Bar del Corso 129 Bar al Teatro 78 Barattieri, Nicolò 17 Barbara Boutique 98 Barbari, Jacopo de’ 18 Barbaro family 75 Barbarossa 39 Barchessa Valmarana 127 152 bargaining 138 Barovier & Toso 112 bars osterie (wine bars) 56–7 San Marco 78 Basilica (Torcello) 30–31 Basilica del Santo (Padua) 123 Basilica San Marco 6, 8–11, 75 beaches 37, 115 Bella, Gabriel 40 Bellini, Gentile 18, 44, 82 Procession in St Mark’s Square 25 Bellini, Giovanni 7, 12, 18, 26, 38, 44, 97, 103 San Giobbe Altarpiece 24 Madonna Enthroned with Saints 27 Mary with Child 44 Bellini, Jacopo 18, 44 bells 17 Benetton 118 Bernini, Luigi 127 Bevilacqua 77 Biblioteca Marciana 18 Biennale 62, 102 birds 49, 65 Le Bistrot de Venise 61 Bloom Caffè 129 Bo University 123 boats 22–3, 37 arriving in Venice 133 disabled visitors 139 ferries 133, 135 gondolas 135, 136 guided tours 136 Regata Storica 62 trips for children 64 watersports 63 Boccherini, Luigi 67 Bon, Bartolomeo 26, 45, 81 Bon, Giovanni 45 bookshops 138 books 51 Boutique del Gelato 105 bragozzo (watercraft) 22 Brancusi, Constantin, Bird in Space 34 Brek (Cannaregio) 99 Brenta Canal 36 Brenta villas 136 Bridge of Sighs 13, 46 Bridge with No Parapet 47 bridges 46–7 disabled visitors 139 British community 53 Bruno Lazzari 118 budget travel 137 buildings restoration 36, 143 Bulgari 76 Burano 109, 111 buses 133 disabled visitors 139 Byron, Lord 20, 27, 50–51 C Ca’ Dario 21, 42 Ca’ Foscari 42 Ca’ Macana 92 Ca’ Nigra Lagoon Resort 147 Ca’ d’Oro 42, 95, 97 Ca’ Pesaro 20, 41, 83 Ca’ Pisani 147 Ca’ Rezzonico 21, 42 Ca’ Vendramin di Santa Fosca 148 Cabot, John 52 cafés, San Marco 78 Caffè Florian 17, 75 Caffeteria Doria 78 Calder, Alexander, Mobile 35 Callas, Maria 73 Calle del Forno 33 Calle del Paradiso 49 camp sites 137, 151 Campiello del Remer 48 Camping Alba d’Oro 151 Camping Fusina 151 Campo della Celestia 49 Campo della Maddalena 49 Campo dei Mori 95–6, 97 Campo San Bartolomeo 74 Campo San Giacomo dell’Orio 81, 83 Campo San Polo 81, 83 Campo San Stefano 73 Campo San Zan Degolà 83 Campo Santa Margherita 7, 32–3, 91 Campo Santa Maria Formosa 102, 103 Campo Santi Giovanni e Paolo 102, 103 Canaletto 44, 148 Rio dei Mendicanti 44 canals Grand Canal 6, 20–23, 29 Rio Terrà 33 Cannaregio 94–9 canoeing trips 136 Canova, Antonio 18, 27 Cantieri Navali 55 Cantina Do Mori 56 Cantina Vecia Carbonera 61 Cappella degli Scrovegni 123 Cappelleria Palladio 128 car ferries 22 Carefree Italy 150 Carnival 62 Carpaccio, Vittorio 40–41, 44, 97 Meeting and Departure of the Betrothed Ursula and Ereo 25 Two Venetian Ladies 18 Carriera, Rosalba 25, 91 cars 132, 133 Cartier 76 Casa di Giulietta 124–5 concerts 66–7 consulates 142 conversions, historic 54–5 cookery courses 143 Copernicus, Nicolas 123 Cornaro, Caterina 53 Correr Ballroom 18 Corte dell’Anatomia 48 Corte de Ca’ Sarasina 39 Corte del Duca Sforza 48 Corte del Fondaco 33 Corte Nova 39 Corte Sconta 58 Corte Seconda del Milion 95 Coryate, Thomas 50 Cotonificio 54 Cozzi, Marco 26 craft shops San Marco 77 San Polo and Santa Croce 84 credit cards 141, 142 crime 142 currency 141 Curtis family 43 cycling 63 D Da Cico 83 Da Fiore 58 Dai Nodari 129 Da Ponte, Antonio 45, 46 Da Porto, Luigi 124 Da Romano 111 Dalmatian community 53 Dandolo, Enrico 15 Dario, Giovanni 42 Delle Masegne brothers 10 Deposito del Megio 55 designer boutiques 76 Diaghilev, Sergei 43, 110 Dickens, Charles 51, 101 disabled visitors 139 Disney Store 65 Do Forni 59 Dogado 99 Doge’s Palace 6, 12–15, 64, 75, 136 Donatello, St John the Baptist 27 Dorsoduro 88–93 drinks 57 driving licences 132 drugs 140 Dufy, Raoul, Studio with a Fruit Bowl 41 Dürer, Albrecht 53 E electrical appliances 132 embassies 142 Enoteca do Colonne 57 entertainment 66–7 Ernst, Max, Attirement of the Bride 34 Ex Chiesa di Santa Margherita 32 Ex Ospedale degli Incurabili 90 F Fabbriche Nuove 29 Falieri, Marin 12, 15 Fallopius, Gabriel 123 Farmacia Ponci 96 Feltrinelli Internazionale 128 Fendi 76 La Fenice 66, 73 ferries 64, 133, 135 Festa del Redentore 62 Festa di San Rocco 63 festivals and events 62–3 films 66, 67 fire boats 22 floods 19 Fondaco dei Turchi 20 Fondamenta della Misericordia 96 Fondamente Nuove 97 Fondamenta degli Ormesini 96 Fondazione Querini Stampalia 40 food 59, 137 shops 69, 138 foreign communities 53 Fortuny y Madrazo, Mariano 74–5 Foscari, Doge Francesco 14, 27, 42 foundations, buildings 36 fountains 37 Franchetti, Baron Giorgio 95 Francis, St 109 Francis Xavier, St 90 French community 53 Frette 76 Fumiani, Gian Antonio 39 Index Casa dei Varoteri 33 Casanova, Giovanni 13, 52 Casinò Municipale 60 Castello 100–105 Celestia 48 Centrale 60 Le Ceramiche 104 ceramics courses 143 Certosa 111 Chagall, Marc 41 chamber music 66 Chet Bar 60 children 64–5, 132 Chioggia 117 Chorus church pass 135 churches 38–9 Basilica (Torcello) 30–31 Basilica San Marco 6, 8–11 etiquette 140 Gesuati, Chiesa dei 90–91 Madonna dell’Orto 39, 97 San Francesco della Vigna 103 San Giacomo dell’Orio 81–2 San Giacomo di Rialto 28 San Giobbe 97 San Giorgio 115 San Giorgio Maggiore 38 San Lazzaro degli Armeni 116 San Michele 110 San Moisè 74 San Nicolò 115 San Nicolò dei Mendicoli 89 San Pantalon 39 San Sebastiano 39, 89 San Zaccaria 38 Santa Fosca (Torcello) 31 Santa Maria dei Carmini 33 Santa Maria del Giglio 75 Santa Maria Gloriosa dei Frari 7, 26–7 Santa Maria delle Grazie 116 Santa Maria dei Miracoli 38, 95 Santa Maria della Pietà 101 Santa Maria della Salute 21, 38–9, 91 Santi Giovanni e Paolo 38 CIGA Warehouse 55 Cima da Conegliano, La Madonna dell’Arancio 25 Cipriani 58, 144 Cloister of Sant’Apollonia 49 clothing in churches 140 shops 69 what to pack 132 Codex 98 Coducci, Mauro 38, 42, 45, 82, 102, 110 Coin Department Store 69 Colleoni, Bartolomeo 102 Column of San Marco 17 La Colomba 59 Column of San Teodoro 17 communications 141 G Galileo Galilei 123 Galleria Livio De Marchi 77 galleries see museums and galleries Gallion, Al 149 garbage vessels 22 gardens see parks and gardens Garibaldi, Giuseppe 102 El Gato Ristorante 119 Gautier, Théophile 53 Gelateria Alaska 85 Gelateria Il Doge 93 Gelateria Nico 93 Il Gelatone 99 German community 53 Ghetto, Jewish 95, 97, 136 Giacometti, Alberto, Woman Walking 35 Giardinetti Reali 17 Giardini 102 Giardini Papadopoli 82–3 Giorgione 7, 44 Giotto 123 Giovanna Zanella 104 Giudecca 115 153 Index glass 69, 74 demonstrations 64–5 glass glassmaking courses 143 Murano 109 shops 138 Goethe, Johann Wolfgan von 50 Goldoni, Carlo 50, 66, 74 golf 63 gondolas 22, 23, 29, 135 gondola serenades 136 shrines 39 Squero di San Trovaso 89 Grand Canal 6, 20–23, 29 Grand Canal, Hotel Monaco 58 Greek community 53 Gritti Palace hotel 146 Guarana 43 Guardi, Francesco 44 Guariento, Coronation of the Virgin 14 Guggenheim, Peggy 34, 35 guided tours 136 H Harry’s Bar 21, 75 Harry’s Dolci 119 health 142 Helicopter trips 136 Hemingway, Ernest 21, 31, 51, 144 Henry III, King of France 101 Henry VII, King of England 52 Hitler, Adolf 126 holidays, public 132 horses 49 hospitals 142 Hostaria ai Rusteghi 78 hostels 137, 151 Hotel Danieli 101, 144 hotels 144–9 budget hotels 145 converted palaces 147 disabled visitors 139 hotels with charm 146 luxury hotels 144 medium-priced 149 in relaxing locations 148 reservations 134, 140 “House of the Moor” 33 house numbers 37 hypermarkets 138 I Ignatius Loyola, St 90 Il Refolo 85 Impronta Caffè 93 information sources 134 insect repellent 132 insurance 142 Internet 134, 141 Irish Pub 60 islands 108–13 boat trips 136 Istituto Venezia 143 Italian Culture Week 137 154 J James, Henry 27, 43, 51, 67 Jews 53, 97 Ghetto 95, 97, 136 Josephine, Empress 43 Juliet’s House 124–5 Junghans Factory 55 K Klee, Paul, Magic Garden 35 Klimt, Gustav 41 L La Bottega Ai Promessi Sposi 99 Laboratorio Blu Bookshop 65 Lagoon depth 36 language 140 Lazzaretto Nuovo 110 left luggage 133 Libreria Sansoviniana 18 Lido 37, 111, 115–16 Linea d’Ombra 93 Locanda Cipriani 31, 113, 146 Locanda Leon Bianco 149 Loggia dei Cavalli 9 Lombardo, Pietro 12, 26, 38, 42, 45, 82, 97 Longhena, Baldassare 20, 39, 45, 63, 103 Longhi, Pietro 40, 44, 49, 124 Lotto, Lorenzo, Portrait of a Gentleman 25 luggage 140 Luigi Bevilacqua 68 Luke, St 10, 116 M Macello 55 Madonna dell’Orto 39, 97 Madonna della Salute 63 Madera 92 magazines 134 Magazzini del Sale 54 Magritte, René, Empire of Light 35 Malamocco 116, 117 Malibran, Maria 66 Manin, Daniele 53 Manin 56, 112 Mann, Thomas 50, 51, 67, 115 Mantegna, Andrea 95 maps 139 Marathon 63 Marco Polo Airport 133 Margaret of Antioch, St 32 Margaret DuChamp 91 Margherita, Queen 68 Marini, Marino, Angel of the City 35 Mark, St 10, 11, 15, 49 Martini Scala-Club Piano Bar 60–61 masks 69, 90 courses 143 Massari, Giorgio 74, 91 Mastelli family 95–6 Mazzon, Augusto 92 Mazzorbo 109 Mechtar, Venerable 116 Medici, Alessandro de’ 81 Medici, Cosimo de’ 81 Medici, Lorenzino de’ 81 Mercerie 73, 75 Michelangelo 46, 115 Miozzi, Eugenio 21, 46 Mistero Atelier 104 Mocenigo, Pietro 38 Mocenigo family 82 Molino Stucky 54, 144 Mondo in Miniatura 92 Mondonovo 68 Monet, Claude 43, 53 money 141 Monteverdi, Claudio 26, 52 Moore, Henry, Three Standing Figures 35 Moretti, Carlo 76 Mori & Bozzi 98 Moro, Doge Cristoforo 33, 97 Murano 109, 111 museums and galleries 40–41 Accademia Galleries 7, 24–5, 91 Basilica Museum 9 Ca’ d’Oro 95 Ca’ Pesaro Galleria d’Arte Moderna 41 Ca’ Pesaro Museo di Arte Orientale 83 combined tickets 135 Fondazione Querini Stampalia 40 guided tours 136 Museo Civico di Scienze Naturale 125 Museo Correr 18, 40 Museo dell’Estuario 31 Museo Fortuny 74–5 Museo del Merletto 41 Museo dell’Instituto Ellenico 41 Museo dell’Opera 12 Museo del Vetro 40 Museo di Storia Naturale 64 Museo Storico Navale 41, 64 Peggy Guggenheim Collection 7, 34–5, 65 Scuola di San Giorgio degli Schiavoni 40–41 Scuola Grande di San Rocco 40 music, concerts 66–7 Mussolini, Benito 126 N Napoleon I, Emperor 6, 15, 16, 18, 19, 24, 33, 49, 97, 126 Nardi 68 newspapers 141 Niel, Joseph da 101 nightspots 60–61 Nono, Luigi 53, 73 Northern Lagoon 108–13 Novecento hotel 149 opening hours 138 opera 66, 67 Orange Laundry 137 Ospedaletto 103 Ospite di Venezia 134 Osteria Banco Giro 85 Osteria Boccadoro 58 Osteria alla Botte 57 Osteria dei Fabbri 129 Osteria alla Frasca 56 Osteria Mocenigo 85 Osteria La Perla ai Bisatei 113 Osteria Ruga Rialto 56 Osteria del Sacro e Profano 56 Osteria San Marco 79 Osteria di Santa Marina 59 osterie (wine bars) 56–7 Ottico Fabbricatore 76 P Padua 122–3 tourist office 134 painting courses 143 Palace Bonvecchiati hotel 144 Pala d’Oro 9 Palaces Doge’s Palace 6, 12–14, 64, 75, 136 Palazzo Barbaro 43 Palazzo dei Camerlenghi 29 Palazzo Contarini degli Scrigni 43 Palazzo Foscolo-Corner 32 Palazzo Grassi 74 Palazzo Labia 96 Palazzo Leoni Montanari 124 Palazzo Mastelli 42–3 Palazzo Mocenigo 82 Paazzo Pisani-Moretta 43 Palazzo Vendramin-Calergi 42, 60 Palladio, Andrea, 45 Palladio Bauer 148 Palma il Vecchio 102 Paolo Olbi 69 paper, marbled 69 papier mâché 104 Paradiso Perduto 60 parking 133 Parks and gardens Giardinetti Reali 17 Giardini 102 Giardini Papadopoli 82–3 Parco Savorgnan 48 Parlamento, Al 99 passports 132 Pasticceria Ponte delle Paste 105 Pasticceria Rizzardini 85 Q Querini, Giovanni 40 questions about Venice 36–7 R rail travel see trains rats 49 Regata Storica 62 Restaurants 58–9 budget travel 137 Cannaregio 99 Castello 105 disabled visitors 139 Dorsoduro 93 Northern Lagoon 113 San Marco 79 San Polo and Santa Croce 84 Southern Lagoon and Venice Lido 119 Veneto 129 restoration courses 143 Rialto Bridge 20, 46 Rialto Market 7, 28–9, 83 Rio Novo 33 Rio Terrà 33 Rio Terrà dei Catecumeni 89 Rio Terrà Rampani 48, 83 Ristorante Greppia 129 Riva degli Schiavoni 101 Riva del Vin 21 La Rivista 93 Rizzo 69, 118 Rizzo, Antonio 12, 45 Rolling Venice 137 Rosa Salva 78 Romeo and Juliet 124–5 Rossini, Gioacchino 73 rowing 63, 143 Rubelli 69 Ruga degli Orefici 29 Ruskin, John 14, 27, 51, 74, 101, 103, 146 Ruzzini Palace Hotel 147 Index O Peggy Guggenheim Collection 7, 34–5, 65 Pentecost Dome 9 Pesaro, Doge Giovanni 27 pharmacies 142 Piazza delle Erbe 125 Piazza San Marco 6, 16–19, 49, 75, 111 Piazza dei Signori 124 Piazzetta, Giovanni Battista 24 Piazzetta dei Leoncini 17 Picasso, Pablo, The Poet 34 Piccolo Mondo 61 pickpockets 142 picnics 137 pigeons 49 Piron, Al 99 Pisani, Doge Alvise 126 Piscopia, Elena Lucrezia Corner 52, 123 place names 29 play areas 64 police 22, 142 Polo, Marco 13, 52, 94, 95 Ponte della Libertà 46 Ponte Lungo 47 Ponte dei Pugni 47 Ponte degli Scalzi 46 Ponte dei Sospiri 13 Ponte delle Tette 47 Ponte dei Tre Archi 46, 97 population 37 porters 133 post offices 141 posters 134 Procuratie Nuove 17 Procuratie Vecchie 17 public conveniences 139, 142 public holidays 132 Punta della Dogana 21, 90 Punta Sabbioni 111 S safety 142 sailing 63 St Mark’s see Basilica San Marco sales 138 San Basilio Port Zone 91 San Clemente Palace hotel 144 San Francesco del Deserto 109 San Giorgio 115, 145 San Lazzaro degli Armeni 116 San Leonardo Market 98 San Marco 72–9 San Michele 110 San Nicolò 115 San Pietro di Castello 102 San Pietro in Volta 117 San Polo and Santa Croce 80–85 San Servolo 116 sandolo (watercraft) 22 Sanmicheli, Michele 45, 111 sanpierota (watercraft) 22 Sansovino, Andrea 45 Sansovino, Jacopo 45, 46, 123 Biblioteca Marciana 18 Chiesa di San Francesco della Vigna 103 Doge’s Palace 13 Fabbriche Nuove 29 Giants’ Staircase 14 tomb of 10 Zecca 54 Santa Croce see San Polo and Santa Croce Sant’Erasmo 110 Santa Maria delle Grazie 116 Santo Bevitore 99 Sarpi, Paolo 53 Scala Contarini del Bovolo 73 Scamozzi, Vincenzo 43, 124 scams 140 Scarpa, Carlo 24, 40, 45, 68, 102 Scarpagnino 13, 81 Scrovegni, Enrico 123 Scuola Grande dei Carmini 32 Scuola Grande della Misericordia 39 155 Index Scuola Grande di San Giovanni Evangelista 82 Scuola Grande di San Rocco 40, 81, 83 Scuole 82 security 142 self-catering 150 Selva, Giannantonio 45, 73, 102 La Sensa 63 Shakespeare, William 33, 50, 124 shopping 68–9, 138 budget travel 137 Cannaregio 98 Castello 104 Dorsoduro 92 Northern Lagoon 112 receipts 140 San Marco 76–7 San Polo and Santa Croce 84 Southern Lagoon and Venice Lido 118 Veneto 128 shrines 39 Sile Canal 36 silverwork shops 69 Smith, Joseph 44 Sottoportego de la Madonna 39 Southern Lagoon and Venice Lido 114–19 Spizzico 65 sports 63 Squero di San Trovaso 89 State Archives 27 Stirling, James 102 Stravinsky, Igor 73, 110 street sellers 138 street signs 135 students 132, 137 studying in Venice 143 Su e Zo per i Ponti 63 sun protection 132 swimming 37, 63 T tabernacles 39 Taverna del Campiello Remer 99 tax-free shopping 138 Teatro Fondamente Nuove 67 Teatro Goldoni 66 Teatro La Fenice 66, 73 Teatro Malibran 66 Teatro Olimpico (Vicenza) 124 telephones 141 theft 142 Theodore, St 11 Throne of Attila 31 Tiepolo, Giambattista 44 Basilica del Santo 123 Ca’ Rezzonico 42 Chiesa dei Gesuati 91 Palazzo Labia 96 Palazzo Pisani-Moretta 43 Santa Maria della Pietà 101 Scuola Grande dei Carmini 32 Villa Pisani 126 156 time 132 Tintoretto, Domenico, Paradise 14 Tintoretto, Jacopo 44, 94 Doge’s Palace 12 Paradise 14 San Giorgio Maggiore 38 Santa Maria della Salute 39 Scuola Grande di San Rocco 40, 80, 81 The Triumph of Venice 14 tipping 140 Tirall, Andrea 46 Titian 44, 94, 97 Accademia Galleries 7 Assumption of the Virgin 26 Basilica del Santo (Padua) 123 Biblioteca Marciana 18 Corte del Duca Sforza 48 Doge’s Palace 12 monument to 27 Osteria alla Frasca 56 Pietà 25 Santa Maria della Salute 39 Self-portrait 44 toilets, public 139, 142 Tommaseo, Niccolò 73 topo (watercraft) 22 Torcello 7, 30–31, 111 Basilica di Torcello 30–31 Santa Fosca 31 Torre dell’Orologio 16 tourist offices 134 tours 136 traghetto points 39 trains 133, 137 disabled visitors 139 Trattoria alla Madonna 59 Trattoria dai Tosi Piccoli 105 travel 133, 135 budget travel 137 disabled visitors 139 travellers’ cheques 141, 142 Tre Ponti 47 Treviso Airport 133 Turkish community 53 U UNESCO 122 Un Mondo di Vino osteria 56 Upim 128 V Valmarana, Count 126 vaporetti (watercraft) 22 Venetian Republic 15 Veneto 122–9 map 122 restaurants 129 shops 128 villas 126–7 Veneziano, Paolo 18, 82 Coronation of the Virgin 25 Venice Carnival Show, The 67 Venice Marathon 63 Venice Pavilion Bookshop 69 Venice in Peril Fund 89 Venini 68 Verdi, Giuseppe 27, 73, 124 Verona 122, 124–5 tourist office 134 Verona Arena 124, 125 Veronese, Paolo 18, 39, 44, 89, 102, 126 Rape of Europe 14 Supper in the House of Levi 25 The Victorious Return of Doge Andrea Contarini 15 Via Garibaldi 102, 103 Vicenza 122, 124 tourist office 134 villas 126–7, 136 Barchessa Valmarana 127 Villa Barbarigo 127 Villa Barbaro 126 Villa Contarini 127 Villa Cornaro 127 Villa Emo 127 Villa Foscari ”La Malcontenta” 126–7 Villa Pisani – La Nazionale 126 Villa Valmarana “Ai Nani” 126 Villa Valmarana “La Rotonda” 126 Vini da Gigio 59 Vinus 56 visas 132 Vittoria, Alessandro 18 Vittorio Emanuele II, King 101 Vivaldi, Antonio 66, 101 Vivarini 97, 102 Vogalonga 62 W Wagner, Richard 42, 101 walks Cannaregio 97 Castello 103 Dorsoduro 91 San Marco 75 San Polo 83 Southern Lagoon 117 Verona 125 water, drinking 37 water taxis 135 disabled visitors 139 watercraft 22–3, 133 websites 134 Whistler, J A M 43 wildlife, lagoon 110 wine bars 56–7 women travellers 142 writers 50–51 Z Zattere 89 Zecca 54 Zelotti, Giambattista 127 Zen, Cardinal 10 Acknowledgements libraries for permission to reproduce their photographs: Picture Credits t-top; tc-top centre; tr-top right; cla-centre left above; ca-centre above; cra-centre right above; cl-centre left; c-centre; cr-centre right; clb-centre left below; cb-centre below; crb-centre right below; bl-below left; bc belo w centre; br below right. AISA,Barcelona: 11b, 20–21c, 52tl, 86–7, 106–10;. AKG, London: 31br,34t, 35b, 50tl, 50tcr, 50tr 50b, © ADAGP, Paris and DACS, London 2001 “The Bird in Space” 1925 by Brancusi 7t, © Succession Picasso/DACS London 2001 “The Poet” by Picasso 34b, ©ADAGP, Paris and DACS, London 2001 “Dressing the Bride” by Max Ernst 34–5c, “Portrait of Vivaldi“ by Morellon 52b; Cameraphoto: 11t, 45tl, 45tr, “The Victorious Return of Doge Andrea Contarini after the Triumph in Chioggia” (detail) Paolo Veronese 15b, “Triumph of Venetia as Queen of the Seas” Tintoretto 14b, “Bathing Venus” by Antonio Canova 18b, “Supper in the House of Levi” by Veronese 24–5c, “Portrait“ by Rosalba Carriera 25cr, “Mary with Child“ by Bellini 44tc, ”Portrait of Caterina Conaro” 53b; St Domingie-M.Rabatti: “La Tempesta” by Giorgione 24t; Erich Lessing: 44tl, “Piere di Cadore” by Titian 44tr, “Rio dei Medicanti” by Canaletto 44b; AL GAZZETINO: 149tl; ALAMY IMAGES: Steven May 64tl; AL PIRON: 99tc; ALLSPORT: 62b; © DACS London 2001 ”The Magic Garden” by Paul Klee 35cr; BAROVIER & TOSO, Murano:112tl; LUIGI BEVILACQUA: 68tl; BISTRO DE VENISE: 60tl; BLOOM CAFFE: 129tr; BRIDGEMAN ART LIBRARY: San Giobbe Altarpiece c.1487 by Bellini 7bl, 24b, © ADAGP, Paris and DACS, London 2001 “Studio with a Fruit Bowl” by Dufy 41c; CAPELLERIA PALLADIO: 128tl; CENTRALE RESTAURANT LOUNGE: 60bl; CORBIS: 4–5, 19b, 20–21, 21b, 66b, 70–71, 120–21, 126tr, 130–31; HOTEL NOVECENTO: 149tc; IUAV Istituto Universitario di Architetture di Venezia: 55; MA.RE: 76tc; MARY EVANS PICTURE LIBRARY: 50tcl, 51t, 52c, 52tr; LA ZUCCA: 85tl; ESTHER LABI: 128tl; LOCANDA FIORITA: 148tr; MARKA: 62tc, M.Albonico 62tr, Barbazza 115b, 132tc, M.Cristofoti 122tl, D.Donadoni 123b, 126tl, 127tr, E.Lasagni 129tl, M.Mazzola 127tr, M.Silvano 123 tr, G.

The building we see today, a Greek cross layout surmounted by five domes, possibly modelled on the Church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople, dates from 1071. The main architect is depicted over the central portal, biting his fingers in frustration over a building defect. The basilica became the city cathedral in 1807. For more on Venice’s San Marco district See pp72–9 9 Venice’s Top 10 Left Museum horses Centre left Wall-slabs Centre right Altar columns Right Byzantine screens Basilica Architectural Features ! Galleries The airy catwalks over the body of the basilica reflect the eastern tradition of segregation in worship as they were exclusively for women. They are closed to visitors. Chapel ^ Zen The sumptuous 0 7 4 1 9 2 6 5 8 3 Basilica Floorplan Wall-slabs @ Stone Brick-faced until the 1100s, the walls were then covered with stone slabs from the East, sliced lengthways to produce a kaleidoscopic effect.

Venice’s permanent population is experiencing a slow but inexorable decline as young couples prefer to move to the mainland with the convenience of a car, not to mention lower house prices, cheaper shopping and fewer tourists. Venice house number the sea safe for ) Isswimming? Yes. Periodic controls for bacterial counts are carried out and the upper Adriatic normally emerges with a clean slate. Venice’s closest beach is at the Lido, where the city’s families go en masse during the steamy summer months (see p115). 37 Venice’s Top 10 Left & centre left S Maria G dei Frari Centre right Madonna dell’Orto Right S Maria dei Miracoli Venice Churches San Marco ! Basilica See pp8–11. Maria Gloriosa @ Santa dei Frari See pp26–7. Giovanni e Paolo £ Santi The monumental tombs of 25 doges take pride of place in this solemn Gothic giant, erected by Dominican friars from the 13th to 15th centuries. Among them is the grandiose tribute to Pietro Mocenigo for his valorous struggle to defend Venice’s eastern colonies against the Turks (west wall).


Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism by Pippa Norris, Ronald Inglehart

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Cass Sunstein, centre right, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, declining real wages, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, job automation, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, land reform, liberal world order, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, obamacare, open borders, open economy, post-industrial society, post-materialism, precariat, purchasing power parity, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, statistical model, stem cell, War on Poverty, white flight, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, working-age population, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

Under the Majoritarian Second Ballot electoral systems, many contenders can compete in the first ballot but if no one secures an absolute majority of the vote, a run-­off election is held between the top two contenders – guaranteeing that the winner will represent a majority. The run-­off system provides incentives for center-­left and center-­right party coalitions to unite behind two major party candidates. Under this system, coalitions led by the socialist and the republican center-­right parties rotated in office and have won the presidency in every contest since 1958. By contrast, 2017 shattered the dominance of the mainstream socialist and center-­right parties. The unpopularity of President Francois Holland’s government dragged down the socialist candidate, Benoit Hamon, who attracted just 6.4 percent of the vote in the first round, the worst result for the socialists since 1969. On the center-­right, the republican candidate, Francois Fillon, damaged by accusations of corruption, came in third with 20 percent of the vote.

Where mainstream parties have been successful in preventing serious threats from such parties, by absorbing these issues, this has weakened support for minor parties.29 Schain also suggests that in France, the center-­right parties, the RPR, and UDF, adopted the National Front anti-­immigrant rhetoric after 1986, in an attempt to preempt Jean-­Marie Le Pen’s support.30 Along similar lines, Pettigrew argues that Austria implemented more restrictive policies toward refugees after Jorg Haider’s FPÖ entered coalition government with the center-­right ÖVP.31 In the October 2017 parliamentary elections, the ÖVP adopted far more hardline language against immigrants and asylum seekers, legitimizing tough xenophobic policies as mainstream, rising to first place in the polls under the leadership of Sebastian Kurz. During the spring 2017 campaign for parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, the Dutch Prime Minister from the center-­right People’s Party for Freedom (VVD), Mark Rutte, adopted a tough line toward immigrants who failed to integrate, telling them to ‘act normal or go away,’ when faced with fierce political competition from Geert Wilders’ Party for Freedom (PVV).32 Finally, it can be argued that despite UKIP winning only one seat in the May 2015 general election, Cameron’s pledge to hold the Brexit referendum the following year would not have happened without UKIP’s popularity in the opinion polls.

The Strategic Response by Mainstream Parties The willingness of citizens to desert mainstream parties and support new challengers has been reinforced by social and partisan dealignment, widely documented in previous studies in both the United States and Western Europe.72 This process has weakened traditional class anchors linking supporters with center-­ left and center-­ right political parties, increased potential electoral volatility, and provided opportunities for new populist leaders and parties to mobilize support.73 The erosion of party loyalties and class identities seems most damaging for the electoral fortunes of center-­left Social Democratic parties, but it has also weakened support for mainstream center-­right parties. During the ‘third-­way’ era of Clinton and Blair, many left-­wing and right-­wing parties converged toward the center in their economic policies. Socialists, social democratic, and labour parties on the left sought to broaden their appeal to public-­ sector professionals, as they could no longer win office if they depended on the shrinking blue-­collar trade union base, leading to a decline of social class voting.74 The public policy agenda also gradually shifted 54 The Cultural Backlash Theory as post-­materialists became a larger share of the population, bringing less emphasis on economic redistribution.


Top 10 Greek Islands by Dorling Kindersley Publishing Staff

centre right, G4S, the market place

Photographers Tony Souter, Helena Smith Additional Photography Peter Anderson, Joe Cornish, Ken Findlay, Geoff Garvey, Robin Gauldie, Michelle Grant, Paul Harris, Nigel Hicks, Rupert Horrox, Peter Jousiffe, Dave King, Ian O’Leary, Annabel Milne, David Murray, Brian Pitkin, Rob Reichenfeld, Clive Streeter, Robert Vente, Kate Whitaker, Linda Whitwam, Peter Wilson, Francesca Yorke Consultant Nick Edwards Fact Checker Anthony Clark At DK INDIA Managing Editor Aruna Ghose Editorial Manager Sheeba Bhatnagar Design Manager Kavita Saha Project Editor Shikha Kulkarni Project Designer Shruti Singhi Assistant Cartographic Manager Suresh Kumar Senior Picture Research Coordinator Taiyaba Khatoon Picture Researcher Sumita Khatwani DTP Coordinator Azeem Siddiqui Proofreader and Indexer Andy Kulkarni At DK LONDON Publisher Douglas Amrine List Manager Julie Oughton 190 Design Manager Mabel Chan Project Editors Alexandra Whittleton, Dora Whitaker Designer Tracy Smith Cartographer Stuart James DTP Operator Jason Little Production Controller Danielle Smith Picture Credits Placement Key- t=top; tc=top centre; tr=top right; cla=centre left above; ca=centre above; cra=centre right above; cl=centre left; c=centre; cr=centre right; clb=centre left below; cb=centre below; crb=centre right below; bl=bottom left; bc=bottom cen tre; br=bottom right; ftl=far top left; ftr=far top right; fcla=far centre left above; fcra=far centre right above; fcl=far centre left; fcr=far centre right; fclb=far centre left below; fcrb=far centre right below; fbl=far bottom left; fbr=far bottom right. Every effort has been made to trace the copyright holders, and we apologize in advance for any unintentional omissions. We would be pleased to insert the appropriate acknowledgments in any subsequent edition of this publication.

Air ambulances are available, if necessary, to fly serious cases to the state-of-the-art hospitals in Athens. & Doctors As with dentists, doctors’ private fees are payable immediately on treatment and a receipt is given for insurance purposes. Emergency medical situations should always be referred to a hospital, rather than a practitioner. Hotels can recommend local doctors who can assist with minor medical problems. Most will speak English well. Streetsmart Left Ambulance Centre Medical centre Right Police officer Care * Dental Dental practices are run on a private basis, with fees for emergency treatment payable immediately. Receipts are given for insurance purposes. Dentists have usually trained in Athens or further afield like the UK and, as such, the standard of knowledge and care throughout the islands is high. ( Pharmacies Pharmacists are highly trained and can advise on ailments as well as prescribe and dispense certain medicines.


Corbyn by Richard Seymour

anti-communist, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, credit crunch, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, first-past-the-post, full employment, gender pay gap, housing crisis, income inequality, knowledge economy, land value tax, liberal world order, mass immigration, means of production, moral panic, Naomi Klein, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, new economy, non-tariff barriers, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, pension reform, Philip Mirowski, precariat, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rent control, Snapchat, stakhanovite, Washington Consensus, wealth creators, Winter of Discontent, Wolfgang Streeck, working-age population, éminence grise

As it is, pro-Corbyn websites like the Canary were able to beat the BBC, the Mirror and the Telegraph in terms of shares on Facebook, while Another Angry Voice, run by a dedicated individual blogger, beat the Daily Mail and the Express. The most widely shared stories on this platform were pro-Corbyn and anti-Tory, accentuating Corbyn’s celebrity support and polling improvements, thus undermining the demonisation taking place in the traditional print and broadcast media. Labour understood this advantage and invested more energy in posting and sharing social media content than all of its rivals.16 Some journalists and centre-right politicians have responded to this change with unavailing moral panic about ‘online abuse’ and ‘fake news’. As with all moral panics, they express real tendencies, but in a way that distorts, exaggerates, and scapegoats. Certainly, the emerging attention economy has allowed sensationalist websites and sources of infotainment to exert influence and claim advertising revenue, but neither sensationalism nor infotainment are original products of online media.

What happens when it is no longer just the odd Labour seat going to George Galloway or Caroline Lucas in sudden unpredictable surges, but the whole of Scotland being lost in a single bloodbath? What happens when votes for left-of-centre rivals surge (the SNP vote trebling, the Green vote quadrupling), millions of potential voters still stay at home, and all of this takes place while the Conservatives reconstitute themselves as a viable centre-Right governing party? This is one of the reasons why Corbynism has emerged in the first place: in that circumstance, Blairite triangulation turns out to be as useful as a paper umbrella, only any good until it starts raining. This Is Not 1981 In the last analysis, Corbyn’s victory was decisively enabled not by organisational changes or by ‘infiltration’. Nor was it a result of the dynamism of the Left.

But this is to treat the economy as merely a technical factor in governing. In this view, the goal of efficient government would be to make investors as happy as possible, and watch the wealth and contentment pile up. But the economy is inherently political. It works, insofar as it does, through a tacit compromise between owners and wage-earners. Despite the hallelujahs and hosannahs for ‘wealth creators’ that politicians of centre-Right and centre-Left are inclined to engage in, businesses only bother to generate prosperity if the circumstances are acceptably profitable to them.24 Employees, meanwhile, have to at least implicitly agree to the conditions that are necessary for profit-making. Stable governments are those which are able to secure a compromise between classes on the conditions of future growth. In post-war Britain, it fell to a Labour government to begin the work of rebuilding a stable profit regime in which the state mediated between politically organised expressions of business and wage-earners.


pages: 458 words: 136,405

Protest and Power: The Battle for the Labour Party by David Kogan

Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, Brixton riot, centre right, crowdsourcing, Donald Trump, Etonian, F. W. de Klerk, falling living standards, financial independence, full employment, imperial preference, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, Northern Rock, open borders, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, wealth creators, Winter of Discontent, Yom Kippur War

After years of intensive campaigning on the reselection issue, the constitutional amendments sponsored by CLPD and submitted in 1979 by twenty CLPs were finally approved by annual conference. If nothing else, CLPD had proved that its tactics could win. This wasn’t just down to Vladimir Derer’s drafting, or CLPD’s lobbying and pressure. It was also due to the failure of others to respond to the CLPD threat. The right of the Labour party was divided and uncertain. The centre-left and centre-right in the PLP had never been able to agree on tactics or a unified position. They were split on whether to fight against the New Left or quit Labour and start a new party. Of course, the problem was that the fight was not really in the PLP. The battlefield had been moved to the constituencies by CLPD and the trade union branches where the traditional right had no organisation. One group set up to fight the left was the Campaign for Labour Victory (CLV) but its potential to challenge was never fully utilised.

[Its] failure was threefold: it was London-based, a leadership organisation, had the Common Market obsession and also had a lot of personality problems. In parliament, leading members of the Labour frontbench were also divided in considering whether to fight or to leave to set up a new party. The first signs of a split had been over membership of the common market, but the attacks on the primacy of the PLP now took centre stage. The centre-right was completely divided as to how to counter it. There was no unified leadership or tactical organisation, but CLPD was winning the argument and something had to be done. The NEC decided on a time-honoured tactic to address the issue; it established a Commission of Enquiry under union leader David Basnett, to determine what to do on the constitutional issues facing the conference in 1980. Both the left and right lobbied it intensively, knowing it could swing future decisions either way.

The important thing to realise is that I first came across Michael Foot, not in the Beaconsfield by-election, but when he consulted me and Derry Irvine with Denis Healey on the expulsion of Militant from the Labour party. I was the Labour party’s lawyer in the case expelling Militant because when Militant took a legal action against the Labour party, we defended it and saw them off. Unfortunately, history does not record the Blair-Nellist chats over morning coffee. It was obvious that Michael Foot would stand down and that Neil Kinnock would run from the centre-left with Roy Hattersley from the centre-right. This new generation of Labour leaders would have a clear run against one another because the New Left, without Tony Benn, had no viable candidate. On Sunday 12 June 1983, they all gathered at Chris Mullin’s small flat in Brixton. The meeting included CLPD stalwarts, the newly-elected MPs Banks and Corbyn, and a few older MPs – Michael Meacher and Jo Richardson as well as Ken Livingstone, the leader of the GLC, with NUPE’s Tom Sawyer of the NEC and Tony Benn.


pages: 235 words: 73,873

Half In, Half Out: Prime Ministers on Europe by Andrew Adonis

banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, centre right, colonial rule, congestion charging, Corn Laws, cuban missile crisis, Dominic Cummings, eurozone crisis, imperial preference, mass immigration, Neil Kinnock, oil shock

There is nothing to be lost and everything to be gained by putting ourselves into the same intellectual mould as our partners. There were, however, other matters of major importance to the Labour government. First, they apparently believed – and feared – that the other governments involved in the discussions and later in the proposed Coal and Steel Community, would all be Christian democratic governments of the centre right. Consequently, the organisation would have no place in a socialist government embarking for the first time on carrying through rapid and major socialist changes in the United Kingdom. There were, of course, no grounds for this belief. The countries of Europe before the Second World War had had governments of many different hues. Nor was the post-war world to be any different. As history has shown, the countries of the Community have ranged from Christian democratic on the right through coalitions with a variety of different parties to Socialist ones on the left.

The irony is that with his 2002 Harz labour market reforms, Schröder became as significant a moderniser of European social democracy as Tony himself; but by 2002 Schröder and Blair were daggers drawn over Iraq and didn’t spend much time discussing labour market reform, the future of Europe or indeed anything else. Tony was constantly amazed that Schröder managed to win elections and felt New Labour and the SPD were essentially different parties. He is disarmingly frank about this in his memoirs: The truth is – and I fear this was becoming increasingly the case in my relations with the European centre right – we had more in common with [Merkel] than with the German SDP … Their view of the European social model was very traditional. Angela would see the need for change. I liked her as a person also. She seemed at first rather shy, even aloof, but she had a twinkle that swiftly came through. I thought she was honest and instinctively a kindred spirit, and we got on well. Tony was equally disparaging about Lionel Jospin, who he thought would be eaten alive by Nicolas Sarkozy, and he saw in Sarkozy a kindred unideological ‘action man’.

But it was actually a lunch to say goodbye. Everyone assumed we were about to lose power, and Gordon was about to leave No. 10. It was never spoken of, but it didn’t need to be. That day, Merkel had snubbed David Cameron, who would become Prime Minister six weeks later, by refusing to meet him during her visit to Britain. She was furious with Cameron for taking the Conservative Party out of the centre-right European People’s Party grouping in the European Parliament, in favour of a new group that would collect a ragbag of right-wing populist parties – and some more sinister right-wing authoritarian parties on the fringes of mainstream politics. At lunch she told Gordon how angry with Cameron she was. How he would undermine British influence in Europe by removing the governing party from the main party grouping.


pages: 475 words: 155,554

The Default Line: The Inside Story of People, Banks and Entire Nations on the Edge by Faisal Islam

Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, Basel III, Ben Bernanke: helicopter money, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, British Empire, capital controls, carbon footprint, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, dark matter, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, disintermediation, energy security, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial repression, floating exchange rates, forensic accounting, forward guidance, full employment, G4S, ghettoisation, global rebalancing, global reserve currency, hiring and firing, inflation targeting, Irish property bubble, Just-in-time delivery, labour market flexibility, light touch regulation, London Whale, Long Term Capital Management, margin call, market clearing, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, mini-job, mittelstand, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, mutually assured destruction, Myron Scholes, negative equity, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, open economy, paradox of thrift, Pearl River Delta, pension reform, price mechanism, price stability, profit motive, quantitative easing, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, reserve currency, reshoring, Right to Buy, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, shareholder value, sovereign wealth fund, The Chicago School, the payments system, too big to fail, trade route, transaction costs, two tier labour market, unorthodox policies, uranium enrichment, urban planning, value at risk, WikiLeaks, working-age population, zero-sum game

Belgium’s finance minister, Steven Vanackere, echoed the point when he told me: ‘The whole question of monitoring is a crucial factor in maintaining confidence of euro colleagues.’ So, despite the appointment of a technocratic government in Athens, the rich north of the Eurozone still did not trust Greek democracy to carry through the bailout deal. All of this was to reach a crashing crescendo with the twin elections in May and June 2012. The parties that had enforced the recent Troika reform programmes were obliterated in May. The winners were New Democracy, a centre-right party in office just before the crisis, and partly responsible for it. But ND and PASOK combined, the duopoly of Greek politics that typically accounted for 80 per cent of Greek votes, slumped to below a third of total votes cast. In PASOK’s place Syriza, a radical left party headed by the 38-year-old Alexis Tsipras stormed into second place. And the crypto-Nazis of Golden Dawn would also enter parliament, in military formation.

A look at economic historian Brad DeLong’s seminal history of the economic factors behind the democratic rise of Hitler in Germany (Slouching Towards Utopia) shows that Greece now ticks many of the same boxes, including surging unemployment, the politicisation of a formerly apathetic electorate, deflationary budget balancing, acute cuts to welfare, fears about banks and saving, the collapse of an international system of fixed exchange rates, and the obliteration of mainstream parties at the hands of the hard left and the hard right. Of course, right now it seems absurd to think that Golden Dawn could ever top the polling in a Greek election. But in 2011 it was absurd to suggest they could have any MPs at all. In 1928 the Nazis won 2.8 per cent of the vote. By 1933 Hitler was chancellor. What propelled the surge in support for the Nazis? A strong showing by the far left, which drove the centre-right to Hitler. It is not unthinkable that history could repeat itself, in a situation where hundreds of thousands of young men and women have been left desperate and desolate. Greece is not just about economics. When I visited his local polling booth, Alexis Tsipras was mobbed by supporters and non-supporters alike. He tours the world drumming up support for his anti-austerity message. The public face of Syriza has certainly moved to the centre, in what might be called the ‘Syriza shuffle’.

In August 2010, he was at his peak – a colossus confident in his argument, bestriding government with his spending review, and displaying a missionary zeal for his fiscal plans. ‘It’s an absolute fundamental belief of mine that there is nothing progressive about losing control of the public finances, there’s nothing fair about it,’ he told me in his office at the Treasury, before listing centre-left and centre-right parties from the USA to Sweden that had cut back large deficits. The Apprentice Chancellor had some advantages. He had carefully won the argument for some sort of spending cuts in advance of the election, although he had given very little detail of his plans for raising tuition fees, slashing the housing budget, cutting non-pensioner benefits, raising VAT, freezing public pay and hiking train fares.


pages: 736 words: 233,366

Roller-Coaster: Europe, 1950-2017 by Ian Kershaw

airport security, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, centre right, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, Exxon Valdez, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, illegal immigration, income inequality, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, labour market flexibility, land reform, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, liberation theology, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, precariat, price stability, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, reserve currency, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine, The Chicago School, trade liberalization, union organizing, upwardly mobile, washing machines reduced drudgery, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, young professional

In Sweden the Social Democrats found themselves in 1976 in opposition for the first time in forty years as a government centre-right coalition took office. The Norwegian Labour Party was dependent on the left-wing Socialist Party for support in a minority government after 1973. The Social Democrats had problems, too, in Denmark (where the Conservatives achieved their best result in 1984) and in Finland, though they held on as new protest parties emerged, making the formation of stable coalitions more difficult. For the most part the trend in Western Europe was towards the conservative right. The fragmentation of ‘pillarization’ that down to the 1960s had been the hallmark of the Netherlands and Belgium continued. This produced a number of new political parties but it led by the 1980s to the election of centre-right coalition governments committed to tackling the economic problems through variants of deflationary politics.

In Switzerland, government continued throughout the crisis of the 1970s to be formed from coalitions between the four major parties (the Social Democrats, the Free Democrats, the Christian Democrats and the Swiss People’s Party). The rightward trend was less prominent here than elsewhere, given Switzerland’s sustained financial strength and stability, though in the federal elections of 1983 for the first time since 1925 the Social Democrats failed to emerge as the largest party. As the social basis of support for the political left (and trade unionism) weakened, the liberal and conservative centre-right gained ground and the influence of market forces strengthened. The sharpest turn to the right was in Britain. Without Britain’s specific experience of the crisis there, it is unlikely that Margaret Thatcher, who had replaced Edward Heath as leader of the Conservative Party in February 1975, would have become Prime Minister. As one of her biographers, Hugo Young, put it: ‘It was her good fortune to be propelled into the leadership when the party was ready for a return to fundamentalist Conservatism of a kind she was most at ease with.

Berlinguer consequently led his party to turn its back on Moscow in favour of a new-style (if somewhat vague) ‘Eurocommunism’, which rejected both the Soviet model and the Social Democratic acceptance of the capitalist system. In practice, however, Eurocommunism tacitly acknowledged the need to work within capitalism to engineer a democratic road to a socialist society. It was an appealing message to many, especially in northern cities. Seemingly en route to becoming Italy’s largest party, the Communists made big gains in 1976. And since there was no prospect of a government of the centre-right, the Christian Democrats were compelled to look to left-wing parties. Berlinguer himself dismissed notions of a left-wing coalition of the Communists with the smaller Socialist Party since this might prompt the very swing to the extreme right that he was anxious to avoid. He was also wary of incurring the hostility of the United States, anxious at the advances of communism in Italy. He preferred, therefore, to enter an informal political alliance with the Christian Democrats.


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The Extreme Centre: A Warning by Tariq Ali

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Berlin Wall, bonus culture, BRICs, British Empire, centre right, deindustrialization, Edward Snowden, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, full employment, labour market flexibility, land reform, light touch regulation, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mortgage debt, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, North Sea oil, obamacare, offshore financial centre, popular capitalism, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, The Chicago School, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, Westphalian system, Wolfgang Streeck

Throughout the heartlands of capital we witnessed the emergence of effective coalitions: as ever, the Republicans and Democrats in the United States; New Labour and Tories in Britain; Socialists and a medley of conservatives in France; the German coalitions of one variety or another, with the Greens differentiating themselves largely as ultra-Atlanticists; the virtually identical Scandinavian centre-right and centre-left, competing in cravenness before the Empire. In almost every case the two/three-party system morphed into an effective national government. A new market extremism came into play. The entry of capital into the most hallowed domains of social provision was touted as a necessary ‘reform’. Private finance initiatives that punished the public sector became the norm, and countries (such as France and Germany) that were seen as not proceeding fast enough in the direction of the neoliberal paradise were regularly denounced in the Economist and the Financial Times.

Predatory capitalists and predatory politicians continued to rule the roost.18 The neoliberal system has been dented by the crash of 2008, but there has been no irretrievable breakdown. It is premature to imagine that capitalism is on the verge of dissolution; however, its political cover is a different story. The democratic shell within which Western capitalism has, until recently, prospered is showing a number of cracks. Since the nineties democracy has, in the West, taken the form of an extreme centre, in which centre-left and centre-right collude to preserve the status quo; a dictatorship of capital that has reduced political parties to the status of the living dead. How did we get here? Following the collapse of communism in 1991, Edmund Burke’s notion that ‘in all societies consisting of different classes, certain classes must necessarily be uppermost’, and that ‘the apostles of equality only change and pervert the natural order of things’, became the wisdom of the age, embraced by servant and master alike.

Leading politicians of the extreme centre became rich during their years in power. Many were given consultancies as soon as they left office, as part of a ‘sweetheart deal’ with the companies concerned. Throughout the heartlands of capital we have witnessed the convergence of political choices: Republicans and Democrats in the United States, New Labour and Tories in Britain, Socialists and Conservatives in France; the German coalitions, the Scandinavian centre-right and centre-left, and so on. In virtually each case the two-party system has morphed into an effective national government. The hallowed notion that political parties and the differences between them constitute the essence of modern democracies has begun to look like a sham. Cultural differences persist, and the issues raised are important; but the craven capitulation on the fundamentals of how the country is governed means that cultural liberals, in permanent hock to the US Democrats or their equivalents, have helped to create the climate in which so many social and cultural rights are menaced.


Refuge: Transforming a Broken Refugee System by Alexander Betts, Paul Collier

Alvin Roth, anti-communist, centre right, charter city, corporate social responsibility, Donald Trump, failed state, Filter Bubble, global supply chain, informal economy, Kibera, mass immigration, megacity, mobile money, Mohammed Bouazizi, mutually assured destruction, open borders, Peace of Westphalia, peer-to-peer, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, rising living standards, risk/return, school choice, special economic zone, structural adjustment programs, trade route, urban planning, zero-sum game

Just as the legacy of the French Revolution still lies at the core of French commitment to liberté, égalité and fraternité, and the memory of National Socialism haunts Germans, so Hungarian and Austrian identities are influenced by their past response to Muslims in Europe. Faced with a rapidly mounting and disorderly influx of refugees, many Hungarians fell back psychologically on that historic role. President Orbán, leading a party of the centre-right, faced pressure from a party of the right which was keen to espouse this role as its cause. A recent analysis by the political scientist Sergi Pardos-Prado finds that across Europe if parties of the centre-right adopt liberal policies on immigration they heavily lose support to parties of the extreme right.5 Whether for fear of losing power, or because of genuine belief, in June 2015 President Orbán announced that Hungary would build a fence to prevent illegal entry to the European Union through its territory.

UNHCR, ‘Global Focus, UNHCR Operations Worldwide: Turkey’ (2015), http://reporting.unhcr.org/node/2544. 3. Guardian, ‘UN Agencies “Broke and Failing” in Face of Ever-Growing Refugee Crisis’, 6 September 2015, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/sep/06/refugee-crisis-unagencies-broke-failing. 4. The Case of M.S.S. v Belgium and Greece, ECtHR 2011. Application No. 30696/09. 5. Sergi Pardos-Prado, ‘How Can Mainstream Parties Prevent Niche Party Success? Center-Right Parties and the Immigration Issue’, The Journal of Politics, 77/2 (2015): 352–67. 6. Guardian, ‘Libya No-Fly Resolution Reveals Global Split in UN’, 18 March 2011, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2011/mar/18/libya-nofly-resolution-split. 7. BBC, ‘Migrant Crisis: Merkel Warns of EU “Failure” ’, 31 August 2015, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-34108224. 8. The data shows that while Syrians had already been coming to Europe in ever-increasing numbers since the summer of 2014, the peak arrival months in Europe were September and October.

Sarah Fine and Lea Ypi (Oxford, 2016: Oxford University Press), and Joseph Carens, The Ethics of Immigration (Oxford, 2013: Oxford University Press). See David Miller, Strangers in Our Midst: The Political Philosophy of Immigration (Cambridge, Mass., 2016: Harvard University Press). David Rueda, ‘Dualization, Crisis and the Welfare State’, SocioEconomic Review 12/2 (2014): 381–407. Sergi Pardos-Prado, ‘How Can Mainstream Parties Prevent Niche Party Success? Center-Right Parties and the Immigration Issue’, The Journal of Politics, 77/2 (2015): 352–67. Brian Barry, ‘The Quest for Consistency: A Sceptical View’, in B. Barry and R. Goodin (eds.), Free Movement: Ethical Issues in the Transnational Migration of People and of Money (Hemel Hempstead, 1992: Harvester Wheatsheaf). See Paul Collier, World Development (on AIDS) (2017). Peter Singer and Renata Singer, ‘The Ethics of Refugee Policy’, in Mark Gibney (ed.), Open Borders?


pages: 193 words: 48,066

The European Union by John Pinder, Simon Usherwood

Berlin Wall, BRICs, central bank independence, centre right, collective bargaining, Doha Development Round, eurozone crisis, failed state, illegal immigration, labour market flexibility, mass immigration, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, new economy, non-tariff barriers, open borders, price stability, trade liberalization, zero-sum game

The balance between the mainstream parties has otherwise been fairly stable, with neither the centre-right nor the centre-left able to command a majority alone. Hence broad coalitions across the centre are needed to ensure a majority for voting on legislation or the budget; and this is all the more necessary for amending or rejecting measures under the increasingly important co-decision procedure, where an absolute majority of 376 votes is required. The well-developed system of committees, each preparing the Parliament’s positions and grilling the Commissioners in a field of the Union’s activities, also tends to encourage consensual behaviour. But there has nonetheless been a sharper left–right division since the elections of 1999, when the centre-right became structurally larger than the centre-left, a pattern reinforced by enlargement.

There are 751 of them, distributed among the member states in proportions that favour the smaller states, though to a lesser degree than in the weighting of votes in the Council: ranging from 99 from Germany; 72 each from France, Italy, and the UK; and 50 each from Poland and Spain; down to 6 each from Cyprus, Estonia, Luxembourg, and Malta. The political culture of the European Parliament differs radically from that of the Council. The meetings are open to the public; voting by simple majority is the routine; and the MEPs usually vote by party group rather than by state. Three-quarters of the MEPs elected in June 2009 belonged to the mainstream party groups: 271 to the centre-right Christian Democrat and Conservative EPP (European People’s Party) group; 189 to the centre-left PES (Party of European Socialists) group; and 85 to the ALDE (European Liberals, Democrats, and Reformists) group. The rest were evenly divided between smaller groups to the left, of which the most important were the Greens, and to the right, with a variety of eurosceptics of various ideological complexions.


Basic Income And The Left by henningmeyer

basic income, Bernie Sanders, centre right, eurozone crisis, income inequality, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, labour market flexibility, land value tax, means of production, mini-job, moral hazard, precariat, quantitative easing, Silicon Valley, the market place, Tobin tax, universal basic income

On the same day, the proposal was the than 125,000 valid signatures to the federal chan‐ object of a second and final vote in the National cellery. On 27 August 2014, after validation of the Council: 157 voted were against, 19 in favour and 16 signatures and examination of the arguments, the abstained. In all cases, all the representatives from Federal Council rejected the initiative without the far right, centre right and centre parties voted making a counter-proposal. In its view, ‘an uncondi‐ against the proposal. All pro votes and abstentions tional basic income would have negative conse‐ came from the socialist party and the green party, quences on the economy, the social security system both of which were sharply divided. At the final vote and the cohesion of Swiss society. In particular, the in the National Council, 15 socialists voted in funding of such an income would imply a consider‐ favour, 13 against and 13 abstained, while four able increase of the fiscal burden’.

The second part of the communist where they make the (wholly reasonable) case for slogan was ‘To each according to his needs’. And unemployment benefits higher than the current UK approximately that conforms to the more egali‐ pittance, funded by progressive taxation. But that is tarian universal welfare states of the Nordic just to make the UK look a bit more like a universal countries. welfare state. While there is a current pilot in Finland — under a And a key aspect of such states is that they are not centre-right, not social-democrat, government — just about income transfers — though they are the universal basic income has been an idea which has most effective social machine for equality ever flourished, unsurprisingly, in the Anglo-American devised in history. They are also about enhancing world familiar only with means-tested, market- personal wellbeing for all through the provision of based welfare states.


pages: 283 words: 87,166

Reaching for Utopia: Making Sense of an Age of Upheaval by Jason Cowley

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, coherent worldview, Corn Laws, corporate governance, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deindustrialization, deskilling, Donald Trump, Etonian, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, illegal immigration, liberal world order, Neil Kinnock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Right to Buy, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, University of East Anglia

Marine Le Pen won thirty-four per cent of the vote in the second round of the French presidential election against Emmanuel Macron, after reverting in the final weeks of the campaign to the politics of her father, an old-style Vichy fascist. To defeat Geert Wilders’s anti-Muslim Freedom Party in the Netherlands, the centre-right Dutch prime minister, Mark Rutte, had to adopt some of his rival’s positions and borrow much of his xenophobic rhetoric. In the illiberal democracies of eastern Europe – Poland, Hungary – an ugly form of the old right has re-emerged. The Czech Republic has embraced anti-establishment populism after the ruling Social Democrats were crushed by ANO (‘Yes’), an insurgent party led by a billionaire oligarch, Andrej Babiš. Meanwhile, Angela Merkel’s centre-right government has been severely weakened in Germany and her standing diminished after the far-right Alternative für Deutschland, energised by the migrant crisis, won nearly thirteen per cent of vote in the federal election in September 2017: it now has representation for the first time and is the official opposition in the Bundestag.

He had such good manners and such charm, and together these have carried him a very long way, to the top of British politics as prime minister of the first coalition government since the Second World War. At the start of their shotgun marriage, Cameron and Nick Clegg had promised so much, nothing less than a new transparency and a ‘new politics’. This was to be a historic realignment; not as progressives had long wished for on the centre-left, but on the centre-right: classical liberalism in harmony with modernised Cameroon Conservatism, with David Laws heralded as the new model national Liberal politician. In an essay published in the New Statesman in May 2010, Vernon Bogdanor, who taught Cameron at Oxford, wrote: The decision by the Lib Dems to form a coalition with the Conservatives brings to an end the project of realignment on the left, begun by Jo Grimond in the 1950s, and continued by David Steel in the 1970s and by Paddy Ashdown, with support from Tony Blair, in the 1990s . . .

In an essay published in the New Statesman in May 2010, Vernon Bogdanor, who taught Cameron at Oxford, wrote: The decision by the Lib Dems to form a coalition with the Conservatives brings to an end the project of realignment on the left, begun by Jo Grimond in the 1950s, and continued by David Steel in the 1970s and by Paddy Ashdown, with support from Tony Blair, in the 1990s . . . It seems the Labour Party and the left do not yet realise what a catastrophe has hit them. It is comparable to 1983, though then the left could at least hope that Labour and the SDP-Liberal Alliance might come together. By 2012, the promised centre-right realignment had not happened. Cameron found himself unable to evolve a coherent political strategy, or to tell a convincing story to the British people about the kind of country he wanted Britain to be when in recession and threatened with break-up, or to demonstrate a basic competence in government as he flip-flopped and U-turned and retreated as policies were introduced, only to be revised or abandoned altogether or simply botched, as with Andrew Lansley’s Health and Social Care Bill.


pages: 497 words: 150,205

European Spring: Why Our Economies and Politics Are in a Mess - and How to Put Them Right by Philippe Legrain

3D printing, Airbnb, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Basel III, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business cycle, business process, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, centre right, cleantech, collaborative consumption, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, corporate governance, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, debt deflation, Diane Coyle, disruptive innovation, Downton Abbey, Edward Glaeser, Elon Musk, en.wikipedia.org, energy transition, eurozone crisis, fear of failure, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, forward guidance, full employment, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, Growth in a Time of Debt, hiring and firing, hydraulic fracturing, Hyman Minsky, Hyperloop, immigration reform, income inequality, interest rate derivative, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Irish property bubble, James Dyson, Jane Jacobs, job satisfaction, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, liquidity trap, margin call, Martin Wolf, mittelstand, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, peer-to-peer rental, price stability, private sector deleveraging, pushing on a string, quantitative easing, Richard Florida, rising living standards, risk-adjusted returns, Robert Gordon, savings glut, school vouchers, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, smart grid, smart meter, software patent, sovereign wealth fund, Steve Jobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, total factor productivity, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, working-age population, Zipcar

The ratio of 15–64s to over-64s is 3.86 in 2010 and 2.45 in 2030. 21 The incumbents thrown out include: Conservative New Democracy in Greece in October 2009 and then the Socialists in May 2012, the Socialists in Hungary in April 2010, Labour in Britain in May, Fianna Fail in Ireland in February 2011, the Centre-Party-led coalition in Finland in April, the Socialists in Portugal in May, the centre-right coalition in Denmark in September, the Socialists in Spain in November, the government in Slovenia in December, the centre-right in Slovakia in March 2012, President Nicolas Sarkozy in France in May, and both the Communists in Cyprus and Mario Monti, Italy’s technocratic prime minister turned politician, in February 2013. 22 Sweden’s centre-right coalition, which was re-elected in 2010, faces an uphill battle in 2014. The Dutch prime minister, Mark Rutte, only scraped through in 2012, albeit with a different coalition partner. Poland’s centre-right coalition, which was re-elected in 2011, is lagging in the polls. Austria’s grand coalition also scraped back into power. 23 Thilo Sarrazin, Deutschland schafft sich ab, DVA: 2010 24 OECD, Average annual hours actually worked per worker, 2011.

The new European Parliament could then act as an electoral college for the new Commission president. It should also hold confirmation hearings for each individual commissioner and have the right to reject any individual, as the US Senate can do with many senior US officials. Another way to make the European elections more significant would be for the Parliament to behave more like a proper legislature. Instead of splitting top jobs (two-and-a-half years for the centre-right, two-and-a-half for the centre-left), one grouping should battle to get it for the full five-year term. Like in most national parliaments, bigger parties should get more committee chairs. To make the Parliament itself more representative and legitimate, party lists should be opened up so that a wider range of candidates can contest elections. It should also make a point of passing stringent new laws to prevent parliamentarians abusing their expenses, punishing any corruption severely and thus burnishing its reputation for probity.

But some members of that elite may support change because they think they could gain from it, while the crisis and popular pressure could force even recalcitrant players to change. France’s President Hollande might see it as a way of countervailing German power and setting out a distinct social democratic agenda. Britain’s David Cameron might make it one of his objectives. Smaller countries could see it as an opportunity to make their voices heard. Within the Parliament, even the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP) might be persuaded that change is essential if the new Parliament throws up a big constituency of extremists, populists and Eurosceptics. From the Commission’s point of view, delegating technical powers – for instance, spinning off its antitrust powers to a European Competition Authority – and refocusing it as a more political actor would greatly enhance its diminished stature.


Top 10 Prague by Schwinke, Theodore.

centre right, Defenestration of Prague, G4S, Johannes Kepler, New Urbanism

Maps Dominic Beddow, Simonetta Giori (Draughtsman Ltd) Additional Editorial Assistance Emma Anacootee, Sherry Collins, Michelle Crane, Integrated Publishing Solutions, Tomás Kleisner, Maite Lantaron, Marianne Petrou, Filip Polonsky, Beth Potter, Quadrum Solutions, Rada Radojicic, Ellen Root, Sands Publishing Solutions, Sadie Smith, Susana Smith, Leah Tether, Conrad van Dyk Picture Credits t-top, tl-top left; tlc-top left centre; tc-top centre; tr-top right; cla- centre left above; ca-centre above; cra-centre right above; cl-centre left; c-centre; cr-centre right; clb-centre left below; cb-centre below; crb-centre right below; bl-bottom left, b-bottom; bc-bottom centre; bcl-bottom centre left; br-bottom right; d-detail. 157 Acknowledgements Every effort has been made to trace the copyright holders of images, and we apologize in advance for any unintentional omissions. We would be pleased to insert the appropriate acknowledgements in any subsequent edition of this publication.


pages: 420 words: 126,194

The Strange Death of Europe: Immigration, Identity, Islam by Douglas Murray

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, borderless world, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, cognitive dissonance, deindustrialization, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, glass ceiling, high net worth, illegal immigration, low skilled workers, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, open borders, post-industrial society, white flight

We’ve even tolerated these segregated communities behaving in ways that run completely counter to our values.’4 A few days later, in a televised debate, the French President, Nicolas Sarkozy, also pronounced multiculturalism to be a ‘failure’ and said, ‘The truth is that in all our democracies we have been too preoccupied with the identity of those who arrived and not enough with the identity of the country that welcomed them.’5 These leaders were soon joined by others, including the former Australian Prime Minister John Howard and the former Spanish Prime Minister José María Aznar. Within the space of a few months the apparently unsayable had been said by almost everybody. In each country, on each occasion, a great debate began. Was David Cameron right to twin the issue of national security and national cohesion? Was Merkel simply trying to respond to pressures and cleverly keeping a bloc of the centre-right within her political fold? Whatever the reasons, in each country the ‘multiculturalism has failed’ debate seemed to mark some kind of watershed moment. Yet despite the prolific nature of these debates, it was unclear even at the time what these statements meant. The word ‘multiculturalism’ (let alone multikulti in German) already sounded notoriously different to different people. For many years, and still today for many people, the term seemed to mean ‘pluralism’ or simply the reality of living in an ethnically diverse society.

Even as the migration into Europe increased exponentially the justifications that officials reiterated were the same ones that had been used for decades, and they permeated everywhere from the heads of supranational organisations down to the level of local government. In the middle of August 2015, as the Chancellor prepared to open the borders, the mayor of the town of Goslar in Lower Saxony insisted that his town would welcome migrants with ‘open arms’. Mayor Oliver Junk – a member of Angela Merkel’s own centre-right party – highlighted the fact that Goslar had been losing a small part of its population each year. Over the last decade the population of 50,000 had diminished by around 4,000 people – a factor caused by young people leaving the area to look for work as well as a diminishing birth rate among local people. In 2014 the town had taken in 48 migrants. Now the mayor announced that in his opinion there could not be enough migrants coming to Goslar.

There is nothing in Islam that justifies this truly dreadful act.’4 The next year, responding to the beheading of a British aid worker in Syria by a British-born jihadist, the same Prime Minister said, ‘They claim to do this in the name of Islam. That is nonsense. Islam is a religion of peace. They are not Muslims; they are monsters.’5 The media also tried hard not to address what had happened. The day after Lee Rigby was murdered on the streets of London by two Koran-quoting converts, Britain’s Daily Telegraph – the main broadsheet of the centre-right – took the Cameron line. One columnist claimed that ‘The man with the bloodied knife who spoke into a video camera at Woolwich had no discernible agenda … none of it made sense.’6 Another writer at the same paper wrote, ‘For me, yesterday’s barbaric act of terror in Woolwich was literally senseless. None of what happened actually made any sense … There were knives and helicopters and guns and bodies.


pages: 482 words: 149,807

A History of France by John Julius Norwich

centre right, German hyperinflation, Henri Poincaré, Honoré de Balzac, Monroe Doctrine, Peace of Westphalia

Illustration Credits Alamy Stock Photo: here below/StevanZZ; here above left/Hemis; here below left/Heritage Image Partnership Ltd; here centre left/Josse Christophel/portrait by Quentin de la Tour/Louvre Paris; here above left/Josse Christophel/Bibliothèque Nationale Paris. Bridgeman Images: here above left, here centre right, here centre right/all De Agostini Picture Library; here above left and here below left/Photos © PVDE; here centre right; here below left and here above left/both © British Library Board All Rights Reserved; here centre right, here centre left and below right, here below left, here above right, here below/all Louvre Paris; here above right/from Vie des Femmes Célèbres, c. 1505/Musée Dobrée Nantes France; here above left/State Collection France; here below left/style of Corneille de Lyon/Polesden Lacey Surrey UK; here below right/National Gallery of Art Washington DC USA; here above left/studio of Frans II Pourbus/Château de Versailles France; here centre, here above left and below right, here above/all Musée Carnavalet Paris; here below left/La Sorbonne Paris; here below right/National Galleries of Scotland Edinburgh; here below/Château de Versailles; here below left/Private Collection; here above left/State Hermitage Museum St Petersburg Russia; here above right/Musée des Beaux-Arts Valenciennes France; here below right/photo Nadar/The Art Institute of Chicago USA; here centre; here below/UIG; here below.

Bridgeman Images: here above left, here centre right, here centre right/all De Agostini Picture Library; here above left and here below left/Photos © PVDE; here centre right; here below left and here above left/both © British Library Board All Rights Reserved; here centre right, here centre left and below right, here below left, here above right, here below/all Louvre Paris; here above right/from Vie des Femmes Célèbres, c. 1505/Musée Dobrée Nantes France; here above left/State Collection France; here below left/style of Corneille de Lyon/Polesden Lacey Surrey UK; here below right/National Gallery of Art Washington DC USA; here above left/studio of Frans II Pourbus/Château de Versailles France; here centre, here above left and below right, here above/all Musée Carnavalet Paris; here below left/La Sorbonne Paris; here below right/National Galleries of Scotland Edinburgh; here below/Château de Versailles; here below left/Private Collection; here above left/State Hermitage Museum St Petersburg Russia; here above right/Musée des Beaux-Arts Valenciennes France; here below right/photo Nadar/The Art Institute of Chicago USA; here centre; here below/UIG; here below. Getty Images: here centre right and here above right/Christophel Fine Art/UIG; here above/Andia/UIG; here below left/Apic; here above left/De Agostini; here above left/Heinrich Hoffmann/ullstein bild; here centre/Bettmann; here/Gabriel Hackett/Archive Photos. REX/Shutterstock: here above right/Gianni Dagli Orti. Suggestions for Further Reading There are libraries groaning with excellent histories of France, far longer and intimidatingly more thorough than mine.


Berlitz Pocket Guide Stockholm by Berlitz

centre right, congestion charging, low cost airline, Lyft

Modern times The country has supported the United Nations since its inception, but despite its peaceful reputation political assassinations occurred on 28 February 1986, when the Prime Minister Olof Palme was shot on a street, and again on 10 September 2003, when Anna Lindh, the foreign minister, was stabbed to death in the Nordiska Kompaniet shopping mall. Sweden joined the European Union in 1995, and to reflect that new European status Stockholm was selected as the Culture Capital of Europe for 1998. However, it decided not to join the European single currency at its inception in 1999. In 2003, the euro was rejected by popular referendum. In 2006, a centre-right alliance headed by the Moderate Party won the election with a narrow majority, thus ending 12 years of Social Democrat rule. In 2014 the Social democrats returned to power, albeit in coalition with the Greens. However, its future seems dubious following a huge leak of classified data and the resignation of two ministers in 2017. Recent years have also seen a rapid rise of the anti-immigrant (Sweden is one of the EU countries attracting the largest number of migrants) and nationalist Sweden Democrats Party.

Eriksson starts the manufacture of telephones. 1895 Alfred Nobel establishes the Nobel Prize. 1905 Parliament dissolves the union with Norway. 1939 Sweden’s coalition government declares neutrality in World War II. 1950 Stockholm’s first underground railway is inaugurated. 1955 Obligatory national health insurance established. 1974 The monarch loses all political powers. 1986 Prime Minister Olof Palme is murdered in Stockholm. 1995 Sweden joins the European Union after a referendum. 2000 Church separates from the state after 400 years. 2003 Foreign Minister Anna Lindh murdered in Stockholm. 2006 Centre-right alliance headed by the Moderate Party wins election. 2010 The Sweden Democrats gain parliamentary seats for the first time. 2014 Social Democrats return to power forming a ruling coalition with the Greens; the Sweden Democrats become the third largest political force in Sweden with 49 deputies. 2017 Five people are killed in a terrorist attack when a truck is driven into a crowd on Drottninggatan.


Battling Eight Giants: Basic Income Now by Guy Standing

basic income, Bernie Sanders, centre right, collective bargaining, decarbonisation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, full employment, future of work, Gini coefficient, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), job automation, labour market flexibility, Lao Tzu, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, Martin Wolf, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, open economy, pension reform, precariat, quantitative easing, rent control, Ronald Reagan, selection bias, universal basic income, Y Combinator

But Britain could go further than the good Canadian example, by recycling revenue not only from a carbon tax but from levies on all forms of pollution and intrusions into the commons. (8) Populism and neo-fascism The final giant is the rise of right-wing populism, epitomized by the election of Donald Trump as US president in November 2016, and by the spread of populist parties across Europe, where over a quarter of the electorate now support populist politicians, according to recent research. The definition of populism is vague, but most populists support aggressive nationalism, anti-migration posturing, hostility to mainstream politics of the centre left and centre right and a willingness to tolerate or openly support authoritarianism and antidemocratic policies. In Britain, a national opinion poll carried out by the Hansard Society in early 2019 found disturbingly high support for political leadership prepared to disregard democratic norms, including 54% Battling Eight Giants 38 support for the proposition ‘Britain needs a strong leader willing to break the rules’.

A preliminary official analysis issued in February 2019 concluded that the payments had not produced any decline in employment – indeed, there was tentative evidence that recipients had half a day more in employment – and it had resulted in significant improvements in well-being, with a 17% incidence of better physical and mental health, and a 37% decrease in the incidence of depression.11 Making that result more impressive was the fact that the employment rate was no higher in the control group, even though an ‘activation’ scheme had been introduced by the centre-right government halfway through the pilot that sanctioned unemployed people by reducing their benefits if they did not pursue or obtain jobs. The fact that the employment rates of the basic income recipients were the same as for those threatened with punitive sanctions shows that sanctions are unnecessary.12 An interview with one of the previously unemployed recipients of the basic income reported that he had used the time and money to build up a workshop for making and selling shaman drums.13 However, it was not the money that had made that possible but the absence of behavioural conditions that had previously forced him to look for jobs and use up time to satisfy the employment bureau’s demands.


pages: 505 words: 133,661

Who Owns England?: How We Lost Our Green and Pleasant Land, and How to Take It Back by Guy Shrubsole

back-to-the-land, Beeching cuts, Boris Johnson, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, congestion charging, deindustrialization, digital map, do-ocracy, Downton Abbey, financial deregulation, fixed income, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Google Earth, housing crisis, James Dyson, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, land value tax, linked data, loadsamoney, mega-rich, mutually assured destruction, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, openstreetmap, place-making, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, rent-seeking, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, sceptred isle, Stewart Brand, the built environment, the map is not the territory, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trickle-down economics, urban sprawl, web of trust, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

The owners of such strips – which can sometimes just be a few feet wide – can effectively hold potential developers to ransom, by refusing them access to their site unless they give them a slice of the profits. A 1961 court case determined that the owners of ransom strips are entitled to one-third of the increase in the value of the land to which they grant access. Such piratical behaviour has recently prompted centre-right think tank Onward to advocate the reform of compulsory purchase rules so that councils can buy land more cheaply; otherwise, ‘there will sometimes be one landowner or someone with a ransom strip who tries to hold out for a windfall profit’. Offshore fraudsters, pension funds lobbying to rip up the Green Belt and land pirates with their ransom strips are all intriguing examples of corporate malfeasance towards the land.

That meant that if a council wanted to buy a landowner’s field, say, for building council homes, the landowner would still be compensated, but only for the field’s existing agricultural value – not for the additional ‘hope value’ the landowner may have hoped to realise one day by selling it for housing. If they refused to sell, the council could issue a compulsory purchase order. ‘For 11 years,’ writes Daniel Bentley, editorial director at centre-right think tank Civitas, ‘councils were able to buy land for their housebuilding programmes at, or close to, existing use value.’ Over that same period, about 1.8 million council homes were constructed in England – a third of all the council housing built in the country since the Second World War. Twenty-one entirely new towns – such as Stevenage, Harlow and Milton Keynes – were built by public development corporations under this land purchase framework.

Title Land (acres) Farm subsidies 1873 2001 Total 2015 Single area payments Duke of Buccleuch and Queensberry 460,108 270,700 £1,643,510 £707,036 Duke of Grafton 25,773 11,000 £835,559 £495,320 Duke of Westminster 19,749 129,300 £815,805 £462,775 Duke of Devonshire 198,572 73,000 £768,623 £218,856 Duke of Beaufort 51,085 52,000 £688,097 £345,075 Duke of Bedford 86,335 23,020 £543,233 £431,163 Duke of Marlborough 23,511 11,500 £526,549 £284,468 Duke of Norfolk 49,866 46,000 £449,166 £259,605 Duke of Richmond, Lennox, and Gordon 286,411 12,000 £379,085 £253,038 Duke of Roxburghe 60,418 65,600 £361,919 £175,938 Duke of Rutland 70,137 26,000 £358,430 £314,531 Duke of Northumberland 186,397 132,200 £327,403 £133,553 Duke of Sutherland 1,358,545 12,000 £191,802 £170,419 Duke of Atholl 201,640 148,000 £172,436 £60,287 Duke of Fife (Title did not exist then) 1,500 £169,905 £144,364 Duke of Argyll 175,114 60,800 £120,097 £0 Duke of Wellington 19,116 31,700 £80,878 £66,486 Duke of Montrose 103,447 8,800 n/a n/a Duke of Somerset 25,387 2,000 n/a n/a Duke of Hamilton 157,368 12,000 n/a n/a Duke of Abercorn 78,662 15,000 n/a n/a Duke of St Albans 8,998 4,000 n/a n/a Duke of Manchester 27,312 0 n/a n/a Duke of Leinster 73,100 0 n/a n/a Totals 3,747,051 1,148,120 £8,432,497 £4,522,914 Organisations campaigning on land issues • Land Justice Network – activists’ network that advocates for land reform and organises demonstrations www.landjustice.uk • Land Workers Alliance – a grassroots union representing farmers, growers and land-based workers landworkersalliance.org.uk • Three Acres and a Cow – a travelling show telling the history of land rights and protest in folk song and story threeacresandacow.co.uk • Shared Assets – a think-and-do-tank that supports people managing land for the common good www.sharedassets.org.uk • The Land – an occasional magazine about land rights www.thelandmagazine.org.uk • Friends of the Earth – environmental campaigning group friendsoftheearth.uk • Shelter – housing and homelessness charity www.shelter.org.uk • New Economics Foundation – think tank proposing ideas for a new economy where people really take back control neweconomics.org • IPPR – centre-left think tank advocating land reform • Civitas – centre-right think tank advocating land reform • Who Owns Scotland – campaigner Andy Wightman’s fantastic maps and blog about Scottish land ownership, one of the inspirations for this book www.whoownsscotland.org.uk For more about Who Owns England, including blogs, interactive maps and tips about exploring land ownership, visit whoownsengland.org FOOTNOTES 3. THE ESTABLISHMENT: CROWN AND CHURCH fn1 The Crown Estate owns virtually all of the seabed around England, Wales and Northern Ireland, from 12 nautical miles out to the edge of UK territorial waters.


pages: 209 words: 89,619

The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class by Guy Standing

8-hour work day, banking crisis, barriers to entry, basic income, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, call centre, Cass Sunstein, centre right, collective bargaining, corporate governance, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, deskilling, fear of failure, full employment, hiring and firing, Honoré de Balzac, housing crisis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, land reform, libertarian paternalism, low skilled workers, lump of labour, marginal employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, means of production, mini-job, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, nudge unit, old age dependency ratio, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, pensions crisis, placebo effect, post-industrial society, precariat, presumed consent, quantitative easing, remote working, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, rising living standards, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, science of happiness, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, The Market for Lemons, The Nature of the Firm, The Spirit Level, Tobin tax, transaction costs, universal basic income, unpaid internship, winner-take-all economy, working poor, working-age population, young professional

The National Association of State Budget Officers warned that US states would face huge budget deficits due to pension liabilities. Antipublic sector critics were helped by media stories of a few former senior public employees living in opulence on their pensions. The United States is only the harbinger. The attack on the public sector is part of the post-2008 adjustment across all industrialised countries. In Greece, under a centre-right government, 75,000 civil servants were added to the already huge public sector between 2004 and 2009. Once the crunch came in 2010, the public salariat was slashed, feeding the Greek precariat. The government also announced it would remove barriers to entry to some professions, lowering their wages to reduce public spending. In Italy, pressure on the civil service was also growing. In October 2009, 40,000 police officers marched through Rome to demand better pay and new police cars.

Thin democracy, sporadic voting by youth and the drift to the right go together. In the European Union elections of 2009, average turnout was 43 per cent, the lowest since 1979. Left-of-centre parties did badly almost everywhere. Labour took 16 per cent of the vote in the United Kingdom. Right-wing parties did well everywhere. Socialists were crushed in Hungary, while the extreme right-wing Jobbik won almost as many seats. In Poland, the ruling centre-right Civic Platform won. In Italy, the centre-left gained 26 per cent of the vote, seven percentage points less than in the 2008 general election before the crisis, against 35 per cent for Berlusconi’s People of Liberty Party. In the German elections of 2009, there was a record low turnout of 71 per cent; the right did well. Everywhere, the social democrats were in retreat. One problem is that politicians are now sold as brands, while class-based politics has been debased, partly because the social democratic project could not survive globalisation.

Then they came for the trade unionists, and I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews, and I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t a Jew. Then they came for me and by that time no one was left to speak up. A POLITICS OF PARADISE 183 The warning is relevant because the dangerous class is being led astray by demagogues like Berlusconi, mavericks like Sarah Palin and neo-fascists elsewhere. While the centre-right is being dragged further to the right to hold its constituents, the political centre-left is giving ground and haemorrhaging votes. It is in danger of losing a generation of credibility. For too long, it has represented the interests of ‘labour’ and stood for a dying way of life and a dying way of labouring. The new class is the precariat; unless the progressives of the world offer a politics of paradise, that class will be all too prone to listen to the sirens luring society onto the rocks.


pages: 232 words: 76,830

Dreams of Leaving and Remaining by James Meek

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, bank run, Boris Johnson, centre right, Corn Laws, corporate governance, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Etonian, full employment, global supply chain, illegal immigration, Jeff Bezos, low skilled workers, Martin Wolf, mega-rich, Neil Kinnock, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, Skype, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, Stephen Hawking, working-age population

The government did away with the independence of the chief prosecutor. It tore up the rules intended to ensure senior civil servants are qualified, recruited in open competition, and protected from arbitrary dismissal. The head of the prime minister’s office has spoken openly of firing any civil servant suspected of being infected with the ‘social pathology’ of the previous pro-European, socially liberal, economically centre-right government. The government violated the constitution in order to gain control of the constitutional tribunal, the court that rules on whether laws are constitutional or not. Law and Justice openly encourages emnity towards refugees; just before the election, Kaczyński said they were carriers of cholera and dysentery and ‘other, even more severe diseases’. The party backed a bill that would have made abortion absolutely illegal, even in cases of rape, incest or when the mother’s life was in danger, and pulled back only after demonstrations.

on his Facebook page the day after the Brexit referendum, although he was evasive when I asked him about it. When he lived in Brzeg, he was a founding member of the local branch of the extreme right-wing movement ONR. His sacked deputy was a Law and Justice supporter. Anna Pasternak was hostile; the party’s attempts to establish a religious state annoyed her. But nor did she care for Civic Platform, Law and Justice’s economically centre-right, socially liberal rivals, who ruled Poland for eight years before Kaczyński’s triumph. Like almost half of Polish voters, she sat out the 2015 election. Brexit was won on the votes of more than a third of the electorate; the Conservatives and Donald Trump won power in Britain and the US with the support of a quarter; Law and Justice won it with the support of less than a fifth. The more important question for the Polish opposition is not ‘How could they vote for that?’


pages: 934 words: 135,736

The Divided Nation: A History of Germany, 1918-1990 by Mary Fulbrook

Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, centre right, coherent worldview, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, joint-stock company, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, Peace of Westphalia, Sinatra Doctrine, union organizing, unorthodox policies

The SPD's share of the vote fell from 37.9% to 21.7% while the German Democratic Party's (DDP) vote fell to 8.2%, less than half its former 18.5% and the Centre dropped moderately from 19.7% to 13.6%. The USPD share grew from 7.6% to 17.8% while the KPD (which had not contested the 1919 elections) won 2% of the vote; on the right, the German People's Party (DVP) increased its poll from 4.4% to 13.9%, and the German National People's Party (DNVP) gained 15%, compared to its earlier 10.3% share of the vote. The SPD-led coalition government was replaced by a centre-right coalition. From 1921 to the summer of 1923, governmental policies served to exacerbate Germany's political and economic difficulties. Wirth's government of 19212 pursued a so-called 'policy of fulfilment' which, by attempting to fulfil Germany's reparations obligations, served to demonstrate that the German economy was in fact too weak to pay reparations as envisaged. This coincided with the pursuit by the French of revisionist policies aimed at gaining control of the left bank of the Rhine and setting up a puppet state.

However, given the lack of experience and resources down to the level of typewriters and functioning telephones for most East German parties, the real issue became that of which East German political forces would gain the support of the major West German parties. In the event, the forces which had spearheaded the autumn revolution in particular New Forum were swamped and consigned to political oblivion by the entrance of the West German juggernauts. Kohl's CDU finally threw its not inconsiderable weight behind the centre-right 'Alliance for Germany'. This was made up of the Democratic Awakening (DA), the German Social Union (DSU), which had been founded as a sister party to the Bavarian CSU, and the old East German CDU, now supposedly free of any taint of its forty-year compromise with the Communist regime. The West German SPD supported the East German SPD, which was founded the previous autumn, and which had attempted to resist being infiltrated or flooded by former SED members.

As the prospect of unification became ever more immediate, with West German entrepreneurs exploring the possibilities of acquiring East German enterprises, and West Germans with Page 339 legal claims to expropriated properties in the East beginning to institute legal proceedings, many East Germans began to be more concerned about safeguarding certain fundamental elements of their existence, particularly in connection with low rents, guaranteed employment, and extensive provisions for child care. In the event, the vote of 18 March 1990 was a decisive one in favour of rapid unification and the introduction of the West German Deutschmark under conservative auspices. The scale of the centre-right victory, with over forty-eight per cent of the vote, was decisive, even though a coalition would be required for putting through key constitutional changes. The masses, who for decades had suffered in passivity or retreated into their private niches of 'grumbling and making do', finally had their hour; and once again, the dissident intellectuals found themselves isolated. From the point of view of those who had led the peaceful revolution in the autumn, this was a deflection indeed from the vision of democratic socialism which had given them the courage, in the early days, to risk their lives on the streets.


pages: 890 words: 133,829

Sardinia Travel Guide by Lonely Planet

car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, haute couture, Honoré de Balzac, Kickstarter, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Skype

Described by the BBC as 'apocalyptic', the cyclone's high winds and torrential rain left 18 dead and hundreds homeless. A swift clean-up operation, however, has left almost no visible traces of the cyclone and resorts have been completely rebuilt. Political Change The centre-left Partito Democratico candidate Francesco Pigliaru (42.45%) won Sardinia's regional elections in February 2014, defeating outgoing governor Ugo Cappellacci (39.65% of votes) of Berlusconi’s centre-right Forza Italia party. Riding the tides of Prime Minister Matteo Renzi's popularity and Berlusconi's disgrace, Pigliaru was seen as a 'clean' candidate and not a career politician, with sound policies and an honest background as a Professor of Economics at the University of Cagliari. In spring 2014, the European elections ushered in a new political era for Sardinia, which with only 1.6 million people is under-represented in the 'Italia Insulare' constituency consisting of Sardinia and the much-larger Sicily.

He sets the cat among the pigeons by banning building within 2km of the coast and taxing holiday homes and mega-yachts. 2008 After 36 years, the US Navy withdraws from the Arcipelago di La Maddalena. It had long divided opinion: friends pointed to the money it brought; critics highlighted the risks of hosting atomic submarines. 2009 Renato Soru is defeated in the February regional election by centre-right candidate Ugo Cappellacci. 2011 In a May referendum, 98% of Sardinians vote against nuclear power. Enel gets the green light to build a 90 megawatt wind farm at Portoscuso. 2013 Cyclone Cleopatra tears across the island, bringing apocalyptic flash floods and storms that kill 18 people and leave thousands homeless. Olbia is the worse affected area. 2014 Fabrizio Aru comes third in the Giro d’Italia in May 2014 – the first time a Sard has ever been on the podium.

Combining socialist themes (a call for social justice and development of agricultural cooperatives) with free-market ideology (the need for economic liberalism and the removal of state protectionism), it created a distinct brand of Sardinian social-democratic thought. More than 90 years on, the party is still active. It stood independently in the 2009 regional election, winning 4.3% of the Sardinian vote. In 2013, the PSd'Az broke away from Ugo Cappellacci of Silvio Berlusconi's centre-right Forza Italia (FI) party. It rejoined the coalition, however, in time for the regional elections in 2014, which saw Francesco Pigliaru of the centre-left Partito Democratico (PD) beat Cappellacci. The PSd'Az won 4.7% of the vote. In 1921 DH Lawrence spent six days travelling from Cagliari to Olbia. The result was Sea and Sardinia, his celebrated travelogue full of amusing and grumpy musings.


pages: 302 words: 84,881

The Digital Party: Political Organisation and Online Democracy by Paolo Gerbaudo

Airbnb, barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, call centre, centre right, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, disintermediation, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, feminist movement, gig economy, industrial robot, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, Joseph Schumpeter, Mark Zuckerberg, Network effects, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shock, post-industrial society, precariat, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Richard Florida, Richard Stallman, Ruby on Rails, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Skype, Slavoj Žižek, smart cities, Snapchat, social web, software studies, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, Thomas L Friedman, universal basic income, Vilfredo Pareto, WikiLeaks

Podemos’s electoral force has proved itself since the European elections in 2014, when it received 8 per cent of the votes and five MEPs were elected just two months after its foundation. In the 2015 municipal elections in Barcelona and Madrid, two women, Ada Colau and Manuela Carmena, were elected as mayors, supported by civic lists assisted by Podemos. In the parliamentary elections of December 2015 and June 2016, Podemos came third behind the Socialist PSOE, and the centre-right Partido Popular. After opposing a coalition government of the PP and Ciudadanos, it is now externally backing a Socialist government led by PSOE leader Pedro Sanchez. Compared to the Pirate Parties and the Five Star Movement, Podemos is more traditional in its leftist identity and its organisational structure, which incorporates various organs typically found in mass parties, such as the secretary and the party’s central committee.

From the mass party to the television party Different eras and social conditions have seen the dominance of rather different party types which reflect the technological and social tendencies prevalent at the time. To this day, historical comparisons aimed at identifying new party types tend to begin from the mass party, the form of political party that dominated the industrial era. The notion of mass party is mostly associated with the large parties of the left, social-democratic, socialist and communist. But it has also progressively become dominant on the centre-right (in Britain the Conservative Party and the Labour Party, in Italy DC and PCI, and in Germany the SPD and the CDU). The mass party came to constitute the foremost organisational structure of industrial modernity, one that still survives, though often in tatters, in some political parties as those of social-democracy. Classic theorists such as Ostrogorski, Michels, Duverger and Weber based their reflections on the political party on their direct experience and sometimes involvement in mass parties.


pages: 632 words: 159,454

War and Gold: A Five-Hundred-Year History of Empires, Adventures, and Debt by Kwasi Kwarteng

accounting loophole / creative accounting, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, Atahualpa, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, California gold rush, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, Etonian, eurozone crisis, fiat currency, financial innovation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, German hyperinflation, hiring and firing, income inequality, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, liberal capitalism, market bubble, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, moral hazard, new economy, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, quantitative easing, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, War on Poverty, Yom Kippur War

‘From 1800 to well after World War II, Greece found itself virtually in continual default,’ noted Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth Rogoff in their important history of financial crises, This Time is Different.40 Such a history would perhaps have disqualified Greece automatically from ever being considered as a full participant in the euro. But it became such a participant, because political considerations were paramount in the promotion of the European single currency; economics played only a minor part. The Greek panic began when Papandreou, to discredit his political rivals, the nominally centre-right New Democracy, soon after taking office revealed that the budget deficit had reached 12.5 per cent in 2009. By contrast, the outgoing government had estimated its 2009 budget deficit at 3.7 per cent. In reality, the figure turned out to be closer to 14 per cent.41 Greece had joined the euro in 2001, a couple of years later than other participant countries. At first, the new currency seemed to inaugurate an era of prosperity and success.

The election campaign was particularly tense, since one of the principal parties, Syriza, was an avowedly left-wing party which stood on a platform of rejecting the austerity imposed upon Greece as a condition for receiving a bailout. Syriza’s thirty-seven-year-old leader, Alexis Tsipras, was young and charismatic. The first Greek elections of 2012, which had taken place in May, had produced inconclusive results. The centre-right party, New Democracy, had won just under 19 per cent of the vote. After a month during which Tsipras and Antonis Samaras, the leader of New Democracy, had attempted to form a government, new elections were called. Tsipras was an engineer by training, but had spent most of his adult life as a political activist, first as a Communist and eventually as head of Syriza, a motley collection of smaller parties on the Greek left.

He stressed, ‘We want somebody from our country to oversee our economic system.’2 There had been a genuine fear that, if Tsipras became Prime Minister, Greece would ‘crash out of the euro and Europe’s ambitious experiment with a common currency could collapse’.3 Such fears seemed to be fantastic to many people at the time, but the victory of New Democracy in the June 2012 elections did turn out to be a buying signal for Greek assets. The coming to power of an overtly pro-European party of the centre-right was exactly the reassurance that Greece’s international investors wanted. As if to demonstrate how closely international capital movements were now tied to politics, money started to flow into Greece; new deals were forged; the atmosphere of panic and collapse experienced at the beginning of 2012, when many observers feared Greece might actually abandon the euro, was slowly dissipated. By the end of November 2012, it seemed that much of the storm surrounding Greece had passed away.


pages: 282 words: 89,266

Content Provider: Selected Short Prose Pieces, 2011–2016 by Stewart Lee

accounting loophole / creative accounting, Boris Johnson, call centre, centre right, David Attenborough, Etonian, James Dyson, Livingstone, I presume, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, pre–internet, Right to Buy, Robert Gordon, Saturday Night Live, sensible shoes, Socratic dialogue, trickle-down economics, wage slave, young professional

My own BBC TV Centre awareness began in 1981, during Roy Castle’s BBC children’s television show Record Breakers. The fact maven Norris McWhirter was, unusually, standing outside the studio in the distinctive concrete doughnut of TV Centre, acknowledging the applause of thousands of members of his centre-right pressure group the Freedom Association. The concerned libertarians were showing their opposition to sporting sanctions on apartheid-era South Africa by dressing up as Zulus and doing a mass hokey-cokey to Booker T and the MG’s’ “Soul Limbo”, the theme for the BBC’s cricket coverage. Norris McWhirter’s record-breaking dream was to choreograph the largest centre-right dance that had ever been seen in the Shepherd’s Bush area. And he realised it spectacularly. But what stayed with me that day was not Norris McWhirter’s freedom dance itself, but the fact that Norris McWhirter’s non-partisan followers were cavorting in blackface through an identifiably existent environment, the actual BBC TV Centre itself.


Noam Chomsky: A Life of Dissent by Robert F. Barsky

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, centre right, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, information retrieval, means of production, Norman Mailer, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, strong AI, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, theory of mind, Yom Kippur War

Many so-called Zionists don't recognize this, and accordingly condemn Chomsky's work in this area. In June of 1995, a press named after Avukah launched its first publication: Partners in Hate: Noam Chomsky and the Holocaust Deniers, by Werner Cohn, professor emeritus at the University of British Columbia. Norman Epstein explains how something such as this could occur: "In the later years of Avukah, the organization split into a Centre Right (e.g., Nat Glazer, Seymour Lipset) and a Left (e.g., Melman, Harris); apparently the [Centre] Right has now captured the name" (6 July 1995). The suggestion that there is any relationship between the now-defunct organization named Avukah and Avukah Press, is, according to Chomsky, "sheer fraud." He correctly notes that Glazer-Lipset have not had the remotest connection with anything associated with Avukah or its ideals for half a century (in Lipset's case, ever, to my knowledge).


pages: 638 words: 156,653

Berlin by Andrea Schulte-Peevers

Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, glass ceiling, Google Earth, indoor plumbing, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Kickstarter, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Skype, starchitect, trade route, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal

The steady growth in foreign nationals since reunification has, however, been offset by a decline in the indigenous population, due in part to the exodus of young families from the capital to the surrounding countryside, and the overall population of the city has actually fallen since 1993. Return to beginning of chapter BERLIN TODAY Berlin is whole once more, but rejoining the two city halves has proven to be painful and costly. Mismanagement, excessive spending and corruption led to the collapse of the centre-right city government under Eberhard Diepgen and the election of a ‘red-red’ coalition of the centre-left SPD and the far left Die Linke in 2001. Led by the charismatic Klaus Wowereit (SPD) as governing mayor, the new government inherited a fiscal storm that had been brewing since 1990. Following reunification, Berlin lost the hefty federal subsidies it had received during the years of division. Also gone were 100,000 manufacturing jobs, most of them through closures of unprofitable factories in East Berlin.

National über-rag Bild is the pride of media tycoon Axel Springer’s publishing empire (see the boxed text, opposite). BZ should not be confused with the respected Berliner Zeitung, a left-leaning daily newspaper that is most widely read in the eastern districts. Of the other broadsheets, the Berliner Morgenpost is especially noted for its vast classified section, while Der Tagesspiegel has a centre-right political orientation, a solid news and foreign section, and decent cultural coverage. At the left end of the spectrum is the tageszeitung or taz, which appeals to an intellectual crowd with its news analysis and thorough reporting. Early editions of many dailies are available after 9pm. Die Zeit is a highbrow national weekly newspaper, with in-depth reporting on everything from politics to fashion.

Abfahrt – departure (trains and buses) Ankunft – arrival (trains and buses) Ärztlicher Notdienst – emergency medical service Ausfahrt, Ausgang – exit Bahnhof (Bf) – train station Bahnpolizei – train station police Bahnsteig – train station platform Bedienung – service, service charge Behinderte – disabled persons Berg – mountain Bezirk – district Bibliothek – library BRD – Bundesrepublik Deutschland (abbreviated in English as FRG – Federal Republic of Germany); see also DDR Brücke – bridge Brunnen – fountain or well Bundestag – German parliament CDU – Christliche Demokratische Union (Christian Democratic Union), centre-right party DB – Deutsche Bahn (German railway) DDR – Deutsche Demokratische Republik (abbreviated in English as GDR – German Democratic Republic); the name for the former East Germany; see also BRD Denkmal – memorial, monument Deutsches Reich – German empire 1871–1918 Dom – cathedral Drittes Reich – Third Reich; Nazi Germany 1933–45 Eingang – entrance Eintritt – admission ermässigt – reduced (eg admission fee) Fahrplan – timetable Fahrrad – bicycle FDP – Freie Demokratische Partei (Free Democratic Party), liberal-centrist party Feuerwehr – fire brigade Flohmarkt – flea market Flughafen – airport FRG – Federal Republic of Germany; see also BRD Gasse – lane or alley Gästehaus, Gasthaus – guesthouse Gaststätte – informal restaurant GDR – German Democratic Republic (the former East Germany); see also DDR Gedenkstätte – memorial site Gepäckaufbewahrung – left-luggage office Gestapo – Geheime Staatspolizei (Nazi secret police) Gründerzeit – literally ‘foundation time’; early years of German empire, roughly 1871–90 Hafen – harbour, port Haltestelle – bus stop Hanseatic League – an alliance that created a trade monopoly over northern Europe between the 13th and 17th centuries Hauptbahnhof (Hbf) – main train station Heilige Römische Reich – Holy Roman Empire; from 8th century to 1806 Hochdeutsch – literally ‘High German’; standard spoken and written German, developed from a regional Saxon dialect Hof (Höfe) – courtyard(s) Hotel garni – a hotel without a restaurant where you are only served breakfast Imbiss – snack bar, takeaway stand Insel – island Jugendstil – Art Nouveau Kabarett – satirical stand-up, sketch or musical comedy Kaffee und Kuchen – literally ‘coffee and cake’; trad-itional afternoon coffee break Kaiser – emperor; derived from ‘Caesar’ Kapelle – chapel Karte – ticket Kartenvorverkauf – ticket booking office Kino – cinema König – king Konzentrationslager (KZ) – concentration camp Kristallnacht – literally ‘Night of Broken Glass’; Nazi pogrom against Jewish businesses and institutions on 9 November 1938 Kunst – art Kunsthotels – hotels either designed by artists or liberally furnished with art Kurfürst – elector (ie rulers who had a vote in the election of the emperor) Land (Länder) – state(s) lesbisch – lesbian (adj) Lesbe(n) – lesbian(s) Mehrwertsteuer (MWST) – value-added tax Mietskaserne(n) – tenement(s) built around successive courtyards Notdienst – emergency service Ossis – literally ‘Easties’; nickname for East Germans Ostalgie – fusion of the words Ost and Nostalgie, meaning nostalgia for East Germany Palais – small palace Palast – palace Parkhaus – car park Passage – shopping arcade PDS – Partei des Demokratischen Sozialismus (Party of Democratic Socialism) Pfand – deposit levied on most beverage containers Platz – square Rathaus – town hall Reich – empire Reisezentrum – travel centre in train or bus stations Rezept – prescription rezeptfrei – describes over-the-counter medications SA – Sturmabteilung; the Nazi Party militia Saal (Säle) – hall(s), large room(s) Sammlung – collection Schiff – ship Schifffahrt – literally ‘boat way’; shipping, navigation Schloss – palace schwul – gay (adj) Schwuler (Schwule) – gay(s) (n) SED – Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschland (Socialist Unity Party of Germany); only existing party in the GDR See – lake SPD – Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (Social Democratic Party of Germany) SS – Schutzstaffel; organisation within the Nazi Party that supplied Hitler’s bodyguards, as well as concentration camp guards and the Waffen-SS troops in WWII Stasi – GDR secret police (from Ministerium für Staats-sicherheit, or Ministry of State Security) Strasse (Str) – street Szene – scene (ie where the action is) Tageskarte – daily menu; day ticket on public transport Telefonkarte – phonecard Tor – gate Trabant – GDR-era car boasting a two-stroke engine Trödel – junk, bric-a-brac Turm – tower Übergang – transit point Ufer – bank verboten – prohibited, forbidden Viertel – quarter, neighbourhood Wald – forest Weg – way, path Weihnachtsmarkt – Christmas market Wende – ‘change’ or ‘turning point’ of 1989, ie the collapse of the GDR and the resulting German reunification Wessis – literally ‘Westies’; nickname for West Germans Zeitung – newspaper * * * Return to beginning of chapter BEHIND THE SCENES * * * THIS BOOK THANKS OUR READERS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS * * * THIS BOOK The 6th edition of Berlin was researched and written by Andrea Schulte-Peevers, Anthony Haywood and Sally O’Brien.


pages: 357 words: 99,684

Why It's Still Kicking Off Everywhere: The New Global Revolutions by Paul Mason

anti-globalists, back-to-the-land, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, citizen journalism, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, do-ocracy, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, informal economy, land tenure, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, megacity, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, Network effects, New Journalism, Occupy movement, price stability, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rising living standards, short selling, Slavoj Žižek, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, union organizing, We are the 99%, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, young professional

., just as the last Molotovs are being thrown, Merkel abandons the idea that banks should lose money as a result of giving Greece leeway on its debt repayments. Shortly afterwards, the EU and IMF agree to waive conditions on the €12 billion tranche of bailout money that will tide Greece over until September 2011. Papandreou, meanwhile, is in a panic. First, he attempts to create a government of national unity. He invites the centre-right opposition party, New Democracy, into a coalition and even offers to stand down as prime minister. But who would want to govern Greece? New Democracy spurns Papandreou’s offer, so he declares the formation of a ‘new government’, reshuffling the cabinet. For hours, one insider tells me, he fails to achieve even this: ‘nobody will pick up the phone’. The politicians are safely shuttered away with their bodyguards in their private offices, unable to communicate face-to-face.

In 2011 the buzzword was ‘anomie’: a listless rejection of the rule of law, with individuals beginning to make their own law, from lifting up the gates at road tolls to invading court hearings to disrupt house repossessions. There is not even much of that ‘anomie’ activism anymore; the movement that defied road tolls in 2011 is tiny in 2012. If anything captures the buzz of late 2012 in Greece, it is the person who sprayed the slogan ‘Love or Nothing’. It’s less about anomie, more about depression and fear. What has depressed and frightened much of Greek society—from the liberal centre-right to the liberal left—is the rapid rise of Golden Dawn. In the two elections of May/June 2012 this party scored between 6–7 per cent. That is nothing like a 1930-style breakthrough. But once its MPs were in parliament, while austerity gnawed away at the fabric of society, its support leapt to 14 per cent. Then, like the Nazis in the critical years, it began a low-level battle for control of the streets.


pages: 443 words: 98,113

The Corruption of Capitalism: Why Rentiers Thrive and Work Does Not Pay by Guy Standing

3D printing, Airbnb, Albert Einstein, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, basic income, Ben Bernanke: helicopter money, Bernie Sanders, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, Bonfire of the Vanities, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, cashless society, central bank independence, centre right, Clayton Christensen, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, credit crunch, crony capitalism, crowdsourcing, debt deflation, declining real wages, deindustrialization, disruptive innovation, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, ending welfare as we know it, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Firefox, first-past-the-post, future of work, gig economy, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Growth in a Time of Debt, housing crisis, income inequality, information retrieval, intangible asset, invention of the steam engine, investor state dispute settlement, James Watt: steam engine, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, labour market flexibility, light touch regulation, Long Term Capital Management, lump of labour, Lyft, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, market clearing, Martin Wolf, means of production, mini-job, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, Neil Kinnock, non-tariff barriers, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, nudge unit, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, open economy, openstreetmap, patent troll, payday loans, peer-to-peer lending, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, precariat, quantitative easing, remote working, rent control, rent-seeking, ride hailing / ride sharing, Right to Buy, Robert Gordon, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Sam Altman, savings glut, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Simon Kuznets, sovereign wealth fund, Stephen Hawking, Steve Ballmer, structural adjustment programs, TaskRabbit, The Chicago School, The Future of Employment, the payments system, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, Travis Kalanick, Uber and Lyft, Uber for X, uber lyft, Y Combinator, zero-sum game, Zipcar

However, research covering over 800 elections in twenty rich countries between 1870 and 2014 has found that far-right parties have usually been the main beneficiaries of financial crises.13 The rise of the far right also reflects slow economic growth, which tends to produce fragmentation of political parties and parliaments, accentuated by financial crises.14 Of course, fractionalisation creates scope for new movements and political realignments on the left as well as the right. But this may take time. Second, an emboldened centre-right has moved to entrench its advantage by becoming the representative of global finance and rentier capitalism, remaking economies and societies to serve their interests. Consider how that is being done in Britain. The Conservatives won the general election in 2015 with about 37 per cent of the votes and the support of just 24 per cent of the total electorate. This produced an absolute majority in the House of Commons.

The rent seeking unleashed by neo-liberalism has created a profoundly corrupt economic system. A progressive response is overdue. Today we are in dangerous times because mainstream parties of the left are in intellectual paralysis, their leaderships wedded to utilitarianism, trying to appeal to an alliance of their perception of the middle class and proletariat. In their weakness, they are allowing the baser elements of centre-right parties to go unchallenged. Healthy democracies need morally and intellectually strong combatants. Party politics is at its strongest when parties represent class interests and aspirations, and when they eschew utilitarianism. As precariat parties take shape, this will become clearer. The precariat must build its own future, not expect old structures to do so. And it cannot succeed solely through engaging in political parties.


pages: 126 words: 32,936

Berlitz: Sardinia Pocket Guide (Berlitz Pocket Guides) by Apa

car-free, centre right, low cost airline

Mid-1990s Last of the Sardinian mines closed. 2005 Four new Sardinian provinces created: Olbia-Tempio, Ogliastra, Carbonia-Iglesias and Medio-Campidano. 2008 Renato Soru resigns as president of Sardinia. American nuclear submarine base at La Maddalena is shut down. 2009 Soru stands for president; loses to right-wing Ugo Capellacci. 2010 Shepherds cause disruption at Olbia airport in protest at the decline of of their livelihood. 2011 Cagliari's ruling PdL (Berlusconi's centre-right party) falls to the centre-left democratic PD. Where To Go Getting Around The island is too large to explore from a single base. If touring, two weeks would be just adequate to sample the different aspects of the coast and the sightseeing highlights, but to see the island comfortably you would need a month. If time is limited to a week or less, make your base in one of the main regions, taking day trips to the coast or forays inland to remote rural areas.


Lonely Planet Best of Spain by Lonely Planet

augmented reality, bike sharing scheme, centre right, discovery of the americas, Frank Gehry, G4S, Guggenheim Bilbao, haute cuisine, illegal immigration, market design, place-making, trade route, young professional

During its 14 years in power, the PSOE brought Spain into mainstream Europe, joining the European Community (now the EU) in 1986. It also oversaw the rise of the Spanish middle class, established a national health system and improved public education, and Spain’s women streamed into higher education and jobs, although unemployment was the highest in Europe. But the PSOE finally became mired in scandal, and in the 1996 elections, the centre-right Partido Popular (PP; People’s Party), led by José María Aznar, swept the PSOE from power. Upon coming to power, Aznar promised to make politics dull, and he did, but he also presided over eight years of solid economic progress. Spain’s economy grew annually by an average of 3.4%, and unemployment fell from 23% (1996) to 8% (2006). Not surprisingly, the PP won the 2000 election as well, with an absolute parliamentary majority.

Government Travel Advice The following government websites offer travel advisories and information for travellers: Australian Department of Foreign Affairs & Trade (www.smartraveller.gov.au) Canadian Department of Foreign Affairs & International Trade (www.travel.gc.ca) French Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres Europeennes (www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/fr/conseils-aux-voyageurs) New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs & Trade (www.safetravel.govt.nz) UK Foreign & Commonwealth Office (www.gov.uk/government/organisations/foreign-commonwealth-office) US Department of State (www.travel.state.gov) Practicalities o Smoking Banned in all enclosed public spaces. o Weights & Measures The metric system is used. o Newspapers Three main newspapers: centre-left El País (www.elpais.com), centre-right El Mundo (www.elmundo.es) and right-wing ABC (www.abc.es). The widely available International New York Times includes an eight-page supplement of articles from El País translated into English, or visit www.elpais.com/elpais/inenglish.html. o Radio Nacional de España (RNE) has Radio 1 (general interest and current affairs); Radio 5 (sport and entertainment); and Radio 3 (Radio d’Espop). Stations covering current affairs include the left-leaning Cadena Ser, or the right-wing COPE.


pages: 424 words: 115,035

How Will Capitalism End? by Wolfgang Streeck

accounting loophole / creative accounting, Airbnb, basic income, Ben Bernanke: helicopter money, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, Clayton Christensen, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, corporate governance, creative destruction, credit crunch, David Brooks, David Graeber, debt deflation, deglobalization, deindustrialization, disruptive innovation, en.wikipedia.org, eurozone crisis, failed state, financial deregulation, financial innovation, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, Google Glasses, haute cuisine, income inequality, information asymmetry, invisible hand, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, market bubble, means of production, moral hazard, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, open borders, pension reform, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, post-industrial society, private sector deleveraging, profit maximization, profit motive, quantitative easing, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, savings glut, secular stagnation, shareholder value, sharing economy, sovereign wealth fund, The Future of Employment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, transaction costs, Uber for X, upwardly mobile, Vilfredo Pareto, winner-take-all economy, Wolfgang Streeck

Since this might become a problem if it became all-too-obvious, the champions of the Brussels non-parliament took for last year’s ‘European election’ – the first since the European ramifications of the global ‘financial crisis’ were felt – to some of the same devices that have long been used in national democracies to make voters believe they have a choice.18 Rather than asking for a vote for or against ‘Europe’ or the euro, the leaders of the two centrist blocs, the centre-right and the centre-left, who had never been able to discover even the slightest difference in their interests and political persuasions, decided to personalize the election and present themselves as Spitzenkandidaten competing for the presidency of the European Commission (which, of course, is filled not by the ‘Parliament’ but by member state governments) – an exercise in Fassadendemokratie (Habermas) if there ever was one.

Furthermore, that their desperate efforts to revive inflation have up to now failed testifies to the effective destruction of trade unions in the course of the neoliberal revolution – another channel of political participation through which the asymmetry of power in a capitalist political economy has sometimes been redressed. We also observe an emerging new political configuration pitting Grand Coalitions of centre-left and centre-right TINA parties – parties that subscribe to the There Is No Alternative rhetoric of the age of globalization – against so-called ‘populist’ movements cut off from official policymaking: an opposition excluded from ever becoming the government, and easy to discredit as insufficiently responsible due to being improperly or unrealistically responsive to those that feel railroaded by developments that established democratic parties tell them they can do nothing about.6 Why is it so difficult, in spite of a veritable plethora of alarming symptoms, for people to understand the crisis of contemporary democracy and take it as seriously as it deserves?


pages: 414 words: 119,116

The Health Gap: The Challenge of an Unequal World by Michael Marmot

active measures, active transport: walking or cycling, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Atul Gawande, Bonfire of the Vanities, Broken windows theory, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, Celtic Tiger, centre right, clean water, congestion charging, correlation does not imply causation, Doha Development Round, epigenetics, financial independence, future of work, Gini coefficient, Growth in a Time of Debt, illegal immigration, income inequality, Indoor air pollution, Kenneth Rogoff, Kibera, labour market flexibility, longitudinal study, lump of labour, Mahatma Gandhi, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microcredit, New Urbanism, obamacare, paradox of thrift, race to the bottom, Rana Plaza, RAND corporation, road to serfdom, Simon Kuznets, Socratic dialogue, structural adjustment programs, the built environment, The Spirit Level, trickle-down economics, twin studies, urban planning, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, working poor

Lowering taxes on the rich, for example, a policy that has the clear and predictable effect of increasing economic inequality, is justified as being good for the economy. Set the wealth producers free and we will all benefit, runs the argument. But what if such a policy made health inequality worse? In Britain, a senior Labour politician said that he was ‘intensely relaxed’ about how much the rich earned.12 Governments of the centre-right and centre-left have both contrived to do very little to reduce economic inequality. The centre-left wants to reduce poverty; the centre-right appears to believe that if they get the incentives right, and the economy grows, poverty will look after itself. But neither has seen economic inequality as a problem, although that is now changing. We should change our focus. We should focus on the rich, not only on the poor. I do not mean social workers calling on the rich to see if they are managing their money all right.


pages: 388 words: 125,472

The Establishment: And How They Get Away With It by Owen Jones

anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, battle of ideas, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bonus culture, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, citizen journalism, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, don't be evil, Edward Snowden, Etonian, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, G4S, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, housing crisis, inflation targeting, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), investor state dispute settlement, James Dyson, laissez-faire capitalism, light touch regulation, market fundamentalism, mass immigration, Monroe Doctrine, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, Neil Kinnock, night-watchman state, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, popular capitalism, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, short selling, sovereign wealth fund, stakhanovite, statistical model, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transfer pricing, union organizing, unpaid internship, Washington Consensus, wealth creators, Winter of Discontent

Back in 2004, when in his mid-twenties, Elliott set up the TaxPayers’ Alliance, a self-described ‘non-partisan grassroots campaign for lower taxes and better public spending’. He had been intrigued by the Business for Sterling movement of the late 1990s and early 2000s, which mounted a high-profile campaign against joining the European single currency. That was a campaign which, he stresses, ‘involved not being a think tank’. Rather, ‘it involved quite savvy campaigning involving lots of people on the centre-right – but without explicitly being a centre-right campaign’. This was a step change in strategy from the original outriders, who were explicitly ideological think tanks. The TaxPayers’ Alliance would instead be a campaigning organization, cleverly presenting itself as a non-partisan mass movement. For Elliott, the trick was to be unashamedly populist. ‘There was a space for a campaign group that, yes, put forward ideas on how to cut taxes and what have you, but not in a way which the IEA does so well now in its academic think-tank way, but in a way which actually campaigned in a more media-savvy grassroots way.’


pages: 473 words: 132,344

The Downfall of Money: Germany's Hyperinflation and the Destruction of the Middle Class by Frederick Taylor

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, British Empire, central bank independence, centre right, collective bargaining, falling living standards, fiat currency, fixed income, full employment, German hyperinflation, housing crisis, Internet Archive, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, mittelstand, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, quantitative easing, rent control, risk/return, strikebreaker, trade route, zero-sum game

Perhaps worst of all, from the left’s point of view, for more than twenty years Stresemann had worked as a professional representative of big industry. Since the left was not prepared to take on the responsibility of the chancellorship, however, the new leader had to come from one of the ‘bourgeois’ parties, and Stresemann was recognised as highly competent, a skilled political negotiator and a convincing, even inspiring, orator. And, after all, other powerful and capable figures on the business-orientated nationalist centre-right had veered towards an extreme, sometimes violently, anti-republican position during the post-war years (Karl Helfferich being perhaps the most spectacular example), but Stresemann had gone in the other direction. When forced to choose, the tavern-keeper’s son from Berlin had moved steadily in the direction of acceptance of the Republic as an accomplished fact and of the parliamentary system as the one most capable of uniting the majority of Germans.

Vice-President Calvin Coolidge succeeds him. Food riots in French-occupied Wiesbaden. Grocers’ and butchers’ shops looted. The French turn back all food shipments from the Reich to the occupied area that do not have customs duties paid on them, causing widespread hunger. By presidential decree, trading in German marks outside the Reich is made illegal. Cuno loses a vote of confidence in the Reichstag. Centre-right politician Gustav Stresemann becomes chancellor. Plans made to abandon ‘passive resistance’ in the Ruhr. One gold mark now equals 1,000,000 paper marks. In December 1922 it was 1,000. The fall continues and accelerates. On 20 August a loaf of bread in Berlin costs 200,000 marks. Unemployment in Germany almost doubles in one month from 3.5 to 6.3 per cent. 4,620,455 September. A massive earthquake in Japan kills 140,000 and makes half a million homeless. 100,000 supporters of the far right gather at Nuremberg.


pages: 476 words: 144,288

1946: The Making of the Modern World by Victor Sebestyen

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, Etonian, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, illegal immigration, imperial preference, Kickstarter, land reform, long peace, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, operation paperclip

Rákosi calculated that there were fewer than four thousand communists in Hungary in 1945; Anna Pauker said there were fewer than a thousand reliable Party members and fellow travellers in Romania. In every country where elections were permitted the communists did badly, except in Czechoslovakia. Before the first free Hungarian elections in November 1945, Rákosi told Stalin that the communists could, with the socialists, win between 60 and 70 per cent of the vote and form a ‘popular front’ government. But they each won around 17 per cent, while the centre-right Small-holders Party won a plurality. The Soviets did not wish to risk further such humiliations so they resorted to more tried and tested methods to get their way: bribery, intimidation, threats and, eventually, violence. Stalin was deeply suspicious of local communists who had remained underground in their own countries during the German Occupation. They might have been enemy agents or they might have independent ideas of their own.

In regrettable armed confrontations on the front of political struggles in Poland some Jews, unfortunately, perish, but the number of Poles perishing is incomparably greater.7 The second-ranking Polish prelate, Archbishop Sapieha in Kraków, was described even by some of his own priests and fellow bishops as ‘a virulent Jew hater’. Emmanuel Mournier, an eminent French Catholic, and founder of the centre right political and cultural newspaper L’Esprit, met Sapieha when he visited Poland in 1946 and was baffled by ‘an anti-Semitism so vivid, even amongst the high ranking Catholics . . . as if the extermination of the Jews never happened.’ The Bishop of Kielce and his priests blamed the government and the police. They claimed that most Poles had been generous to the Jews during the war, and had shown no hostility towards them during the German Occupation when they were being rounded up and killed.


pages: 515 words: 142,354

The Euro: How a Common Currency Threatens the Future of Europe by Joseph E. Stiglitz, Alex Hyde-White

bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, business cycle, buy and hold, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, cashless society, central bank independence, centre right, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, corporate governance, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency peg, dark matter, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, disintermediation, diversified portfolio, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fiat currency, financial innovation, full employment, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, Growth in a Time of Debt, housing crisis, income inequality, incomplete markets, inflation targeting, information asymmetry, investor state dispute settlement, invisible hand, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, light touch regulation, manufacturing employment, market bubble, market friction, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage debt, neoliberal agenda, new economy, open economy, paradox of thrift, pension reform, pensions crisis, price stability, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, risk-adjusted returns, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, the payments system, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, transaction costs, transfer pricing, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, working-age population

In describing the potential electoral victory of Syriza, after observing that “analysts said politicians have been reluctant to loosen the tycoons’ grip on the economy, since they rely on their handouts to finance election campaigns and pay party workers,” the paper went on to observe: “Among the criticisms of prime minister Antonis Samaras’ handling of the bailout by troika officials has been his reluctance to go after the vested interests of his centre-right New Democracy party.” Indeed, the article notes that even some “in the troika feel that there has been too little burden sharing of Greece’s austerity programme, with the working classes bearing the brunt of spending cuts and tax rises while wealthier citizens and politically connected businesses were shielded by New Democracy.” (Kerin Hope, “Taming Greek Oligarchs Is Priority for Syriza,” Financial Times, January 6, 2015.)

Sometimes, as the example of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America so clearly illustrated, an outsider can give a more accurate and dispassionate analysis of culture and politics than those who are more directly entangled in ongoing events. The same is true, to some degree, in economics. I have been traveling to Europe since 1959—in recent decades, multiple times a year—and spent six years teaching and studying there. I have worked closely with many of the European governments (mostly in the center-left, though not infrequently with the center-right). As the 2008 global financial crisis and the euro crisis brewed and broke out, I interacted closely with several of the crisis countries (serving on an advisory council for Spain’s former prime minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero and as a long-term friend and adviser to Greece’s former prime minister George Papandreou). I saw firsthand what was happening within the crisis countries and the councils of the eurozone that were forging policies in response.

Perhaps the worst instance of this “nondemocratic” stance became evident after Greece elected a leftist government in January 2015, headed by 41-year-old Alexis Tsipras, that had run on an antiausterity platform—not a surprise given five years of failed prior programs, with GDP falling by a quarter and youth unemployment peaking above 60 percent. Conditions and terms that had been proposed to the previous center-right government of Antonis Samaras (from the New Democracy Party, closely linked to the oligarchs, and a party that had been engaged in some of the deceptive budgetary practices that brought on the Greek crisis) were withdrawn. Harsher conditions were imposed. As support for Tsipras and his unconventional finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis (who is an excellent economist, having come from a teaching stint at the University of Texas at Austin), grew, if anything the eurozone negotiators took a still harder stance.


pages: 1,057 words: 239,915

The Deluge: The Great War, America and the Remaking of the Global Order, 1916-1931 by Adam Tooze

anti-communist, bank run, banking crisis, British Empire, centre right, collective bargaining, Corn Laws, credit crunch, failed state, fear of failure, first-past-the-post, floating exchange rates, German hyperinflation, imperial preference, labour mobility, liberal world order, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, negative equity, price stability, reserve currency, Right to Buy, the payments system, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, union organizing, zero-sum game

To the critics of Prime Minister Briand, the British idea of a general European security pact seemed less suited to protecting France than to offering Germany immunity against any vigorous enforcement of the Versailles Treaty. The invitation to the Soviets remained controversial so long as France’s loans remained unpaid.22 To invite both of the pariah states to the same conference on friendly terms seemed nothing short of suicidal. On 12 January 1922 the restless centre-right majority in the French Chamber of Deputies ousted Briand in favour of Raymond Poincaré. The new French Prime Minister is often caricatured as a narrow-minded chauvinist. He soon became the object of a concerted propaganda campaign sponsored by Germany and the French Communist Party to paint him as a warmonger, whose secret diplomacy with Imperial Russia had been the true cause of war in August 1914.23 This historical interpretation found eager adherents amongst latter-day Wilsonians in the anglophone world.24 For Poincaré, however, no less than for Clemenceau, Millerand and Briand, the pursuit of an Entente with Britain was the priority.

Despite his open contempt for the League, Mussolini was too sensitive a politician not to realize the seriousness of the international indignation he had provoked. Until the more general collapse of the international order in the early 1930s, Corfu marked the limit of his aggression. Whilst the Corfu crisis was contained, in Germany the crisis escalated sharply. On 13 August 1923, with the population of the Ruhr on the point of starvation, the centre-right government of Chancellor Wilhelm Cuno resigned. Gustav Stresemann took office as Chancellor of a cross-party coalition of national solidarity. Stresemann’s accession to power in 1923 was the defining moment in his remarkable trajectory from wartime imperialist ideologue to the architect of a new German foreign policy. The key to Stresemann’s understanding of the world was his belief in the central role of American economic power.25 During the war this had led him to demand that Germany must create for itself an American-sized greater economic sphere in central Europe.

The Reich suspended the authority of the Socialist government and the much-touted Communist militia were rapidly overwhelmed. Following only weeks after the surrender to France, the result of the Saxon intervention was to throw German politics once more into crisis. Having been abandoned by the right wing in September, Stresemann’s coalition was now deserted by the Socialist Party, which departed in protest against the Reich’s lopsided action against the left. The centre-right now had to govern alone, but as far as Stresemann was concerned there was no choice. He had to act against the left in Saxony so as to preserve his grip on the situation in Bavaria, where an even more menacing threat had arisen on the far right. Following the end of the fighting against the Poles in Silesia in 1921, Bavaria had become the rallying place for German admirers of Mussolini.35 Since the spring of 1923 the youthful rabble-rouser Adolf Hitler had risen to prominence as one of the loudest advocates of a bloody struggle with the French.


pages: 311 words: 168,705

The Rough Guide to Vienna by Humphreys, Rob

centre right, ghettoisation, Peace of Westphalia, strikebreaker, sustainable-tourism, trade route, urban sprawl

Newspapers and magazines Heavily subsidized by the state, the Austrian press is for the most part conservative and pretty uninspiring. Nearly half of newspaper readers read the populist Kronen Zeitung tabloid, commonly known as the Krone, while plenty of the rest read the slightly more centrist tabloid, Kurier. Of the qualities, Der Standard, printed on pink paper, is centre-left while the rather straight-laced Die Presse is centre-right. One peculiarly Austrian phenomenon is the bags of newspapers you’ll find hung from lampposts. Law-abiding citizens take one and put their money in the slot provided. Vienna boasts a good weekly listings tabloid, Falter (W www.falter.at), which is lively, politicized and critical, and comes out on Wednesday. Even if your German isn’t great, you should be able to decipher the pull-out Wienprogramm & Lexicon section, which contains the week’s listings.

Kristallnacht Literally “Crystal Night”, after the broken glass that was strewn across the streets during the pogrom of November 9–10, 1938. On this one night the majority of Jewish shops and institutions in the Third Reich – and all but one of the synagogues in Vienna – were destroyed by the Nazis. k.u.k. kaiserlich und königlich (Imperial and Royal) – a title used after 1867 to refer to ÖVP (Österreichische Volkspartei). Austrian People’s Party, the postwar descendant of the Christian Socials, and the principal postwar centre-right party. Pan-German This adjective covers a whole range of far-right political parties that advocated Anschluss with Germany, many of whom came together in the 1920s under the banner of the Greater German People’s Party (Grossdeutsche Volkspartei, GDVP). | Glossary Habsburg Royal dynasty whose power base was Vienna from 1273 to 1918. They also held the office of Holy Roman Emperor from 1452 to 1806, and by marriage, war and diplomacy acquired territories all over Europe.


pages: 874 words: 154,810

Lonely Planet Florence & Tuscany by Lonely Planet, Virginia Maxwell, Nicola Williams

Bonfire of the Vanities, call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, Costa Concordia, G4S, haute couture, Kickstarter, period drama, post-work, Skype, trade route

Tuscany Now Tuscany has been a stronghold of the Italian left ever since rapid industrialisation post-WWII. And regional elections in 2010 proved no exception. With much-loved incumbent Regione Toscane president Claudio Martini choosing not to stand for a third term, fellow centre-left candidate Enrico Rossi (b 1958) stormed into office with a landslide victory over the centre-right. What made the red Tuscan politician’s victory so poignant was the fact that other like-minded, traditionally left regions in Italy fell to Berlusconi’s governing centre-right coalition – while famously red Tuscany stood firm. Tuscans rapidly warmed to their new president, who tweets at @rossipresidente and uses Facebook to converse and communicate key developments in Tuscany – such as the region-wide switch to digital TV in 2011; Pisa being hailed as one of Italy’s most wi-fi–connected cities; and the opening of the first leg of the controversial, Rome-bound toll motorway that will run from just south of Livorno to Civitavecchia, 206km further south, once completed in 2016.


pages: 651 words: 161,270

Global Spin: The Corporate Assault on Environmentalism by Sharon Beder

American Legislative Exchange Council, battle of ideas, business climate, centre right, clean water, corporate governance, Exxon Valdez, Gary Taubes, global village, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, oil shale / tar sands, old-boy network, price mechanism, profit maximization, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, urban planning

The think tanks themselves are seldom investigated by the media.12 Most cited think-tanks in 1999, by media13 Think-Tank Political Orientation No. of Citations Brookings Institution centrist 2,883 Cato Institute conservative/libertarian 1,428 Heritage Foundation conservative 1,419 American Enterprise Institute conservative 1,263 Council on Foreign Relations centrist 1,231 Center for Strategic and International Studies conservative 1,205 RAND Corporation centre-right 950 The editor of the Heritage Foundation’s journal observed that by the end of the 1980s, editorial pages were dominated by conservatives. Media commentator and progressive columnist Norman Solomon also notes that the mainstream media in the 1990s tends to offer either experts who support the status quo or “populists of the right-wing variety”. He points out that nowadays it is unusual for media forums to include “unabashedly progressive critiques of the negative effects of corporate power”.14 A study by Lawrence Soley in his book The News Shapers found that the evening news broadcasts by the three major television networks tended to have a centre-right bias—using ex-government officials, conservative think-tank experts and corporate consultants as analysts rather than left-wing activists or progressive think-tank experts.


pages: 928 words: 159,837

Florence & Tuscany by Lonely Planet

Bonfire of the Vanities, call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, European colonialism, haute couture, Kickstarter, period drama, post-work, sensible shoes, Skype, trade route, urban planning

Understand Florence & Tuscany FLORENCE & TUSCANY TODAY HISTORY THE TUSCAN WAY OF LIFE THE TUSCAN TABLE TUSCANY ON PAGE & SCREEN ART & ARCHITECTURE Top of section Florence & Tuscany Today Famously Red Tuscany has been a stronghold of the Italian left ever since rapid industrialization post-WWII. And regional elections in 2010 proved no exception. Much-loved incumbent Regione Toscane president Claudio Martini (Click here) chose not to stand for a third term, only for fellow centre-left candidate Enrico Rossi (b 1958) to storm into office with an easy landslide victory over the centre-right. What made the red Tuscan politician’s victory so poignant was the fact that other like-minded, traditionally left regions (such as neighbouring Lazio) fell to Berlusconi’s governing centreright coalition (Click here). But famously red Tuscany stood firm. » Population: 3.73 million (2010) »Area: 22,994 sq km »GDP: €106 billion (6.7% of national GDP) »Annual inflation: 1.9% »Unemployment rate: 6.3% Tuscany 2.0 Tuscans rapidly warmed to their region’s new president, who tweets at @ rossipresidente and uses Facebook to chat with them, answer questions and communicate key developments in Tuscany – such as the region-wide switch to digital TV in November 2011; Pisa being hailed as one of Italy’s most wi-fi–connected cities; and the opening of the first leg of the controversial, Rome-bound toll motorway that will run from just south of Livorno to Civitavecchia, 206km further south, when complete in 2016.

With the disbanding of the Socialist party following the Tangentopoli (‘kickback city’) scandal, which broke in Milan in 1992, the door was left open in Tuscany’s political arena for the Partito Democratico della Sinistra (Democratic Party of the Left; PDS) – an equally socialist political party created in 1991 to replace the disbanded PCI – to dominate the decade: on a national level, the PDS was part of Romano Prodi’s winning centre-left coalition that defeated Berlusconi in 1996 (only for Berlusconi to sweep back into power with an unassailable majority at the head of a right-wing coalition known as Popolo della Libertà; PdL). Regional elections in April 2005 saw incumbent Tuscan president Claudio Martini of the left-wing Democratici di Sinistra (DS; Democrats of the Left), in power since 2000, win a second term in office with a landslide victory over Berlusconi’s centre-right PdL candidate, gaining 57.4% of votes. Utterly unique and innovative for an Italian politician, Tunis-born Claudio Martini (b 1951), who moved to Italy aged 10, worked tirelessly to revamp the healthcare system in Tuscany during his time in office. He rid the region of a serious health service deficit and strived to forge closer ties with the rest of Europe and Tuscans abroad. He chose not to stand for a third term in the 2010 regional elections ( Click here ).


How to Be a Liberal by Ian Dunt

4chan, Alfred Russel Wallace, bank run, battle of ideas, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, bounce rate, British Empire, Brixton riot, Carmen Reinhart, centre right, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, experimental subject, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Growth in a Time of Debt, illegal immigration, invisible hand, John Bercow, Kenneth Rogoff, liberal world order, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, means of production, Mohammed Bouazizi, Northern Rock, old-boy network, Paul Samuelson, Peter Thiel, price mechanism, profit motive, quantitative easing, recommendation engine, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Scientific racism, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, working poor, zero-sum game

In contrast, Leave.EU was expected to veer off into anti-immigrant rhetoric, using racialised messaging on freedom of movement to appeal to its base. This was thought to offer considerable advantages to the official Vote Leave campaign. The UKIP leader would bring in roughly the quarter of the population who held very right-wing anti-immigrant views. Cummings could then keep the hands of Vote Leave clean and offer a more professional mainstream proposition, fronted by Johnson and Gove, for voters in the centre and centre-right. Farage played his part as expected. On 16th June 2016, just days from polling day, he unveiled a poster that plastered the phrase ‘Breaking Point’ over an image of hundreds of dark-skinned refugees. The one white face in the crowd was covered up by a block of text. The message was clear: although free movement only applied within the EU and had nothing to do with asylum policy, a vote for staying in the EU would introduce an army of dark-skinned refugees into the country.

Cummings was made senior adviser, the power behind the throne. Gove was put in charge of no-deal preparations. The Cabinet was selected exclusively on the basis of its commitment for Brexit and its loyalty to the Johnson-Cummings partnership. The Tory party was purged of any remaining moderate figures – those who could not bring themselves to support no-deal. Almost overnight, some of the most respected and experienced politicians on the British centre-right were removed from the parliamentary party. One of the Vote Leave government’s first moves was to suspend parliament. On the morning of 28th August 2019, with just two months to go until the Article 50 deadline, the prime minister initiated a prorogation. The Speaker of the Commons, John Bercow, branded the move a ‘constitutional outrage,’ but he was powerless to stop it. In the early hours of 10th September, for the first time in the modern era, parliament was suspended against its will.


pages: 223 words: 58,732

The Retreat of Western Liberalism by Edward Luce

"Robert Solow", 3D printing, affirmative action, Airbnb, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, call centre, carried interest, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, cognitive dissonance, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, computer age, corporate raider, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, double entry bookkeeping, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, future of work, George Santayana, gig economy, Gini coefficient, global pandemic, global supply chain, illegal immigration, imperial preference, income inequality, informal economy, Internet of things, Jaron Lanier, knowledge economy, lateral thinking, liberal capitalism, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, moral panic, more computing power than Apollo, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, one-China policy, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, precariat, purchasing power parity, reserve currency, reshoring, Richard Florida, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Second Machine Age, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, Snapchat, software is eating the world, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, telepresence, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, unpaid internship, Washington Consensus, We are the 99%, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, white flight, World Values Survey, Yogi Berra

Only during the Brexit campaign did the party endorse overt xenophobia with its ‘breaking point’ poster showing hordes of Muslim immigrants streaming across the border. That did not deter a significant slice of the non-white electorate – particularly British Asians – from voting to leave Europe. Many of them, too, complained of having been squeezed out by the newcomers. The populist right only began to do really well at the ballot box after they began to steal the left’s clothes. In each case, including Donald Trump, populists broke with centre-right orthodoxy to argue in favour of a government safety net. This is what the old left used to promise and largely delivered (you might say over-delivered). It was the implicit bargain of modern Western democracy. In most countries, including the US, it took the form of social insurance. The link between the duties of citizenship and the right to draw benefits was a form of social contract. Even in relatively generous Sweden, future retirees must work for fifteen years before they are eligible to draw a pension.33 It was an unfortunate coincidence that immigration started to surge just as the value of these benefits began to erode.


pages: 210 words: 63,879

Cold Hands by John J. Niven

centre right, Firefox, hiring and firing, Mason jar, Maui Hawaii

‘Yeah,’ I said, Sammy and I exchanging a look behind Walt’s back. ‘OK, see you boys tonight,’ Sammy said, straightening up. ‘Remember, we need that review by lunchtime.’ ‘Yes, boss.’ She leaned in to peck me on the cheek and whispered close to my ear, ‘Check all the outbuildings and call the neighbours again, huh?’ I nodded and clapped my hands, turning to Walt. ‘Come on then, trooper. Front and centre right now or we’re gonna miss your bus.’ Looking back now, the sheer normality of that weekday morning – the three of us in the kitchen with our goodbyes, our last-minute instructions and half-eaten toast – seems utterly blissful. 2 WALT AND I waved to Sammy’s anthracite Range Rover as it vanished around the grove of pine trees at the bottom of the drive before we turned and took the path that ran along the woods bordering the Franklin place; the short cut we always used to get down to the bus stop on Tamora.


pages: 241 words: 63,981

Dirty Secrets How Tax Havens Destroy the Economy by Richard Murphy

banking crisis, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, centre right, corporate governance, Donald Trump, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, en.wikipedia.org, high net worth, income inequality, intangible asset, light touch regulation, moral hazard, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, race to the bottom, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transfer pricing, Washington Consensus

A common theme among all these movements is a popular rejection of the notion of an unaccountable elite. That elite is widely believed to populate all the mainstream parties of the countries where these movements have arisen. There is good reason for people to think that: the only difference between the once opposing parties is in many cases one of emphasis. At their core, many of the so-called left-of-centre parties in many countries look like the centre-right parties of three or four decades ago. This explains why so many of those parties, like the UK’s Labour Party, when it held power between 1997 and 2010, took so little action on tax havens. They bought into the same doctrine as the economists who promoted the notion that tolerating tax havens was useful so long as they provided the excuse for shrinking the role of the state, as demanded by the Washington Consensus.


pages: 317 words: 71,776

Inequality and the 1% by Danny Dorling

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, buy and hold, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, corporate governance, credit crunch, David Attenborough, David Graeber, delayed gratification, Dominic Cummings, double helix, Downton Abbey, en.wikipedia.org, Etonian, family office, financial deregulation, full employment, Gini coefficient, high net worth, housing crisis, income inequality, land value tax, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, lump of labour, mega-rich, Monkeys Reject Unequal Pay, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage debt, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, precariat, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, TaskRabbit, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trickle-down economics, unpaid internship, very high income, We are the 99%, wealth creators, working poor

In the US and the UK the rich spent an ever greater share of their money to protect the rest of it. As a result, their assets ballooned in value while most people’s share of wealth began a gradual decline. In the 1970s the average politician represented the interests of the median voter. Researchers have shown that political representation has moved from representing the median voter to representing mainly the views of the 1 per cent. Centre-right parties perform this task, while other parties promote policies that serve the interests of those not that far below the elite. The researchers conclude: ‘in spite of these correlations, we are not able to explain the circumstances that brought developed societies to the low democratic standards that they are suffering.’86 Others are less circumspect. As the comedian Russell Brand put it in May 2013, when it comes to the UK Houses of Parliament, ‘The whole joint is a deeply encoded temple of hegemonic power.’87 In other words, the UK parliament’s main function today is not to represent the people, but to preserve the power of a few.


Lonely Planet Iceland (Travel Guide) by Lonely Planet, Carolyn Bain, Alexis Averbuck

Airbnb, banking crisis, car-free, carbon footprint, cashless society, centre right, European colonialism, food miles, Kickstarter, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, post-work, presumed consent, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, undersea cable

The country has become the fastest-growing travel destination in Europe, with all the benefits (economic growth, employment) and headaches (infrastructure issues, environmental impact) that entails. Icelanders went to the polls in April 2013 with the national economy on the path to recovery, but with the population smarting from the government’s tough austerity measures (higher taxes, spending cuts). The results showed a backlash against the ruling Social Democrats; the centre-right camp (comprising the Progressive Party and the Independence Party) successfully campaigned on promises of debt relief and a cut in taxes, as well as opposition to Iceland’s application to join the EU. The two parties formed a coalition government. In early 2014 the government halted all negotiations with the EU – despite promising a referendum on whether or not to proceed with membership negotiations.

Formal accession talks begin in 2010 but are suspended in 2013, and the application is withdrawn by a new government in 2014. 2010 The volcano under Eyjafjallajökull glacier begins erupting in March. In April its 9km-high ash plume brings European flights to a standstill for six days. The eruption is declared over in October. 2013 In parliamentary elections, voters deliver a backlash against the Social Democrats' austerity measures in the wake of the financial crisis. A new coalition of centre-right parties forms government. 2013 The number of international visitors to Iceland numbers 807,000 (up from 320,000 in 2003). A year later, that number hovers around 1 million. 2014 In mid-August, sensors begin picking up increased seismic activity around Bárðarbunga, a large volcano system under the Vatnajökull ice cap. A small eruption begins at Holuhraun, with more activity expected. Natural Wonders It’s difficult to remain unmoved by the amazing diversity of the Icelandic landscape.


pages: 245 words: 72,893

How Democracy Ends by David Runciman

barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, blockchain, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Internet of things, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, loss aversion, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, mutually assured destruction, Network effects, Norman Mailer, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Peter Thiel, quantitative easing, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Steven Pinker, The Wisdom of Crowds, Travis Kalanick, universal basic income, Yogi Berra

The Greek crisis has been kicked down the road so many times that we have to conclude the road is a lot longer than seemed possible. Who knows where it ends? As I write, the Greek economy is slowly starting to grow again for the first time in more than eight years. The debt burden is higher than ever. Prime Minister Tsipras is more unpopular than at any other point in his premiership. The party of the Greek centre right that presided over the first phase of the never-ending crisis may be on the brink of a return to power. Varoufakis has another book out. Greece and Japan are very different places to live but they have some features in common. They are two of the oldest societies on the face of the earth: Japan is one of the very few countries with a higher proportion of elderly people in it than Greece. Half its population is aged 47 or older.


Lonely Planet London by Lonely Planet

Boris Johnson, British Empire, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, congestion charging, discovery of the americas, East Village, Etonian, financial independence, haute couture, haute cuisine, Isaac Newton, John Snow's cholera map, low cost airline, Mahatma Gandhi, market design, place-making, post-work, Skype, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, urban renewal, Winter of Discontent

There are two broad categories of newspapers, most commonly distinguished as broadsheets (or ‘qualities’) and tabloids (the distinction is more about content than physical size). New Media Websites Londonist (www.londonist.com) London-centric blog. Urban 75 (www.urban75.com) Outstanding and original. Indymedia (www.uk.indymedia.org) Global network of alternative news. Daily Papers The main London newspaper is the centre-right Evening Standard, a free tabloid published between Monday and Friday and handed out around mainline train stations, tube stations, retailers and stands. Metro (published Monday to Friday) is another skimpy morning paper designed to be read in 20 minutes, littering tube stations and seats, giving you an extra excuse to ignore your fellow passengers. Broadsheet readers are extremely loyal to their paper and rarely switch from one to another.

The Financial Times is a heavyweight business paper with a fantastic travel section in its weekend edition. For sex and scandal over your bacon and eggs, turn to the Mirror , a working class and Old Labour paper; the Sun , the UK's bestseller, a gossip-hungry Tory-leaning tabloid legendary for its sassy headlines; or the lowbrow Daily Star . Other tabloid reads include the midlevel Daily Express and the centre-right Daily Mail . Sunday Papers Most dailies have Sunday stablemates, and (predictably) the tabloids have bumper editions of trashy gossip, star-struck adulation, fashion extras and mean-spirited diatribes. The Observer, established in 1791, is the oldest Sunday paper and sister of the Guardian . The Sunday Telegraph is as serious and politically blue as its weekly sister paper, while the Sunday Times is brimful of fashion and scandal.


pages: 307 words: 82,680

A Pelican Introduction: Basic Income by Guy Standing

bank run, basic income, Bernie Sanders, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, Black Swan, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, collective bargaining, cryptocurrency, David Graeber, declining real wages, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial intermediation, full employment, future of work, gig economy, Gunnar Myrdal, housing crisis, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, intangible asset, job automation, job satisfaction, Joi Ito, labour market flexibility, land value tax, libertarian paternalism, low skilled workers, lump of labour, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, mass incarceration, moral hazard, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, open economy, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, precariat, quantitative easing, randomized controlled trial, rent control, rent-seeking, Sam Altman, self-driving car, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, Stephen Hawking, The Future of Employment, universal basic income, Wolfgang Streeck, women in the workforce, working poor, Y Combinator, Zipcar

By way of introduction, it can be argued that in the twentieth century the political left gave too little attention to the enhancement of individual freedom, while the political right gave freedom a libertarian slant that went against a very important historical tradition, that of ‘republican’ freedom. The standard liberal and libertarian version is that liberty involves freedom from constraint (negative liberty) and freedom to act (positive liberty). This view is often linked to the political philosophy of utilitarianism, a perspective that has dominated recent political strategies of the centre right and left. Utilitarianism aims to promote the happiness of the majority (often summed up as ‘the greatest happiness of the greatest number’), which has the obvious danger of allowing politicians to care too little about making the minority miserable.1 Classic liberals, exemplified by T. H. Green opposite, as well as libertarians, have long been united in their opposition to paternalism of all sorts, and above all to what is best described as state paternalism, except regarding children and the mentally frail.


pages: 318 words: 85,824

A Brief History of Neoliberalism by David Harvey

affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, creative destruction, crony capitalism, debt deflation, declining real wages, deglobalization, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial intermediation, financial repression, full employment, George Gilder, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, labour market flexibility, land tenure, late capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, mass immigration, means of production, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage tax deduction, neoliberal agenda, new economy, Pearl River Delta, phenotype, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, structural adjustment programs, the built environment, The Chicago School, transaction costs, union organizing, urban renewal, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent

And it responded accordingly.36 From the mid-1970s onwards, the Swedish Employers’ Federation (doubtless emulating its counterpart in the US) increased its membership, mobilized a massive war-chest, and launched a propaganda campaign against excessive regulation and for the increasing liberalization of the economy, the reduction of the tax burden, and the rolling back of excessive welfare state commitments which, in its view, caused economic stagnation. But when a centre-right Conservative Party came to power in 1976, replacing the Social Democrats for the first time since the 1930s, it failed to act on the employers’ proposals. The labour unions were too strong and the public was not persuaded. When it became clear that direct confrontation with the labour unions through lock-outs and non-collaboration in wage negotiations did not work either, the employers moved more towards undermining rather than confronting the institutional arrangements of the corporatist state.


Lonely Planet London City Guide by Tom Masters, Steve Fallon, Vesna Maric

Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, Clapham omnibus, congestion charging, dark matter, discovery of the americas, double helix, East Village, financial independence, first-past-the-post, ghettoisation, haute cuisine, Isaac Newton, John Snow's cholera map, Mahatma Gandhi, market design, Nelson Mandela, place-making, South of Market, San Francisco, Stephen Hawking, transatlantic slave trade, urban planning, urban renewal, Winter of Discontent, young professional

In the second stage of Lords reform (for which there is no time frame and on which there has been not insignificant heel dragging on the part of the government in recent years), elected members will enter the upper house for the first time and hereditary peers will be swept away altogether. Return to beginning of chapter MEDIA London is in the eye of the British media, an industry comprising some of the best and worst of the world’s TV, radio and print media. Return to beginning of chapter NEWSPAPERS The main London newspaper is the centre-right Evening Standard, a tabloid that comes out in early and late editions throughout the day. After fighting a long battle with former mayor Ken Livingstone and becoming something of a joke to Londoners for its love of dramatic headlines for the most banal stories, it was bought in 2009 by Russian tycoon Alexander Lebedev, who promised to rebrand the paper, and began with a large advertising campaign in which the paper apologised to its readers for its past mistakes.

Return to beginning of chapter NEWSPAPERS & MAGAZINES Newspapers For a good selection of foreign-language newspapers, try the newsstands in the Victoria Pl shopping centre at Victoria train station, along Charing Cross Rd, in Old Compton St and along Queensway. Click here for details of gay and lesbian publications. DAILY PAPERS Daily Express Midlevel tabloid. Daily Mail This is often called the voice of middle England, and is a centre-right publication well known for its stance on immigrants and its obsession with house prices. Daily Star Very low-brow tabloid with wacky tales that often beggar belief. Daily Telegraph Dubbed the ‘Torygraph’, this is the unofficial Conservative party paper, whose reputation has grown enormously in the wake of its disclosure and scrutiny of MPs’ expenses in 2009. Evening Standard London’s main daily paper has introduced a free London Lite to compete with the giveaway Metro.


Lonely Planet Iceland by Lonely Planet

Airbnb, banking crisis, capital controls, car-free, carbon footprint, cashless society, centre right, European colonialism, food miles, Kickstarter, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Lyft, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, presumed consent, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft

On a wave of ensuing anti-establishment sentiment, in June 2016 Iceland elected its first new president in 20 years: historian and author Guðni Thorlacius Jóhannesson, a political outsider. In the same year, capital controls put in place during the economic meltdown began to be eased (made possible partially by the tourism boom). Early parliamentary elections were held in October 2016, with the centre-right Independence Party (which shared power with the Progressive Party in the outgoing government) winning 29% of the vote, the Left-Green Movement 15.9% and the Pirate Party 14.5%. The Progressive Party fell to only 11.5%. At the time of research, talks were still underway to see if a coalition government could be formed. Best on Film Heima (2007) Follow band Sigur Rós as they perform throughout Iceland.

The country has become the fastest-growing travel destination in Europe, with all the benefits (economic growth and employment) and headaches (infrastructure issues and environmental impact) that such status entails. Icelanders went to the polls in April 2013 with the national economy on the path to recovery, but with the population smarting from the government’s tough austerity measures (higher taxes, spending cuts). The results showed a backlash against the ruling Social Democrats; the centre-right camp (comprising the Progressive Party and the Independence Party) successfully campaigned on promises of debt relief and a cut in taxes, as well as opposition to Iceland’s application to join the EU. The two parties formed a coalition government. In early 2014 the government halted all negotiations with the EU – despite promising a referendum on whether or not to proceed with membership negotiations.


The Rough Guide to Norway by Phil Lee

banking crisis, bike sharing scheme, car-free, centre right, glass ceiling, Nelson Mandela, North Sea oil, out of africa, place-making, sensible shoes, sustainable-tourism, trade route, walkable city, white picket fence

More surprising was the success of the extremist parties on both political wings – the anti-NATO, leftist Socialist Party and the right-wing, anti-immigrant Progress Party both scored spectacular results, winning almost a quarter of the votes cast, and increasing their representation in the Storting many times over. This deprived the Conservative Party (one of whose leaders, bizarrely, was Gro Harlem Brundtland’s husband) of the majority it might have expected, the result being yet another shaky minority administration – this time a centre-right coalition between the Conservatives, the Centre Party and the Christian Democrats, led by Jan Syse. The new government immediately faced problems familiar to the last Labour administration. In particular, there was continuing conflict over joining the European Community (as the European Union was then known), a policy still supported by many in the Norwegian establishment but flatly rejected by the Centre Party.

Bargaining with its rivals from a position of parliamentary weakness, the new government found it difficult to cut a clear path – or at least one very different from its predecessor – apart from managing to antagonize the women’s movement by some reactionary social legislation whose none-too-hidden subtext seemed to read “A woman’s place is in the home”. In the spring of 2000, the government resigned and the Labour Party resumed command. The 2000s to the present day The Labour Party administration that took over the reins of government in 2000 didn’t last long: in elections the following year, they took a drubbing and the right prospered, paving the way for another ungainly centre-right coalition. This coalition battled on until late 2005 when the Labour Party, along with its allies the Socialist Left Party and the Centre Party, won a general election, with the politically experienced Jens Stoltenberg becoming Prime Minister – as he remains at time of writing. Stoltenberg proceeded to bolt together one of Norway’s more secure coalitions with a standard-issue, centre-left political agenda: for instance, a flexible retirement from the age of 62 (it was 67) was introduced in 2010; a careful incomes policy was geared to the needs of both employer and employee; and there were detailed promises on tackling climate change and global warming.


pages: 357 words: 95,986

Inventing the Future: Postcapitalism and a World Without Work by Nick Srnicek, Alex Williams

3D printing, additive manufacturing, air freight, algorithmic trading, anti-work, back-to-the-land, banking crisis, basic income, battle of ideas, blockchain, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, carbon footprint, Cass Sunstein, centre right, collective bargaining, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, David Graeber, decarbonisation, deindustrialization, deskilling, Doha Development Round, Elon Musk, Erik Brynjolfsson, Ferguson, Missouri, financial independence, food miles, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, future of work, gender pay gap, housing crisis, income inequality, industrial robot, informal economy, intermodal, Internet Archive, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Kickstarter, late capitalism, liberation theology, Live Aid, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market design, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, mass incarceration, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, Mont Pelerin Society, neoliberal agenda, New Urbanism, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, patent troll, pattern recognition, Paul Samuelson, Philip Mirowski, post scarcity, post-work, postnationalism / post nation state, precariat, price stability, profit motive, quantitative easing, reshoring, Richard Florida, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, self-driving car, Slavoj Žižek, social web, stakhanovite, Steve Jobs, surplus humans, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Future of Employment, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, wages for housework, We are the 99%, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population

Shared between all of these is a belief that the abstraction and sheer scale of the modern world is at the root of our present political, ecological and economic problems, and that the solution therefore lies in adopting a ‘small is beautiful’ approach to the world.69 Small-scale actions, local economies, immediate communities, face-to-face interaction – all of these responses characterise the localist worldview. In a time when most of the political strategies and tactics developed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries appear blunted and ineffectual, localism has a seductive logic to it. In all its diverse variants, from centre-right communitarianism70 to ethical consumerism,71 developmental microloans, and contemporary anarchist practice,72 the promise it offers to do something concrete, enabling political action with immediately noticeable effects, is empowering on an individual level. But this sense of empowerment can be misleading. The problem with localism is that, in attempting to reduce large-scale systemic problems to the more manageable sphere of the local community, it effectively denies the systemically interconnected nature of today’s world.


pages: 279 words: 90,888

The Lost Decade: 2010–2020, and What Lies Ahead for Britain by Polly Toynbee, David Walker

banking crisis, battle of ideas, Boris Johnson, call centre, car-free, centre right, collective bargaining, congestion charging, corporate governance, crony capitalism, David Attenborough, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, energy transition, Etonian, first-past-the-post, G4S, gender pay gap, gig economy, Gini coefficient, global village, high net worth, housing crisis, income inequality, industrial robot, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), James Dyson, manufacturing employment, mass immigration, moral panic, mortgage debt, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, payday loans, pension reform, quantitative easing, Right to Buy, Saturday Night Live, selection bias, smart meter, Uber for X, urban renewal, working-age population

Opposing Jean-Claude Juncker’s election to the presidency of the European Commission was a blunder, but one consistent with successive UK prime ministers’ unwillingness to learn how European governance worked. Either their civil servants were similarly unaware, or they just weren’t listened to. Cameron had tried to buy off his anti-EU fanatics by withdrawing Tory members of the European Parliament from the mainstream centre-right grouping, weakening their influence as he aligned them instead with the nationalist far right. He apparently thought his referendum promise was a cheque that would never be cashed because the coalition with the Liberal Democrats would endure. After winning the 2015 election, he made successive errors of judgement over the timing, wording and conduct of the campaign and vote. Among them was his analogy with the 2014 Scottish independence vote.


We Need New Stories: Challenging the Toxic Myths Behind Our Age of Discontent by Nesrine Malik

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, cognitive dissonance, continuation of politics by other means, currency peg, Donald Trump, feminist movement, financial independence, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, gender pay gap, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, illegal immigration, invisible hand, mass immigration, moral panic, Nate Silver, obamacare, old-boy network, payday loans, planetary scale, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, sexual politics, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Thomas L Friedman, transatlantic slave trade

How can you separate a hardwired belief in the superiority of a nation’s values from the bigotries that engenders? You cannot. The myths need narrators. The stories need storytellers. They cannot be replaced, new stories cannot be written, if the bench of voices that we continue to appoint, that we continue to vest with authority, is not questioned at least – and retired at most. The main problem is homogeneity. Politically, the opinion-making class is overwhelmingly centre, right of centre or right-wing. Demographically, it is overwhelmingly white, male and upper or middle class. This results in a world view that is ideologically establishmentarian, unlikely to question the status quo and overly respectful of the offices of power. Received wisdom runs the show. On such received wisdom, and before a UK general election in 2017, where the Conservative Party was expected to win comfortably, the Guardian columnist Gary Younge wrote: ‘The political class imparted as much to the media class, and the media class duly printed and broadcast it.


pages: 927 words: 236,812

The Taste of War: World War Two and the Battle for Food by Lizzie Collingham

agricultural Revolution, American ideology, British Empire, centre right, clean water, colonial exploitation, distributed generation, European colonialism, fixed income, full employment, global village, indoor plumbing, labour mobility, land reform, mass immigration, means of production, profit motive, rising living standards, trade route, V2 rocket, women in the workforce

France and Italy defended their low-productivity farms as the site of national identity and set up walls of protective tariffs, while injecting money into farming in an attempt to increase agricultural productivity.42 August Skalweit, another prominent agriculturalist, who published his analysis of the German food economy during the First World War in the same year as Aereboe, drew the opposite conclusion to his colleague. He argued that it was imperative that Germany should become less dependent on this hostile world market.43 In conservative circles, which favoured this alternative course of action, food preferences were transformed into a political statement. German housewives’ associations, with strong links to centre-right political parties, campaigned for patriotic consumption choices.44 Germans preferred to eat crusty white rolls but two-thirds of the wheat to make them had to be imported. ‘Good’ German women were encouraged to support the German farmer and preserve the traditional social hierarchy and lifestyle, by purchasing rye bread made from home-grown grain. Housewives’ associations also promoted German-produced potatoes, butter and fish.

., p. 50; Howard, ‘The social and political consequences’, pp. 163, 166, 172. 37 Offer, The First World War, pp. 74–8. 38 Kershaw, Hitler, pp. 97, 109. 39 Offer, The First World War, p. 400. 40 Kutz, ‘Kriegserfahrung und Kriegsvorbereitung’, p. 73. 41 Corni, Hitler and the Peasants, pp. xv, 5–7; Farquharson, ‘The agrarian policy’, p. 235. 42 Trentmann, ‘Coping with shortage’, p. 26; Staples, The Birth of Development, p. 72. 43 Kutz, ‘Kriegserfahrung und Kriegsvorbereitung’, pp. 73–4. 44 They were linked to the conservative Catholic Centre Party (Zentrum), the right-wing German National People’s Party (Deutschnationale Volkspartei) and the centre-right German People’s Party (Deutsche Volkspartei). 45 Reagin, Sweeping the German Nation, pp. 93–9; Spiekermann, ‘Brown bread’, p. 148. 46 Kutz, ‘Kriegserfahrung und Kriegsvorbereitung’, pp. 73–4. 47 Ibid., p. 76; Lehman, ‘Agrarpolitik und Landwirtschaft’, p. 29. 48 Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte, pp. 700–702; Lovin, ‘Agricultural reorganization’, p. 457. 49 Ibid., p. 461. 50 Farquharson, ‘The agrarian policy’, p. 234. 51 Huegel, Kriegsernährungswirtschaft Deutschlands, p. 22; Lovin, ‘Blut und Boden’, pp. 282; Corni, Hitler and the Peasants, p. 23. 52 Bramwell, Blood and Soil, p. 108. 53 Corni, Hitler and the Peasants, pp. xv–xvi; Farquharson, ‘The agrarian policy’, p. 233. 54 Huegel, Kriegsernährungswirtschaft Deutschlands, pp. 279–80; Wehler, Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte, p. 705. 55 Kay, Exploitation, p. 14. 56 Farquharson, ‘The agrarian policy’, pp. 244–5. 57 Corni, Hitler and the Peasants, p. 249; Huegel, Kriegsernährungswirtschaft Deutschlands, p. 286. 58 Müller, ‘Die Mobilisierung der deutschen Wirtschaft’, p. 397. 59 Tooze, The Wages of Destruction, p. 658. 60 Ibid., p. 197. 61 Corni and Gies, Brot, Butter, Kanonen, p. 19. 62 Schleiermacher, ‘Begleitende Forschung zum “Generalplan Ost” ’, p. 339. 63 Corni, Hitler and the Peasants, pp. 27–8. 64 Picker, Hitlers Tischgespräche, p. 495.


pages: 302 words: 97,076

The Trigger: Hunting the Assassin Who Brought the World to War by Tim Butcher

centre right, colonial rule, Kickstarter, land reform, mass immigration, Nelson Mandela, Scramble for Africa, trade route, urban sprawl, éminence grise

Dedijer described the two as ‘intimate friends’, something I found strange. The whole tone of Jevdjević’s testimony was very negative regarding Princip, and when the statement had been read out the defendant objected fiercely that many of Jevdjević’s assertions were wrong. ‘It is true that I had a conflict with him,’ Princip announced to the court. A key event took place in 1908, a year after Princip started school: a political and diplomatic crisis that was centred right there in Sarajevo, but soon spread far beyond Bosnia. It would change fundamentally the character of Bosnian youth politics, launching quiet students like Princip on a much more radical path. It would also give final proof that the country’s remote geographical location did not stop it from playing a role in high European diplomacy. The Bosnian dispute was so serious it almost led to a European war and can be regarded today as a dress rehearsal for 1914: it was the formal annexation of Bosnia by Austria–Hungary.


Stasiland: Stories From Behind the Berlin Wall by Anna Funder

Berlin Wall, centre right, Fall of the Berlin Wall, index card, Kickstarter, Mikhail Gorbachev, telemarketer, the built environment

By February 1946 Heinz Koch, who hadn’t finished school himself, was a fully qualified teacher in the village of Lindau, thirty kilometres from Dessau. In October of that year, the first ‘free democratic’ elections were held in East Germany. In fact, throughout the life of East Germany, elections were regularly held. On the ballot paper there were representatives of all the major parties: mirror-image replicas of the parties that existed in West Germany. There were centre-right Christian Democrats (CDU), Liberal Democrats (later the FDP), and Communists (SED). Election after election for forty years, the results would be broadcast on television: and always, overwhelmingly, the Communists were voted in. The majorities stretched credibility: 98.1 per cent; 95.4 per cent; 97.6 per cent. None of this, though, was evident in 1946. At that time, it was possible, just possible, that somehow a socialist state would emerge which lived up to the ‘democratic’ of its name.


pages: 365 words: 102,306

Legacy: Gangsters, Corruption and the London Olympics by Michael Gillard

Boris Johnson, business intelligence, centre right, forensic accounting, offshore financial centre, upwardly mobile, working-age population, young professional

In June 2013, Rokhsana Fiaz and four other left-wing Labour activists met in Newham to discuss overthrowing their despised Blairite leader.1 The Fiaz five were doing the reverse of a famous power-sharing pact almost twenty years earlier that Tony Blair, Sir Robin’s mentor, had struck with Gordon Brown at an Islington restaurant to take control away from the left and reposition New Labour on the centre right. Fiaz and the other plotters represented a growing membership of the Newham Labour party who, by 2013, were tired of what they saw as Sir Robin’s anti-democratic style of leadership. ‘What Robin did over the years was decimate, in its totality, the ability of open scrutiny of the decision making of the mayor,’ Fiaz explained to me. ‘[He] had used the prominence and dominance of Labour locally to sustain his hegemony and it’s led to a really corrosive effect in local politics.’


France (Lonely Planet, 8th Edition) by Nicola Williams

active transport: walking or cycling, back-to-the-land, bike sharing scheme, British Empire, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, Columbine, double helix, Guggenheim Bilbao, haute couture, haute cuisine, Henri Poincaré, Honoré de Balzac, illegal immigration, industrial robot, information trail, Jacquard loom, Joseph-Marie Jacquard, Kickstarter, Louis Blériot, Louis Pasteur, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Murano, Venice glass, pension reform, post-work, QWERTY keyboard, ride hailing / ride sharing, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, Skype, Sloane Ranger, supervolcano, trade route, urban renewal, urban sprawl, V2 rocket

The constitutional reform also gave the green light to local referenda – to better hear what the people on the street were saying (though the first referendum subsequently held – in Corsica – threw up a ‘No’ vote, putting Paris back at square one; for details Click here). Spring 2003 ushered in yet more national strikes, this time over the government’s proposed pension reform, which was pushed through parliament in July. ‘We are not going to be intimidated by protestors’ was the tough response of centre-right Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin, in office since May 2002. An extreme heatwave that summer, sending temperatures in the capital soaring above 40° and claiming 11,000 predominantly elderly lives, did little to cool rising temperatures. * * * SUITE FRANÇAISE The story behind literary stunner Suite Française is as incredible as the novel itself. A twin set of novellas, it evokes the horror of Nazi-occupied Paris from June 1940 until July 1941 through the eyes of Ukrainian-born author Irène Némirovsky, who was arrested as a ‘stateless person of Jewish descent’ and carted off to Auschwitz, where she died in the gas chamber in August 1942.

Top-and-bottom swimsuits had existed for centuries, but it was the French duo who both made them briefer than brief and plumped for the name ‘bikini’ – after Bikini, an atoll in the Marshall Islands chosen by the USA in 1946 as the testing ground for atomic bombs. Once wrapped around the curvaceous buttocks of 1950s sex-bomb Brigitte Bardot on St-Tropez’ Plage de Pampelonne, there was no looking back. The bikini was born. * * * More cracks appeared in France’s assured countenance and silky-smooth veneer during 2004. Regional elections saw Chirac’s centre-right UMP party sent to the slaughterhouse by the socialists; European elections two months later were equally disastrous. Strikes against various pension, labour and welfare reforms proposed by the government continued and in May 2005 the voice of protest was injected with a new lease of life thanks to French voters’ shock rejection of the proposed EU constitution in a referendum. It was no coincidence that the constitution was something Chirac had fervently backed: the overriding message behind the ‘No’ vote was loud and clear – ‘We are fed up with you.

Standing tall, dignified and well above any dirty political dog fighting, socialist Ségolène Royal grabbed the country’s attention with her glam, squeaky-clean image and tough talk about leading France in a ground-breaking new direction where no man had dared set foot before. Discredited French president Le Grand Jacques, now in his 70s and with a twinset of terms under his presidential belt, did not stand again. Then there was ‘Sarko’, as the French press quickly dubbed the dynamic, high-profile and highly ambitious Nicolas Sarkozy (b 1955) of Chirac’s UMP party. Interior minister and ruling party chairman, the centre-right candidate Sarkozy spoke – extremely smoothly and an awful lot – about job creation, lowering taxes, crime crackdown and helping the country’s substantial immigrant population, which, given he himself was the son of a Hungarian immigrant, had instant appeal. On polling day, punters even appeared to forgive him for his hardline comments slamming ethnic minorities in the Parisian suburbs as ‘scum’ during the 2005 riots and for his role (albeit that of innocent victim) in the Clearstream scandal.


Spain by Lonely Planet Publications, Damien Simonis

Atahualpa, business process, call centre, centre right, Colonization of Mars, discovery of the americas, Francisco Pizarro, Frank Gehry, G4S, glass ceiling, Guggenheim Bilbao, haute couture, haute cuisine, illegal immigration, intermodal, Islamic Golden Age, land reform, large denomination, low cost airline, place-making, Skype, trade route, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, Winter of Discontent, young professional

Most damaging was the affair of the Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberación (GAL), death squads that had murdered 28 suspected ETA terrorists (several of whom were innocent) in France in the mid-80s. A stream of GAL allegations contributed to the PSOE’s election defeat in 1996. In 1998 a dozen senior police and PSOE men were jailed in the affair. José María in Charge The 1996 general election was won by the centre-right Partido Popular (PP; People’s Party), led by José María Aznar, a former tax inspector from Castilla y León. The party had been founded by a former Franco minister, Manuel Fraga, something its opponents never let it forget. Aznar promised to make politics dull, and he did, but he presided over eight years of solid economic progress, winning the 2000 election as well, with an absolute parliamentary majority.

Along with its membership of NATO since 1982, this is a turning point in the country’s reacceptance around the world since the Franco years. 1992 Barcelona holds the Olympic Games, putting Spain firmly in the international spotlight and highlighting the country’s progress since 1975. In the same year, Madrid is European Capital of Culture and Seville hosts a Universal Expo. 1996–2004 Disaffection with PSOE sleaze gives the centre-right Partido Popular (PP), led by José María Aznar, a general election victory. His government presides over eight years of economic progress but support for the Iraq War is deeply ­divisive. 2004 (11 March) Four commuter trains in Madrid are bombed during the morning rush hour by Islamic terrorists. One hundred and ninety-one people are killed and 1800 are wounded. 2004 (14 March) PSOE, led by José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, wins a surprise election victory after Aznar’s government wrongly accuses ETA of the bombings.

A great place to sample the local atmosphere and food is Casa Tataguyo (985 56 48 15; www.tataguyo.com; Plaza de Carbayedo 6; meals €40-45), in business since 1845. Seafood lovers should make for neighbouring Salinas, a coastal suburb, and the century-old Real Balneario de Salinas (985 51 86 13; www.restaurantebalneario.com; Avenida de San Juan Sitges 3; meals €35-40; lunch & dinner Tue-Sat, lunch Sun). Opened as a bathing and social centre right on the beach by King Alfonso XIII in 1916, it’s a top seafood restaurant today. Ask for the day’s catch and salivate! ALSA buses run every half hour to/from Gijón (€1.95, 30 minutes). There are plenty for Oviedo (€2.06, 45 to 60 minutes) too. FEVE trains also connect with Gijón and Oviedo. Cudillero pop 1710 Cudillero is the most picturesque fishing village on the Asturian coast, and it knows it.


Scandinavia by Andy Symington

call centre, carbon footprint, centre right, clean water, connected car, edge city, full employment, glass ceiling, Kickstarter, low cost airline, low cost carrier, mass immigration, New Urbanism, North Sea oil, out of africa, period drama, Skype, the built environment, trade route, urban sprawl, walkable city, young professional

Sleeping Skagen Hotel HOTEL €€ ( 75 51 91 00; www.skagen-hotel.no; Nyholmsgata 11; s/d from Nkr725/925; ) Rooms here are attractively decorated and a continent away from chain-hotel clones. There’s a bar and free afternoon waffles and coffee. Staff can also give advice on a whole raft of vigorous outdoor activities. Clarion Collection Hotel Grand HOTEL €€ ( 75 54 61 00; www.choice.no; Storgata 3; s/d from Nkr795/980; ) With the resources of the Glasshuset shopping centre right beside it and the shortest of strolls from the quayside, the Grand is well positioned. All rooms were radically overhauled in 2009 and have parquet flooring, new bedlinen and duvets and freshly tiled bathrooms with large sinks. Bodøsjøen Camping CAMPING GROUND € ( 75 56 36 80; www.bodocamp.no, in Norwegian; Kvernhusveien 1; tent/caravan site Nkr150/200 plus per person Nkr30, cabin Nkr690-840, without bathroom Nkr250-430) At this waterside camping ground, 3km from the centre, cabins are particularly well equipped.

Since then, Sweden’s welfare state has undergone tough reforms and the economy has improved considerably, with falling unemployment and inflation. The country has remained outside the single European currency; a 2003 referendum on whether Sweden should adopt the euro resulted in a ‘no’ vote. In October 2006, the long-entrenched Social Democrats lost their leadership position in parliament. The centre-right Alliance Party won the election, with new Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt campaigning on a ‘work first’ platform. The global economic crisis again affected Sweden towards the end of 2008; that year the Swedish krona dropped to its weakest level since 2002. As ever, economic tensions fed social anxieties. An annual survey about ethnic diversity, conducted by Uppsala University researchers, indicated twice as many Swedes had an ‘extremely negative’ attitude towards racial diversity in 2008 than in 2005.


The Rough Guide to Chile by Melissa Graham, Andrew Benson

Atahualpa, California gold rush, call centre, centre right, cuban missile crisis, feminist movement, Francisco Pizarro, Murano, Venice glass, sensible shoes, sustainable-tourism, trade route, union organizing, women in the workforce

The task of restoring stability to the nation fell to the old populist, Alessandri, who was re-elected in 1932. Military interference in government affairs was now at an end (for a few decades, at least), and the country settled down to a period of orderly political evolution, no longer held back by a weak executive. What emerged was a highly diverse multi-party system embracing a wide spectrum of political persuasions. After 1938, the government was dominated by the Radical Party, a centre-right group principally representing the middle classes. Radical presidents such as Pedro Aguirre Cerda, Juan Antonio Ríos and Gabriel González Videla took an active role in regenerating Chile’s economy, investing in state-sponsored steelworks, copper refineries, fisheries and power supplies. In the 1950s, left-wing groups gained considerable ground as the voting franchise widened, but old-guard landowners were able to counter this by controlling the votes of the thousands of peasants who depended on them for their survival, thus ensuring a firm swing back to the right.

And Argentina’s decision to prioritize its domestic gas demand, at the risk of cutting supplies to Chile, increased trans-Andean tensions. To the present day 510 Since March 2006, Chile has had a woman president, socialist Michelle Bachelet, elected by a comfortable margin in the second-round run-off on January 15 of that year. She had stood against charismatic businessman Sebastián Piñera, of the centre-right National Renewal Party, in the balotaje (decisive second round). Piñera, who is the billionaire owner of the TV channel Chilevisión, and president of LAN, the national airline, has been likened to Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi – not least by Lavín supporters, furious at Piñera’s decision to run and split the right-wing vote. Bachelet, a physician, went into exile in Australia and East Germany in the 1970s after her father, a moderate Air Force general, was assassinated under Pinochet.


Discover Great Britain by Lonely Planet

British Empire, carbon footprint, centre right, colonial rule, Columbine, congestion charging, G4S, global village, Haight Ashbury, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, New Urbanism, Stephen Hawking

The year 2010 was especially pivotal, thanks to two major events (and yes, they are listed in order of importance): a World Cup tournament where the England football squad floundered, while Wales and Scotland didn’t even make it through the qualifying rounds; and a general election that saw the end of 13 years of Labour government. The Odd Couple The Labour government was replaced by a seminal coalition between the centre-right Conservatives and the centre-left Liberal-Democrats – a result that very few political pundits would have ever predicted. Unexpected or not, the new government got straight down to work and, despite coming from opposite sides of the centre ground, impressed most observers with laudable displays of collaboration. Key policies were based around the tenets of ‘fairness’ and ‘choice’ – aspects applauded as progressive by supporters and mocked as hopelessly woolly by opponents.


pages: 347 words: 115,173

Chasing the Devil: On Foot Through Africa's Killing Fields by Tim Butcher

barriers to entry, blood diamonds, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, Etonian, Google Earth, Kickstarter, Nelson Mandela, pre–internet, Scramble for Africa, trade route, upwardly mobile

Like countless millions across Africa he had gone to school, heeded the advice of experts, changed his lifestyle to meet their standards. But what had this got him? Nothing. Before I met him he had no job and after I left Liberia he had no job. Through greed and incompetence, the authorities in Liberia were not keeping their part of the social contract. Instead of providing a stable economy, earning opportunities and even the rule of law, they provided nothing. In the city centre, right next to the government headquarters, I saw a crude poster depicting street lights illuminating a tarred road with white lines painted down the middle. In large letters, the poster declared ‘Your Taxes at Work – The Process is On’. It was fiction. I knew from my slow slog through the backwoods of Liberia, past unlit towns, along roads maintained only by UN peacekeepers, past schools funded by foreign aid groups, that the impact of Liberia’s central government is almost non-existent.


pages: 387 words: 120,155

Inside the Nudge Unit: How Small Changes Can Make a Big Difference by David Halpern

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, availability heuristic, carbon footprint, Cass Sunstein, centre right, choice architecture, cognitive dissonance, collaborative consumption, correlation does not imply causation, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, different worldview, endowment effect, happiness index / gross national happiness, hedonic treadmill, hindsight bias, IKEA effect, illegal immigration, job satisfaction, Kickstarter, libertarian paternalism, light touch regulation, longitudinal study, market design, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, nudge unit, peer-to-peer lending, pension reform, presumed consent, QR code, quantitative easing, randomized controlled trial, Richard Thaler, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Rory Sutherland, Simon Kuznets, skunkworks, the built environment, theory of mind, traffic fines, twin studies, World Values Survey

The MINDSPACE framework (Institute for Government, 2010). The 2010 government launches the Nudge Unit Squeezed between Steve Hilton and Rohan Silva, the new Prime Minister’s political advisers, in the back of a Paris taxi was not somewhere I thought I’d find myself in the early summer of 2010. It was still the very early days of the new Coalition Government, and we had come to Paris to see if the centre-right administration of Nicolas Sarkozy shared the interest in approaches to government of the new Cameron–Clegg government in the UK, including nudging, Big Society and well-being. It turned out that they didn’t. Richard Thaler was with us, over from Chicago for a few days while we sought to put into action the plan to create the world’s first nudge unit. We didn’t even know what we would call it at that point.


pages: 356 words: 112,271

Brexit and Ireland: The Dangers, the Opportunities, and the Inside Story of the Irish Response by Tony Connelly

air freight, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, call centre, centre right, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, knowledge economy, LNG terminal, low skilled workers, non-tariff barriers, open borders, personalized medicine, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, éminence grise

David Cameron, the British Prime Minister, had first raised the prospect of a referendum on EU membership in 2010, when he declared that voters had been ‘cheated’ out of a vote on the Lisbon Treaty. In the May general election that year, 148 new Tory MPs were elected, many of them eurosceptics. The UK Independence Party (UKIP) had been growing in popularity, and Cameron was desperate to head off the threat. He pulled Conservative MEPs out of the European People’s Party, the centre-right grouping in the European Parliament. He promised a referendum if any new powers were transferred to Brussels. He vetoed the EU Fiscal Compact (the rest of the EU simply converted it to an intergovernmental treaty sitting just outside the EU’s formal structures). He opted out of huge swathes of EU laws governing cooperation in the police and criminal justice spheres. He promised to cut the numbers of EU citizens moving to the UK and to reduce their access to benefits.


Cards of Identity by Nigel Dennis

anti-communist, centre right, the market place

Yours ever, ‘One of the Boys’. P.S. Don’t please be offended by the bit which says that eventually ‘the Abbot will wither away’. I only meant it as a little joke. Abbots like you will never wither away as long as there are brothers like me. * Silence is golden before and during a recital, but it is not a thing the performer wants to hear at the end of one. So Father Orfe was well pleased to stand bowing left, centre, right, front, back as the shouts and claps resounded through the room: he did this with the dignity that is proper to a male pianist – that is to say, he blew no kisses to the clappers, caught no huge bunches of flowers; he merely acknowledged the din by awarding it severe torsal inclinations and permitting his eyelids to become half-hooded. When it had died down somewhat, he raised his manuscript once more and began to read aloud again: ‘Here is a tale about our Abbey which I am sure will amuse you.


On the Road: Adventures From Nixon to Trump by James Naughtie

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Alistair Cooke, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, Donald Trump, Ferguson, Missouri, Haight Ashbury, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Julian Assange, Mikhail Gorbachev, Norman Mailer, obamacare, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-work, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, South China Sea, trickle-down economics, white flight, WikiLeaks, Yom Kippur War, young professional, zero-sum game

A politician who had little interest in intellectual debate, beyond routine restatements of his small-government individual-liberty principles, transformed the American conservative movement. When he arrived in office conservatives still saw themselves trapped in a struggle with mainstream Republicans who wanted to keep them in their place; by the end of his second term they had confidence, as well as money and organisation, that would change America. Outsiders often find ‘conservative’ a confusing label in America, because there it indicates that someone is outside the centre-right mainstream, whereas in Europe it is the other way round. When Barry Goldwater stormed the Republican convention in 1964 – before losing to Lyndon Johnson under a mighty landslide – his credo was laid out in his book The Conscience of a Conservative, which rejected the kind of mild conservatism espoused by the Republican establishment and argued for fiercely limited government, unswerving faith in free markets and a war on any attempt to offer a collectivist solution to any problem.


pages: 385 words: 121,550

Three Years in Hell: The Brexit Chronicles by Fintan O'Toole

airport security, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, blockchain, Bob Geldof, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, cognitive dissonance, congestion charging, deindustrialization, deliberate practice, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, Downton Abbey, Etonian, eurozone crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, full employment, income inequality, l'esprit de l'escalier, labour mobility, late capitalism, open borders, Slavoj Žižek, South China Sea, technoutopianism, zero-sum game

To put it bluntly, Ireland has evolved a complex and fluid sense of what it means to have a national identity while England has reverted to a simplistic and static one. This fault line opens a crack into which the whole Brexit project may stumble. The simplest way to understand how radically Irish identity has changed is to consider the country’s new prime minister, Leo Varadkar. He is thirty-eight and in many ways a typical politician of the European centre-right. He is also part Indian – his father Ashok is originally from Mumbai. And he is gay. When Varadkar was born in 1979, over 93 per cent of the population of the Republic of Ireland was born there and most of the rest were born in Northern Ireland or in Britain (often as children of Irish emigrants). Ethnic minorities were scarcely visible – just 1 per cent of the population was born in what the official figures charmingly described as ‘Elsewhere’.


The Mind in the Cave: Consciousness and the Origins of Art by David Lewis-Williams

Alfred Russel Wallace, centre right, conceptual framework, Isaac Newton, Menlo Park, out of africa, social intelligence, theory of mind

As one, probably apocryphal, Victorian lady remarked, ‘Let us hope it is not true, but if it is, let us pray that it will not become generally known.’ 20 Her prayer went unanswered, and further discoveries continued to be made. 6 Portable Upper Palaeolithic art. A spearthrower carved in the shape of a gracefully leaping horse; Magdalenian. From Bruniquel, Tarn-etGaronne. (Centre left) A spear-thrower carved in the form of an ibex looking back over its shoulder; Magdalenian. From Mas d’ Azil, Ariège. (Approximately 30 cm). (Centre right) A mammoth ivory carving of a bison apparently licking its flank; Magdalenian. From La Madeleine, Dordogne. (Below) A carved bone baton; images are shown ‘unrolled’; Magdalenian. From Lortet, Hautes-Pyrénées. The dispute over portable art was, however, as nothing to that which preceded the acceptance of parietal art – images painted or engraved on the walls and ceilings of caves. Today, we know that parietal art is not confined to deep caves; that was true of only the first discoveries.


pages: 920 words: 233,102

Unelected Power: The Quest for Legitimacy in Central Banking and the Regulatory State by Paul Tucker

Andrei Shleifer, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Basel III, battle of ideas, Ben Bernanke: helicopter money, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, conceptual framework, corporate governance, diversified portfolio, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial innovation, financial intermediation, financial repression, first-past-the-post, floating exchange rates, forensic accounting, forward guidance, Fractional reserve banking, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, George Akerlof, incomplete markets, inflation targeting, information asymmetry, invisible hand, iterative process, Jean Tirole, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, liberal capitalism, light touch regulation, Long Term Capital Management, means of production, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, Northern Rock, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, price mechanism, price stability, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, quantitative easing, regulatory arbitrage, reserve currency, risk tolerance, risk-adjusted returns, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Ronald Coase, seigniorage, short selling, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, stochastic process, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, The Market for Lemons, the payments system, too big to fail, transaction costs, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, yield curve, zero-coupon bond, zero-sum game

And if not, would delegating just X be OK?” Public Debate: Realism This all begs the question of whether it is realistic to expect public debates of this kind. In the middle of the twentieth century, two of America’s leading public intellectuals locked horns on just that. Center-Left liberal John Dewey, whom we have already met, argued that public reason and participation were integral to democracy. Centre-Right liberal Walter Lippmann, a central figure at the 1938 Paris Colloque Lippmann, a forerunner of the neoliberal Mont Pelerin Society, argued that looking for rich public debate was utterly unrealistic and naïve: most people would choose an evening watching television or a sporting event over debating public affairs.25 Both seem wrong. On the one hand, people of all kinds do sometimes discuss events and politics with their friends, colleagues, and family, even if they prefer watching or playing sports.

At crucial moments, including during the 2008–2009 phase of the financial crisis, the latter mode has tended to dominate. As Germany’s Chancellor Merkel has often commented, Europe operates by consensus within the constraints of the law. This is reinforced by the character of the Parliament (EP), whose members are determined via separate elections in each member state, largely via party-list proportional representation. There are no EU-wide political parties but instead various groupings of center Right, center Left national-party representatives. As overt coalitions, these groupings generate a further layer of compromise. The Parliament is large (over 700 members), with its committees similarly large: as of late 2016, the ECON committee that oversees the ECB and financial regulation had sixty-one members. In consequence, speaking time during legislative debates and agency hearings is heavily rationed.

If, on the other hand, ministries are not really in control, with de facto autonomy outstripping de jure insulation, the effect might be to improve welfare in some areas (competition policy is a possibility) but to violate deep values in others. It is important here to distinguish two possibilities. One is that ministries sometimes neglect their responsibilities and, in consequence, agencies are let off an intended leash. The other, quite different, is that an embedded attachment, on the center Left as well as the center Right, to the tenets of ordo-liberalism acts to constrain the agencies, and that this is understood by the ministries. Put another way, have the facts of administrative life outstripped the law? If so, was that driven by society’s expectations and values evolving beyond the terms of the law, but with facts and informal soft norms remaining aligned; or was it a matter of the facts slipping the leash of society’s norms (informal and formal)?


pages: 270 words: 132,960

Use of Weapons by Iain M. Banks

centre right, double helix, gravity well, job satisfaction, oil shale / tar sands, trade route

He's trying to set up his own contact section! And he's fucking it! Completely!' She whacked the machine with one fist. 'Calm down, dammit.' 'Sma,' the drone said, voice almost languid, 'I am calm. I'm just trying to communicate to you the enormity of the planet-ary cock-up Zakalwe has managed to concoct here. TheVery Little Gravitas Indeed has blown a fuse; even as we talk, Contact Minds in an ever-expanding sphere centred right here are clearing their intellectual decks and trying to work out what the hell to do to tidy this stunningly ghastly mess. If that GSV hadn't been on its way here anyway, they'd have diverted it because of this. An asteroid belt-sized pile of shit is about to hit a fan exactly the size of this planet, thanks to Zakalwe's ludicrous good-guy schemes, and Contact is going to have to try and field all of it.'


The Rough Guide to Prague by Humphreys, Rob

active transport: walking or cycling, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, clean water, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, Johannes Kepler, land reform, Live Aid, Mikhail Gorbachev, Peace of Westphalia, sexual politics, sustainable-tourism, trade route, upwardly mobile

The state-run Český rozhlas broadcasts numerous stations including ČR1 (94.6FM), mainly made up of current affairs programmes, ČR2 (91.3FM), which features more magazine-style programming, and ČR3 Vltava (105FM), a culture and arts station that plays a fair amount of classical music. The three top commercial channels are the French-owned Evropa 2 (88.2FM), Rádio Bonton (99.7FM) and Kiss 98 FM (98FM), which dish out bland Euro-pop. More interesting is Radio 1 (91.9FM), which plays a wide range of alternative music. BASICS under the First Republic) is now a populist centre-right daily, while the orange-coloured Hospodářské noviny is the Czech equivalent of the Financial Times or Wall Street Journal. The country’s most popular newspaper is Blesk (Lightning), a sensationalist tabloid with lurid colour pictures, naked women and reactionary politics. If all you want, however, is yesterday’s (or, more often than not, the day before yesterday’s) international sports results, pick up a copy of the daily Sport.


Ukraine by Lonely Planet

Anton Chekhov, Burning Man, call centre, carbon footprint, centre right, Honoré de Balzac, low cost airline, megacity, Skype, stakhanovite, trade route

Brave Schwejk Beer Restaurant $$ (vul Lesi Ukrainky 56; mains 25-100uah; 9am-11pm) Named for the famous fictional Czech soldier Švejk (or Schweik in German) in Good Soldier Schweik by Jaroslav Hašek, this place harks back to the novel’s Austro-Hungarian era with its mix of sausages, goulash, pigs’ knuckles, milk veal and similar specialities. The atmosphere is that of a small beer hall, where you’ll find the likes of Paulaner and Warsteiner beer from Germany alongside Staropramen and Krušovice from the Czech Republic. The 48uah business lunch is a filling deal. Getting There & Around The bus station is 2km northeast of the centre, right next to a market (зал рунок); trolleybuses 5, 8 and 9, plus numerous marshrutky, link it to central maydan Teatralny (look for signs like центр or цум). There are buses to and from Lviv (from 44uah, three hours, twice hourly), including two more comfortable Autolux (www.autolux.ua) services heading to and from Kyiv each day. Autolux has a counter at the bus station. Marshrutky and buses to Rivne (20uah, 1¼ hours) leave half-hourly and services also run to Ternopil (50uah, 4½ hours), passing through Dubno (16, 1½ hours) and Kremenets (26uah, 2½ hours).


pages: 502 words: 128,126

Rule Britannia: Brexit and the End of Empire by Danny Dorling, Sally Tomlinson

3D printing, Ada Lovelace, Alfred Russel Wallace, anti-communist, anti-globalists, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, colonial rule, Corn Laws, correlation does not imply causation, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, en.wikipedia.org, epigenetics, Etonian, falling living standards, Flynn Effect, housing crisis, illegal immigration, imperial preference, income inequality, inflation targeting, invisible hand, knowledge economy, market fundamentalism, mass immigration, megacity, New Urbanism, Nick Leeson, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, out of africa, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, spinning jenny, Steven Pinker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, University of East Anglia, We are the 99%, wealth creators

In 2009, the British Conservative Party was moving towards the European far-right, but UKIP, the BNP and English Democrats still secured 23.8 per cent – almost a quarter of all the votes in the European elections of that year. If we then add half the Tory 2009 vote to that (as no one knew where the Tories really stood in 2009), far-right parties gained 37.6 per cent of the EU parliamentary vote in 2009. The Conservatives had stopped being a centre-right party in Europe in 2009 and were moving to become a far-right party in the run-up to the EU referendum. Adding half their vote to the far-right bloc may be underestimating just how far to the right the party had moved. A normal European Conservative Party would never support, let alone introduce, a referendum on EU membership. The British Conservatives left the mainstream in 2014 and joined the misleadingly titled European Conservatives and Reformists group of seventy-four MEPs.


Adam Smith: Father of Economics by Jesse Norman

"Robert Solow", active measures, Andrei Shleifer, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, Basel III, Berlin Wall, Black Swan, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Broken windows theory, business cycle, business process, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, centre right, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, colonial exploitation, Corn Laws, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, David Brooks, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, experimental economics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial intermediation, frictionless, frictionless market, future of work, George Akerlof, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, incomplete markets, information asymmetry, intangible asset, invention of the telescope, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jean Tirole, John Nash: game theory, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, lateral thinking, loss aversion, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, moral panic, Naomi Klein, negative equity, Network effects, new economy, non-tariff barriers, Northern Rock, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, Peter Thiel, Philip Mirowski, price mechanism, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, random walk, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, scientific worldview, seigniorage, Socratic dialogue, South Sea Bubble, special economic zone, speech recognition, Steven Pinker, The Chicago School, The Myth of the Rational Market, The Nature of the Firm, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, time value of money, transaction costs, transfer pricing, Veblen good, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, working poor, zero-sum game

The result has been deep social anger and frustration at the results of the market economy, so much so as to call into question its very status and legitimacy. And that anger and frustration have come amid times of economic growth and booming markets; think what they might be in a serious recession. To make matters still worse, after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 there was remarkable complacency across the political spectrum about the status of capitalism, especially in the UK and USA. History had supposedly ended. Since then, the centre-right has not found it necessary to make the case for the market economy in any serious way, let alone to develop the kind of systematic account of its strengths and weaknesses that might enable it to combat the spread of crony capitalism. Until recently, the centre-left has neglected to offer any serious critique either, let alone to prepare for or address the negative effects of globalization. Little wonder, then, that the way has been open to more radical arguments and movements; little wonder that extreme schemes of nationalization, expropriation and state control are gaining public currency.


pages: 464 words: 139,088

The End of Alchemy: Money, Banking and the Future of the Global Economy by Mervyn King

"Robert Solow", Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bitcoin, Black Swan, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, distributed generation, Doha Development Round, Edmond Halley, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, fiat currency, financial innovation, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, forward guidance, Fractional reserve banking, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, German hyperinflation, Hyman Minsky, inflation targeting, invisible hand, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Meriwether, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, large denomination, lateral thinking, liquidity trap, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market clearing, Martin Wolf, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, money market fund, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, moral hazard, Myron Scholes, Nick Leeson, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, paradox of thrift, Paul Samuelson, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, price stability, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Satoshi Nakamoto, savings glut, secular stagnation, seigniorage, stem cell, Steve Jobs, The Great Moderation, the payments system, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, transaction costs, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, yield curve, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

Muddling through may continue for some while, but eventually the choice between a return to national monies and democratic control, or a clear and abrupt transfer of political sovereignty to a European government cannot be avoided.33 European leaders, including the British, have for many years failed to make clear the nature of this choice to their peoples, for fear of being seen to rock the boat and thereby lose influence. The leaders of the smaller countries, in particular, have been cowed by threats from the centre, on the one hand, and by the prospect of jobs in European institutions when they stand down from national office on the other. Voters in a growing number of countries have turned away from centre-left and centre-right parties towards more extreme parties that still respect national sovereignty. There is a limit to the economic pain that can be imposed in the pursuit of a federal Europe without a political counter-reaction. Iraq between the Gulf Wars The second example illustrating the complex relationship between money and nations is the remarkable story of currency arrangements in Iraq between the First and Second Gulf Wars.


pages: 669 words: 150,886

Behind the Berlin Wall: East Germany and the Frontiers of Power by Patrick Major

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, falling living standards, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, mittelstand, open borders, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, post-materialism, refrigerator car, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Sinatra Doctrine

came to represent a struggle for public space within the GDR, not only against the massed ranks of the Volkspolizei, with their dogs and water cannon, but against the increasingly frustrated young emigrationists who were turning to stone-throwing and scuffles. This, too, partly explains the growing prevalence of the slogan ‘No violence’ among the more law-abiding protestors who felt that ‘their’ demonstration was being hijacked. On 9–10 September oppositionists formed ‘New Forum’, and on 19 September applied for recognition, the first of several civil rights groups such as Democracy Now and the more centre-right Democratic Awakening to emerge over the autumn, all prompted to go public ⁸¹ Hertle, Fall der Mauer, 109. ⁸² 13 Mar. 1989 in Mitter and Wolle (eds), ‘Ich liebe euch’, 28. ⁸³ Johannes B., 10 May 1989, SAPMO-BArch, DY30/1094, fos. 11–12. ⁸⁴ Maier, Dissolution, 136. 244 Behind the Berlin Wall by the opening of the Hungarian border. The refugee wave thus acted as an important catalyst to formalization of the citizens’ initiatives.⁸⁵ Yet, even then such groups seemed unaware of a potential leadership role, set for a long-term struggle rather than a knockout blow.


pages: 344 words: 161,076

The Rough Guide to Barcelona 8 by Jules Brown, Rough Guides

active transport: walking or cycling, bike sharing scheme, centre right, Frank Gehry, glass ceiling, Guggenheim Bilbao, haute couture, Kickstarter, sustainable-tourism, trade route, urban planning, urban renewal

His newly appointed prime minister, Adolfo Suárez, steered through a Political Reform Act, which allowed for a two-chamber parliament and a referendum in favour of democracy; he also legitimized the Socialist Party (the PSOE) and the Communists, and called elections for the following year, the first since 1936. In the elections of 1977, the Pacte Democratico per Catalunya – an alliance of pro-Catalan parties – gained ten seats in the lower house of the Spanish parliament (Basque nationalists won a similar number) dominated by Suárez’s own centre-right UCD party but also with a strong Socialist presence. In a spirit of consensus and amnesty, it was announced that Catalunya was to be granted a degree of autonomy, and a million people turned out on the streets of Barcelona to witness the re-establishment of the Generalitat and to welcome home its president-in-exile, Josep Tarradellas. A new Spanish constitution of 1978 allowed for a sort of devolution within a unitary state, and the Statute of Autonomy for Catalunya was approved on December 18, 1979, with the first Contemporary politics | A history of Barcelona and Catalunya Following allegations of sleaze and the disclosure of the existence of a secret “dirty war” against the Basque terrorists, the calling of a general election in 1996 came as no surprise and neither did the overall result.


pages: 543 words: 147,357

Them And Us: Politics, Greed And Inequality - Why We Need A Fair Society by Will Hutton

Andrei Shleifer, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, Benoit Mandelbrot, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Blythe Masters, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, carbon footprint, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, centre right, choice architecture, cloud computing, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, Corn Laws, corporate governance, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, debt deflation, decarbonisation, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of DNA, discovery of the americas, discrete time, diversification, double helix, Edward Glaeser, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, first-past-the-post, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frank Levy and Richard Murnane: The New Division of Labor, full employment, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, Growth in a Time of Debt, Hyman Minsky, I think there is a world market for maybe five computers, income inequality, inflation targeting, interest rate swap, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Dyson, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labour market flexibility, liberal capitalism, light touch regulation, Long Term Capital Management, Louis Pasteur, low cost airline, low-wage service sector, mandelbrot fractal, margin call, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, millennium bug, money market fund, moral hazard, moral panic, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, Neil Kinnock, new economy, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, open economy, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price discrimination, private sector deleveraging, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, railway mania, random walk, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, Right to Buy, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, Rory Sutherland, Satyajit Das, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, Skype, South Sea Bubble, Steve Jobs, The Market for Lemons, the market place, The Myth of the Rational Market, the payments system, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, unpaid internship, value at risk, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, wealth creators, working poor, zero-sum game, éminence grise

Coherent presentation of an image when three-fifths of the electorate are biddable does demand centralised control.30 Just as importantly, Soskice maintains that majoritarian voting systems deliver a right-of-centre bias. Both main political groupings need to attract the centre ground to win a simple first-past-the-post election, but too many voters with above-average and even average incomes – middle class or aspirational middle class – will always fear that a centre-left party will revert back to its egalitarian roots and raise redistributive taxes. The worst a centre-right party might do is move right and cut taxes and spending. So politics is systematically pulled to the right. Furthermore, the 24/7 media requires a constant flow of initiatives to retain the political agenda, and a strong media operation within the government system to manage the pressure. Political advisers understand these exigencies in a way that civil servants do not, hence ministers come to rely on them.


pages: 482 words: 149,351

The Finance Curse: How Global Finance Is Making Us All Poorer by Nicholas Shaxson

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Airbnb, airline deregulation, anti-communist, bank run, banking crisis, Basel III, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Blythe Masters, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, centre right, Clayton Christensen, cloud computing, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, cross-subsidies, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, Etonian, failed state, falling living standards, family office, financial deregulation, financial innovation, forensic accounting, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, gig economy, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, high net worth, income inequality, index fund, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, Kickstarter, land value tax, late capitalism, light touch regulation, London Whale, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, neoliberal agenda, Network effects, new economy, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, out of africa, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, purchasing power parity, pushing on a string, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart grid, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, South Sea Bubble, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, The Chicago School, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, transfer pricing, wealth creators, white picket fence, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

Juncker has denied rumours that he is an alcoholic, telling a French newspaper in 2016 that his occasional lurches and staggers are due to a leg injury he got in a car crash in 1989. (He chugged four glasses of champagne during that interview.) His outbreaks of irrational honesty are legendary. ‘When it becomes serious, you have to lie,’ he once said with a shrug in 2011, on live television. Though Juncker built his career in the centre-right CSV party, he was always a bit of a lefty. He splashed state subsidies widely, including handsome pensions and unemployment benefits; he promoted very strict employment-protection laws and progressive wage policies, and a Euro-style tripartite social dialogue between workers, company owners and the state, softening globalisation’s hard edges. This formula made him astonishingly popular in Luxembourg, where his approval ratings while in office sometimes exceeded 80 per cent.3 On Juncker’s watch, Luxembourg multiplied its tax-haven offerings.


pages: 513 words: 156,022

Dictatorland: The Men Who Stole Africa by Paul Kenyon

agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, British Empire, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, Etonian, European colonialism, falling living standards, friendly fire, land reform, mandatory minimum, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, oil rush, oil shale / tar sands, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Scramble for Africa, transatlantic slave trade, Yom Kippur War

There was bitter debate about how to deal with the captured leaders of the Vichy government and the thousands of paid officials who had worked under German occupation: policemen, teachers, civil servants. De Gaulle, by now the embodiment of France, was responsible for imposing a centralized, unified state. He headed a provisional government (GPRF), comprising an uneasy tripartite alliance between the French Communist Party (PCF), the French Section of the Workers International (SFIO) and the centre-right Popular Republic Movement (MRP), which was loyal to de Gaulle. But it was the PCF that had been steadily increasing in popularity and influence. During the war, communists had dominated the Resistance movement, organizing guerrilla groups and carrying out many daring political assassinations. Buoyed by its prominent role, the PCF had enjoyed a surge in membership, rising to more than a million in 1945.


pages: 811 words: 160,872

Scots and Catalans: Union and Disunion by J. H. Elliott

active measures, agricultural Revolution, banking crisis, British Empire, centre right, land tenure, mass immigration, mobile money, new economy, North Sea oil, Red Clydeside, sharing economy, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, urban renewal

CEDA was not therefore the rabidly anti-republican movement with centralizing ambitions depicted by its enemies, but its programme commanded the acquiescence, if not the wholesale support, of many of the most right-wing forces in Spanish society, who were determined to see the political and social reforms of the preceding two years overturned. CEDA won the most votes in the general election of November 1933 – the first held in the Spanish Republic – although without securing an absolute majority, and a government of the centre-right was formed under the leadership of the veteran but now more moderate radical, Alejandro Lerroux. In the elections to the Catalan parliament the right also showed impressive signs of recovery, with Esquerra Republicana losing thirteen of its thirty-one deputies, and the tally of the Lliga, which changed its name in 1933 from ‘Lliga Regionalista’ to ‘Lliga Catalana’, rising from four to twenty-four. 98 Spain’s parties of the left, however, were unable to accept their defeat, and the appointment as ministers of three representatives of CEDA at the end of September 1934 confirmed the fears of the left that the forces of fascism were about to take over the country, and provided the occasion, or the pretext, for the socialist insurrection known as the ‘October Revolution’. 99 The savage repression of the miners’ strike in Asturias by troops of the Army of Africa was to be the prelude to the notorious ‘black biennium’ ( bienio negro ), during which conservative governments, while failing to restore political or social stability, managed to reverse much of the legislation of 1931–3.


pages: 579 words: 160,351

Breaking News: The Remaking of Journalism and Why It Matters Now by Alan Rusbridger

accounting loophole / creative accounting, Airbnb, banking crisis, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, centre right, Chelsea Manning, citizen journalism, cross-subsidies, crowdsourcing, David Attenborough, David Brooks, death of newspapers, Donald Trump, Doomsday Book, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, Downton Abbey, Edward Snowden, Etonian, Filter Bubble, forensic accounting, Frank Gehry, future of journalism, G4S, high net worth, invention of movable type, invention of the printing press, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, Julian Assange, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, natural language processing, New Journalism, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, open borders, packet switching, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, pre–internet, ransomware, recommendation engine, Ruby on Rails, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, Skype, Snapchat, social web, Socratic dialogue, sovereign wealth fund, speech recognition, Steve Jobs, The Wisdom of Crowds, Tim Cook: Apple, traveling salesman, upwardly mobile, WikiLeaks

But it would live for ever and would (if properly tagged) remain findable and (if appropriately written or edited) relevant. Commercially, its audience (and therefore value) over time could be greater than its value on day one. That was the theory of the long tail. What did an editorial long tail look like? We came to shorthand this as the ‘Nick Clegg’ problem. Nick Clegg was the rising star of the (centre-left) UK Liberal Democrat party. An MP in 2005, leader of his party by 2007 and (centre-right) deputy prime minister by 2010. Suppose you wanted to know all about Clegg and came to the Guardian (via Google) to find out. At least 90 per cent of what you’d find on the Guardian would be the daily ticktock of incremental news. Clegg said this in Sheffield; opened that in Birmingham; criticised this in Westminster. Interesting for a few hours, but of very little substance in the longer term.


pages: 1,194 words: 371,889

The scramble for Africa, 1876-1912 by Thomas Pakenham

active measures, British Empire, Cape to Cairo, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, Etonian, European colonialism, God and Mammon, imperial preference, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, out of africa, Scramble for Africa, spice trade, spinning jenny, trade route, transatlantic slave trade

Reluctant imperialists: Lord Granville (top right), Gladstone (centre right) and Prince Bismarck (bottom right) Lord Wolseley, en route for the Sudan to rescue Gordon, August 1884 Wilson’s two steamers try to break through to Khartoum, 28 January 1885 A present for Slatin (left), 26 January 1885 Mengo, capital of Buganda, the largest kingdom in central Africa. King Mtesa (inset), claimed British missionaries were welcome King Mwanga (top left), Mtesa’s erratic successor. Mackay (centre left), the missionary who sent the SOS to England. Emin Pasha (right), last of Gordon’s heroic lieutenants The pushy new imperialists of the 1890s: Joe Chamberlain (top left), Cecil Rhodes (top right), Alfred Milner (centre left), Fred Lugard (centre right). Lord Salisbury (below), tried to go his own pace (Left): Rhodes’s pioneers invade Mashonaland, July 1890.


The Rough Guide to Jerusalem by Daniel Jacobs

centre right, en.wikipedia.org, facts on the ground, Frank Gehry, haute cuisine, Khartoum Gordon, low cost airline, Skype, sustainable-tourism, trade route, urban planning, Wall-E

Intifada Palestinian uprising; the First Intifada (1987-91) was charcterized by strikes, rioting and civil disobedienc; the Second Intifada (2000-2006) was characterized by suicide bombings and other attacks on Israeli civilians. Irgun Pre-1948 right-wing Zionist paramilitary group (also called Etzel). JNF (Jewish National Fund) Official Israeli body controlling state land on behalf of the Jewish people. Kadima Centre-right Israeli political party created by Ariel Sharon when he split Likud by withdrawing from Gaza. Gan Park or garden. Kakh Illegal and officially defunct racist Israeli political party (equivalent to the BNP or KKK), supported mainly among extreme settler groups such as those in Hebron. Green Line 1949 Armistice Line between Israel and Jordan – the boundary between Israel and the West Bank. Khan (also called a caravanserai) Inn where merchants would sleep and stable their livestock when coming into town to trade.


Croatia by Anja Mutic, Vesna Maric

call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, friendly fire, G4S, haute cuisine, low cost airline, low cost carrier, starchitect

Del Primi ( 091 58 37 864; www.delprimi-hvar.com; Burak 23) Travel agency specialising in private accommodation. Also rents jet skis. Fontana Tours ( 742 133; www.happyhvar.com; Riva 18) Finds private accommodation, runs excursions, books boat taxis around the island and handles rentals. It has a romantic and isolated two-person apartment on Palmižana (600KN per night). Francesco (Burak bb; per hr 30KN; 8.30am-midnight) Internet cafe and call centre right behind the post office. Left luggage (35KN per day) and laundry service (50KN per load). Pelegrini Tours ( 742 743; www.pelegrini-hvar.hr; Riva bb) Private accommodation, boat tickets to Italy with Blue Line, excursions (its daily trips to the Pakleni Islands are popular) and bike, scooter and boat rental. Post Office (Riva 19; 7am-9pm Mon-Sat) Make phone calls here. Tourist Office ( 741 059; www.tzhvar.hr; 8am-2pm & 3-9pm Jul & Aug, 8am-2pm & 4-6pm Mon-Sat May, Jun, Sep & Oct, 8am-2pm Mon-Fri, 8am-noon Sat Nov-Apr) Right on Trg Svetog Stjepana.


Sweden by Becky Ohlsen

accounting loophole / creative accounting, car-free, centre right, clean water, financial independence, glass ceiling, haute couture, Kickstarter, low cost airline, low cost carrier, mass immigration, New Urbanism, period drama, place-making, post-work, starchitect, the built environment, white picket fence

Lindh’s death occurred just before the Swedish referendum on whether to adopt the single European currency, but didn’t affect the eventual outcome: a ‘No’ vote. In recent years, rapid changes had begun to affect the make-up of the country. In October 2006, partly as a result of the general sense that Sweden had been relying too heavily on unemployment benefits and had become a nation of ‘bystanders’, the long-entrenched Social Democrats lost their leadership position in the Swedish Parliament. The centre-right Alliance Party won the election, with new Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt campaigning on a ‘work first’ platform. * * * The Southeast Asian tsunami on Boxing Day 2004 killed more people from Sweden than from any other nation outside Asia, with almost 600 Swedes still unaccounted for. * * * Toward the end of 2008, in response to the global economic crisis, Sweden’s central banks cut interest rates by half a point, announcing plans to drop them again within six months.


Lonely Planet Andalucia: Chapter From Spain Travel Guide by Lonely Planet

bike sharing scheme, British Empire, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, credit crunch, discovery of the americas, Francisco Pizarro, haute cuisine, Kickstarter, Skype, trade route, urban renewal

The PSOE has also dominated Andalucía’s regional government in Seville since it was inaugurated in 1982. PSOE government eradicated the worst of Andalucian poverty in the 1980s and early 1990s with grants, community works schemes and a relatively generous dole system. It also gave Andalucía Spain’s biggest network of environmentally protected areas. The PSOE lost power nationally in 1996 to the centre-right Partido Popular (PP; People’s Party), which presided over eight years of economic progress. Andalucía benefited from steady growth in tourism and industry, massive EU subsidies for agriculture, and a long construction boom, with its unemployment rate almost halving in the PP years to 16% (still the highest in Spain). TIMELINE 18,000–14,000 BC Palaeolithic (Old Stone Age) hunter-gatherers paint quarry such as aurochs, stags, horses and fish in the Cueva de la Pileta (near Ronda), Cueva de Ardales and Cueva de Nerja.


Frommer's San Francisco 2012 by Matthew Poole, Erika Lenkert, Kristin Luna

airport security, Albert Einstein, Bay Area Rapid Transit, California gold rush, car-free, centre right, Chuck Templeton: OpenTable:, El Camino Real, glass ceiling, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, Loma Prieta earthquake, Mason jar, Maui Hawaii, place-making, Port of Oakland, post-work, sensible shoes, Silicon Valley, South of Market, San Francisco, Torches of Freedom, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, Works Progress Administration, young professional

I’m a huge fan of chef Chris Yeo’s spicy Malaysian-Indian-Chinese offerings, such as murtabak (stuffed Indian bread), chili crab, basil chicken, nonya daging rendang (beef simmered in lime leaves), ikan pangang (banana leaf–wrapped barbecued salmon with chili paste), and, hottest of all, his green curry (prawns, scallops, and mussels simmered in a jalapeño-based curry). The stylish restaurant—practically glowing with its profusion of polished woods, stainless steel accents, and gleaming open kitchen—is located on the fourth floor of the fancy Westfield Centre (right above Bloomingdale’s, in fact), so you can squeeze in an afternoon of power shopping before your culinary adventure begins. Westfield San Francisco Centre, 845 Market St., Ste. 597. 415/668-1783. www.straitsrestaurants.com. Reservations recommended. Main courses $10–$34. AE, DC, MC, V. Sun–Wed 11am–10pm; Thurs–Sat 11am–midnight. Bus: 2, 3, 4, or 38. Inexpensive Armani Cafe ★ ITALIAN All the couture of Armani comes at a moderate price at the Armani Cafe.


pages: 612 words: 200,406

The Last Spike: The Great Railway, 1881-1885 by Pierre Berton

banking crisis, business climate, California gold rush, centre right, Columbine, financial independence, God and Mammon, Khartoum Gordon, mass immigration, transcontinental railway, unbiased observer, young professional

Onward they come, pass on, and leave the wondering spectator slowly behind whilst he is still engrossed with the wonderful sight.” The ties were unloaded first, on either side of the track, to be picked up by the waiting wagons and mule teams – thirty ties to a wagon – hauled forward and dropped all the way along the graded embankment for exactly half a mile. Two men with marked rods were standing by, and as the ties were thrown out they laid them across the grade, exactly two feet apart from centre to centre. Right behind the teams came a handtruck hauled by two horses, one on each side of the grade, and loaded with rails, fishplates, and spikes. Six men marched on each side of the truck, and when they reached the far end of the last pair of newly laid rails, each crew seized a rail among them and threw it into exact position. Two more men gauged these two rails to make sure they were correctly aligned.


pages: 683 words: 203,624

The Victorian City: Everyday Life in Dickens' London by Judith Flanders

anti-work, centre right, Corn Laws, John Snow's cholera map, Ralph Waldo Emerson, traveling salesman, urban sprawl, working poor

Street boys ordering a pennyworth of the Wednesday soup and a halfpenny-worth of bread ‘could go in the strength of that meal for twenty-four hours’. Scharf sketched the streets at Sunday dinnertime: the people in the top row are collecting their dinner beer, and a potboy with a wooden frame makes deliveries; the other two rows show dinners being carried home from the cookshops. Note the enthusiasm of the boy, centre right, who is carrying a pie. Coffee shops were of two sorts: those for the working classes and those for City gents. Some working-class coffee shops had a temperance tinge to them; many were used by working men as a meeting place, where communal newspapers could be read and political discussions held. Many workers tried to find a congenial regular spot between their lodgings and work, stopping there every morning instead of going to a coffee stall.


Germany by Andrea Schulte-Peevers

Albert Einstein, bank run, Berlin Wall, call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, computer age, credit crunch, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, glass ceiling, Google Earth, haute couture, haute cuisine, Honoré de Balzac, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Johannes Kepler, Kickstarter, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Eisenman, place-making, post-work, ride hailing / ride sharing, sensible shoes, Skype, trade route, urban planning, urban renewal, V2 rocket, white picket fence

Car owners willing to scrap their vehicle if older than nine years received €2500 towards the purchase of a brand-new one. Almost two million Germans took advantage of this scheme, which was intended to boost business for domestic car manufacturers and dealers and push polluters off the road. On the whole, the short-term result was positive, but many economists doubt the program’s long-term usefulness. The 2009 elections showed people’s disillusionment with the grand coalition by putting a centre-right alliance of CDU/CSU and FDP into power. While the former dropped a couple of percentage points to 33.8%, support for the pro-business FDP grew by a third to 14.6%, thereby increasing its political strength within the coalition. It was a personal victory for the socially liberal but free-market-fixated FDP, which is led by Guido Westerwelle, one of Germany’s few openly gay politicians. The junior party’s new self-confidence makes it more difficult for Merkel – who’s often criticised for her low-profile political style – to set the political agenda.

The Hauptbahnhof also has a left-luggage office (€4 per piece per 24 hours) behind the ReiseBank currency exchange on the first upper level, opposite the Reisezentrum. There are also left-luggage stations at the central bus station ZOB and at the airports at Tegel and Schönefeld. Return to beginning of chapter Media For entertainment-listings zines, Click here. Berliner Zeitung Left-leaning German-language daily most widely read in the eastern districts. Der Tagesspiegel Local German-language daily with centre-right political orientation, solid news and foreign section, and decent cultural coverage. Exberliner English-language magazine about the city; for expats and visitors, with features, essays and listings. taz Appeals to an intellectual crowd with its unapologetically pink-leaning news analysis and reporting. Return to beginning of chapter Medical Services The US and UK consulates can provide lists of English-speaking doctors.


pages: 1,510 words: 218,417

Lonely Planet Norway (Travel Guide) by Lonely Planet, Donna Wheeler

car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, energy security, illegal immigration, low cost airline, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, North Sea oil, place-making, Skype, sustainable-tourism, trade route, urban renewal

The 'no' vote (52%) draws on the concerns of family farms, fishing interests and the perceived loss of national sovereignty that membership would supposedly bring. 2001 A rare victory for a conservative-liberal coalition after the Labour-led government suffers a massive fall in its vote in national elections; no single party wins enough votes to form government. 2005 A 'red-green' coalition wins parliamentary elections, overturning a conservative-led coalition government that had won power in 2001. 2009 A centre-left coalition led by Jens Stoltenberg, who had led Labour to its 2001 election defeat, wins closely contested parliamentary elections. 22 July 2011 Right-wing extremist Anders Breivik kills 77 people in Oslo and on the nearby island of Utøya in protest of Norway's multicultural policies. He is later sentenced to the maximum 21 years in prison. 2013 A four-party, centre-right coalition unseats the red-green coalition of Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg, winning 96 out of 169 parliamentary seats. Erna Solberg becomes prime minister. Landscapes & National Parks Norway's geographical facts tell quite a story. The Norwegian mainland stretches 2518km from Lindesnes in the south to Nordkapp in the Arctic North with a narrowest point of 6.3km wide. Norway also has the highest mountains in northern Europe and the fourth largest landmass in Western Europe (behind France, Spain and Sweden).


pages: 767 words: 208,933

Liberalism at Large: The World According to the Economist by Alex Zevin

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, Chelsea Manning, collective bargaining, Columbine, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, credit crunch, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, debt deflation, desegregation, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, hiring and firing, imperial preference, income inequality, interest rate derivative, invisible hand, John von Neumann, Joseph Schumpeter, Julian Assange, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, liberal capitalism, liberal world order, light touch regulation, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, Martin Wolf, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, new economy, New Journalism, Norman Macrae, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, Philip Mirowski, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, railway mania, rent control, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Snapchat, Socratic dialogue, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, unbanked and underbanked, underbanked, unorthodox policies, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, Yom Kippur War, young professional

Across the public sphere today, much of the media articulates a bien–pensant consensus, posted as progressive, that is generally regarded as liberal. In political clarity, coherence and throw weight, the Economist stands above this ruck. As in classical composition, subdominants recur beneath the dominant, in a tonal balance that distinguishes the Economist with respect to the rest of the liberal press. From centre-left to centre-right, few of the weeklies or dailies approach it, simply in terms of print circulation: not the Nation, with around 100,000, or the Guardian, with 150,000; not Le Monde or the New York Times, with 330,000 and 590,000; not the New Republic at 50,000, the Atlantic at 500,000, or the New York Review of Books at 135,000. (Often, the Economist circulates as widely in print as these journals outside its Anglo-American home base, with close to 150,000 in Europe, 90,000 in the Asia Pacific and 15,000 in the Middle East and Africa region.)


The Rise and Fall of the British Nation: A Twentieth-Century History by David Edgerton

active measures, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, blue-collar work, British Empire, business cycle, call centre, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial exploitation, Corn Laws, corporate governance, deglobalization, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, deskilling, Donald Davies, double helix, endogenous growth, Etonian, European colonialism, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, full employment, imperial preference, James Dyson, knowledge economy, labour mobility, land reform, land value tax, manufacturing employment, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, new economy, non-tariff barriers, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, packet switching, Philip Mirowski, Piper Alpha, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-industrial society, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, trade liberalization, union organizing, very high income, wages for housework, wealth creators, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce, working poor

Yet it is interesting how little comment on these lines there is in the historical literature. Robert Holland is an exception, when he notes of the ‘alone’ period that the fight against Hitler jelled with ‘an essentially Edwardian idyll of an integrated and disciplined nation’ (Robert Holland, The Pursuit of Greatness: Britain and the World Role, 1900–1970 (London, 1991), p. 177). Harold Nicolson’s diaries provide an example from the centre right of a Churchill enthusiast celebrating Britain with new fervour, contemplating, on 31 July 1940, the possibility of fighting on and winning: ‘I have always loved England. But now I am in love with England. What a people! What a chance!’ Harold Nicolson, Diaries and Letters, 1939–1945 (1967) (London, 1970), p. 101. 56. Geoffrey G. Field, Blood, Sweat, and Toil: Remaking the British Working Class, 1939–1945 (Oxford, 2011), chapter 8: ‘Wartime Radicals Envision a New Order, 1940–2’, provides ample evidence for this point, though he does not make it himself. 57.


pages: 721 words: 238,678

Fall Out: A Year of Political Mayhem by Tim Shipman

banking crisis, Beeching cuts, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, centre right, Clapham omnibus, Corn Laws, corporate governance, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, drone strike, Etonian, eurozone crisis, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, iterative process, John Bercow, Kickstarter, kremlinology, land value tax, mutually assured destruction, Neil Kinnock, new economy, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, open borders, quantitative easing, Ronald Reagan, Snapchat, working poor

On 16 February, a week before the Copeland triumph, May’s most senior aides met at her official country retreat, Chequers, to draw up a blueprint for victory in 2020. Timothy and Hill were joined by Chris Wilkins, the director of strategy, Jojo Penn, Alex Dawson, Stephen Parkinson and the campaign professionals led by Sir Lynton Crosby, the Australian who had masterminded David Cameron’s surprise 2015 election victory, both of Boris Johnson’s wins in the London mayoral elections of 2008 and 2012, and numerous other wins for centre-right candidates around the world. He was accompanied by Stephen Gilbert, a stalwart of Conservative campaigns for two decades who was contracted to the party, and Crosby’s business partner Mark Fullbrook, who had overseen Zac Goldsmith’s failed bid for London mayor. Over ‘a rather odd chicken lasagne’ served, bizarrely, with boiled potatoes, Wilkins outlined the plan he had been developing with Timothy to position the prime minister for victory.


Israel & the Palestinian Territories Travel Guide by Lonely Planet

active transport: walking or cycling, airport security, Albert Einstein, back-to-the-land, bike sharing scheme, carbon footprint, centre right, clean water, coronavirus, G4S, game design, illegal immigration, Khartoum Gordon, Louis Pasteur, sensible shoes, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, special economic zone, spice trade, trade route, urban planning, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

There is no provision in Israeli law for civil (ie secular) marriage and as none of the religious courts perform intermarriages, couples of mixed religious background wishing to wed can do so only outside Israel (eg in Cyprus). (Civil marriages abroad, including homosexual marriages, are recognised in Israel.) Israeli Political Parties: an Introduction Can't keep all the Israeli political parties mentioned in the news straight? Here's a rundown of the 13 parties represented in the 19th Knesset, elected in 2013: *Likud (30 MKs) The centre-right party of Prime Minister Netanyahu includes far-right, populist elements. The 2015 election was viewed largely as a referendum on the leadership of Netanyahu, a divisive figure both at home and internationally. After a tight race, Likud won the 2015 elections with a decisive margin. The party takes a hard line on security issues and concessions to the Palestinians. Zionist Union (24 MKs) This centre-left alliance let by Isaac Herzog was formed between the Labor Party and Hatnuah ahead of the 2015 elections.


Lonely Planet Norway by Lonely Planet

carbon footprint, cashless society, centre right, energy security, G4S, illegal immigration, Kickstarter, low cost airline, mass immigration, North Sea oil, place-making, trade route, urban renewal, white picket fence

The 'no' vote (52%) draws on the concerns of family farms, fishing interests and the perceived loss of national sovereignty that membership would supposedly bring. 2001 A rare victory for a conservative-liberal coalition after the Labour-led government suffers a massive fall in its vote in national elections; no single party wins enough votes to form government. 2005 A 'red-green' coalition wins parliamentary elections, overturning the conservative-led coalition government. 2009 A centre-left coalition led by Jens Stoltenberg, who had led Labour to its 2001 election defeat, wins closely contested parliamentary elections. 22 July 2011 Right-wing extremist Anders Breivik kills 77 people in Oslo and on the nearby island of Utøya in protest of Norway's multicultural policies. He is later sentenced to the maximum 21 years in prison. 2013 A four-party, centre-right coalition unseats the red-green coalition of Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg, winning 96 out of 169 parliamentary seats. Erna Solberg becomes prime minister. 2014 Norway's Major-General Kristin Lund becomes the first woman to command a UN peacekeeping force, heading a 1000-strong peacekeeping force in Cyprus. 2016 Norway's Lutheran Church adopts new rules allowing gay couples to marry in church weddings. 2017 Norway's government announces plans to ban the full Islamic face veil in universities and schools, with the law expected to come into effect in 2018. 2017 An unusually warm winter in the sub-polar archipelago of Svalbard causes flooding in the Global Seed Vault, forcing a rethink of the vault's impregnability.


Italy by Damien Simonis

active transport: walking or cycling, airport security, bike sharing scheme, Bonfire of the Vanities, call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, clean water, congestion charging, discovery of the americas, Frank Gehry, haute couture, illegal immigration, Kickstarter, large denomination, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Murano, Venice glass, pension reform, period drama, Peter Eisenman, Skype, spice trade, starchitect, sustainable-tourism, trade route, urban planning, urban sprawl, women in the workforce

Known to its own members as The System, it is involved in everything from drugs and arms trafficking to illegal industrial waste disposal. Occasionally there is good news on the crime front. In early 2009, Salvatore Zazo, a key Camorra boss involved in drug trafficking between Colombia and Naples, was arrested in Barcelona, Spain. Immigration is a hot potato. Immigrants have forever changed the face of Italian cities and towns, bringing cultural enrichment and social tension. Berlusconi’s centre-right administration has made illegal immigration a major issue and, in 2009, signed a deal with Libya allowing Italian Navy vessels to force boat people back to Libya. The first three boatloads were sent back in May, raising eyebrows from the UN to Brussels and causing an outcry at home. Further protest came with a new, hardline security law package passed in July. It makes illegal immigration a criminal offence and obliges doctors, among others, to report patients without legal papers to the police.

* * * The rest of the Italian political scene was rocked by the Tangentopoli (‘kickback city’) scandal, which broke in Milan in 1992. Led by a pool of Milanese magistrates, including the tough Antonio di Pietro, investigations known as Mani Pulite (Clean Hands) implicated thousands of politicians, public officials and businesspeople in scandals ranging from bribery and receiving kickbacks to blatant theft. The old centre-right political parties collapsed in the wake of these trials and from the ashes rose what many Italians hoped might be a breath of fresh political air. Media magnate Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia (Go Italy) party swept to power in 2001 and, after an inconclusive two-year interlude of centre-left government under former European Commission head Romano Prodi from 2006, again in April 2008. Together with the right-wing (one-time Fascist) Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance) under Gianfranco Fini and the polemical, separatist Lega Nord (Northern League), Berlusconi sits at the head of a coalition known as Popolo della Libertà (People of Liberty) with an unassailable majority.


pages: 932 words: 307,785

State of Emergency: The Way We Were by Dominic Sandbrook

anti-communist, back-to-the-land, banking crisis, Bretton Woods, British Empire, centre right, collective bargaining, Corn Laws, David Attenborough, Doomsday Book, edge city, estate planning, Etonian, falling living standards, fear of failure, Fellow of the Royal Society, feminist movement, financial thriller, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, German hyperinflation, global pandemic, mass immigration, moral panic, Neil Kinnock, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, North Sea oil, oil shock, Own Your Own Home, sexual politics, traveling salesman, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban planning, Winter of Discontent, young professional

Although they were easily satirized for their plodding jargon, thick regional accents and eagerness to brandish the rulebook, most of them, said the Donovan report in the late 1960s, were ‘hard-working and responsible people, who are making a sincere attempt to do a difficult job’. They were certainly not the militant bogeymen portrayed by the Daily Express’s highly conservative cartoonist Michael Cummings: one study found that only 17 per cent belonged to a political party, while in the GMWU only half of the shop stewards paid the political levy. A survey of white-collar shop stewards, meanwhile, found that more than half identified themselves as centre-right or right-wing, a fact that would surely have surprised many conservative commentators. They were increasingly keen to defy their union bosses, to be sure, but their chief priority was the interests of their men. Almost all of their strikes were concerned with better wages and working conditions, and instead of spending their time pontificating on the evils of capitalism, most shop stewards were far more interested in mundane things like toilet facilities, tea breaks and the prevention of accidents at work.14 At the time, many observers thought that the real problem with the trade unions was not so much political militancy as the impact of mass affluence.


pages: 1,013 words: 302,015

A Classless Society: Britain in the 1990s by Alwyn W. Turner

Berlin Wall, Bob Geldof, Boris Johnson, British Empire, call centre, centre right, deindustrialization, demand response, Desert Island Discs, endogenous growth, Etonian, eurozone crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, full employment, global village, greed is good, inflation targeting, lateral thinking, means of production, millennium bug, minimum wage unemployment, moral panic, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, period drama, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Stephen Hawking, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce

That phrase, ‘clear blue water’, which first appeared in the month that Blair was elected leader, rapidly became something of a cliché; it was used, for example, as the title of a pamphlet compiling extracts from speeches by Michael Portillo, put together by the Eurosceptic MP George Gardiner. Other voices, though, urged caution. Phillip Oppenheim, conscious that his Amber Valley constituency in Derbyshire was a very tight marginal, was one of the more moderate MPs warning against abandoning the traditional centre-right ground: ‘there’s real danger in diving off your own patch of land just because someone else is muscling on to it. Initially bracing though the clear blue water might be, you may not find any other firm land.’ Amongst those articulating the case for an extension of Margaret Thatcher’s reforming radicalism, the boldest were John Redwood, David Willetts and John Patten, the latter calling for further privatisation of state-held assets: ‘We should now dispose of everything that remains by 1999, so that the new century can begin with a clean slate.’


Central Europe Travel Guide by Lonely Planet

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, Defenestration of Prague, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, Guggenheim Bilbao, illegal immigration, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Kickstarter, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, Peter Eisenman, place-making, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Rubik’s Cube, Skype, trade route, urban renewal, white picket fence, young professional

The Unification Treaty signed on 3 October that year designated Berlin the official capital of Germany, and in June 1991 the parliament voted to move the seat of government from Bonn back to Berlin. In 1999 that was finally achieved. Times, however, have been tough. Without the huge national subsidies provided during the decades of division, the newly unified Berlin has struggled economically. In 2001 the centre-right mayor resigned amid corruption allegations, leaving the city effectively bankrupt. Current centre-left mayor Klaus Wowereit, Berlin’s first openly gay mayor, first came into power in 2001 and was re-elected in 2006 – he is popular and passionately dedicated to his city, but has made few inroads into the crisis. But Wowereit remains undaunted and tries to look on the bright side, constantly reminding us of his now-famous proclamation, ‘Berlin is poor, but sexy’.


Ireland (Lonely Planet, 9th Edition) by Fionn Davenport

air freight, Berlin Wall, Bob Geldof, British Empire, carbon footprint, Celtic Tiger, centre right, credit crunch, glass ceiling, global village, haute cuisine, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Jacquard loom, Kickstarter, McMansion, new economy, period drama, reserve currency, risk/return, sustainable-tourism, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, young professional

Globe Drycleaning & Laundrette (Map; 37 Botanic Ave) Mike’s Laundrette (Map; 46 Agincourt Ave, South Belfast) Whistle Laundrette (Map; 160 Lisburn Rd, South Belfast) Offers service washes only; no self-service. Left Luggage Because of security concerns, there are no left-luggage facilities at Belfast’s airports, train stations and bus stations. However, most hotels and hostels allow guests to leave their bags for the day, and the Belfast Welcome Centre (right) also offers a daytime left-luggage service (£4.50 per item). Libraries Belfast Central Library (Map; 9050 9150; Royal Ave; 9am-8pm Mon-Thu, to 5.30pm Fri, to 4.30pm Sat) Linen Hall Library (Map; 9032 1707; cnr Fountain St & Donegall Sq; 9.30am-5.30pm Mon-Wed & Fri, to 7pm Thu, to 4pm Sat) Medical Services For advice on medical and dental emergencies, call NHS Direct ( 0845 4647; 24hr).


Germany Travel Guide by Lonely Planet

Airbnb, Albert Einstein, bank run, Berlin Wall, bike sharing scheme, British Empire, call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, double helix, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, glass ceiling, haute couture, haute cuisine, Honoré de Balzac, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Johannes Kepler, Kickstarter, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, oil shale / tar sands, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Eisenman, post-work, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, sensible shoes, Skype, starchitect, trade route, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, V2 rocket, white picket fence

Now, the mines are closed, the steel mills quiet and more Zeitgeist-compatible high-tech industries have taken their place. Only the breweries are going as strong as ever, churning out huge quantities of delicious beer and ale, much of it for export. Sights Ignoring the imminent arrival of the mega-attraction, the German Football Museum, Dortmund continues the Ruhrgebiet theme of industrial resuse with a brewery-turned-art-centre right by the station and a string of beautiful churches in its centre. You can easily take it all in in a few hours. Commerce coexists with religious treasures in Dortmund’s city centre, just south of the Hauptbahnhof. The trio of churches described below conveniently line up along the pedestrianised Westenhellweg. Dortmunder U GALLERY (www.dortmunder-u.de; Leonie-Reygers-Terrasse; Tue -Wed & Sat-Sun 11am-6pm, to 8pm Thu-Fri) You can see it from afar – the golden ‘U’ atop the tower of the defunct Union Brauerei.


pages: 177 words: 50,167

The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics by John B. Judis

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, mass immigration, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent

The End of the Boom Populist politics were largely absent in Western Europe in the three decades after World War II. In those years, Socialist, Social Democratic, and labour parties shared power relatively equitably with Christian Democrats, Tories, Gaullists, and other centrist and center-right parties. In France and Italy, even Communist parties had a subordinate role. The parties and their supporters in business, labor, and the middle classes, eager to avoid the clashes of the 1920s, cooperated to expand social programs. Countries established universal access to healthcare, generous unemployment benefits and family allowances, and free college education. The center and center-right parties held power more often than not, but a politics borne of reform-minded social democracy and Keynesian economics predominated in the same way that New Deal liberalism held sway in the United States even during Republican administrations.

In addition, Podemos dropped its demand for an audit of the federal debt, which might have justified selective defaults, and for a universal living wage. But after the spectacle of the Greeks rejecting and then Syriza accepting the Troika’s demands, Podemos plunged in the polls to as low as 10 percent, falling behind a new center-right anti-corruption party Ciudadanos, or Citizens. The PP expected to win reelection. While unemployment was still 23.7 percent on the eve of the election, the economy had started growing, thanks in part to the ECB curiously ignoring a center-right government running deficits that exceeded the 3 percent limit. But Spain’s political system was rife with bribes and kickbacks and as the election approached, 40 PP officials were scheduled to stand trial for a kickback scheme. In the end, the PP got 28.7 percent—the lowest percentage ever for a leading party—the PSOE 22 percent, and Podemos got an impressive 20.7 percent.

Fearful of a Le Pen victory, Jospin and the Socialists advised their voters to support the unpopular incumbent Jacques Chirac, the candidate of the center-right Rally for the Republic, in the next round. As a result, Chirac was able to rout Le Pen, 82 percent to 18 percent, in the final runoff. Le Pen’s failure in the second round suggested that there were strict limits to the FN’s popularity. Too many voters identified the FN with the hated Vichy regime and thought of its leader as an anti-Semitic extremist. As his daughter Marine Le Pen put it, there was a “glass ceiling” that the FN could not break through. The 2007 election appeared to confirm that. Nicolas Sarkozy, who had been interior minister in Chirac’s administration, and was running as the candidate of the center-right UMP, took a hard line against the immigrant youths who had rioted in 2005 and against immigrants in general.


pages: 340 words: 81,110

How Democracies Die by Steven Levitsky, Daniel Ziblatt

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Ayatollah Khomeini, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, clean water, David Brooks, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Gunnar Myrdal, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, Jeff Bezos, Nate Silver, Norman Mailer, old-boy network, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, universal basic income

This entails major changes: Republicans must marginalize extremist elements; they must build a more diverse electoral constituency, such that the party no longer depends so heavily on its shrinking white Christian base; and they must find ways to win elections without appealing to white nationalism, or what Republican Arizona senator Jeff Flake calls the “sugar high of populism, nativism, and demagoguery.” A refounding of America’s major center-right party is a tall order, but there are historical precedents for such transformations—and under even more challenging circumstances. And where it has been successful, conservative party reform has catalyzed democracy’s rebirth. A particularly dramatic case is the democratization of West Germany after the Second World War. At the center of this achievement was an underappreciated development: the formation of Germany’s center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) out of the wreckage of a discredited conservative and right-wing tradition. Before the 1940s, Germany never had a conservative party that was both well-organized and electorally successful, on the one hand, and moderate and democratic on the other.

Before the 1940s, Germany never had a conservative party that was both well-organized and electorally successful, on the one hand, and moderate and democratic on the other. German conservatism was perennially wracked by internal division and organizational weakness. In particular, the highly charged divide between conservative Protestants and Catholics created a political vacuum on the center-right that extremist and authoritarian forces could exploit. This dynamic reached its nadir in Hitler’s march to power. After 1945, Germany’s center-right was refounded on a different basis. The CDU separated itself from extremists and authoritarians—it was founded primarily by conservative figures (such as Konrad Adenauer) with “unassailable” anti-Nazi credentials. The party’s founding statements made clear that it was directly opposed to the prior regime and all it had stood for.

As new Catholic and Protestant CDU leaders went door-to-door to Catholic and Protestant homes during the founding years of 1945–46, they conjured into existence a new party of the center-right that would reshape German society. The CDU became a pillar of Germany’s postwar democracy. The United States played a major role in encouraging the formation of the CDU. It is a great historical irony, then, that Americans can today learn from these successful efforts to help rescue our own democracy. To be clear: We are not equating Donald Trump or any other Republicans with German Nazis. Yet the successful rebuilding of the German center-right offers some useful lessons for the GOP. Not unlike their German counterparts, Republicans today must expel extremists from their ranks, break sharply with the Trump administration’s authoritarian and white nationalist orientation, and find a way to broaden the party’s base beyond white Christians.


pages: 339 words: 95,270

Trade Wars Are Class Wars: How Rising Inequality Distorts the Global Economy and Threatens International Peace by Matthew C. Klein

Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, asset allocation, asset-backed security, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, financial innovation, financial repression, fixed income, full employment, George Akerlof, global supply chain, global value chain, illegal immigration, income inequality, intangible asset, invention of the telegraph, joint-stock company, land reform, Long Term Capital Management, Malcom McLean invented shipping containers, manufacturing employment, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, money market fund, mortgage debt, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open economy, paradox of thrift, passive income, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, Scramble for Africa, sovereign wealth fund, The Nature of the Firm, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, trade liberalization, Wolfgang Streeck

The hard left’s strong showing created a political impasse. Neither the Red-Green coalition nor the center-right bloc could command and a majority in the Bundestag. In theory, Die Linke could have joined a new Red-Red-Green coalition that could have taken credit for the subsequent recovery, but there was too much animosity on both sides to make that work. Schröder would have to go. The question was who would replace him as chancellor. At first, the center right tried to convince the Greens to join them in a larger grouping, which would have relegated the SPD to the opposition alongside Die Linke. After a few years, Germany’s leftists might have gotten over their differences. The Greens, however, were not interested in joining a center-right government. The only remaining option (besides new elections, which nobody wanted) was a grand coalition between the CDU/CSU and the SPD.

Broad dissatisfaction with the economy had been offset by Schröder’s personal charisma, his effective response to the devastating five-hundred-year floods that hit eastern Germany over the summer, and the Red-Green government’s firm opposition to the unpopular Iraq War. Moreover, the center-right bloc was not a viable alternative for opponents of the Hartz program. The SPD lost votes in the West, including to its Green coalition partners, but gained ground in the East at the expense of the PDS. Thanks to Germany’s hybrid system of direct elections and proportional representation, the Red-Green government was returned to office with a razor-thin majority in the Bundestag while the center-right bloc boosted its share of seats by six percentage points. (The PDS lost all but two of their parliamentarians.)27 Despite the shrunken mandate, Schröder felt he had to go forward with his reform program, which he called “Agenda 2010.”

As Kohl said, “Assistance can only prove effective if fundamental reforms of the economic system follow.” West German taxpayers were not going to pay “to stabilize conditions that have become untenable.” To get the money for needed imports, East Germany would have to change.5 It did. The rapid liberalization of the political system led to East Germany’s first—and last—free elections on March 18, 1990. Thanks to the active support of Kohl and the West German government, the center-right Alliance for Germany won just under half the seats in parliament. Lothar de Mazière, the new prime minister of East Germany, had campaigned on a program of rapid reunification. (He quit politics by the end of the year after being accused of having informed for the Stasi.) The PDS won barely a sixth of the popular vote, with the rest going to other opposition parties. The Alliance for Germany, the Social Democrats, and the Liberals formed a coalition of national unity and immediately began formal negotiations with West Germany on the terms of reunification and with the Allied powers to settle World War II claims.


pages: 446 words: 117,660

Arguing With Zombies: Economics, Politics, and the Fight for a Better Future by Paul Krugman

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, bitcoin, blockchain, Bonfire of the Vanities, business cycle, capital asset pricing model, carbon footprint, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, Climategate, cognitive dissonance, cryptocurrency, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, different worldview, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, employer provided health coverage, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fiat currency, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial repression, frictionless, frictionless market, fudge factor, full employment, Growth in a Time of Debt, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, income inequality, index fund, indoor plumbing, invisible hand, job automation, John Snow's cholera map, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, large denomination, liquidity trap, London Whale, market bubble, market clearing, market fundamentalism, means of production, New Urbanism, obamacare, oil shock, open borders, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price stability, quantitative easing, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, the map is not the territory, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transaction costs, universal basic income, very high income, working-age population

By “liberal professional economists” I mean researchers who try to understand the economy as best they can, but who, being human, also have political preferences, which in their case puts them on the left side of the U.S. political spectrum, although usually only modestly left of center. Conservative professional economists are their counterparts on the center right. Professional conservative economists are something quite different. They’re people who even center-right professionals consider charlatans and cranks; they make a living by pretending to do actual economics—often incompetently—but are actually just propagandists. And no, there isn’t really a corresponding category on the other side, in part because the billionaires who finance such propaganda are much more likely to be on the right than on the left.

TRADE WARS Essay: Globaloney and the Backlash Oh, What a Trumpy Trade War! A Trade War Primer Making Tariffs Corrupt Again 12. INEQUALITY Essay: The Skewing of America The Rich, the Right, and the Facts Graduates versus Oligarchs Money and Morals Don’t Blame Robots for Low Wages What’s the Matter with Trumpland? 13. CONSERVATIVES Essay: Movement Conservatism Same Old Party Eric Cantor and the Death of a Movement The Great Center-Right Delusion The Empty Quarters of U.S. Politics 14. EEK! SOCIALISM! Essay: Red-Baiting in the 21st Century Capitalism, Socialism, and Unfreedom Something Not Rotten in Denmark Trump versus the Socialist Menace 15. CLIMATE Essay: The Most Important Thing Donald and the Deadly Deniers The Depravity of Climate-Change Denial Climate Denial Was the Crucible for Trumpism Hope for a Green New Year 16.

After denouncing easy-money policies when unemployment was sky-high, some echoed Trump’s demands for low interest rates with unemployment under 4 percent—and the rest remained conspicuously silent. What explains this epidemic of bad faith? Some of it is clearly ambition on the part of conservative economists still hoping for high-profile appointments. Some of it, I suspect, may be just the desire to stay on the inside with powerful people. But there’s something pathetic about this professional self-abasement, because the rewards center-right economists long for haven’t come, and never will. It’s not just that Trump has assembled an administration of the worst and the dimmest. The truth is that the modern G.O.P. doesn’t want to hear from serious economists, whatever their politics. It prefers charlatans and cranks, who are its kind of people. So what we’ve learned about economics these past two years is that many conservative economists were, in fact, willing to compromise their professional ethics for political ends—and that they sold their integrity for nothing.


pages: 550 words: 124,073

Democracy and Prosperity: Reinventing Capitalism Through a Turbulent Century by Torben Iversen, David Soskice

Andrei Shleifer, assortative mating, augmented reality, barriers to entry, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, central bank independence, centre right, cleantech, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, deindustrialization, deskilling, Donald Trump, first-past-the-post, full employment, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, implied volatility, income inequality, industrial cluster, inflation targeting, invisible hand, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, liberal capitalism, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, means of production, mittelstand, Network effects, New Economic Geography, new economy, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, open borders, open economy, passive investing, precariat, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, RFID, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Silicon Valley, smart cities, speech recognition, The Future of Employment, The Great Moderation, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, too big to fail, trade liberalization, union organizing, urban decay, Washington Consensus, winner-take-all economy, working-age population, World Values Survey, young professional, zero-sum game

A key question for our entire understanding of the role of democratic politics in redistribution is the extent to which governments have stepped in to compensate and assist workers who have been adversely affected by deindustrialization and technological change.25 In past work, we have argued that in multiparty PR systems where each class is represented by its own party, there is an incentive for the middle-income party to ally with the low-income party because the size of the pie to be divided rises with the wealth of those excluded from the coalition. Majoritarian systems with a center-left and a center-right party are different because with incomplete preelection commitment, the middle might end up with fewer benefits and higher taxes under a center-left government dominated by the left, whereas lower benefits are likely to be partially offset by lower taxes if the right dominates in a center-right government. The qualification to this logic is for PR systems with strong Christian democratic parties. Following Manow (2009) and Manow and Van Kersbergen (2009), if parties under PR represent more than one class it opens up the possibility for governing coalitions that exclude both the left and right.

In a PR multiparty system where each class is represented by its own party, there is an incentive for the middle-income party to ally with the low-income party, because the size of the pie to be divided rises with the wealth of those excluded from the coalition. Majoritarian two-party systems are different, because the middle might end up with fewer benefits and higher taxes under a center-left government where the left has taken over, whereas lower benefits are likely to be partially offset by lower taxes if the right takes over in a center-right government (under the assumption that redistribution cannot be regressive). This model implies that redistribution to the vulnerable sector is only possible in PR multiparty systems. Yet there is an important differentiation within these systems that speaks to Esping-Andersen’s (1990) distinction between social democratic and conservative welfare states. Following Manow (2009) and Manow and Van Kersbergen (2009), if parties under PR represent more than one class it opens the possibility for governing coalitions that excludes both the left and right.

LMEs do exhibit high investment in general skills, which also serves as insurance against labor market insecurity, but it has been difficult to secure political support for extending public higher education into the lower middle classes—an important fact that we argue in chapter 5 is one reason for the spread of populist sentiments in countries like the US and the UK. Because of the center-left bias of the Scandinavian model, lower-end access has been expanded at a much higher rate. Christian democratic PR countries fall in between, as we would expect from the centrist political system that tends to be more encompassing than the center-right majoritarian systems characteristic of LMEs (Iversen and Stephens 2008). The last paragraph highlights a key difference to Esping-Andersen’s conjecture that the welfare state undermines markets and the interests of business in general, including the advanced sectors of the economy. In this view the welfare state is fundamentally the result of a class struggle (Korpi 1983; Stephens 1979); it is “politics against markets,” as succinctly captured by the title of Esping-Andersen’s 1985 book.


The New Class War: Saving Democracy From the Metropolitan Elite by Michael Lind

affirmative action, anti-communist, basic income, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, collective bargaining, commoditize, corporate governance, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, future of work, global supply chain, guest worker program, Haight Ashbury, illegal immigration, immigration reform, invisible hand, knowledge economy, liberal world order, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, means of production, moral panic, Nate Silver, new economy, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, purchasing power parity, Ralph Nader, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, union organizing, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, WikiLeaks, Wolfgang Streeck, working poor

The rightmost point is defined by conservative populism—socially conservative on issues of sex and reproduction, but supportive of government programs that help the working class, like Medicare and Social Security in the US. The “center” can be identified with what the sociologist Donald Warren in the 1970s called “Middle American Radicalism”—moderate social attitudes combined with prolabor, New Deal–style democratic pluralism. To put it another way, the center of gravity of the overclass is center-right (promarket) on economic issues and center-left (antitraditional) on social issues. In comparison, the center of gravity of the much larger working class is center-left on economic issues and center-right on social issues. Populists combined with social democratic leftists make up half or more of the US population, but they are almost completely unrepresented among the college-educated overclass professionals who make up most of the personnel in legislatures, executive agencies, courts, corporate suites, think tanks, universities, philanthropies, and media corporations.

But orthodox Marxism, with its secularized providential theory of history and its view of industrial workers as the cosmopolitan agents of global revolution, has always been absurd. A body of thought does exist that can explain the current upheavals in the West and the world. It is James Burnham’s theory of the managerial revolution, supplemented by the economic sociology of John Kenneth Galbraith. Burnham’s thought has recently enjoyed a revival among thinkers of the American center-right.1 Unfortunately, Galbraith’s sociology, along with his economics, remains out of fashion.2 James Burnham was a leader in the international Trotskyist movement in the 1930s before he became a zealous anticommunist and helped to found the post–World War II American conservative movement. Burnham was influenced by the argument of Adolf Berle and Gardiner Means in The Modern Corporation and Private Property (1932), which documented the separation of ownership and control in large-scale modern enterprises, and possibly by Bruno Rizzi’s Bureaucratization of the World (1939).3 In his worldwide bestseller The Managerial Revolution (1941), Burnham argued that in the era of large-scale capitalism and the bureaucratic state, the older bourgeoisie was being replaced by a new managerial class: What is occurring in this transition is a drive for social domination, for power and privilege, for the position of ruling class, by the social group or class of the managers. . . .

There was also, again almost unimaginably more than in these times of populist politics, a great mistrust of “mass man” on the part of the American establishment a generation ago. Demagogues might use mass communications to stir up fascism in the general public, but the wise leaders of interest groups, who would ignore “the cosmic enthusiasms of individual men” (Boorstin again), could operate a consensus state that would be good for everyone.3 By the time Lemann wrote that, the emerging orthodoxy shared from center-left to center-right held that Western countries would be more just and efficient if only enlightened technocratic policy makers and dynamic corporate executives could be liberated from the power of elected politicians and organized labor. In 1975 Michel Crozier, Samuel P. Huntington, and Joji Watanuki wrote a report for the elite Trilateral Commission, The Crisis of Democracy: On the Governability of Democracies, which was published as a book.


pages: 241 words: 75,417

The Last President of Europe: Emmanuel Macron's Race to Revive France and Save the World by William Drozdiak

Berlin Wall, bilateral investment treaty, Boeing 737 MAX, Boris Johnson, centre right, cloud computing, Donald Trump, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, reserve currency, Silicon Valley, Socratic dialogue, South China Sea, UNCLOS, working poor

Boris Vallaud, a National Assembly member for the shrunken Socialist Party, said that while “everyone marvels at Macron’s performance, the fact that he’s going over the heads of the government, the unions, and the representative institutions is weakening our democracy.”9 Some of Macron’s adversaries were cynical about what they described as a political stunt to deflect attention away from the shortcomings of the government. Christian Jacob, parliamentary leader of the center-right Republicans, called it a “great masquerade.” Within the Yellow Vest movement, there were mixed feelings about Macron’s initiative. About 40 percent of them, according to surveys, thought that it was a good idea and wanted to be part of the exercise, if only to see what it produced. Some of them came up with lists of their own action points and asked the government to incorporate them into new policies.

When Macron won the French presidency by thrashing Marine Le Pen in the second round of voting in May 2017, his victory was greeted with relief in many capitals and seen as an encouraging sign of voter repugnance toward populist forces. Yet in the wake of Macron’s triumph, the appeal of antidemocratic, illiberal, and anti-European policies became more visible across the continent. Austria’s Freedom Party entered government as part of a center-right coalition and took control, for a while, of the Interior Ministry. Poland’s Law and Justice Party solidified its grip on power by cracking down on dissent. Hungary’s prime minister Viktor Orbán won reelection on an anti-immigrant platform. Germany’s far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) Party emerged as the strongest opposition force in the Bundestag. And Boris Johnson, a leading Euroskeptic and EU antagonist, succeeded Theresa May as Britain’s prime minister.

“That’s just ridiculous. Who’s going to pay for that? You’ll just fuel racism and xenophobia. Totally open borders do not exist, because it just does not work.”18 Other centrist leaders in Europe have taken similarly expedient measures in order to block extremist parties from gaining power. In the Netherlands, once regarded as a bastion of sympathy for the cause of a United States of Europe, the center-right government pushed through a resolution calling for a halt to further efforts at European integration. “The Netherlands has moved to more Euroskeptic territory,” said Catherine De Vries, a political scientist at Amsterdam’s Free University. “We now see the EU in terms of economic and not political cooperation. We’ve become what the Brits used to be.”19 Macron’s own shift toward the right in cracking down on asylum-seekers and escalating the number of deportations from France drew criticism from his liberal allies, who claimed that he was betraying his own values.


Lonely Planet France by Lonely Planet Publications

banking crisis, bike sharing scheme, British Empire, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, Columbine, double helix, Frank Gehry, G4S, glass ceiling, haute couture, haute cuisine, Henri Poincaré, Honoré de Balzac, illegal immigration, Jacquard loom, Joseph-Marie Jacquard, Kickstarter, Louis Blériot, Louis Pasteur, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Murano, Venice glass, ride hailing / ride sharing, sensible shoes, Silicon Valley, supervolcano, trade route, urban renewal, urban sprawl, V2 rocket

But in the subsequent run-off ballot, Chirac enjoyed a landslide victory, echoed in parliamentary elections a month later when the president-backed coalition UMP (Union pour un Mouvement Populaire) won a healthy majority, leaving Le Pen’s FN without a seat in parliament and ending years of cohabitation. SARKOZY’S FRANCE Presidential elections in 2007 ushered out old-school Jacques Chirac (in his 70s with two terms under his belt) and brought in Nicolas Sarkozy. Dynamic, ambitious and media-savvy, the former interior minister and chairman of centre-right party UMP wooed voters with policies about job creation, lower taxes, crime crackdown and help for France’s substantial immigrant population – issues that had particular pulling power coming from the son of a Hungarian immigrant father and Greek Jewish-French mother. However, his first few months in office were dominated by personal affairs as he divorced his wife Cecilia and wed Italian multimillionaire singer Carla Bruni a few months later, and his popularity plummeted.


pages: 463 words: 115,103

Head, Hand, Heart: Why Intelligence Is Over-Rewarded, Manual Workers Matter, and Caregivers Deserve More Respect by David Goodhart

active measures, Airbnb, Albert Einstein, assortative mating, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, call centre, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, computer age, corporate social responsibility, COVID-19, Covid-19, David Attenborough, David Brooks, deglobalization, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, desegregation, deskilling, different worldview, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Etonian, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Flynn Effect, Frederick Winslow Taylor, future of work, gender pay gap, gig economy, glass ceiling, illegal immigration, income inequality, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job satisfaction, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labour market flexibility, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, new economy, Nicholas Carr, oil shock, pattern recognition, Peter Thiel, pink-collar, post-industrial society, post-materialism, postindustrial economy, precariat, reshoring, Richard Florida, Scientific racism, Skype, social intelligence, spinning jenny, Steven Pinker, superintelligent machines, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Thorstein Veblen, twin studies, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, wages for housework, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, young professional

It is also the main reason for that notorious ‘pay-gap.’ ”22 Social mobility, as I argued in Chapter One, is another idea and policy that has been relentlessly promoted, at least rhetorically, by cognitive class governments of center-left and center-right, especially in the United Kingdom and the United States, with little nuance or sense of its costs for those who are not upwardly mobile. For the politicians of the center-left, equality of opportunity is preferable to an unachievable and unpopular goal of equality of outcome, and for the center-right the stress on mobility helps to protect them from accusations of defending privilege. Yet less well-educated people often hear speeches from highly educated and successful people about social mobility as exhortations to become more like them, especially as—in the United Kingdom, at least—getting on often means a ladder out and leaving your roots behind: you have to “leave to achieve.”

No, of course, I do not want to turn the clock back, I want an elite as open as possible and as much social fluidity as a fair society requires. And in principle it ought to be possible to have plenty of upward (and downward) mobility based on cognitive selection while also respecting and rewarding those who have other skills and aptitudes. But in practice this is hard to achieve. And if high mobility is the mark of the good society, as both center-left and center-right politicians have argued in recent years, then we are in trouble, because mobility slows when “smart produces smart.” How close we are to that point and how much mobility we can expect in a fair society is contested, as I will show in Chapter Three. It depends on how much family, class, and environmental factors can tilt the system in favor of the only moderately able and how much ability is heritable.

Indeed, a shift away from Head and toward Hand and Heart seems to be programmed into many of the biggest social and economic trends: in the knowledge economy’s declining appetite for all but the most able knowledge workers; the growing concern for place and environmental protection, including more labor-intensive organic farming; and the inevitable expansion of care functions of various kinds in an aging society. These are trends that are likely to be reinforced by the Covid-19 crisis, which revealed that most of the “key workers” who support our daily lives were Hand and Heart workers, mainly people without university degrees. There is one very big fact that modern politics will need to confront in the next decade. Political parties of both the center-left and center-right have taken as axiomatic that modern society will see a continuing expansion of secure, middle-class, professional graduate jobs. Both education and social mobility policy are based on this assumption. Yet it is almost certainly wrong. The knowledge economy does not need an ever-growing supply of knowledge workers. (See Chapter Nine.) It still needs a top layer of the cognitively most able and original, but much of the work required of middle ranking professionals is already substantially routinized, a kind of digital Taylorism.


pages: 493 words: 98,982

The Tyranny of Merit: What’s Become of the Common Good? by Michael J. Sandel

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, coronavirus, COVID-19, Credit Default Swap, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, global supply chain, helicopter parent, High speed trading, immigration reform, income inequality, Khan Academy, laissez-faire capitalism, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Nate Silver, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ronald Reagan, smart grid, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Washington Consensus

Even as inequality has widened to vast proportions, the public culture has reinforced the notion that we are responsible for our fate and deserve what we get. It is almost as if globalization’s winners needed to persuade themselves, and everyone else, that those perched on top and those at the bottom have landed where they belong. Or if not, that they would land where they belong if only we could remove unfair barriers to opportunity. Political argument between mainstream center-right and center-left parties in recent decades has consisted mainly of a debate about how to interpret and implement equality of opportunity, so that people will be able to rise as far as their efforts and talents will take them. STRIVING AND DESERVING I first noticed the rising tide of meritocratic sentiment by listening to my students. Having taught political philosophy at Harvard since 1980, I am sometimes asked how student opinions have changed over the years.

This may explain why the United States, with its robust faith that we are masters of our fate, has a less-generous welfare state than the social democracies of Europe, whose citizens are more inclined to attribute their life circumstance to forces outside their control. If everyone can succeed through effort and hard work, then government need simply ensure that jobs and opportunities are truly open to all. American politicians of the center-left and center-right may disagree about what policies equality of opportunity actually requires. But they share the assumption that the aim is to provide everyone, whatever his or her starting point in life, a chance to rise. They agree, in other words, that mobility is the answer to inequality—and that those who rise will have earned their success. But the American faith in the ability to rise through effort and grit no longer fits the facts on the ground.

For example, critics of affirmative action in hiring and college admissions argue that such policies are inconsistent with equality of opportunity, because they judge applicants on factors other than merit. Defenders of affirmative action reply that such policies are necessary to make equality of opportunity a reality for members of groups that have suffered discrimination or disadvantage. At the level of principle at least, and political rhetoric, meritocracy has won the day. In democracies throughout the world, politicians of the center-left and center-right claim that their policies are the ones that will enable all citizens, whatever their race or ethnicity, gender or class, to compete on equal terms and to rise as far as their efforts and talents will take them. When people complain about meritocracy, the complaint is usually not about the ideal but about our failure to live up to it: The wealthy and powerful have rigged the system to perpetuate their privilege; the professional classes have figured out how to pass their advantages on to their children, converting the meritocracy into a hereditary aristocracy; colleges that claim to select students on merit give an edge to the sons and daughters of the wealthy and the well-connected.


pages: 135 words: 53,708

Top 10 San Diego by Pamela Barrus, Dk Publishing

California gold rush, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, East Village, El Camino Real, G4S, haute cuisine, illegal immigration, Silicon Valley, the market place, transcontinental railway, urban renewal

Photographer Chris Stowers Additional Photography Max Alexander, Geoff Dann, Frank Greenaway, Derek Hall, Neil Mersh, Rob Reichenfeld, Neil Setchfield, Scott Suchman Factchecker Paul Skinner AT DK INDIA: Managing Editor Aruna Ghose Art Editor Benu Joshi Project Editors Anees Saigal, Vandana Bhagra Editorial Assistance Pamposh Raina Project Designer Bonita Vaz Senior Cartographer Uma Bhattacharya Cartographer Suresh Kumar Picture Researcher Taiyaba Khatoon Indexer & Proofreader Bhavna Seth Ranjan DTP Co-ordinator Shailesh Sharma DTP Designer Vinod Harish 126 AT DK LONDON: Publisher Douglas Amrine Publishing Manager Lucinda Cooke Senior Art Editor Marisa Renzullo Senior Cartographic Editor Casper Morris Senior DTP Designer Jason Little DK Picture Library Richard Dabb, Romaine Werblow, Hayley Smith, Gemma Woodward Production Rita Sinha Picture Credits t-top, tl-top left; tlc-top left center; tc-top center; tr-top right; clacenter left above; ca-center above; cra-center right above; cl-center left; c-center; cr-center right; clbcenter left below; cb-center below; crb-center right below; blbottom left, b-bottom; bc-bottom center; bcl-bottom center left; brbottom right; d-detail. Every effort has been made to trace the copyright holders of images, and we apologize in advance for any unintentional omissions. We would be pleased to insert the appropriate acknowledgements in any subsequent edition of this publication. The publishers would also like to thank the following for their assistance and kind permission to photograph at their establishments: Balboa Park, San Diego; San Diego Aerospace Museum; San Diego Automotive Museum; Birch Aquarium; San Diego Chinese Historical Museum; Horton Plaza; San Diego Maritime Museum; San Diego Museum of Art; Santa Fe Depot; Spanish Village Art Center; The Putnam Foundation, Timken Museum of Art, San Diego; Villa Works of art have been reproduced with the permission of the following copyright holders: The Putnam Foundation, Timken Museum of Art, San Diego: Frans Hals Portrait of a Gentleman (1634) 18bc; Alan Bowness, Hepworth Estate, Figure for Landscape, Bronze (1960) 18tl.

Montesinos. d Map P2 • 1205 This fine arts gallery specializes in San Diego artists. Exhibitions feature paintings, drawings, photography, sculptures, and custom furniture from artists such as Mario Uribe, Gail Roberts, Paul Henry, and Johnny Coleman. The glowing, spiritual landscapes of Nancy Kittredge merit special notice. d Map H2 BO U.S. Naval Hospital 5 East Village 12th & Market 8 v Gaslamp Quarter 1 43 San Diego’s Top 10 Left San Diego County Administration Center Right Hotel del Coronado Architectural Highlights San Diego County Administration Center Four architects responsible for San Diego’s look collaborated on this civic landmark. What began as a Spanish-Colonial design evolved into a more “Moderne” 1930s style with intricate Spanish tile work and plaster moldings on the tower. d Map H3 • 1600 Pacific Hwy • Open 8am–5pm Mon–Fri California Building & Tower Bertram Goodhue designed this San Diego landmark for the California-Panama Exposition of 1915–16, using Spanish Plateresque, Baroque, and Rococo details.


Culture of Terrorism by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, Bretton Woods, centre right, clean water, David Brooks, failed state, Farzad Bazoft, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, risk tolerance, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

The central feature of the plan, the New York Times observed approvingly, is that “Nicaragua would ‘democratize’ and the United States would stop aid to the contras,” but the Sandinistas “have long refused to accept an election process that jeopardized their power”12—in contrast to El Salvador, where “the masses,” who “were with the guerrillas” when the terror began according to Duarte (see p. 103, above), were permitted to choose within a narrow center-right spectrum controlled by the military and oligarchy after the murder of the political opposition and the intimidation or outright destruction of its popular base by terror. The reaction was similar throughout, including the doves. The Arias plan made no mention of Nicaragua. It called for moves towards democracy throughout the region while insisting upon “the right of all nations to freely choose their own economic, political and social system.”13 Little attention was given to the fact that as part of its efforts to sabotage the Arias plan, the Reagan administration made it clear that “if the administration felt its views and interests were not reflected in the regional arrangements it would continue to fund the Nicaraguan contra rebels despite agreements reached by the [Central American] leaders,” so Reagan “peace emissary” Philip Habib informed “high-ranking senators and their aides.”14 Within Central America, there is no difficulty in understanding that the U.S. and its allies were disturbed over the Arias plan, and why this should be so: “Neither Salvadoran President José Napoleón Duarte or the US administration is comfortable at the prospect of an amnesty and cease-fire arrangement with the FMLN [guerrillas], as called for by the Arias plan.”15 A careful search through the small print reveals that the national media in the U.S. are also aware of this fundamental problem with the Arias plan, and the reason why no plan calling for internal freedom and democracy can possibly be implemented except in some formal sense within the U.S.

“With this panel Duarte has closed the political spaces for dialogue.”49 The signing of the agreement was also followed by a wave of repression to which we return, arousing no comment here. The contrast to the appointment of the Nicaraguan Commission is striking in two respects: (1) while the Nicaraguan Commission was headed by the most outspoken critic of the regime and was broadly based, the Salvadoran Commission was restricted to the center-right and headed by the U.S. candidate for president; (2) while the appointment of the Nicaraguan Commission elicited an immediate outburst of abuse against the treacherous Sandinistas, Duarte’s moves passed in silence, not suggesting that Duarte is failing to live up to the spirit of reconciliation and only paying lip service to the Central American accord. The same comparison holds with regard to the other “fledgling democracies.”

Guatemala did proceed to establish a Commission on September 9, selecting the Vice-President, the leader of the Conservative Party, a Bishop, and as private sector delegate, the co-owner of the most rightist newspaper in the country, reputed to have been a personal friend of General Ríos Montt, perhaps the most extreme of the recent batch of mass murderers. The government did not appoint Guatemala City Archbishop Prospero Penados del Barrio, “a highly regarded and ardent critic of human rights violations.”51 The Commission of Reconciliation, then, will deal with problems arising within the spectrum from ultra-right to center-right, in the most violent country of the region, the one with the longest-running guerrilla struggle. All of this too appears to have passed without notice. As U.S. allies or outright clients, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador are exempt from the conditions of any agreement they might sign, which the U.S. government will ensure is “directed at Nicaragua” (James LeMoyne). As always, the state establishes its priorities, the intellectual culture, with the rarest of exceptions, takes its cues and obeys.


pages: 137 words: 43,960

Top 10 Maui, Molokai and Lanai by Bonnie Friedman

airport security, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, G4S, Maui Hawaii, polynesian navigation, Ronald Reagan

Take the road down into the valley, but do not cross the inlet as the other side is private property. d Map D5 Beyond Maui – Moloka‘i and L…na‘i Left Kaunakakai Harbor Right Moa‘ula Falls D6 & B5 • To visit first call the Nature Conservancy of Hawai‘i: 553 5236 St. Joseph’s Church Located off of Highway 450 at mile marker 11, this small rural church was built in 1876 by Belgian priest Father Damien, who was best known for his work at the St. Joseph’s Church 97 Beyond Maui – Moloka‘i and L…na‘i Left Moloka‘i Museum and Cultral Center Right Kalaupapa Peninsula Moloka‘i Museum and Cultural Center Also known as the Sugar Mill Museum, this 19th-century industrial building was the work of R.W. Meyer, a German immigrant engineer. When the mill first turned in 1878, it used real horsepower and a steam engine to crush and process sugar cane. Recently, it has been lovingly and beautifully restored, and now exhibitions are held regularly.

This leaves May, June, September, and October for the bargain hunters. Book a Non-Ocean View Room Oceanfront rooms are the most expensive accommodations in Hawai‘i. Next come ocean view rooms and then partial ocean view rooms. In high-rise hotels, the upper floors are also priced at a premium. Booking a mountain or garden room view could save you hundreds of dollars on your accommodations bill. 109 Streetsmart Left Cash point Center left Pay phone Center right Postal stamps Right Newspapers Banking & Communications Banks Bank of Hawai‘i and First Hawaiian Bank are Hawai‘i’s largest, with branches throughout the islands, some of them inside supermarkets. In general, all banks are open: Mon–Thu 8:30am– 3pm or 4pm, Fri 8:30am– 6pm. Some branches have Saturday hours. Credit Cards VISA and MasterCard are accepted almost universally except by the smallest stores and roadside stands.

Produced by BLUE ISLAND PUBLISHING Editorial Director Rosalyn Thiro Art Director Stephen Bere Associate Editor Michael Ellis Picture Research Ellen Root Proofreader Mary Sutherland Indexer Jane Simmonds Fact Checker Linda Mather Olds Photographer Nigel Hicks Additional Photography Phillip Dowell, Steve Gorton, David Murray, Ian O'Leary, Rob Reichenfeld, Mike Severns Cartography DK India: Managing Editor Aruna Ghose; Senior Cartographer Uma Bhattacharya; Cartographers Suresh Kumar and Alok Pathak AT DORLING KINDERSLEY Publisher Douglas Amrine Publishing Manager Helen Townsend Revisions Coordinator Mani Ramaswamy Assistant Revisions Coordinator Mary Ormandy Revisions Editor Sam Merrell Senior Art Editor Marisa Renzullo Senior Cartographic Editor Casper Morris Senior DTP Designer Jason Little Production Controller Melanie Dowland Index The Author Bonnie Friedman is a freelance writer and publicist based on Maui. She previously contributed to the DK Eyewitness Travel Guide to Hawai‘i. Picture Credits Dorling Kindersley would like to thank all the churches, museums, hotels, restaurants, bars and other sights for their assistance and kind permission to photograph. Placement Key t=top; tl=top left; tr=top right; tc=top center; tcl=top center left; l=left; c=center; cr=center right; ca=center above; cb=center below; r=right; b=bottom; bl=bottom left; br=bottom right BIEGEL COMMUNICATIONS INC: 52tr; RON DAHLQUIST: 30b, 32c, 33r, 34tr, 36tl/tr/c/b, 44c/b, 46c/b, 47, 63b 114tl; PETER FRENCH: 32tr courtesy of HAWAIIAN AIRLINES: 106tc; LEONARDO MEDIA LTD: 116tc; MAUI ARTS & CULTURAL CENTER: Tony Novak-Clifford 13clb; DOUGLAS PEEBELS: 26–7, 37br, 48c, 50tl/b, 53br; Michael Nolan/Wildlife Images 49bl; Darrell Wong 76–7; THE PLANTATION INN: 119C; ALAN SEIDEN: 30tl/tr, 31tr/br, 32tl, 35r All other images © Dorling Kindersley.


pages: 502 words: 82,170

The Book of CSS3 by Peter Gasston

centre right, disruptive innovation, en.wikipedia.org, Firefox, Google Chrome, web application, wikimedia commons

In WebKit, the same effect is achieved with the following syntax: div { background-image: -webkit-gradient( linear, left center, right center, from(black), color-stop(50%,white), to(black) );} Notice here that I declare the color-stop using a color-stop() function, which requires two values: the position along the gradient where the stop should be implemented and the color. Unlike Firefox, the distribution of colors is not automatically calculated. As before, the best way to illustrate the differences between the two syntaxes is with a demonstration; for that, I’ll use the following code: .gradient-1 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(left, black, white, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, left center, right center, from(black), color-stop(50%,white), to(black)); } .gradient-2 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(left, black, white 75%, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, left center, right center, from(black), color-stop(75%,white), to(black)); } .gradient-3 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(bottom, black, white 20px, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, center bottom, center top, from(black), color-stop(0.2,white), to(black)); } .gradient-4 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(45deg, black, white, black, white, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, left bottom, right top, from(black), color-stop(25%,white), color-stop(50%,black), color- stop(75%,white), to(black)); } You can see the output in Figure 11-3.

The WebKit way to achieve the simple example shown in Figure 10-1 requires the following declaration: div { background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, center top, center bottom, from(white), to(black)); } As with Firefox, I could also use percentage values for the start and end points: div { background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, 50% 0%, 50% 100%, from(white), to(black)); } But, unlike Firefox, angle values are not permitted, and two arguments are required for each; no assumption is made if one is left out. Using Linear Gradients Keeping the differences between the two syntaxes in mind, I’m going to present five different examples and then walk you through the code required to create them. Here’s the relevant CSS snippet: .gradient-1 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(left, white, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, left center, right center, from(white), to(black)); } .gradient-2 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(right, white, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, right center, left center, from(white), to(black)); } .gradient-3 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(50% 100%, white, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, 50% 100%, 50% 0%, from(white), to(black)); } .gradient-4 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(0% 100%, white, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, 0% 100%, 100% 0%, from(white), to(black)); } .gradient-5 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(225deg, white, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, 100% 0%, 0% 100%, from(white), to(black)); } These examples are shown in Figure 11-2.

As before, the best way to illustrate the differences between the two syntaxes is with a demonstration; for that, I’ll use the following code: .gradient-1 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(left, black, white, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, left center, right center, from(black), color-stop(50%,white), to(black)); } .gradient-2 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(left, black, white 75%, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, left center, right center, from(black), color-stop(75%,white), to(black)); } .gradient-3 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(bottom, black, white 20px, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, center bottom, center top, from(black), color-stop(0.2,white), to(black)); } .gradient-4 { background-image: -moz-linear-gradient(45deg, black, white, black, white, black); background-image: -webkit-gradient(linear, left bottom, right top, from(black), color-stop(25%,white), color-stop(50%,black), color- stop(75%,white), to(black)); } You can see the output in Figure 11-3. Figure 11-3. Examples of different color-stop values The first example () uses the values I introduced at the beginning of this section, a left-right gradient starting and ending black with a white color-stop between.


pages: 278 words: 93,540

The Full Catastrophe: Travels Among the New Greek Ruins by James Angelos

bank run, Berlin Wall, centre right, death of newspapers, Fall of the Berlin Wall, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, income inequality, moral hazard, plutocrats, Plutocrats, urban planning

Yet the magnitude of Greece’s revision, and the fact that it had made often-sizable upward revisions every year since it had joined the eurozone, confirmed for Eurostat, the statistical office of the European Union, that the Greek government had engaged in “widespread misreporting” of its deficit and debt figures. Big accounting revisions had become a custom in Greece, particularly following elections. In 2004, the new party in power, the center-right New Democracy, said that the previous ruling party, center-left PASOK, had badly messed up the statistics, revealing that Greece’s eurozone entry—which was based on meeting “convergence criteria” like keeping an annual deficit no greater than 3 percent of GDP—had been based on false numbers. Then, in 2009, when PASOK regained power, it said the big revision at the time was due to New Democracy’s massive concealment of its true spending.

Greek right-wing voters took a far more extreme turn toward Golden Dawn—a neo-Nazi party that denied being neo-Nazi—which was expanding its popularity beyond the ragged central Athens neighborhood where it had unleashed assault squads to hunt dark-skinned immigrants on the streets. Many Greeks reacted positively to Golden Dawn’s assertions of Hellenic superiority, and its pledge to put the nation above all else. In the May election, Syriza came in second just behind the center-right New Democracy party, and Golden Dawn won its way into parliament. No party, however, had enough votes to form a government, and so a new election was called for the following month. In the interim, the country seemed to be succumbing to ungovernable chaos. Global financial markets convulsed in fear of an impending win for Syriza, whose young, necktie-averse leader, a former communist youth activist, threatened to renege on Greece’s debt obligations.

The majority of them were fakes, he said. “I will personally take them all to the district attorney and I will ask for all the money that they took back,” he said. “I’m not retreating. This corruption in Greece can’t continue.” Everything will be “brought to light,” he added, because the path of justice was an obligation. For a Greek politician, he struck me as suspiciously noble. He singled out the former prefect, a member of the center-right New Democracy party, and the local ophthalmologist as the main players in the scheme. The ophthalmologist, he told me, I could find at the hospital. As for the prefect, he’d “gotten lost.” That turned out not to be true. Later that afternoon I found Dionysios Gasparos, the former prefect, a urologist, in his nearby office on the ground floor of a pink, three-story building with several balconies.


pages: 363 words: 92,422

A Fine Mess by T. R. Reid

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Sanders, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, centre right, clean water, Donald Trump, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, game design, Gini coefficient, High speed trading, Home mortgage interest deduction, Honoré de Balzac, income inequality, industrial robot, land value tax, loss aversion, mortgage tax deduction, obamacare, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, seigniorage, Silicon Valley, Skype, Snapchat, sovereign wealth fund, Tesla Model S, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, Tobin tax, We are the 99%, WikiLeaks

“For most of the French left, and a chunk of the right, high taxes are a hallmark of a decent society that puts fairness before profit and public service before business,” the Economist noted. In terms of égalité, at least, this tax regime seems to have worked; France has always had a lower Gini coefficient (that is, a more even distribution of wealth) than most of its European neighbors or the United States. When the Great Recession hit France in 2008, Nicolas Sarkozy, a center-right politician, was president. (Sarkozy supports free higher education, a complete ban on handguns, and unemployment compensation that never ends, but in European terms that makes him “center-right.”) Along with other leaders across Europe, Sarkozy opted for a policy of austerity—tax cuts, reduced government spending, limits on labor unions—as the proper course for economic revival. This didn’t work. Sarkozy lost his bid for reelection in 2012, and the Socialist candidate, François Hollande, raced to victory by promising to increase public spending and to pay for it with a “supertax” just for the rich: a tax of 75% on income over €1 million ($1.25 million) per year.

— BUT ESTONIA, LIKE THE other former Soviet republics, faced major obstacles in the effort to build a capitalist economy. The new nation had virtually no private industry and minimal investment capital to build businesses. Estonia desperately needed to attract private capital and promote business development. In these straits, the national legislature turned to a youthful historian, Mart Laar, to head the government. Laar had become active as a student in Estonia’s main center-right political party; the party elders quickly realized that this young volunteer had the intelligence and the personal charm to go far in politics. And he did; he was elected prime minister in 1992, at the age of thirty-two, the youngest head of state in Estonian history. When I met him, two decades later, Laar had ascended to the position of elder statesman; he was the head of Estonia’s central bank.

The U.S. secretary of state at the time, Madeleine Albright, called Slovakia “the black hole of Europe.” She said that in 1997, and it clearly stung. Some seventeen years later, just about everybody I met in Slovakia reminded me of that insult. After a severe economic downturn at the end of the 1990s—unemployment reached 20%—Slovakian voters threw out their left-leaning government and installed a center-right party. The new government hired Ivan Mikloš, a smart, no-nonsense economist, to be finance minister, with a mission to revamp the nation’s tax system. By the time I met him, Mikloš’s party had lost an election, and the former finance minister had been relegated to a minute closet of an office in an annex building of the parliament. Still, he glowed with pride as he described the taxing revolution he brought about in 2004.


pages: 98 words: 27,609

The American Dream Is Not Dead: (But Populism Could Kill It) by Michael R. Strain

Bernie Sanders, business cycle, centre right, creative destruction, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, feminist movement, full employment, gig economy, Gini coefficient, income inequality, job automation, labor-force participation, market clearing, market fundamentalism, new economy, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, social intelligence, Steven Pinker, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, upwardly mobile, working poor

Carson Professor of Finance and Economics, Columbia Business School, and former chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers “Before you declare the American Dream is dead, you should take the time to read Michael Strain’s case to the contrary. Strain provides a thoughtful and balanced assessment of the evidence on the state of American workers and families, in the process rejecting some of the claims coming from both the left and the right.” —JASON FURMAN, professor of practice, Harvard Kennedy School and former chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers “Michael Strain is one of the keenest economists at work on the center-right today. In this brief but important book, he dares to bring facts to the overheated and often poorly informed debate over the state of the American Dream. Engaging and convincing, it is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand our economic present—and future.” —RICH LOWRY, editor of National Review “In this lively contribution to our national debate, Michael Strain presents the evidence for how Americans are really doing.

DIONNE JR. is a Washington Post columnist, professor at Georgetown University’s McCourt School of Public Policy, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, and a visiting professor at Harvard University. His latest book is Code Red: How Progressives and Moderates Can Unite to Save Our Country (St. Martin’s Press, 2020). HENRY OLSEN is currently a Senior Fellow at the Ethics and Public Policy Center and a columnist at the Washington Post. He has worked in senior executive positions at many center-right think tanks. Olsen served as vice president and director of the National Research Initiative at the American Enterprise Institute from 2006 to 2013. He previously worked as vice president of programs at the Manhattan Institute and as president of the Commonwealth Foundation. Mr. Olsen’s work has been featured in many prominent publications, including the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post, the Guardian, National Review, and the Weekly Standard.


pages: 162 words: 61,105

Eyewitness Top 10 Los Angeles by Catherine Gerber

Berlin Wall, centre right, City Beautiful movement, clean water, East Village, Frank Gehry, haute couture, Mahatma Gandhi, Ronald Reagan, transcontinental railway

Boarding House 123 Zane Grey Pueblo Hotel 146 Zankou Chicken 93 Zuma Beach 44, 119 Acknowledgments Photographer David Peevers Additional Photography Max Alexander, Steve Gorton, Dave King, Susanna Price, Neil Setchfield AT DK INDIA: Managing Editor Aruna Ghose Art Editor Benu Joshi Project Editor Kajori Aikat Project Designer Priyanka Thakur Senior Cartographer Uma Bhattacharya Cartographer Suresh Kumar Picture Researcher Taiyaba Khatoon Fact Checker Janet Grey, Aimee Lind Indexer & Proofreader Bhavna Sharma DTP Co-ordinator Shailesh Sharma DTP Designer Vinod Harish AT DK LONDON: Publisher Douglas Amrine Publishing Manager Jane Ewart Senior Cartographic Editor Casper Morris Senior DTP Designer Jason Little DK Picture Library Brigitte Arora, Ellen Root Production Shane Higgins Editorial and Design Assistance Rhiannon Furbear, Claire Jones, Alison McGill, Carolyn Patten, Rada Radojicic, Susana Smith, Sylvia TombesiWalton, Hugo Wilkinson Picture Credits t-top, tl-top left, tlc-top left center, tc-top center, tr-top right, cla-center left above, cacenter above, cra- center right above, cl-center left, c- center, cr- center right, clb- center left below, cb-center below, crb-center right below, blbottom left, b-bottom, bcbottom center, bcl-bottom center left, br-bottom right. Every effort has been made to trace the copyright holders, and we apologize in advance for any unintentional omissions. We would be pleased to insert the appropriate acknowledgments in any subsequent edition of this publication. This Book makes reference to various Disney copyrighted characters, trademarks, marks, and registered marks owned by The Walt Disney Company and Disney Enterprises, Inc.


pages: 586 words: 160,321

The Euro and the Battle of Ideas by Markus K. Brunnermeier, Harold James, Jean-Pierre Landau

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Ben Bernanke: helicopter money, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency peg, debt deflation, Deng Xiaoping, different worldview, diversification, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, en.wikipedia.org, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial repression, fixed income, Flash crash, floating exchange rates, full employment, German hyperinflation, global reserve currency, income inequality, inflation targeting, information asymmetry, Irish property bubble, Jean Tirole, Kenneth Rogoff, Martin Wolf, mittelstand, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, new economy, Northern Rock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, open economy, paradox of thrift, pension reform, price stability, principal–agent problem, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, random walk, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, reserve currency, road to serfdom, secular stagnation, short selling, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, special drawing rights, the payments system, too big to fail, union organizing, unorthodox policies, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, yield curve

It was unambiguously a popular rejection of Europe and in particular of immigration from the European Union, foreshadowing the Brexit vote in June 2016. Neither the optimistic nor the pessimistic forecasts about the experiment in European democracy were correct. No obvious European leader emerged by a simple operation of democratic choice. The selection of Jean-Claude Juncker, the Spitzenkandidat of the center-right European People’s Party, as the next Commission president looked complicated and rather undemocratic. But on the other hand, there was also no uniform wave of anti-Europeanism or disillusion with the European project. Juncker then reshaped the European Commission in two important ways. First, he introduced a new layer to the hierarchy, with seven vice presidents standing above other commissioners.

Cleverly, Juncker assigned authorities within the Commission in such a way that two commissioners—one from the left and one from the right—had to agree before passing a proposal up to his office. For example, the left-leaning Commissioner Pierre Moscovici has to find common ground with “austerian reformer” Vice President Valdis Dombroviskis first. Juncker also worked very closely with the European Parliament president, Martin Schulz, the social-democratic Spitzenkandidat, creating what was in effect a Great Coalition of center-right and center-left on the European level. A third challenge, when France again seemed to try to recover the intellectual leadership in Europe, came after the election in January 2015 of a radical Greek populist government, dominated by the left-wing Syriza party, which explicitly sought to formulate an alternative to German austerity. The calculation of the new Greek government was that it could spearhead a more general movement in Europe, building a cross-national coalition, above all in Mediterranean or Latin Europe, dedicated to challenging German thinking.

In fact, the ESM is something akin to a European Monetary Fund; it uses a guarantee from member states to help other member states in distress. The difference is that the conditionality for help is imposed by the European Commission (or troika), rather than the ESM itself, and that the IMF does not borrow on private capital markets. The ratification of the ESM treaty was full of stumbling blocks. Most notably, in October 2011, the Slovakian center-right government of Iveta Radicova fell when, after the parliamentary vote on ratification of the ESM treaty, the Slovakian Parliament decided not to contribute to the Greek package. A small party in the four-party coalition opposed the package as a “road to socialism.”9 It was easy to claim that the whole exercise was unfair, in that the beneficiaries, the Greeks, were far richer in terms of GDP per capita than Slovakians.


Europe: A History by Norman Davies

agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, centre right, charter city, clean water, Columbian Exchange, conceptual framework, continuation of politics by other means, Corn Laws, cuban missile crisis, Defenestration of Prague, discovery of DNA, double entry bookkeeping, Edmond Halley, Edward Lloyd's coffeehouse, equal pay for equal work, Eratosthenes, Etonian, European colonialism, experimental economics, financial independence, finite state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, global village, Honoré de Balzac, Index librorum prohibitorum, interchangeable parts, invention of agriculture, invention of movable type, Isaac Newton, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Johannes Kepler, John Harrison: Longitude, joint-stock company, Joseph-Marie Jacquard, land reform, liberation theology, long peace, Louis Blériot, Louis Daguerre, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Murano, Venice glass, music of the spheres, New Urbanism, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, Peace of Westphalia, popular capitalism, Potemkin village, purchasing power parity, Ralph Waldo Emerson, road to serfdom, sceptred isle, Scramble for Africa, spinning jenny, Thales of Miletus, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, Transnistria, urban planning, urban sprawl

They formed the revolutionary block of deputies on the ‘Montagne’, which physically towered over the moderates of the ‘Plaine’ below. The opposition of ‘Left’ and ‘Right’ has provided a basic metaphor for the political spectrum ever since.1 Yet the metaphor has its problems. It only works if the political spectrum is seen to be ranged along a straight line, with ‘Left’ and ‘Right’ separated by the conciliatory ‘Centre’ between them: Reform————Status quo————Reaction Extreme—Left—Centre-Left—CENTRE—Centre-Right—Right—Extreme Left Right In this scheme, the most successful politicians are likely to be those who command the consensus of ‘the centre ground’ with the help of either the moderate Left or the moderate Right. Marxists, and other dialecticians, however, see the political spectrum not as unilinear, but as bi-polar. In their scheme, politics consists of a struggle where two opposite forces are fated to contend, and where one or the other will necessarily establish supremacy.


pages: 868 words: 149,572

CSS: The Definitive Guide by Eric A. Meyer

centre right, Chuck Templeton: OpenTable:, conceptual framework, Ralph Waldo Emerson

To avoid tripping the bug, make sure your keywords give the horizontal placement first and then the vertical. Thus, write left center instead of center left. If only one keyword appears, then the other is assumed to be center. Table 9-1 shows equivalent keyword statements. Table 9-1. Position keyword equivalents Single keyword Equivalent keywords center center center top top center center top bottom bottom center center bottom right center right right center left center left left center So if you want an image to appear in the top center of every paragraph, you need only declare: p {background-image: url(yinyang.gif); background-repeat: no-repeat; background-position: top;} Percentage values Percentage values are closely related to the keywords, although they behave in a more sophisticated way. Let's say that you want to center an origin image within its element by using percentage values.

Figure 9-24. Declaring only one percentage value means the vertical position evaluates to 50% Table 9-2 gives a breakdown of keyword and percentage equivalencies. Table 9-2. Positional equivalents Single keyword Equivalent keywords Equivalent percentages center center center 50% 50% 50% top top center center top 50% 0% bottom bottom center center bottom 50% 100% right center right right center 100% 50% 100% left center left left center 0% 50% 0% top left left top 0% 0% top right right top 100% 0% bottom right right bottom 100% 100% bottom left left bottom 0% 100% In case you're wondering, the default values for background-position are 0% 0%, which is functionally the same as top left. This is why, unless you set different values for the position, background images always start tiling from the top-left corner of the element's padding area.

With the availability of high-end audio systems and 3D sound, it should be possible to position sounds within that space. CSS2.x defines two properties to accomplish this, one of which defines the angle of a sound's source on a horizontal plane, and the second of which defines the source's angle on a vertical plane. The placement of sounds along the horizontal plane is handled using azimuth. azimuth Values: <angle> | [[ left-side | far-left | left | center-left | center | center-right | right | far-right | right-side ] || behind ] | leftwards | rightwards | inherit Initial value: center Applies to: All elements Inherited: Yes Computed value: Normalized angle Angle values can come in three units: deg (degrees), grad (grads), and rad (radians). The possible ranges for these unit types are 0-360deg, 0-400grad, and 0-6.2831853rad. Negative values are permitted, but they are recalculated as positive values.


State-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st Century by Francis Fukuyama

Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, centre right, corporate governance, demand response, Doha Development Round, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Akerlof, Hernando de Soto, information asymmetry, liberal world order, Live Aid, Nick Leeson, Pareto efficiency, Potemkin village, price stability, principal–agent problem, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Coase, structural adjustment programs, technology bubble, The Market for Lemons, The Nature of the Firm, transaction costs, Washington Consensus, Westphalian system

The collapse of the most extreme form of statism, communism, gave extra impetus to the movement to reduce the size of the state in noncommunist countries. Friedrich A. Hayek, who was pilloried at midcentury for suggesting that there was a connection between totalitarianism and the modern welfare state (Hayek 1956), saw his ideas taken much more seriously by the time of his death in 1992—not just in the political world, where conservative and center-right parties came to power, but in academia as well, where neoclassical economics gained enormously in prestige as the leading social science. Reducing the size of the state sector was the dominant theme of policy during the critical years of the 1980s and early 1990s, when a wide variety of countries in the former communist world, Latin America, Asia, and Africa were emerging from authoritarian rule after what Huntington (1991) labeled the “third wave” of democratization.

The EU collectively encompasses a population of 375 million people and has a GDP of $9.7 trillion, compared to a U.S. population of 280 million and a GDP of $10.1 trillion. Europe could certainly spend money on defense at a level that would put it on a par with the United States, but it chooses not to. Europe spends barely $130 billion collectively on defense—a sum that has been steadily falling— compared to U.S. defense spending of $300 billion, which is due to rise sharply. Despite Europe’s turn in a more conservative direction in 2002, not one rightist or center-right candidate is campaigning on a platform of significantly raising defense spending. Europe’s ability to deploy its power is of course greatly weakened by the collective action problems posed by 112 state-building the current system of EU decision making, but the failure to create more useable military power is clearly a political and normative issue. The reasons for this normative difference lie, of course, at the very heart of the postwar European project.


Crisis and Dollarization in Ecuador: Stability, Growth, and Social Equity by Paul Ely Beckerman, Andrés Solimano

banking crisis, banks create money, barriers to entry, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, carried interest, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, currency peg, declining real wages, disintermediation, financial intermediation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Gini coefficient, income inequality, income per capita, labor-force participation, land reform, London Interbank Offered Rate, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, open economy, pension reform, price stability, rent-seeking, school vouchers, seigniorage, trade liberalization, women in the workforce

Since July 1925, when the Conservatives and Liberals gave way to new political groupings in the wake of the Revolución Juliana (see section B below), Ecuador’s political parties have been fragmented and unstable. As of mid-2001, representatives of 10 parties sit in the (unicameral) national Congress. The parties are difficult to classify ideologically. Populism figures heavily in their styles and substance. Of the four largest, two are relatively, if inconsistently, center-right and center-left parties based mainly in the Sierra and two are relatively center-right and centerleft parties based mainly in the Costa.6 Another party (Pachakutik) claims exclusively to represent indigenous ethnic minorities. During 1998 and 1999, party fragmentation made it difficult to pass emergency legislation that was essential precisely because of the limitations of the central government’s executive and administrative powers (see Part 4). 22 CRISIS AND DOLLARIZATION IN ECUADOR A paradoxical consequence of Ecuador’s regionalism has been a longstanding failure to develop effective subnational governments.

In the Sierra, some were tied to large landholdings through more or less feudal relationships that persisted well into the 20th century. Some indigenous groups have lived in self-governing village communities. Over the 20th century, however, after revised constitutions afforded them political rights, Ecuador’s indigenous peoples gradually increased their political participation, more and more through specifically indigenous organizations and parties. 6. The center-right parties are the Sierra-based Democracia Popular and the Costa-based Partido Social Cristiano; the more center-left parties are the Sierrabased Izquierda Democrática and the populist Costa-based Partido Roldosista Ecuatoriana. It is only fair to note that the “right, center, and left” labels can often be highly misleading. 7. The group came to be known as la argolla, literally, a large iron ring, but best translated as “coterie.” 8.


pages: 324 words: 80,217

The Decadent Society: How We Became the Victims of Our Own Success by Ross Douthat

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, AI winter, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, Burning Man, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, charter city, crack epidemic, crowdsourcing, David Graeber, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, East Village, Elon Musk, Flynn Effect, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, ghettoisation, gig economy, Haight Ashbury, helicopter parent, hive mind, Hyperloop, immigration reform, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Islamic Golden Age, Jeff Bezos, Joan Didion, Kevin Kelly, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, life extension, mass immigration, mass incarceration, means of production, megacity, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, multiplanetary species, New Journalism, Nicholas Carr, Norman Mailer, obamacare, Oculus Rift, open borders, out of africa, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, pre–internet, QAnon, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Snapchat, social web, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, technoutopianism, the built environment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, wage slave, women in the workforce, Y2K

But for our purposes, it’s enough to say that Piketty’s villains, the grands rentiers (the global superrich) and petit rentiers (the mass upper class forged by meritocracy), are both instantly recognizable types, and his description of how the modern upper class has consolidated its position would be at home in Lindsey and Teles’s more libertarian analysis as well. The Pikettian left and the libertarian center right differ in which kind of rentier they are most eager to indict: Piketty and his admirers are hardest on the superrich, blaming their political influence and essential selfishness for foiling necessary large-scale redistribution, while libertarian antirentiers are more likely to argue that the richest of the rich still generally rise on their own merits (think Jeff Bezos or Warren Buffett), while it’s the mass upper class that’s really guilty of what the Brookings Institution’s Richard Reeves calls “dream hoarding”: the combined effects of inherited wealth, educational requirements, real estate prices, and tax breaks that essentially reproduce privilege from one generation to the next.

The European Stalemate If the distinctly American features of sclerosis were the only ones that matter, the Old Continent should be in considerably better shape. Europe has parliamentary systems with fewer veto points, smaller polities with more efficient governments (at least in northern Europe), greater accountability for bureaucrats, and less danger of extraordinary public-sector sprawl. It has center-right parties that have historically stiff-armed populism rather than embracing it, and a technocratic elite that’s resisted the pull of polarization. It has a strong recent history of not only transpartisan but also multinational cooperation between different political factions and coalitions, all in the service of a grand civilizational project rooted in the optimism of the postwar period—the dreams of progress after the horror of war.

The consequences were swift: Brexit in Britain, a populist government in Italy, a boost for preexisting nationalist governments in eastern Europe, a far right party gaining ground in Germany, the respectable center left collapsing everywhere from Scandinavia to Spain. All of this turbulence, however, has not produced dramatic policy change. Instead, it’s delivered European politics to a stalemate different from the American one, but equally enervating. Instead of two polarized parties, Europe has a center-right and center-left that are no longer powerful enough to really govern, challenged by a populism (right-wing in most cases, left-wing in a few) that’s potent enough to disrupt but not sufficiently popular to rule. It has a central elite that’s too unpopular to impose its will on the periphery, even as the periphery’s leaders, however populist they may be, flinch from taking any step that might actually unravel the whole disastrous system.


pages: 597 words: 172,130

The Alchemists: Three Central Bankers and a World on Fire by Neil Irwin

"Robert Solow", Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, break the buck, Bretton Woods, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, central bank independence, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, currency peg, eurozone crisis, financial innovation, Flash crash, George Akerlof, German hyperinflation, Google Earth, hiring and firing, inflation targeting, Isaac Newton, Julian Assange, low cost airline, market bubble, market design, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage debt, new economy, Northern Rock, Paul Samuelson, price stability, quantitative easing, rent control, reserve currency, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, Socratic dialogue, sovereign wealth fund, The Great Moderation, too big to fail, union organizing, WikiLeaks, yield curve, Yom Kippur War

Inflation was so high that lenders would give money to the Greek government or its citizens only on onerous terms. After all, they had to take into account the fact that the drachmas they were repaid would be worth less than those they had loaned. In 1992, when low-inflation Germany could borrow money for a decade at 8 percent, Greece had to pay 24 percent. Both the major Greek political parties, the center-left Panhellenic Socialist Movement and the center-right New Democracy, were enthusiasts for joining the eurozone, with only the communist left and neofascist right, together amounting to around 20 percent of the population, opposing. Greece’s problems during the 1980s and 1990s were anemic growth, double-digit inflation and interest rates, and large deficits. “With the adoption of the euro, Greece gained the credibility of the European Central Bank, which itself was modeled after Germany’s Bundesbank,” said George Provopoulos, the Bank of Greece governor, who was an academic at the time.

In that case, wages wouldn’t need to come down quite as much to make Greece competitive with the rest of Europe. One irony was that a socialist government was being forced to desocialize the Greek economy. Many of Papandreou’s own party members were threatening to defect rather than vote for privatizations that seemed to violate their convictions. The prime minister offered to step down if the opposition center-right party, New Democracy, would agree to form a coalition “unity” government with his Panhellenic Socialist Movement, or PASOK. But New Democracy saw too much political advantage in letting Papandreou twist in the wind and forcing his fellow party members to take a series of wildly unpopular votes for austerity. “To this demonstrably mistaken recipe I will not agree,” its leader, Antonis Samaras, said on May 24, after meeting with Papandreou and declining to cooperate with the plan his government was developing to assuage the troika.

Moreover, they made clear, the next €8 billion in aid wouldn’t be dispensed until either the vote was in favor of remaining in the eurozone or the referendum was canceled. “We made Papandreou . . . aware of the fact that his behavior is disloyal,” said Eurogroup chief Jean-Claude Juncker later. Papandreou returned to Athens the next morning and embarked on the new strategy of discussing with New Democracy’s Antonis Samaras a coalition government between Greece’s center-left and center-right parties, led by a technically accomplished but nonpartisan elder statesman. “Papandreou became the punching bag for everything bad in Greek society,” said a senior Greek official. “He had honest intentions of navigating the country through a difficult program, but he did not have the skills to convincingly defend it, and he appeared out of touch. What happened in Cannes was humiliating for Greece and for him personally.”


Guide to LaTeX by Helmut Kopka, Patrick W. Daly

centre right, Donald Knuth, framing effect, hypertext link, invention of movable type, Menlo Park

Drawing with LATEX The arrow indicates the point (1.5,1.2) which is the position of the lower left corner of the rectangle with width 2.5 units and height 1.2 units. The text ‘center’ is centered both horizontally and vertically. UL = 0.8 cm. 6 center 1.2 UL ? 2.5 UL - (1.5,1.2) The effect of the text positioning argument is made clear with the following examples (UL = 1 cm): (3.0,3.2) center right @ R @ top center bot. left @ I @ (0.0,1.95) (2.0,0.3) @ I @ (3.0,1.95) center @ R @ stretch \put(0.0,1.95){\framebox(2,1.0) [t]{top center}} \put(3.0,1.95){\framebox(2,0.8) [lb]{bot. left}} \put(3.0,3.2){\framebox(2,0.6) [r]{center right}} \put(2.0,0.3){\framebox(2,0.6) [s]{stretch\hfill center}} The picture element \makebox is exactly the same as the \framebox command but without the rectangular frame. It is most often employed with the dimensional pair (0,0) in order to place text at a desired location.

The command \hfill is an abbreviation for \hspace{\fill} (see Section 2.4.2). It inserts enough space at that point to force the text on either side to be pushed over to the left and right margins. With Left\hfill Right one produces Left Right Multiple occurrences of \hfill within one line will each insert the same amount of spacing so that the line becomes left and right justified. For example, the text Left\hfill Center\hfill Right generates Left Center Right If \hfill comes at the beginning of a line, the spacing is suppressed in accordance with the behavior of the standard form for \hspace. If a rubber space is really to be added at the beginning or end of a line, \hspace*{\fill} must be used instead. However, LATEX also offers a number of commands and environments to simplify most such applications (see Section 4.2.2). A number of other fixed horizontal spacing commands are available: \quad and \qquad The command \quad inserts a horizontal space equal to the current type size, that is, 10 pt for a 10 pt typeface, whereas \qquad inserts twice as much.

Inserting variable . . . . . . and sequences Two commands that work exactly the same way as \hfill are \dotfill and \hrulefill Instead of inserting empty space, these commands fill the gap with dots or a ruled line, as follows: Start \dotfill\ Finish\\ and Left \hrulefill\ Center \hrulefill\ Right\\ produce Start . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Finish Left Center Right 2.7. Fine-tuning text 31 Any combination of \hfill, \dotfill, and \hrulefill may be given on one line. If any of these commands appears more than once at one location, the corresponding filling will be printed that many more times than for a single occurrence. Departure \dotfill\dotfill\dotfill\ 8:30 \hfill\hfill Arrival \hrulefill\ 11:45\\ Departure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8:30 2.7.2 Arrival 11:45 Line breaking Breaking text into lines is done automatically in TEX and LATEX.


pages: 312 words: 91,835

Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization by Branko Milanovic

"Robert Solow", Asian financial crisis, assortative mating, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, Black Swan, Branko Milanovic, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, labor-force participation, liberal capitalism, low skilled workers, Martin Wolf, means of production, mittelstand, moral hazard, Nash equilibrium, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, Paul Samuelson, place-making, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post scarcity, post-industrial society, profit motive, purchasing power parity, Ralph Nader, Second Machine Age, seigniorage, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, special economic zone, stakhanovite, trade route, transfer pricing, very high income, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce

Legislative elections in 2012–2015 are the latest elections at the time of writing (August 2015): France (2012), Germany and Austria (2013), Belgium, Sweden, Hungary (2014), Greece, Finland, Denmark (2015). Parties are ranked from top to bottom according to their share in the most recent national election. Data source: Compiled by the author from various Internet sources. The rise of such parties has had another effect: moving mainstream center-right parties more to the right. This shift is obvious in France, where the center-right party led by Nicolas Sarkozy is in many respects indistinguishable from the right-wing National Front (although Sarkozy’s party attempts to highlight the differences and ignore the similarities). It is also obvious in the United Kingdom, where conservatives have in many instances moved closer to the positions held by the far-right United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP).

The reaction of the middle and lower middle classes to the gradual loss of welfare-state protection and encroachment on their other acquired rights has been to shift politically to the right, toward populist and nativist parties. This trend has been facilitated, first, by the disappearance of alternatives on the left, which were discredited after the end of communism, second, by the co-optation of leftist parties (such as the Socialist Party in France and PSOE in Spain) by centrist or center-right parties from which they can hardly be distinguished any longer, and third, by the discrediting of the mainstream parties following their inept handling of the Great Recession. The crumbling of the left and of the mainstream parties has opened the way, in practically all Western and Central European countries, to the rise of mildly antisystemic populist parties. I use the term “mildly” because the objective of these parties, unlike that of true antisystemic parties such as fascist and communist parties, is not to destroy the existing political order.


pages: 291 words: 90,200

Networks of Outrage and Hope: Social Movements in the Internet Age by Manuel Castells

access to a mobile phone, banking crisis, call centre, centre right, citizen journalism, cognitive dissonance, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, crowdsourcing, currency manipulation / currency intervention, disintermediation, en.wikipedia.org, housing crisis, income inequality, microcredit, Mohammed Bouazizi, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, Port of Oakland, social software, statistical model, We are the 99%, web application, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey, young professional, zero-sum game

Yet, when social movements do exist and the state institutions are open to change, the transformative potential of social movements may find an institutional expression, as in Chile and Brazil. In most countries of Europe, the crisis of political legitimacy, deepened by the economic crisis, prompted right-wing populist political reactions, always ultra-nationalist, often xenophobic, that threaten to undo the European Union and are calling into question the duopoly of center-right and center-left blocks in the political system. The European parliamentary elections of May 25, 2014, were a turning point in this regard. The ultra-nationalist, anti-European UKIP became the top vote getter in the UK. The extreme right Front National of Marine Le Pen was the winner of the elections in France, and opinion polls in the Fall of 2014 were predicting the victory of Le Pen in the presidential elections of 2016.

Although Grillo could not be a candidate according to the rules of the movement because of his criminal conviction in an automobile accident, he was the leader of the campaign, sparking enthusiasm and hope in a large segment of the demoralized citizenry. On February 22, 2013, hundreds of thousands gathered in Piazza San Giovanni in Roma to listen to the inflammatory speech of Beppe Grillo. At the ballot box, M5S became the most voted-for party for the Chamber of Deputies, with 25.6 percent of the vote, although the center-left coalition, led by the Democratic Party, and the center-right coalition, led by Berlusconi, obtained more deputies and barred access of M5S to government. The movement became the largest political force in a number of regions, including Liguria (the home of Grillo), Sicily and Sardinia. It also elected 54 senators, second only to the Democratic Party, and played a significant role in enacting or blocking legislation and appointments, such as the appointment of the President of the Republic.

Thus, there does appear to be a connection between the social movements that challenged the political establishment and the themes and potential policies resulting from the debates in this most contested presidential campaign. However, in political terms, perhaps more significant than the defeat of Silva’s candidacy was the success of the conservative candidates in the parliamentary elections that were held simultaneously with the presidential election. Major states, such as São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul, and Minas Gerais, elected or re-elected center-right or right-wing politicians, including some who had been directly challenged by the movement. Yes, the PT lost ground in the Congress, but it was to the benefit of the centrist PSDB, the rightist and corrupt PMDB, and a number of extreme-right candidates. As a result, the Brazilian Congress resulting from the 2014 election was the most conservative Congress since the end of the military regime.


pages: 364 words: 99,613

Servant Economy: Where America's Elite Is Sending the Middle Class by Jeff Faux

back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business cycle, call centre, centre right, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Brooks, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, disruptive innovation, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, full employment, hiring and firing, Howard Zinn, Hyman Minsky, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, informal economy, invisible hand, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kickstarter, lake wobegon effect, Long Term Capital Management, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, McMansion, medical malpractice, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, Naomi Klein, new economy, oil shock, old-boy network, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price mechanism, price stability, private military company, Ralph Nader, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, South China Sea, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trade route, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, working poor, Yogi Berra, Yom Kippur War

Indeed, he dismissed Chinese engineers as largely “auto mechanics and industrial repairmen”—no match for the much more sophisticated Americans.6 “Relax, we’ll be fine,” wrote the establishment conservative David Brooks of the New York Times on April 2010, one in a series of columns he wrote over the next year about U.S. prospects. “The fact is, despite all the problems, America’s future is exceedingly bright.”7 Leaving aside that there are no facts about the future, Brooks is an intelligent, widely read center-right pundit. We can trust him to give us the best available arguments for an optimistic tomorrow. Two books impressed him: Rebound: Why America Will Emerge Stronger from the Financial Crisis by economist Stephen Rose and The Next Hundred Million: America in 2050 by Joel Kotkin, whom Brooks calls an “über-geographer.” Rose and Kotkin are smart analysts. They are both former left-leaning thinkers who have moved to the center-right in the last twenty years. Rose begins his case in Rebound with a statistical argument about living standards in the recent past. Showering the reader with graphs and tables, he writes that the middle-class squeeze is a left-wing myth, perpetrated by people who don’t understand the dynamism of American free enterprise.

But the cutbacks in staffing and the creeping coziness between those who get the contracts and those who approve them strongly indicates that profits will dominate. As the investment and ethos of the business corporation further infuses U.S. education, teachers will be treated less like professionals with a calling and more like the employees of other for-profit enterprises—that is, judged by their contribution to the bottom line. There is no reason to believe that the Republicans and their center-right Democratic allies will not continue their attacks on teachers’ unions and, by strong inference, on public schools. They will not have to win every political battle, but they will be on the offense, and teachers and other public workers will be on the defense. Arne Duncan’s notion that newly minted and highly motivated fantastic teachers would compensate for large class sizes will prove hollow.


pages: 319 words: 95,854

You Are What You Speak: Grammar Grouches, Language Laws, and the Politics of Identity by Robert Lane Greene

anti-communist, British Empire, centre right, discovery of DNA, European colonialism, facts on the ground, haute couture, illegal immigration, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, Parag Khanna, Ronald Reagan, Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, Steven Pinker, Yogi Berra, zero-sum game

Ministre, whether male or female, was grammatically masculine, argued the Academy. Not only that, but allowing the la would only exacerbate the notion that men and women ministers were different. La ministre was an affront to equality. Man or woman, said the Academy, everyone had the right to be le ministre. But the government did not change its practice. In 2007 the BBC was at it again, reporting that “a new French resistance” was under way. A center-right member of parliament was arguing publicly that the invasion of English words was very dangerous, because “the French language is the spirit of France and of every Frenchman.” A union leader bemoaned the fact that 7 percent of French companies were using English as their official language. The article cited les e-mails, le web, and l’Internet as proof that the English were invading back across the Channel.

The attempt to eradicate la ministre can be defended on grounds of French tradition (“We have always done it this way”) or on the basis of universalism and equality (“Le ministre can be a man or a woman”). Though France is internally politically divided between left and right, language policy is an area of broad agreement: from right to left, there is a national concord on the need to promote and defend French. The Academy’s members include a former center-right president, Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, and a well-known socialist (and formerly Communist) journalist, Max Gallo. The right and the nationalists support French language planning in the name of national prestige, while the left argues that French is a key to universal values like liberty, equality, and fraternity. But in the end, they support the same thing: government language planning. The Italians had their Accademia della Crusca before France’s, but the French Academy’s model has by far the most celebrated and imitated.

The airport is named after the general and president whose certaine idée de la France still animates many among the French. De Gaulle developed a nuclear bomb for France, yanked his country out of NATO’s military command, and booted the alliance’s headquarters out of Paris. He believed in a strong Europe, with France its undisputed leader, an independent pole of power between the Soviet- and American-led blocs. The main center-right party in France, which has changed offical names repeatedly, is still universally known as the “Gaullist” party, and its leaders—notably Jacques Chirac in recent years—share the America-wary DNA of the general himself. So what greets the visitor arriving at Charles de Gaulle airport today? Among other things, signs reading “The department store capital of fashion,” “Only the brave,” “I ♥ Italian shoes,” and “Duty free like nowhere else.”


pages: 336 words: 95,773

The Theft of a Decade: How the Baby Boomers Stole the Millennials' Economic Future by Joseph C. Sternberg

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, American Legislative Exchange Council, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, Basel III, Bernie Sanders, blue-collar work, centre right, corporate raider, Detroit bankruptcy, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, employer provided health coverage, Erik Brynjolfsson, eurozone crisis, future of work, gig economy, Gordon Gekko, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, job satisfaction, job-hopping, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, Lyft, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, minimum wage unemployment, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, Nate Silver, new economy, obamacare, oil shock, payday loans, pension reform, quantitative easing, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Second Machine Age, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, TaskRabbit, total factor productivity, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, uber lyft, unpaid internship, women in the workforce

Germans had a national election in September 2017, and the remarkable thing about that campaign was that tax-cut pledges hardly resonated at all. The center-left Social Democratic Party (SPD) tried to promise tax cuts for the middle class, to be offset by a tax increase on those with higher incomes. That wasn’t enough to spare the SPD from its worst election result since West German democracy restarted in 1949. As for the center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) of Chancellor Angela Merkel, anyone who thought the functional equivalent of the US Republican Party would make a big push for tax reform was sorely mistaken. Merkel started the campaign not wanting to promise any tax cuts at all and had to be dragged into promising a very small package of tax cuts by some right-wing malcontents in her party’s leadership. The simplest explanation for this is that Germans seem to think the tax system—and the entitlement spending all those taxes support—is working for them.

* The discussion of Europe in this section will exclude the United Kingdom, which was affected differently by the 2007–2008 crisis and recovered differently afterward. † The first big moment of revelation came in late 2009 and early 2010, when the government in Athens admitted Greece’s budget deficit and national debt were much higher than previous budget statements had suggested. ‡ Italy and Sweden are two countries that don’t. § Members of Britain’s center-right Conservative Party are also known by the nickname Tories. ¶ Baby Boomers born 1946–1965; Millennials born 1981–2000. * Put another way, in 1995, 65 percent of middle-earning households headed by someone born 1961–1970 owned the home they occupied, but by 2015 only 27 percent of middle-earning households with a head born 1981–1990 owned. † This poll included people born 1972–1998, so a mix of both Gen X and Millennials

¶ Another popular fiscal view in Germany that will warm some American politicians’ hearts is an endemic belief that Berlin spends too much on the military—despite the fact that German military spending relative to the size of the economy already is on the low side compared to the rest of Europe—and that further cuts to the military budget should fund other spending priorities such as education and social-welfare benefits. * They were implemented by SPD chancellor Gerhard Schroeder but are known as the Hartz reforms after Peter Hartz, the former Volkswagen executive who led the panel that proposed the overhauls. † After elections in both 2013 and 2017, Germany emerged with an unwieldy “Grand Coalition” government made up of the main center-right and center-left parties, and the finance minister in her government after 2017 was from the opposing party. This explains why a conservative such as Merkel can end up implementing policy ideas advocated by the Social Democrats. ‡ Lester Thurow, the dean of MIT’s Sloan School of Business in the late 1980s and early 1990s, built a career around warning that Americans were failing to keep up with Japanese competitors who in his telling were better at just about every aspect of economic leadership and corporate management; the timing of his most famous book, 1992’s Head to Head: The Coming Economic Battle Among Japan, Europe, and America, now seems unfortunate in light of the fact that when it came out, Japan was entering into what has now become two decades of near-stagnation.


pages: 412 words: 96,251

Why We're Polarized by Ezra Klein

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, Cass Sunstein, centre right, Climategate, collapse of Lehman Brothers, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Ferguson, Missouri, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Nate Silver, obamacare, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, source of truth

So when I go to Twitter and talk about overspending or the size of the government, I get a lot of reactions now from Trump supporters saying, “Who cares how big the government is”, or “Who cares how much we’re spending as long as we’re fighting against illegal immigration and pushing back against the left.”9 The Fox News effect Crucially, the Democratic Party isn’t just more diverse in terms of its members; it’s also more diverse in its trusted information sources. In 2014, the Pew Research Center conducted a survey measuring trust in different media sources, giving respondents thirty-six different outlets to consider and asking them to rate their trust in each. Respondents who counted as “consistent liberals” trusted a wide variety of media outlets ranging from center-right to left: ABC, Al Jazeera America, the BBC, Bloomberg, CBS, CNN, The Colbert Report, Daily Kos, The Daily Show, the Economist, The Ed Schultz Show, Google News, the Guardian, the Huffington Post, Mother Jones, MSNBC, NBC, the New Yorker, the New York Times, NPR, PBS, Politico, Slate, USA Today, the Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post, and Yahoo! Consistent conservatives did not. Of the thirty-six outlets named, only a handful of deeply ideological sources commanded more trust than distrust among respondents who counted as consistently conservative: Fox News, Breitbart, the Wall Street Journal, the Blaze, the Drudge Report, The Sean Hannity Show, The Glenn Beck Program, and The Rush Limbaugh Show.

On the liberal side, by contrast, the center of gravity was made up largely of long-standing media organizations steeped in the traditions and practices of objective journalism.11 Political parties exist within informational ecosystems. Those ecosystems create the context in which voters make demands, in which politicians make strategic choices, in which presidential aspirants craft messages. The Democratic Party’s informational ecosystem combines mainstream sources that seek objectivity, liberal sources that push partiality, and even some center-right sources with excellent reputations, like the Economist and the news reporting in the Wall Street Journal. On any given question, liberals trust in sources that pull them left and sources that pull them toward the center, in sources oriented toward escalation and sources oriented toward moderation, in sources that root their identity in a political movement and sources that carefully tend a reputation for being antagonistic toward political movements.

But it’s also forced them into dependence on an electorate that feels its power slipping away, and that demands a response proportionate to its fears. This is the way in which the parties are not structurally symmetrical and thus why they have not responded to a polarizing era in the same ways: Democrats simply can’t win running the kinds of campaigns and deploying the kinds of tactics that succeed for Republicans. They can move to the left—and they are—but they can’t abandon the center or, given the geography of American politics, the center-right, and still hold power. And they know it. In December 2018, well into the Trump era, Gallup asked Democrats and Republicans whether they wanted to see their party become more liberal, more conservative, or more moderate. By a margin of 57–37, Republicans wanted their party to become more conservative; by a margin of 54–41, Democrats wanted their party to become more moderate.24 I. This doesn’t prove liberals wouldn’t exhibit the same behavior toward Obama or Sanders.


pages: 486 words: 150,849

Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America: A Recent History by Kurt Andersen

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, airport security, always be closing, American ideology, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, artificial general intelligence, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Bernie Sanders, blue-collar work, Bonfire of the Vanities, bonus culture, Burning Man, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, centre right, computer age, coronavirus, corporate governance, corporate raider, COVID-19, Covid-19, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, cryptocurrency, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, Erik Brynjolfsson, feminist movement, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, future of work, game design, George Gilder, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, High speed trading, hive mind, income inequality, industrial robot, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, jitney, Joan Didion, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, mass immigration, mass incarceration, Menlo Park, Naomi Klein, new economy, Norbert Wiener, Norman Mailer, obamacare, Peter Thiel, Picturephone, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-industrial society, Powell Memorandum, pre–internet, Ralph Nader, Right to Buy, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Seaside, Florida, Second Machine Age, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Future of Employment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, union organizing, universal basic income, Unsafe at Any Speed, urban planning, urban renewal, very high income, wage slave, Wall-E, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, working poor, young professional, éminence grise

But when it asked the question in 2018, the numbers had flipped—58 percent now want the government to do more to help people, a larger majority than ever before in this poll, and only 38 percent want to leave the big-problem-solving to businesses and individuals. Among people under forty, two-thirds or more think we should, through government, be doing more to solve our big problems. 2. On economics, Americans have been leaning pretty left. “America today is not a center-right country,” the Princeton sociologist Paul Starr wrote in 2018, but rather “a country with a center-right economic elite” that has dominated both political parties for a long time, “and a polarized electorate torn between parties on the far right and center left.” I think that’s correct. More specifically, I think the leftist UC Berkeley economist Emmanuel Saez was correct when he said in a 2016 lecture that “in America, people do not have a strong view against inequality per se, as long as inequality is fair,” meaning that “individual income and wealth reflect the value of what people produce or otherwise contribute to the economic system.”

But despite the liberal Establishment’s openness and the right’s new think tanks and foundations and zillionaire donors, it seemed in the 1970s that the antigovernment diehards and libertarian freaks, the Milton Friedmanites and Ayn Randians and Wall Street Journal ideologues, would never really be allowed to run the show. The American ideological center of gravity was plainly undergoing a rightward shift, but wouldn’t the 1980s just turn out to be some kind of modest course correction, like what happened in the late 1940s and ’50s, part of the normal endless back-and-forth pendulum swing from center-left to center-right? We had no idea. Almost nobody foresaw fully the enormity of the sharp turn America was about to take. Nobody knew that we’d keep heading in that direction for half a lifetime, that in the late 1970s big business and the well-to-do were at the start of a forty-year-plus winning streak at the expense of everyone else. Partly as a result of various kinds of liberal niceness, liberals were ill-prepared to appreciate or cope with what was about to happen.

A Vermont mayor who’d endorsed him, Bernie Sanders, was elected to the House in 1990 as a socialist, cute, but really, so what? He was a quirky retro figure, some Ben & Jerry’s guy who didn’t realize the 1960s were over and was channeling Eugene Debs and Norman Thomas from the ’20s and ’30s. In 1992, when Clinton won the nomination, his only serious competitors were two fellow New Democrats, Brown and Tsongas. Democrats had settled into their role as America’s economically center-right party. There was no organized, viable national economic left in the vicinity of power. * The earliest use of the phrase socially liberal but fiscally conservative in all 5 million books and other publications digitized by Google was in 1978, in Charles Koch’s magazine Inquiry: A Libertarian Review, to refer to the new ideological territory that Massachusetts governor Michael Dukakis and President Carter were both trying to claim.


From Peoples into Nations by John Connelly

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, Cass Sunstein, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, German hyperinflation, Gini coefficient, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, joint-stock company, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, liberal capitalism, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, oil shock, old-boy network, open borders, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Peace of Westphalia, profit motive, purchasing power parity, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Chicago School, trade liberalization, Transnistria, union organizing, upwardly mobile, wikimedia commons, women in the workforce

A generation later, fascism would flourish in areas where the common people were treated with condescension by members of their own ethnicity. At least that would be the fascists’ compelling argument. But the Linz Program was not simply fascism’s harbinger. What made it a pivot to the future, revealing the centrality of the German-Slavic dispute in Cisleithania, was that a program cooked up by dissenting intellectuals could grow into mass movements of the center right—into pan-Germanism and Christian Socialism—but also Marxian Social Democracy, in each case appealing to fears of decline in wide swaths of the population. The only solution that Habsburg leaders had for the fragmentation of the post-liberal landscape, and the challenges of forming governing coalitions in a mass of new parties, was to broaden the electorate in hopes of creating some whose appeal would stretch across ethnic lines.

Christian Socialist movements had emerged elsewhere in the nineteenth century, from the United States and the United Kingdom to France and Imperial Germany, but they hovered on the margins of politics. The same was true of Christian Socialism in Vienna in the late 1880s, before Lueger came on the scene, looking for a cause that he might make equal to his ambitions. Without Lueger, Christian Socialism would not have seized power in Vienna; there would have been no center-right movement that gathered and led much of the Catholic proletariat as well as clergy, beyond Vienna and into small towns and villages. Lueger gave form to demands that would have remained incoherent, and the early leadership saw in him a figure of providence. When Christian Socialism’s intellectual father, Karl von Vogelsang, heard Lueger address a meeting in 1888, he exclaimed: “Now we have our leader!”

Instead, two competing peasant parties had emerged, one in former Austrian Galicia (Piast), the other from formerly Russian central Poland (Wyzwolenie). Reflecting local power structures, Piast tended to be conservative, willing to cooperate with the left and right, depending on opportunity, somewhat along the lines of parties in Italy or Romania. By contrast, Wyzwolenie was revolutionary, reflecting the desperate conditions of political life in tsarist Russia. Piast, under former Austrian Reichsrat deputy Wincenty Witos, became a center-right machine party that brokered most of the coalitions of the six years of Polish parliamentary rule. Because of the many Ukrainians in its home base of Galicia, the party did not support land reform that might weaken the “Polish element.” Wyzwolenie by contrast favored radical land reform and sympathized with the interests of ethnic minorities. Until the Polish economic situation became dire in the 1930s, the two peasant parties did not cooperate.


pages: 443 words: 112,800

The Third Industrial Revolution: How Lateral Power Is Transforming Energy, the Economy, and the World by Jeremy Rifkin

"Robert Solow", 3D printing, additive manufacturing, Albert Einstein, American ideology, barriers to entry, borderless world, carbon footprint, centre right, collaborative consumption, collaborative economy, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate governance, decarbonisation, distributed generation, en.wikipedia.org, energy security, energy transition, global supply chain, hydrogen economy, income inequality, industrial cluster, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Isaac Newton, job automation, knowledge economy, manufacturing employment, marginal employment, Martin Wolf, Masdar, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, off grid, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, peak oil, Ponzi scheme, post-oil, purchasing power parity, Ray Kurzweil, Ronald Reagan, scientific worldview, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Skype, smart grid, smart meter, Spread Networks laid a new fibre optics cable between New York and Chicago, supply-chain management, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, urban planning, urban renewal, Yom Kippur War, Zipcar

I was already scheduled to be in Rome a few weeks later on September 27 to deliver a speech before members of the Italian Parliament on the need to lay the groundwork for an empathic civilization and biosphere consciousness. Gianfranco Fini, the moderate center-right speaker of the lower house of the Parliament, had read my book, The Empathic Civilization, and was taken by the alternative narrative of the history of human consciousness and anxious to give the book a wider political audience. I decided to combine my visit with a face-to-face meeting with Epifani. So, I spent September 27 with Italy’s center-right parliamentary leader and the leader of the Italian trade union movement—whose political affiliations couldn’t be more different. I met with Epifani and Susanna Camusso, the president-elect of the union, in the morning.

Whether Spain can regain the momentum it lost in the aftermath of the 2008 economic downturn and recapture a prominent leadership role in the race to a Third Industrial Revolution is problematic at this point. Time will tell. ALL NODES CONNECT WITH ROME Prime Minister Zapatero is a socialist and his administration is one of the leading socialist powers in the world today. But the Third Industrial Revolution vision doesn’t belong to any particular political party affiliation. In Rome, Mayor Gianni Alemanno is with the People of Freedom party and part of the center-right Berlusconi coalition government. But his vision of a Third Industrial Revolution for Rome aligns him far more closely with Prime Minister Zapatero’s thinking than with that of his own prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi. The mayor’s attention is focused on two goals: breathing fresh life into the Rome economy by becoming a leader among the world’s great cities in sustainability, and securing the 2020 Olympics games for the city (Rome has not hosted the Olympic games since 1960).


pages: 409 words: 118,448

An Extraordinary Time: The End of the Postwar Boom and the Return of the Ordinary Economy by Marc Levinson

affirmative action, airline deregulation, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, car-free, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, deindustrialization, endogenous growth, falling living standards, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Gilder, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, informal economy, intermodal, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, late capitalism, linear programming, manufacturing employment, new economy, Nixon shock, North Sea oil, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, pension reform, price stability, purchasing power parity, refrigerator car, Right to Buy, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, rolodex, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, statistical model, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Thomas Malthus, total factor productivity, unorthodox policies, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, Wolfgang Streeck, women in the workforce, working-age population, yield curve, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

With their ideas completely discredited by the disastrous effects of Mitterrand’s nationalization program, the Communists went into a tail-spin, becoming only a marginal presence in French political life. Although Mitterrand remained president, the failure of his two very different policies to produce jobs and restore growth led voters to put a center-right coalition in control of the National Assembly in 1986. In an arrangement without precedent in France, Jacques Chirac, the center-right mayor of Paris, became prime minister under a Socialist president. It was Chirac’s campaign for the presidency in 1981 that had split the anti-Socialist vote, depriving Giscard of a second term; Mitterrand’s decision to select him as prime minister over other conservative leaders repaid the favor. Their power-sharing arrangement—cohabitation, the French called it—left Mitterrand in charge of foreign affairs and defense policy but gave Chirac considerable authority over domestic matters.

The electorate, which overwhelmingly supported capital punishment and distrusted the Communists, was charmed. In May 1981, with the economy slumping, the unemployment rate headed toward 7 percent, the franc under attack in the currency markets, and the inflation rate stuck in the double digits, voters turned out in record numbers to give the Socialists a chance.4 IN HIS PROLONGED MIGRATION FROM CENTER-RIGHT TO CENTER-LEFT, Mitterrand had never given much thought to economics. Not one of his many ministerial posts had involved economic affairs, and as an opposition deputy in the National Assembly, his attention was devoted mainly to internal party matters. He and his chief economic adviser, Jacques Attali, paid lip service to Karl Marx—the Socialists could succeed at the polls only by pulling in supporters of the Communists, who had yet to lose their fondness for Marxian dogma—but they saw the source of the crisis as declining profits, which, in their understanding, caused businesses to raise prices and cut back on hiring.5 In 1975, Attali had proposed a range of policies to create jobs, such as subsidizing the labor-intensive industries that would be most likely to hire large numbers of workers; taxing capital-intensive industries in the hope that this would prompt them to make greater use of labor instead of replacing workers with machines; nationalizing companies so the state would have direct control over their hiring and investment decisions; and gradually shortening the workweek in the hope that employers would hire additional people to do the same amount of work.


pages: 394 words: 112,770

Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House by Michael Wolff

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, centre right, disintermediation, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, forensic accounting, illegal immigration, impulse control, Jeff Bezos, Jeffrey Epstein, obamacare, Peter Thiel, Renaissance Technologies, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, Travis Kalanick, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game

The bond he once had with them, forged through mutual celebrity and a shared proprietary sense of politics (Scarborough, the former congressman, seemed to feel that he ought reasonably to be president as much as Donald Trump felt he should be), had distinguished the show during the campaign; now its public fraying became part of the daily news cycle. Scarborough and Brzezinski lectured him, channeled the concerns of his friends and family, upbraided him, and openly worried about him—that he was getting the wrong advice (Bannon) and, too, that his mental powers were slipping. They also staked a claim at representing the reasonable center-right alternative to the president, and indeed were quite a good barometer of both the center-right’s efforts to deal with him and its day-to-day difficulties of living with him. Trump, believing he had been used and abused by Scarborough and Brzezinski, claimed he’d stopped watching the show. But Hope Hicks, every morning, quaking, had to recount it for him. Morning Joe was a ground-zero study in the way the media had over-invested in Trump.

Cohn—a Democrat globalist-cosmopolitan Manhattanite who voted for Hillary Clinton and who still spoke frequently to former Goldman chief and former Democratic New Jersey senator and governor Jon Corzine—immediately became Bannon’s antithesis. For Bannon, the ideologue, Cohn was the exact inverse, a commodities trader doing what traders do—read the room and figure out which way the wind is blowing. “Getting Gary to take a position on something is like nailing butterflies to the wall,” commented Katie Walsh. Cohn started to describe a soon-to-be White House that would be business-focused and committed to advancing center-right to moderate positions. In this new configuration, Bannon would be marginalized and Cohn, who was dismissive of Priebus, would be the chief of staff in waiting. To Cohn, it seemed like easy street. Of course it would work out this way: Priebus was a lightweight and Bannon a slob who couldn’t run anything. Within weeks of Cohn’s arrival on the transition team, Bannon nixed Cohn’s plan to expand the National Economic Council by as many as thirty people.


pages: 267 words: 71,123

End This Depression Now! by Paul Krugman

airline deregulation, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital asset pricing model, Carmen Reinhart, centre right, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, debt deflation, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Financial Instability Hypothesis, full employment, German hyperinflation, Gordon Gekko, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, inflation targeting, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, liquidity trap, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, Mark Zuckerberg, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage debt, negative equity, paradox of thrift, Paul Samuelson, price stability, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Upton Sinclair, We are the 99%, working poor, Works Progress Administration

Compromise, if you must, on the policy—but never on the truth. Let me start by talking about the possibility of a decisive change in policy direction. Nothing Succeeds like Success Pundits are always making confident statements about what the American electorate wants and believes, and such presumed public views are often used to wave away any suggestion of major policy changes, at least from the left. America is a “center-right country,” we’re told, and that rules out any major initiatives involving new government spending. And to be fair, there are lines, both to the left and to the right, that policy probably can’t cross without inviting electoral disaster. George W. Bush discovered that when he tried to privatize Social Security after the 2004 election: the public hated the idea, and his attempted juggernaut on the issue quickly stalled.

., 153 Treasury bills, 153 Trichet, Jean-Claude, 186, 188, 195, 196 Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP), 116 trucking industry, deregulation of, 61 Two-Income Trap, The (Warren and Tyagi), 84 Tyagi, Amelia, 84 UBS, 86 unemployment, 114, 198, 208 austerity policies and, xi, 189, 203–4, 207, 237–38 churning and, 9 college graduates and, 11–12, 16, 37, 144–45 confidence and, 94–96 definitions of, 7–8 demand and, 33, 47 in depression of 2008–, x, 5–12, 24, 110, 117, 119, 210, 212 in Europe, 4, 17, 18, 172, 176, 229, 236 government spending and, 209, 212 in Great Depression, 38 historical patterns of, 128–29 as involuntary, 6 lack of skills and, 35, 36–38 liquidity traps and, 33, 51, 152 Obama administration and, 110, 117 post-2009 decreases in, 4, 210, 211, 211, 229 prosperity and, 9 sense of well-being and, 6 stagflation and, 154 wages and, 52–53, 164–65 among youth, 11, 18, 229 see also job-creation policies unemployment, long-term, 9–10 in Great Depression, 38 health insurance and, 10 loss of skills in, 144 self-esteem and, 10–11 stigma of, 10, 15–16, 144 unemployment insurance, 10, 120, 121, 144, 216, 229 in Europe, 176 unionization, decline in, 82 United Kingdom, 59, 183 austerity programs in, 190, 199–202 depression of 2008– in, 199–202 EEC joined by, 167 government debt as percentage of GDP in, 139, 140, 140, 192 interest rates in, 182–83, 201 lend-lease program and, 39 turn to right in, 83 United States: as “center-right” country, 224 China’s trade with, 221 government debt as percentage of GDP in, 139, 140, 192 net international investment position of, 44 post-2009 recovery in, 4 pre-World War II military buildup in, 35, 38–39 risk of default by, 139 S&P downgrade of, 140 social safety net in, 10, 216 turn to right in, 83 universal health care, 18 Vanity Fair, 71 Very Serious People, xi, 190, 205 wages: devaluation and, 169–70, 180–81 downward nominal rigidity of, 164–65, 181 unemployment and, 52–53, 164–65 Wall Street (film), 80 Wall Street Journal, 134, 138 Warren, Elizabeth, 84 wars, economies and, 233–37 Weill, Sandy, 85 well-being, sense of, 5–6 unemployment and, 6 workers: as lacking skills, 35, 36–38 layoffs of, 41 technology as creating redundancies of, 36 see also unemployment Works Progress Administration, 121 World War II, 50, 107 government spending in, 148, 234–35, 235 lend-lease program in, 39 military buildup prior to U.S. entry into, 35, 38–39 U.S. debt after, 141 Yale University, 93 Yardeni, Ed, 132 Yglesias, Matthew, 87–88, 225 youth, unemployment among, 11, 18, 229 zero lower bound, of interest rates, 33–34, 51, 117, 135–36, 147, 151, 152, 163, 231, 236 Zimbabwe, 150 Zuckerberg, Mark, 78 Zuckerman, Mort, 95 Copyright © 2012 by Melrose Road Partners All rights reserved First Edition For information about permission to reproduce selections from this book, write to Permissions, W.


pages: 497 words: 123,778

The People vs. Democracy: Why Our Freedom Is in Danger and How to Save It by Yascha Mounk

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrew Keen, basic income, battle of ideas, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, cognitive bias, conceptual framework, David Brooks, deindustrialization, demographic transition, desegregation, Donald Trump, en.wikipedia.org, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, German hyperinflation, gig economy, Gini coefficient, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, income inequality, invention of the printing press, invention of the steam engine, investor state dispute settlement, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, land value tax, low skilled workers, Lyft, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, mortgage tax deduction, Naomi Klein, new economy, offshore financial centre, open borders, Parag Khanna, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, price stability, ride hailing / ride sharing, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, secular stagnation, sharing economy, Thomas L Friedman, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

As the political scientists Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan observed, for much of the postwar era, the party structure in most Western European and North American countries appeared “frozen.”7 For the latter decades of the twentieth century, the main political movements represented in the parliaments of Bern, Copenhagen, Helsinki, Ottawa, Paris, Stockholm, and Washington barely changed. While their relative strength shifted from election to election, allowing the center-left to win office when the center-right had been in power for a while, and vice versa, the basic shape of the party structure was remarkably stable.8 Then, over the past twenty years, the party system rapidly thawed. In one country after another, political parties that had been marginal or nonexistent until a few short years ago established themselves as firm fixtures on the political scene.9 The first major democracy to go through this process was Italy.

And yet he went on to dominate the country’s politics for the next quarter century.10 At the time, Italy looked like an aberration. Over the past years, as political newcomers have risen to power and influence across Europe, it has become obvious that it was anything but. In Greece, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), the major party of the center-left, and New Democracy, the major party of the center-right, traditionally took about 80 percent of the vote between them; but in January 2015, the Coalition of the Radical Left, or Syriza, stormed into office under the leadership of Alexis Tsipras, winning an unexpected majority.11 In Spain, Pablo Iglesias, a young lecturer on political science at the Complutense University of Madrid who spent his days teaching courses like “Cinema, Political Identities, and Hegemony” founded a protest movement in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis; at the 2015 elections, Podemos got 21 percent of the vote, becoming Spain’s third strongest party.12 Even in Italy, a new generation of populists is pulling off the same feat of transformation as the old: Beppe Grillo, a popular comedian, started the Five Star Movement in 2009; as I am writing these lines, it is leading all other parties in the polls.13 The ascent of far-right parties has been even more striking than that of far-left parties like Syriza and Podemos.

In Greece, the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK), the major party of the center-left, and New Democracy, the major party of the center-right, traditionally took about 80 percent of the vote between them; but in January 2015, the Coalition of the Radical Left, or Syriza, stormed into office under the leadership of Alexis Tsipras, winning an unexpected majority.11 In Spain, Pablo Iglesias, a young lecturer on political science at the Complutense University of Madrid who spent his days teaching courses like “Cinema, Political Identities, and Hegemony” founded a protest movement in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis; at the 2015 elections, Podemos got 21 percent of the vote, becoming Spain’s third strongest party.12 Even in Italy, a new generation of populists is pulling off the same feat of transformation as the old: Beppe Grillo, a popular comedian, started the Five Star Movement in 2009; as I am writing these lines, it is leading all other parties in the polls.13 The ascent of far-right parties has been even more striking than that of far-left parties like Syriza and Podemos. In Sweden, the Social Democratic Party has dominated politics for over a century, only occasionally ceding the government to a center-right coalition led by the Moderate Party; but in recent years, the Sweden Democrats, political upstarts with deep roots in the neo-Nazi movement, have risen rapidly, leading in some polls and taking second place in others.14 In France, the Front National has long been a fixture of the political system. But after decades on the margins, Jean-Marie Le Pen unexpectedly beat the center-left candidate in the first round of the presidential election in 2002, qualifying for the run-off against President Jacques Chirac; in 2017, his daughter, Marine Le Pen, pulled off a similar feat, doubling the share of the vote he had received.15 Vote share for anti-establishment parties in the European Union (EU15).


pages: 183 words: 17,571

Broken Markets: A User's Guide to the Post-Finance Economy by Kevin Mellyn

banking crisis, banks create money, Basel III, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, bonus culture, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business cycle, buy and hold, call centre, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, cloud computing, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, credit crunch, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, disintermediation, eurozone crisis, fiat currency, financial innovation, financial repression, floating exchange rates, Fractional reserve banking, global reserve currency, global supply chain, Home mortgage interest deduction, index fund, information asymmetry, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, light touch regulation, liquidity trap, London Interbank Offered Rate, market bubble, market clearing, Martin Wolf, means of production, mobile money, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, negative equity, Ponzi scheme, profit motive, quantitative easing, Real Time Gross Settlement, regulatory arbitrage, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Coase, seigniorage, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, statistical model, Steve Jobs, The Great Moderation, the payments system, Tobin tax, too big to fail, transaction costs, underbanked, Works Progress Administration, yield curve, Yogi Berra, zero-sum game

What went terribly wrong with finance is that it became too complacent, too complicated, and too concentrated at the same time over the course of the Great Moderation. New, quantitative approaches to managing and pricing risk, elegant computer simulations, and highly liquid global markets to distribute risk promised to move finance out of the dark ages of boom and bust. Governments of both the center-left and center-right embraced the financedriven economy because it delivered the goods in the form of economic growth and job creation.The so-called Anglo-Saxon economies with their dynamic capital markets and global investment banks outpaced other developed economies in Europe and Asia. Bill Clinton and Tony Blair both enjoyed long periods in office and in return delivered “light-touch” regulation to the bankers who were among their largest financial supporters.

This in turn depressed entrepreneurial activity and economic dynamism, reinforcing the jobs-creation deficit; but until the unfolding European debt crisis showed that the system could not be sustained, many Europeans felt their system to be more just and civilized than “liberalism” or “Anglo-Saxon” free-market capitalism. The term solidarity is often evoked in Europe as the moral foundation of this economic and social setup. Since 2008, the United States has swung toward the European model for two reasons. The first and probably least important was the election of a government that finds it attractive on grounds of “fairness,” something akin to solidarity. America remains too much of a center-right country for that tendency to go uncontested, as the congressional election of 2010 proved, so the political system remains gridlocked.The second and more intractable reason is that a long, disguised drift toward structural unemployment has become a riptide. The Hollowing Out of America The credit-fueled consumption and growth of the quarter-century leading up to the crisis obscured a profound hollowing out of the American economy.


pages: 283 words: 73,093

Social Democratic America by Lane Kenworthy

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, basic income, business cycle, Celtic Tiger, centre right, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, David Brooks, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, endogenous growth, full employment, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, Kenneth Arrow, labor-force participation, manufacturing employment, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, school choice, shareholder value, sharing economy, Skype, Steve Jobs, too big to fail, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, union organizing, universal basic income, War on Poverty, working poor, zero day

But Republicans in the House, and recently those in the Senate too, have moved farther from the center than have Democrats in either chamber. Thomas Mann and Norman Ornstein point to another indicator of the rightward shift among Republican legislators: the size of the House GOP’s right-wing caucus, the Republican Study Committee, or RSC. Paul Weyrich and other conservative activists created the committee in 1973 as an informal group to pull the center-right party much further to the right. It had only 10 to 20 percent of Republican representatives as members as recently as the 1980s, a small fringe group. In the 112th Congress [2011–12], the RSC had 166 members, or nearly seven-tenths of the caucus.52 FIGURE 5.7 Voting by Republicans and Democrats in the House and Senate Average “dimension 1 DW-nominate” scores for Republican legislators and Democratic legislators in the House of Representatives and the Senate.

If the Tea Party remains vibrant, it will continue to push Republicans toward the extreme.56 The same is true of Grover Norquist and his “taxpayer protection” pledge, which most congressional Republicans have felt obliged to sign. But if history is any guide, these barriers to moderation eventually will be eclipsed or disappear. In the long run, the center of gravity in the Republican Party probably will be similar to that of center-right parties in Western Europe, most of which accept a generous welfare state and relatively high taxes. Veto Points Impede Backsliding In the race to the good society, America is a tortoise.57 We advance slowly, but we do advance. While our veto-point-heavy political system impedes progressive change, it also makes it difficult for opponents of government social programs to dilute or do away with them once they are in place.


pages: 319 words: 75,257

Trumpocalypse: Restoring American Democracy by David Frum

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-globalists, Bernie Sanders, centre right, coronavirus, currency manipulation / currency intervention, decarbonisation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, employer provided health coverage, illegal immigration, immigration reform, labor-force participation, manufacturing employment, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nate Silver, obamacare, offshore financial centre, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, QAnon, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley

So long as our local “left” and “right” remain moderate in the substance of their politics—and fair in their methods of competition—our society will bump along the path of progress, sometimes tilting a little that way, sometimes a little this way. But the radicalization of conservative politics after the election of Barack Obama opened a terrifying question. Those brain impulses that incline some of us toward authority and in-group loyalty—what happens to those impulses if they cannot find a decent home? Lacking a responsible, moderate-minded center-right, those inclined to be “conservative” will succumb to more sinister influences. After 2008, the sorcerer’s apprentices of the conservative world conjured up demons, intending to control them. But the demons proved too strong for them and knocked them aside, hurling open the door to the sorcerer himself, Donald Trump. Over the past four years, I have thought and spoken and written about Donald Trump almost more than I can bear.

See Britain United Nations, 47, 151 US Army, 92 USA Today, 55 US attorneys, 36, 126 US Congress, 22, 92, 171 DC statehood and, 122 elections of 2018, 109, 117, 182–83 gun safety and, 117 oversight authority of, 3, 37, 125 reforms and, 127 Russia and, 89 Ukraine and, 1, 89, 100 US Constitution, 3, 37, 60, 67, 71, 78, 86, 98–102, 119, 121, 191 Amendments, 71 Article II, 98–100 US House of Representatives, 13, 38, 84–85, 106, 183, 184 Foreign Affairs Committee, 33 Intelligence Committee, 67, 127 United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), 178 US Senate, 38, 71, 77, 81, 120–3, 126 Intelligence Committee, 127 US Supreme Court, 71–72, 79–81, 85, 109, 119, 123–24 US-UK Free Trade Agreement, 173 University of California, 132–33 University of Virginia, 110 Vanity Fair, 25 Venezuela, 67 Vermont, 118, 121, 122 Veterans’ Day, 91 Veterans of Foreign Wars, 170 Vietnam, 51, 160 Vindman, Alexander, 67 Virginia, 81–82, 123, 183–84 Vogtle nuclear complex, 166 Vogue, 19 Votel, Joseph, 94 voting rights, 71, 87, 119, 146 Constitution and, 71 gerrymandering and, 78–79 suppression, 124 Trump claims of “illegal,” 77 voter ID laws, 80–81, 124 voter roll purges, 79–80 voter suppression, 82, 182, 186, 189 voting places and, 124 Washington DC and, 71 Voting Rights Act (1965), 71, 81, 123–24 voting technology, 124 wages, 65, 86, 101, 129, 148, 154 Walker, Scott, 78 Wall Street Journal, 12, 82 Walmart, 112 Warren, Elizabeth, 108, 111, 130 Warsaw Pact, 45 Washington, DC, 71, 91, 118, 121–23 statehood and, 122–23 Washington Post, 17, 21, 29, 42–43, 82, 87, 94, 97 Washington State, 117 waterboarding, 46 Watergate scandal, 1, 85, 99, 118, 125–26, 183 wealth concentration, 154, 188 weather, extreme, 155 Weather Underground, 61 Weinstein, Harvey, 117 West Africa, 22, 45, 145 White House advisory panels, 92 white liberals, 107–8 white nationalism, 6, 49–50, 55–56, 60, 65, 187 white privilege, 110 white voters, 76–77, 111, 141, 182 white women, 14, 109 Wilde, Oscar, 25 Will, George, 196 Williamson, Marianne, 107 Wilmington, Ohio, 82 wind turbines, 42, 164 Winthrop poll, 110 Wintour, Anna, 19 Wisconsin, 76, 78–80, 124 women cost of having children and, 148 elections and, 109–20, 183–84 male sexual anger and, 65–66 political attitudes of, 14 treatment of, 129 voting rights and, 71, 77 Woodward, Bob, 88 World Trade Organization (WTO), 41 World War II, 47, 99, 132, 144–45, 165, 180 Wyoming, 121–22 Yale University, 18 Yang, Andrew, 107 Yemen, 46, 173 Yiannopoulos, Milo, 59, 60 Yoho, Ted, 37–38 young people, 13, 148–49 YouTube, 15, 64, 197 Zelensky, Volodymyr, 89, 126 zero-tolerance, 22 Zito, Salena, 82 About the Author David Frum is a staff writer at the Atlantic. He has written or cowritten nine previous books, three of them New York Times bestsellers. In 2001 and 2002, he served as speechwriter and special assistant to President George W. Bush. From 2014 through 2017, he chaired Policy Exchange, Britain’s leading center-right think tank. He and his wife, Danielle Crittenden Frum, live in Washington, DC, and Wellington, Ontario. They have three children. Discover great authors, exclusive offers, and more at hc.com. Also by David Frum Trumpocracy: The Corruption of the American Republic Patriots: A Novel Why Romney Lost (And What the GOP Can Do About It) Comeback: Conservatism That Can Win Again The Right Man: An Inside Account of the Bush White House An End to Evil: How to Win the War on Terror (with Richard Perle) How We Got Here: The 70’s, The Decade That Brought You Modern Life (For Better or Worse) What’s Right: The New Conservative Majority and the Remaking of America Dead Right Copyright trumpocalypse.


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