19 results back to index

pages: 404 words: 115,108

They Don't Represent Us: Reclaiming Our Democracy by Lawrence Lessig

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, blockchain, Cass Sunstein, Columbine, crony capitalism, crowdsourcing, David Brooks, do-ocracy, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Filter Bubble, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, illegal immigration, income inequality, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, Joi Ito, Mark Zuckerberg, obamacare, Parag Khanna, plutocrats, Plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, Skype, speech recognition, Steven Levy, Upton Sinclair

If it means Republicans win, then maybe that means the rich do better. But if the technique of suppressing the vote of your opponent were open and notorious, the beneficiaries would turn on local political control, and not the economic interests of the most wealthy. What these five differently distorting inequalities do together is not easy to predict. Along some vectors—tax cuts—they may be additive. But along a wide range of issues, they conflict. Tea Party Republicans hate crony capitalism. The rich don’t. Swing-state Democrats turn a blind eye to steel tariffs. Democrats generally don’t. Rather than a bias that runs in an obvious direction, the sum of these different inequalities bends consistently in no particular direction. This is not the physics of a plutocracy. It is the dynamic of a vetocracy—a “veto-ocracy,” as Francis Fukuyama puts it.129 As Fukuyama describes, the American Constitution already embeds many veto points for any substantial legislation.

FEC (2010), 61, 140, 146, 258 civic juries, 180–182, 228 candidate selection advice, 196 shadow conventions, 182–186 Civil Rights Act (1964), 26 Clinton, Bill, 36, 107, 227 Clinton, Hillary 2016 in New Jersey, 241 broken system, 231, 235 email “scandal,” 99–101 media negativity, 102 pizza parlor pedophilia ring, 103 comedy importance, 203–204 Congress amendment ratification, 182 bipartisanship of yore, 26 bribery laws, 48 congressional jury, 188–190 the Congressional Record, 78 constitutional jury results, 185 election equality oversight, 10–14, 17, 153 governing separated from elections, 229–230 informational independence, 228–230 pay raises needed, 228 polarization within, 25–27 political stalemate vs. congressional jury, 189–190 political system failing the nation, 66 Reform Caucus, 256–258 roll call votes measuring influence, 27, 272n64 “safe seats,” 22, 24–25, 28, 29, 62–63, 152, 153 shadow Congress, 188–190 status quo defended by, ix, 64–66 See also House of Representatives; Senate Constitution Article V convention movement, 182–186, 258–261, 307n17 Article V Equal Suffrage Clause, 31, 139, 156, 300n23 constitutional jury, 183–186 election equality oversight by Congress, 10–11, 17, 153 Electoral College winner take all system, 36 electors for legislature, 35 electors for president, 34–36 equal allocation of political power, [168n38], 170, 304n38 equality in representation, 139 Iceland crafting new, 177, 306n7 Mongolian amendment process, 175–177 one person, one vote, 8 proportional representation vs. Senate, 3–4, 31, 34 right to vote, 6–7 vetocracy (veto-ocracy), 64 constitutional jury, 183–186 copyright in digital age, [111n92], 113, 290n92 corporate speech regulated, 58, 146 corruption regulation bribery laws, 47–48, 147 campaign contributions, 61, 140–141, 146, 147 campaign donations as favors, 57–62, 224–225 dependence corruption, 150, 299n17 SuperPACs, 140, 147–151, 261, 298n13 Cramer, Katherine, 10 Crosscheck and voter rolls, 15–16 Crossly, Archibald, [68nn4–5], 69, 281n4, 282n5 crowdsourcing skills for reform, 235–236, 239–240, 246, 247, 256–257 dark money, [59n120], 140, 279n120 data consent to use, [111n92], 113, 290n92 Facebook collecting, 109, 114–117 Facebook harming democracy, 117, 118–123 Facebook inducing to reveal, 115–117, 122–123, 292n108 fiduciary duty applied, 212–219 monetization of, 109–113 use and privacy, [111n92], 113, 117–119, 290n92 deliberative polling about, 175–178, 307n11 civic juries, 180–182, 196, 228 congressional jury, 188–190 constitutional juries, 183–186 informing representatives, 228 selecting candidate for mayor, 196 democracy advertising and information, 91–93, 98–99, 101, 105–107, 120–123, 200–201 elite rule “the people,” xiii, 61–66 experimental projects for improvement, [178n11], 307n11 Facebook harming, 117, 118–125 Georgia building, 133–134 Georgia tearing down, 168–169 growth in twentieth century, xiii ignorance weakening, 135–136, 174.

See also ignorance loss of faith in, xi–xiv, 179–180, 264n3 majoritarianism defeated by Senate, 33–34 majoritarianism via ranked-choice voting, 153–155, 240, 315n9 media educating public, 85, 101–104, 173, 192, 201–203, 204–212, 288nn71–72 muddled middle importance, 108–109, 124 “the people” caring about fixing, 235–237, 246, 247 “the people” ruling, xiii, 61–66, 130–132, 135–136, 174, 249, 294n125 polarization what we want, 121–123 post-broadcasting, 79–88, 127–128 public opinion poll role, 71, 131–133, 135–136, 226, 283n17, 283n20 representativeness importance, 139, 221–230 representatives not needed, 68–69 “republic” as “representative,” 3–5 sortition vs. elections, 186–190 vetocracy (veto-ocracy), 63–66 See also knowledge; representative democracy democracy coupons (DC), 142–146, 151, 166–167, 296n6 Democracy R&D, [178n11], 307n11 Democracy When the People Are Thinking (Fishkin), [178n10], 307n10 Democrats 2018 midterm sweep, 227 control of all three branches, 204 gerrymandering attempt, 241–246 HR1 (116th Congress), 250–252 moneyed special interests, 59. See also money partisan ideological splits, 26–27 percentage “liberal,” 29 presidents winning popular vote, 107 primary voter turnout, 23 Purdue Pharma contributions, 46 science rendered politically, 96–97, 125 voter identification laws, 15 voting burdens, 12, 13–14, 17 white primaries in Texas, 51–53 digital data.

pages: 505 words: 133,661

Who Owns England?: How We Lost Our Green and Pleasant Land, and How to Take It Back by Guy Shrubsole

back-to-the-land, Beeching cuts, Boris Johnson, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, congestion charging, deindustrialization, digital map, do-ocracy, Downton Abbey, financial deregulation, fixed income, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Google Earth, housing crisis, James Dyson, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, land value tax, linked data, loadsamoney, mega-rich, mutually assured destruction, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, openstreetmap, place-making, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, rent-seeking, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, sceptred isle, Stewart Brand, the built environment, the map is not the territory, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trickle-down economics, urban sprawl, web of trust, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

Its initial conclusions gave heart to the landed governing classes: there were, in fact, some 972,836 owners of land in England and Wales, outside of London. Yet 703,289 were owners of less than an acre, leaving 269,547 who owned an acre or above. Even this, the clerks pointed out, was likely an overestimate, based on county-level figures: anyone who owned land in multiple counties would be double-counted. It fell to an author and country squire, John Bateman, to interpret and popularise the return. In 1876 he published The Acre-Ocracy of England, in which he summarised the owners of 3,000 acres and above. It became a best-seller, going through four editions and updates which culminated in Bateman’s last work on the subject in 1883, The Great Land-Owners of Great Britain and Ireland. Bateman’s analysis confirmed the radicals’ worst fears: just 4,000 families owned over half the country. Meanwhile, 95 per cent of the population owned nothing at all.

a Land Registry Land Registry, A Short History of Land Registration in England and Wales (2000), pp. 7–9: http://weba­rchive.­nationalarc­­.uk/201012131­75739/http­:/www­.landreg­.gov­.uk/assets/­library/­documents/­bhist-­lr.pdf The 1861 Census Discussed in Kevin Cahill, Who Owns Britain: The Hidden Facts Behind Landownership in the UK and Ireland (Canongate, 2001), p. 30. whether it is The Earl of Derby, ‘Number of Land and House Owners: Question to the Lord Privy Seal’, House of Lords debate 19 February 1872, Hansard vol. 209 cc639–43. upwards of 300,000 Local Government Board, Return of Owners of Land 1873 (July 1875), Vol. 1. In 1876 he published John Bateman, The Acre-Ocracy of England (1876), available online at: http Bateman’s last work John Bateman, The Great Land-Owners of Great Britain and Ireland, 1883, available online at:­/details/greatlandownerso00bateuoft the legend of 30,000 Cahill, Who Owns Britain, p. 39. It was castigated Ibid., pp. 49–53. Radicals failed Roy Douglas, Land, People & Politics: A History of the Land Question in the United Kingdom, 1878–1952 (Allison & Busby, 1976), pp. 11 and 49–50.

You can use your ebook reader’s search tool to find a specific word or passage. 38 Degrees 42 57 Whitehall SARL 147 Abbeystead, Lancashire 97 Abdullah, Prince Khalid 123 Abramovich, Roman 125, 127 Abu Dhabi 122 Access to Mountains Act (1939) 251 Acland Committee (1916) 172 Acland, Sir Richard 242 Adams, Richard, Watership Down 257 Addison, Christopher 154, 227 Afolami, Bim 231 agriculture: effect of industrialised practices on 11; farm subsidies 39–40, 106–7, 274, 278, 282, 306–7; organic 12–13; use of pesticides 11–12, 13 Air Ministry 160, 162 Al-Fayed, Mohamed 120–1 Al-Maktoum, Rashid bin Saeed, Sheikh of Dubai 121 al-Maktoum, Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid, Emir of Dubai 121–2, 123 Al-Tajir, Mahdi 121 al-Yamamah arms deals 124 Albanwise Ltd 37 Albert, Prince 46 Alderley Edge, Cheshire 131 Aldermaston 13 Alfriston, Sussex 240 allotments 223, 224–5, 226, 286 Allotments Acts (1887 & 1908) 30, 225, 286 Alnwick Castle 76 Alton Towers, Derbyshire 100–1 Amazon 191 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 26 Anstruther, Sir Sebastian 249 Arago Ltd (Jersey) 122, 301 Arat Investments (Guernsey) 122, 303 Argentina 116–17 aristocracy: apparent decline 84–7; benefits of land ownership 79–80; bloodsports 95–8, 106, 108; challenges facing 280; coal mining and fracking 90–1; dilution of wealth and power 113, 119; estimates of land ownership 87–8, 266–7; extent of land ownership 75–7; farming subsidies 106–7; formation and acquisition of estates 77–80, 107, 270–1; hereditary titles 81–3; land owned by dukes 306–7; and male primogeniture 80–1, 281; newcomers 83; parkland 88–9; rental income and urban estates 92–5, 108; as stewards of the landscape 89–90; taxation and death duties 98–106, 107–8 Arlington, Napier Sturt, 3rd Baron 160, 161, 163 arms deals 123–4 Arundel 76 Arundel, Earls of 76 Ashworth, Lindsey 184 Assynt Estate, Sutherland 116 Astor, Charles John 118n Astor family 18, 118 and note Astor, James Alexander Waldorf 118n Astor, Nancy 118 Astor, Robert 118n Astor, William, 4th Viscount 118 Astor, William Waldorf, 1st Viscount 118 Atomic Weapons Establishment 169; Burghfield 13; Orford Ness 170–1 Attlee, Clement 228, 243, 275 Avery, Mark 98, 280 Badanloch, Sutherland 117 Badgworthy Land Company 249, 302 BAE Systems 124, 190 Baggini, Julian 235 Balmoral 46, 47, 51, 97 Balnagown, Easter Ross 121 Bandar, Prince 124 Banks, Catherine 42 Barbour, Mary 227 Barclays Bank 192 Barnett, Anthony 36 Barrington Court, Somerset 240 Barron, Gill 67 Bateman, John: The Acre-Ocracy of England 30; The Great Land-Owners of Great Britain and Ireland 30 Bath, Henry Thynne, 6th Marquess 101 Bathurst, Allen, 9th Earl 103 Bayer 12 the Beatles 212 Beckett, Andy 14–15 Beckett, John 85 Beckett, Matthew 100 Beckett, Sir Richard 248n Bedford, Andrew Russell, 15th Duke 91 Bedford, Ian Russell, 13th Duke 101 Bedgebury Estate, Kent 173 Beeching, Dr Richard 178–9 bees 12, 13 Beke, Dr 28 Bell, Steve 224 Bellingham, Sir Henry 21 Belvoir Castle, Leicestershire 88 Benn, Tony 63 Bentley, Daniel 230 Benyon, Richard 19–21 Berezovsky, Boris 126 Berkhamsted Common 215 Bevan, Aneurin ‘Nye’ 228 Biffa 194 Biological Weapons Convention (1972) 168 Birkenhead 70 Birmingham Back-to-Backs 243 Black Prince (Edward of Woodstock) 58 Blackfriars Holdings Ltd 68 Blagdon Estate, Northumberland 90–1 Blair, Tony 36, 106, 124, 132, 206 Blatchford, Robert: Land Nationalisation 229; Merrie England 229 Blavatnik, Sir Len 135 Bledisloe, Charles Bathurst, 1st Viscount 99 Blickling Estate, Norfolk 242 Bloomberg, Michael 111 Blue Star Line 115 Bodiam Castle, Sussex 241 Bodmin Moor 59 Boles, Nick 231 Bollihope grouse moor, North Pennines 122 Bolton Abbey 97 Bonham-Carter, Victor 173 Borisovich, Roman 128 Boughton, John 227 Bowes Moor, County Durham 168 Boyne, Gustavus Hamilton-Russell, 11th Viscount 248n Brand, Russell 19 Brand, Stewart 41 ‘Breckland exodus’ (1942) 158 Brexit 40, 64, 107, 130, 278 Brideshead Revisited (ITV series, 1981) 105 Briggs, Raymond, When the Wind Blows 143 Bright, John 222 Bristol 78 British Coal 180 British Overseas Territories 129, 274 British Virgin Islands 38, 68, 109, 118, 126, 129, 131 Brodrick, George 30 Brooke, Rupert 155 Brooks, Rebekah 132 Brooks, Richard 188 Brougham, Lord 28 Brown, Lancelot ‘Capability’ 78, 89 Bryant, Chris 88 Buckenham Tofts 158 Bureau of Investigative Journalism 192 Burke’s Peerage 82 Burnt Common, Berkshire 20 Burrell, Sir Charles 260 Burton-upon-Trent 56 Bush, M.L. 92 cadastral maps/surveys 27–8, 273 Cade, Jack 219 Cadogan, Charles, 8th Earl 94 Caesar, Ed 126 Cahill, Kevin 66; Who Owns Britain 4, 86 Callaghan, James 230, 257 Cambridgeshire 226 Cameron, David 20, 118, 132, 146, 176, 181 Cameron, Samantha 118 Campaign for Freedom of Information (1984) 36 Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) 13 campaigning organisations 307–8 Campbell, Duncan 14, 140, 143; War Plan UK 143 Candy Brothers 111 Cannadine, David 84, 101; The Decline and Fall of the British Aristocracy 84 Cannock Chase, Staffordshire 50 Canute, King 62 CAP see EU Common Agricultural Policy Carlisle 91 Carlisle, George Howard, 13th Earl 105 Carnarvon, George Herbert, 8th Earl 9–10 Carphone Warehouse 131, 248 and note Carroll, Lewis, Alice in Wonderland 9 Carson, Rachel, Silent Spring 167, 257 Castle Howard, North Yorkshire 105 Cayman Islands 18, 103, 274 Census 27, 29 Centre for Policy Studies 276 Chamberlain, Joseph 222–3, 225; The Radical Programme 223 Chamberlain, Neville 156, 195 Chanctonbury Ring, South Downs 251 Channel Islands 37, 38, 46, 68, 103, 119, 121, 122, 123 Charles I 26, 52, 211 Charles, Prince ‘Bonnie Prince Charlie’ 65 Charles, Prince of Wales 58, 59–60, 281 Charter 88 36 Charter of the Forest (1217) 50–1 Charterville, Oxfordshire 221 Chartist Co-operative Land Society 221 Chartist Land Company 221 Chartist Land Plan 220–1 Chartists 220, 222 Chatsworth House, Derbyshire 88, 97 Chelsea Football Club 125 Chesham, John Cavendish, 5th Baron 142 Cheshire 56, 75 Chipping Norton set 132 Cholmondeley, David, 7th Marquess 46, 103 Christophers, Brett 179, 284 Church Commissioners 68–72, 94, 298 Church lands 27, 72–3, 265, 283, 297, 298; financial management of 68–72; glebe land 65–8, 72; historical background 64–5; and housing crisis 72; loss of 66–8; mineral rights and fracking 71–2 Churchill, Winston 1, 2, 3, 24, 33, 139, 140, 141, 157, 158, 160; The People’s Rights 31 City of London 103, 193 City of London Corporation 215, 256 Civil List 52–3, 54 Civitas 230, 276, 308 CLA see Country Land and Business Association ClampK lobby group 125 Clare, John 78 Clarion cycling clubs 251 Clark, Kenneth, Baron 103 Clayton, Steve 226 ClearChannel 193 Clifton-Brown, Geoffrey 21 Cliveden House, Berkshire 101, 118 Clover, Charles 10 Cobden, Richard 222 Cold War 13–15, 24, 34, 36, 133, 137, 143, 147, 148, 159 Cole, Marilyn 120 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor 244 College of Arms 82 College Valley 248 common land 213–17 Common Wealth Party 242 Commons Preservation Society 214, 232, 238 Community Infrastructure Levy 231 Community Land Trusts 287 Community Right to Buy 217, 287 Companies House 37, 41, 196 Compton Wynyates, Warwickshire 102 Conservatives, Conservative Party 20, 29, 31, 32, 39, 42, 95, 104, 105, 118, 176, 206, 209, 226, 230, 231 Constable of the Graveship of Holme 216 Corbyn, Jeremy 224 Cormack, Patrick, Heritage in Danger 104 corporate land ownership 183–7, 283–4; data concerning 187–93, 299–305; effect on housing crisis 197–203; landfill 193–7 Cory Environmental 194 Costain 10 Council for the Preservation of Rural England (CPRE) 173, 231, 276 Country Land and Business Association (CLA) 86–7, 99 and note, 100, 107, 266, 270, 278 Countryside Alliance 106 and note Countryside and Rights of Way (CRoW) Act (2000) 17, 252, 259, 288 County Durham 70–1 County Farms 178, 223, 225–6, 232 County Farms Estate 225 Cowdray Estate 117–18, 303 Cowdray, Michael Pearson, 4th Viscount 91, 118 Cowdray, Weetman Dickinson Pearson, 1st Viscount 117–18 CPRE see Council for the Preservation of Rural England Crag Hall estate, Peak District 41 Cranborne Chase (southern England) 50 Cranborne Manor, Dorset 103 Crichel Down, Dorset 160–3 Criminal Justice Act (1994) 25 Cripps, Stafford 243 Cromwell, Oliver 26, 52, 211, 220 crony capitalists 125–9 CRoW Act see Countryside and Rights of Way Act Crown Estate 72–3, 94, 149, 174, 265, 267, 282; background 46–8; as commercial institution 53–4; and forest law 49–51; land ownership 297, 298; and the Norman Conquest 48–9; and reorganisation of the royals’ finances 54–5; royal residences and parks 61–2; and the seabed 54 and note; Stuart and Georgian holdings 52–3; suggested merging of Duchies into 282; taxes payable 57, 58, 60; and the two Duchies 55–61 Crown Estate Act (1961) 46 The Crown (Netflix series) 88 Culden Faw, Henley-upon-Thames 131 Cunningham, Alex 55 Cunningham, John 122 Curzon, Nathaniel, 1st Marquess 240–1 Cutler, Karen 14 Dacre, Paul 131 Dahl, Roald, Danny the Champion of the World 95 Daily Express 61, 236 Daily Mail 131, 207, 208, 213, 244, 247 Daily News 99 Daily Telegraph 117, 198, 202 Dalton, Hugh 243 Darkest Hour (film, 2017) 141 Dartmoor 59, 149, 157, 248 Davidson, Duncan 131 Davies, Mary 93 Dawson, Robert 27 Debrett’s 82 Defence of the Realm (Acquisition of Land) Bill (1916) 154–5 Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (DSTL) 163, 166 DEFRA see Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Delesius Investments Ltd 127 Department for Culture, Media and Sport 62 Department for the Environment 268 Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA) 21, 87, 261 Derby, Edward Stanley, 15th Earl 29, 41, 79 Derby, Edward Stanley, 18th Earl 101 Derby, Edward Stanley, 19th Earl 41 Deripaska, Oleg 126 ‘The Destruction of the English Country House’ (V&A exhibition, 1974) 104 Devon Great Consols 91 Devonshire, Edward Cavendish, 10th Duke 250 Devonshire, Peregrine Cavendish, 12th Duke 91, 97, 102 Dick, Philip K., The Man In The High Castle 140 Dickens, Charles: A Tale of Two Cities 112; Great Expectations 255 ‘Dig for Victory’ 33 the Diggers 78–9, 210–13, 214, 215, 216, 232 Diocesan Boards of Finance 66 Director of Public Prosecutions 34 Domesday Book (1086) 25–6, 43, 49, 64, 76, 77, 269 Domesday Office 32 Doré, Gustav 214 Dorset, Maiden Castle 59 Douglas-Home, Alec 102 Dover 235–7 Dover Immigration Removal Centre 236–7 Downe, Richard Dawnay, 12th Viscount 248n Downton Abbey (TV series) 9 Drax, Richard (Richard Grosvenor Plunkett-Ernle-Drax) 21 Driver, Alasdair 247, 280–1 Drove Committees 216 Dubai, Sheikh of 111 Duchy of Cornwall 55, 58–61, 149, 248, 265, 282, 298 Duchy of Lancaster 51, 55–7, 60–1, 248 and note, 265, 282, 298 Dugdale, Thomas 161 Dungeness 255 Dunn, Chido 127 Dunn, George 226 Durant-Lewis, John 158 Durham 70–1 Durham, Edward Lambton, 7th Earl 81 Dyson, Sir James 39, 130 Earl’s Court Farm Ltd 11 EarthFirst!

Ellul, Jacques-The Technological Society-Vintage Books (1964) by Unknown

Bretton Woods, conceptual framework, do-ocracy, double entry bookkeeping, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, liberal capitalism, means of production, Norbert Wiener, price mechanism, profit motive, rising living standards, road to serfdom, spinning jenny, Thorstein Veblen, urban planning, Vilfredo Pareto

., as poison for w arm ­ blood ed animals, 106 d ecen tralization , 199 -20 0 34 Deffontaines, Pierre, 23 n ., 76 D efo e, D aniel, 56 D e G au lle, C h arles, xi d e la M attrie, Julien O ffro y , 395 n . d em ocracy: techn ique opposed to , De CMtate Dei, 2 0 8 -18 ; p erverted b y accum ula­ tion o f prop agan d a techniques, 2 75 -6 ; dictatorship im itated b y , 28 8-9 ; d evalu ed b y p rop agan d a, 373 -d D en m ark, 2 4 8 ,2 6 9 depression, econ om ic, 15 1 D escartes, Rend, xiv, 4 0 ,4 3 ,5 2 determ inism , tech n ological form o f, xxxin dialectics, opposed to statistics, 206 D ickson, W . J., 305 d ictatorship: problem of, posed b y decolon ization , 123; im plied b y standardization, 2 1 3 ; politicians and techn ician s in, 2 5 6 -7 ; im i­ ta ted b y dem ocracy, 288-9; tech n icized sport in, 383; w orld­ corporation, 1 1 3 , 15 4 , 1 5 5 , 170; 235; tech n ical a n d basic sci­ entific research b y , 3 1 7 dissociation o f m an, 398-402 corporatism , 1 8 3 ,1 8 5 ,1 8 6 ,2 4 6 D N A , 14 3 C o rt, H en ry, 58 C o u ffign al, L o u is , 34 9 counselor, industrial, 353 C ro m w ell, O liver, 56 C ro zier, M ic h el, 3 5 3 ,4 1 9 C ru sades, 3 5 ,6 8 w ide totalitarian, 434 D id erot, D en is, 46 “ dreams, great,’ 404 D riencourt, Jacques, quoted , 286 125, D u b o in , Jacques, 1 3 7 D u cassd , Pierre, 3, 3 8 ,6 2 D uch am p , M arcel, 40 4 285; iv) INDEX Engineers and the Price System, The, v D um on t, Ren£, 108 D u p rie z, H u go , 88 E A C , 259 E a st G e rm an D em ocratic R ep ub­ lic, N e w W o rk C o d e in, 104 E C A , 182 econom etrics, 1 6 , 1 6 4 ,1 6 5 , 1 7 1 econom ic m an , 2 1 8 - 2 7 econom ic scien ce, 15 9 ff.; economic te c h n iq u e (s ), 22, 1 1 4 1 5 , 1 4 8 -2 2 7 secret w a ys of, 15 8 -8 3 statistics in, passim; passim; 169. 170 . 195 . 1 6 3 -5 , 196: o f observation, 1 6 3 - 7 1 ; acco un tin g in, 1 6 6 - 7 ; m eth o d o f m odels in, 1 6 7 -8 ; public-opinion analysis in, 1 6 8 -9 ; ° f action, 1 7 1 - 7 ; technique ( s ) , econom ic system s con fron ted b y see also econom y: centralized , 19 3 -2 0 0 ; authoritarian, 20 0-8 ; antidem o­ cratic, 2 0 8 -18 econom y o f forms, prin ciple o f; 6 7 ecstatic phenom ena, 420 and n., 4 2 1, 422, 4 2 3 ,4 2 4 ,4 2 6 educational tech n ique, 3 4 4 -9 ; p edago gy also see efficiency, as en d o f technique, 2 1 , 7 2 ,7 3 ,7 4 ,8 0 , 110 E gypt, ancient, 36, 52, 68, 70, 295 Einstein, A lb ert, 1 0 ,3 1 7 ,4 3 5 interconnec­ electronic banks, in yea r 2000, 432 electronic calculating m achin e, 16, see also 89, 163, 429 -30 ; mation; cybernetics Elkin, A.

., 2 2 2 -3 ed ­ Penseeartificielle, La, 430 Perrin, Porter Gale, 75 Perroux, Francois, 1 6 1 , 175 , 2 1 7 personality, total integration o f, a s o bject o f tech n ique, 4 1 0 - 2 7 Peter th e G reat, 59 xiii, PhSnomenologie des Oeistes, xv Ph ilip IV , 230, 239, 284 physics: p re ced ed b y tech n iqu e, 8; n uclear, an d state, 2 3 6 Picasso, Pablo, 404 Pitt, W illiam , 56 p lan n in g, econom ic, 1 5 7 , 1 7 3 - 7 , 18 4 -9 0 19 4 , 19 5 , 2 0 1, 2 1 3 - 1 4 , 269, 270, 307; criti­ cize d b y Perroux, 1 7 5 , 2 17; an d lib erty, 1 7 7 - 8 3 ; econ ­ om y, antidem ocratic passim, see oho P lato, xii, xiii, xxix Point F o u r, Trum an’s, 1 1 9 , 120, p rop agan d a, 22, 84, 9 1, 1 0 1 , 115 , 1 2 1 , 125, 2 1 6 , 2 2 1, 240, 261, 7 6 * S - , 2 8 5 -6 , 344, 36 3 -7 5; conditioned reflexes created by, 36 5 . 3 7 5 ; d u rin g w ar, 365-6; scapegoats in troduced b y , 3668; m anipulation o f subconscious 37 373 375 b y , 36 7, 369. *. ; O edipus com plex m anipulated b y , 368; critical fa c u lty sup­ pressed b y , 369, 370; good social conscience p rovid ed by, 369, 370; overall effects of, 3 6 9 -7 0 ; m anipulability o f mas­ ses as o b je ct o f, 3 7 0 - 1 ; de­ m ocracy devalued b y , 373-4; difference from am usem ent tech­ n iqu e, 3 7 5 - 6 363 n., 3 72 ». Propagandes, Prosperity and Depression, 150 Proudhon, Pierre J., 222 psychoanalysis, 14, 142, 143, 226, 2 8 s 340, 341, 344, 370; social, 3 6 8 ,3 8 7 184 Poland, 2 72 p sych ological technique, 3 2 1 , 3223 , 3 2 4 ,4 0 9 ,4 1 0 ,4 1 1 ,4 1 2 p sychom etry, 342 p o lice control, te c h n iq u e o f, i o o - l , 102, 103, 1 1 1 , 13 3 , 4 1 2 - 1 3 p sych op ed agogy, 34 6 ,34 8 p sychosom atic m edicine, 392 INDEX *) p u b lic opinion: analysis o f, 1 6 8 -9 ; a n d m orality, 30 a, o rien ted to ­ w a r d tech n ique, 30 3, 304, 3 1 0 p u b lic relations, 3 4 1 , 3 5 1 , 373 P u ritan s, 36 rad io: im po rtan ce o f, fa p rop a­ g a n d a h ierarch y, 3 7 5 ; as instru­ m e n t o f hum an isolation, 3 7 9 D ig e s t, 3 * 3 reason, intervention b y , fa tech ­ n ic a l operation, 2 0 -1 reciprocal su ggestion , 369 R eform ation, 3 5 ,3 8 ,3 9 , 56 R eiw ald , P ., 206 R enaissance, 3 8 ,4 1 P lato ’s, xiii R ey, A b e l, 28 Rice, Stu art A rth u r, 19 5 Richelieu, 4 1 , 284 to 178 Robin, A rm and, 3 7 1 Roethlisberger, F r itz Jules, 334 Rom e, ancient, 6 7, 77 , 12 5 ; and tech n iqu e, 2 9 -3 2 , 33. 36, 60, 125; law in, 30, 6 8 -9 , 7 1 , 7 7 , 284, 29 7 n.,- sla very in, 66, 70; ath letes of, 382, 383 R8pke, W ilhelm , 283 Rostand, Ed m on d , 223 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, xlx Russell, Bertrand, 153 Russian R evolution, 209, 322, 365 Reader's Republic, Road Serfdom, S a very, T h o m as, 8 S a vig n y, F ried rich K a rl von , 292 scholasticism , 3 5 scien ce: an d tech n iq u e, 7 - 1 1 , 43, 3 1 7 ; in an cien t C r e e c e , 28, 2 9 S cien ce T e ch n iq u e, 28 Sciencet of Man Re-establish Hie Supremacy, The, 336 scientists, n a iv e ty o f, 4 3 4 -6 Sco tt, Jerom e, 126, 3 3 4 ,3 5 5 Semainee m idicalei de Paris, 331 servo-m echanism , 14 and n., 8 8 ,2 1 7 Seym onds, A rth ur, 258 Shannon, C la u d e E ., 2 79 n.

. , 3 1 7 ; o f organ ization , 1 1 - 1 3 , 2 1 . 22; U N E S C O C o l­ loquium on, 17; efficien cy as e n d o f, 2 i, 72, 73, 74, 80, 110 ; econom ic, econ om ic techn iq u e ( s ) ; hum an , hum an see see tech n ique (C o n tin ued ) tech n iq u e (s ); prim itive, 3 3 - 7 , 63; an d an cien t G reece, 2 7 - 9 , 33, 44, 45; and ancient Rom e, 2 9 -3 2 . 33. 36, 60, 125; an d C h ristian ity, 3 2 -8 ; in sixteenth cen tu ry, 38 -4 2 ; an d Industrial R evolution, 4 2 -6 0 in­ tellectu al, 4 3, 1 16 ; in eigh teenth cen tu ry, 44, 4 5 , 46, 4 7, 52; in n ineteenth century, 44, 45, 4 7, passim; 1 1 2 ; population related to, 48, 59; involved w ith , 5 3 - 4 , 1 4 4 -5 ; masses con verted to , 5 4 - 5 ; agricultural, 57, 104, 105, 108, 1 16 , 1 5 1 - 2 , 274 ; fiv e facto rs in grow th o f, sum m ary o f, 5 9 - 6 o ; ch aracterology o f, 6 1-14 7 traditional, and so ciety, 6 4 - 7 7 ; in civilization , 6 4 - 7 9 ; instrum ental, 67; a b ­ s tra ct, 7 1, 73; slo w evolution o f, 7 1-2 ; characteristics o f m o d em , 7 7 - 1 4 7 ; and autom a­ tism o f tech n ical ch o ice, 7 9 —85; political, 83, 84, 136 s ta te ); m ilitary, 83, 229-30; self-augm entation o f, 8 5-9 4 ; geom etric progression in selfaugm entation of, 89, 9 1; inter­ d epen d en ce and com binations o f, 9 1 , 1 1 1 - 1 6 ; monism of, 9 4 1 1 1 ; m oral judgm ents n o t o b ­ served b y , 9 7, 134; necessity as ch aracteristic o f, 99, 1 1 1 - 1 6 ; o f p o lice control, 1 0 0 -1, 102, 103, 1 1 1 , 133, 4 1 2 - 1 3 ; unfore­ seeability o f secon dary effects o f, 1 0 5 - 1 1 ; com m ercial, 1 1 2 13; transportational, 113 ; fi­ nancial, 1 1 3 , 2 3 0 - 1 ,2 4 4 - 5 ; city­ planning, 1 13 , 237, 270; o f am usem ent, 1 1 3 - 1 4 , 1 15 , 3 7 5 82; o f state, fo r control o f individual, 1 1 5 s ta te ); universalism of. 1 1 6 - 3 3 , 206, bourgeoisie passim; (see also (see also (xiii Index Continued) tech n iqu e ( 35 5; cu ltural b rea k d o w n pro­ voked by, 1 2 1 , 122, 12 3 , 124, 126, 130; literature subordi­ nated to, 128; art subordinated to, 128, 129, 404; o f operational research , 129 , 1 7 3 ; fo r “ ob­ jective” m usic, 129 -3 0 ; special­ ization brid g ed b y , 132; au­ tonom y o f, 1 3 3 -4 7 ; hum an b ein g subservient to, 1 3 7 -9 , 3 0 6 -7, 340; w orship o f, 1 4 3 -6 , 3 0 2 -3 , 324; a n d econom y, econom ic man; econom ic science; econom ic te c h n iq u e (s ); econom ic system s confronted b y , 183-90 ; h opes o f progress aw ak en ed b y , 1 9 0 -3 ; centrali­ zation p resupposed by, 1 9 3 -4 ; as facto r in d estruction o f capitalism , 198 , 2 3 6 - 7 ; op­ posed to liberalism , 2 0 0 -5 ; o p ­ posed to d em ocracy, 2 0 8 -18 ; an d econom ic m an , 2 1 8 -2 7 ; ancient, u tilized b y state, 2 2 9 33; adm inistrative, 2 3 1 - 2 ; new, u tilize d b y state, 2 3 3 -9 , 3 0 7 1 1 ; p rivate an d p u blic, 2 3 9 43, 3 0 0 -1; conjoined w ith state, 245, 246, 247; an d reper­ cussions on state, 2 4 7 - 9 1 ; and state constitution, 2 6 7-8 0 ; and p o litical doctrines, 28 0 -4 ; judicial, 2 9 1-3 0 0 ( la w ); repercussions on, 300—18; no counterbalance to, 3 0 1 - 7 ; in­ stitutions in service o f, 3 1 1 - 1 8 ; a n d hum an tension, 3 1 9 -2 5 ; psych ological, 321, 3 2 2 -3 , 324, 409, 410 , 4 1 1 , 4 1 2 p sych oa n alysis); m ilieu an d space m odified b y , 325— 8; tim e and m otion m odified b y , 3 2 8 -32; an d hum anism , see see also (see also 336 . 337, 338 , 339 , 34 ° , 348 , 350, 409; education al, 3 4 4 -9 Continued) (see also p e d a g o g y ); tech n iqu e ( 3 4 9 -5 8 ; of hum an o f work, relations, 3 5 4 -6 ; m edical, 3 8 4 -7 ; special­ ized , efficiency of, 388, 389; hum an dissociation p rod uced by, 398 -40 2; initiative censored by, 420; and ecstatic phenom ena, 4 2 1 , 422, 4 23, 424; revolt integrated by, 4 2 5-6 , 427; future of, 428—36; economic technique (s ) ; hum an te c h n iq u e (s ); states; technical phenom ena technocracy, 336 tech n ological un em ploym en t, 10 3 -4 see also television: artificial paradise cre­ ated b y , 377; a s m eans o f es­ ca p e, 3 7 8 -9 ; as destroyer of personality and hum an relations, 380 329 n. tension, hum an, 3 1 9 - 2 5 Temps harcelant, Le, T h em atic A pp ercep tion T est, 363 Tib etans, 76, 12 1 T illich , Paul, xi time, m odified b y tech n ique, 328 - 30 tools: and skill o f w o rk er, 67, 68; co n q u est belon gin g to, 146 totalitarian sta te, 2 8 4 -9 1 , 364, 365. 384 T o yn b ee, Arnold, 1 1 , 1 2 , 2 1 trace elem ents, an d soil conser­ vation, 339 tra d e unionism, 3 5 7 -8 on 327 Treatise Bread, Trum an, H arry S , 1 1 9 , 120, 184 trusts, 202, 235 “ truth serum ," 385 T u rk ey, 123 T V A , 108, unconscious, 4 0 2 -5 182, 2 6 5 , 323, 324 th e, trium ph of, xiv) INDEX u n d erd evelo p ed p eop les, 1 1 7 , 1x8, 1 2 0 , 1 2 1 ,1 2 2 ,1 2 3 u n em ploym en t, tech n ological, 1 0 3 -4 U N E S C O , 1 7 , 1 2 1 , 12 3 , 346, 361 unionism , labor, 3 5 7 - 8 U n ite d States, 10 7 , 108, 1 1 9 , 147, 196, 235, 252, 263, 284, 286, 326 , 347; invention in ( 1 7 5 0 > 8 50 ), 52; as tech n ical p ow er, 1 1 9 ; technicians supplied b y , to u n d erd evelo p ed p eop les, 120; crash program s in, to re­ co n stru ct soil, 14 3 ; concentra­ tio n o f ca p ita l in, 15 4 , 15 5 ; overproduction in, 156 ; statis­ ticians in, 16 4 ; econ o m ic p lan ­ ning in, 184, 270; B ureau o f th e B u d g et in, 19 5 ; and synthe­ sis o f p olitics an d econom ics, 19 7; p olitical technicians in, * 5 8 -9 ; antitrust la w s in, 266; F B I in, 272; sales en gin eerin g in, 1 7 3 ; in a b ility o f, to p a y for co m plete disarm am ent, 277; lobbyists in , 278; Japan o ccupied b y , 282; scien tific research in, 3 1 5 . 316 . 3 1 7 ; la rge-sca le a g ­ ricu ltu re in, 339 ; tem p o o f ch a n ge in, 349; labor unionism in, 357; p ostw ar neuroses in, 369, 370; and p rop ag an d a, 372 37 3 . 374!

pages: 678 words: 159,840

The Debian Administrator's Handbook, Debian Wheezy From Discovery to Mastery by Raphaal Hertzog, Roland Mas

bash_history, Debian, distributed generation, do-ocracy,, failed state, Firefox, GnuPG, Google Chrome, Jono Bacon, MITM: man-in-the-middle, NP-complete, QWERTY keyboard, RFC: Request For Comment, Richard Stallman, Skype, SpamAssassin, Valgrind, web application, zero day, Zimmermann PGP

Even if this constitution establishes a semblance of democracy, the daily reality is quite different: Debian naturally follows the free software rules of the do-ocracy: the one who does things gets to decide how to do them. A lot of time can be wasted debating the respective merits of various ways to approach a problem; the chosen solution will be the first one that is both functional and satisfying… which will come out of the time that a competent person did put into it. This is the only way to earn one's stripes: do something useful and show that one has worked well. Many Debian “administrative” teams operate by appointment, preferring volunteers who have already effectively contributed and proved their competence. This method is practical, because the most of the work these teams do is public, therefore, accessible to any interested developer. This is why Debian is often described as a “meritocracy”.

Despite the folklore of being bureaucratic, decision making in Debian is in fact highly unstructured, almost anarchic. There exist clearly defined areas of responsibility within the project. People in charge of those areas are free to drive their own boat. As long as they keep up with the quality requirements agreed upon by the community, no one can tell them what to do or how to do their job. If you want to have a say on how something is done in Debian, you need to put yourself on the line and be ready to take the job on your shoulders. This peculiar form of meritocracy — which we sometimes call do-ocracy — is very empowering for contributors. Anyone with enough skills, time, and motivation can have a real impact on the direction the project is taking. This is testified by a population of about 1 000 official members of the Debian Project, and several thousands of contributors world-wide.

For Debian, merit is a measure of competence, which is, itself, assessed by observation of past actions by one or more others within the project (Stefano Zacchiroli, the previous project leader, speaks of “do-ocracy”, meaning “power to those who get things done”). Their simple existence proves a certain level of competence; their achievements generally being free software, with available source code, which can easily be reviewed by peers to assess their quality. This effective operational method guarantees the quality of contributors in the “key” Debian teams. This method is by no means perfect and occasionally there are those who do not accept this way of operating. The selection of developers accepted in the teams may appear a bit arbitrary, or even unfair. Furthermore, not everybody has the same definition of the service expected from these teams.

pages: 195 words: 58,462

City Squares: Eighteen Writers on the Spirit and Significance of Squares Around the World by Catie Marron

Berlin Wall, carbon footprint, deindustrialization, do-ocracy, Jane Jacobs, late capitalism, Mark Zuckerberg, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the High Line, too big to fail, urban planning

And to anyone who watched the May Day outpouring in 1990, or the resistance to the August 1991 coup, Putin’s Russia must feel like a profound disappointment. Russian history, which spans a thousand years of autocracy and totalitarianism, could not be overcome quite so easily. The pursuit of both democratic politics and a free market in the 1990s was so chaotic, so untethered from a legal structure, so riddled by greed and corruption, that Russians came to scoff at the word demokratia and use the derisive dermokratiya (“shit-ocracy”). Putinism is the nationalist-authoritarian reaction to those years. But even while the regime is said to be enormously popular (thanks in large part to the state’s grip on television and, increasingly, the Internet), the urge toward the public square does not fade. In January 2012, as an anti-Kremlin, anti-corruption movement was brewing in Moscow, eight members of the radical-feminist anti-Putin collective known as Pussy Riot, wearing identity-concealing balaclavas, climbed Lobnoye Mesto, chanted, “Putin is scared shitless,” and began singing their song “Raze the Pavement!”

There, a Palestinian architect, Sandi Hilal, worked with residents of the camp to create a public square, something virtually unheard of in such places. For Palestinian refugees, the creation of any urban amenity, by implying normalcy and permanence, undermines their fundamental self-image, even after several generations have passed, as temporary occupants of the camps, preserving the right of return to Israel. Moreover, in refugee camps, public and private do not really exist as they do elsewhere. There is, strictly speaking, no private property in the camps. Refugees do not own their homes. Streets are not municipal properties, as they are in cities, because refugees are not citizens of their host countries, and the camp is not really a city. The legal notion of a refugee camp, according to the United Nations, is a temporary site for displaced, stateless individuals, not a civic body. So there is no municipality in Fawwar, just a UN relief agency whose focus is on emergency services.

The protestors here are not standing across from the White House or 10 Downing Street or the prime minister’s residence in Jerusalem. They are not marching on the Pentagon, or surrounding Westminster, or massing at the Knesset. All they are doing is gathering at the foot of the terrace of an unimportant municipal building in a square demarcated by nondescript residential blocks. All they are doing is standing on the beige granulite tiles and waiting for the helicopters from the evening news to document them and estimate their number and report that Rabin Square is again overflowing with protesters. Even when they come out in anguish, their anguish has no address. They do not expect to be heard. This is why they gather in a banal plaza, surrounded by banal buildings, and shout out banal exclamations against a banal political adversary whose hold on power is tenuous at best.

pages: 235 words: 64,858

Sexual Intelligence: What We Really Want From Sex and How to Get It by Marty Klein

airport security, Albert Einstein, do-ocracy, invention of the wheel, Silicon Valley

If we choose, a good therapist or physician can investigate a patient’s life and often uncover the logic (conscious or unconscious) that makes sense of these “symptoms”: trauma, fear of abandonment, insecurity about masculinity, fear of intimacy—the whole Oprah-ocracy of inner torment we regularly see. Given America’s twisted sexual culture, if we’re looking for stuff like that, we can almost always find it. Then, theoretically, we help our patients resolve it, the blocks to sexual function dissolve, and their genitalia are rescued from the ash heap of history. Good-bye, sexual “dysfunction.” Whether that’s the best we can do for our patients is another matter. I’m not so eager to agree that I’ll work with a patient to fix presenting problems like unreliable erections and discouraged vaginas. When I ask patients why these symptoms are a problem, their answers are often interesting, such as: • “I’m afraid my partner will leave me

There’s so much mystery integral to our sexuality, so much romance in getting to know a new body and a new person (or enjoying familiar things we’ve learned to expect), that we really don’t need to add more of either one by hesitating to communicate, plan, or acknowledge what we’re doing. I believe that when people say they want sex to be spontaneous, they’re thinking one or more of the following: • I don’t want to think about what I’m doing. • I don’t want to think about the consequences of what I’m doing. • I don’t want to be that close to the person I’m doing this with. • I’m concerned that if either of us thinks about this, we won’t do it. • I’m concerned that talking about what we’re doing will make it less interesting. • I’m concerned that if I think too much about it my body won’t “function.” I’m sympathetic about concerns like these, although my response to all of them is the same: don’t pursue a sexual situation that you’re not comfortable with.

If a couple gets along, they have other, dependable ways to enjoy themselves: a walk, cooking together, watching TV, napping, photographing their kids, playing Scrabble. When a couple has limited free time together and they know they can reliably have fun doing other things, choosing to have sex that they imagine might involve self-consciousness, disappointment, criticism, and emotional distance is simply irrational. So long-term couples who like each other do the most obvious thing: they have sex less often, and instead do other things they enjoy more easily. If you and your partner want sex to be part of your lives after the first few years, you can’t rely on feeling hormonal lust, you can’t rely on feeling overwhelmed by being in love, and you can’t rely on feeling there’s nothing better to do. The two of you have to do something fundamentally irrational—propose something that’s less enjoyable and more emotionally expensive than practically any other leisure activity available.

pages: 662 words: 180,546

Never Let a Serious Crisis Go to Waste: How Neoliberalism Survived the Financial Meltdown by Philip Mirowski

"Robert Solow", Alvin Roth, Andrei Shleifer, asset-backed security, bank run, barriers to entry, Basel III, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, Brownian motion, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, complexity theory, constrained optimization, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, dark matter, David Brooks, David Graeber, debt deflation, deindustrialization, do-ocracy, Edward Glaeser, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, experimental economics, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Flash crash, full employment, George Akerlof, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Hernando de Soto, housing crisis, Hyman Minsky, illegal immigration, income inequality, incomplete markets, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Jean Tirole, joint-stock company, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, l'esprit de l'escalier, labor-force participation, liberal capitalism, liquidity trap, loose coupling, manufacturing employment, market clearing, market design, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Naomi Klein, Nash equilibrium, night-watchman state, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, Philip Mirowski, Ponzi scheme, precariat, prediction markets, price mechanism, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, random walk, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, school choice, sealed-bid auction, Silicon Valley, South Sea Bubble, Steven Levy, technoutopianism, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, the map is not the territory, The Myth of the Rational Market, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thorstein Veblen, Tobin tax, too big to fail, transaction costs, Vilfredo Pareto, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, We are the 99%, working poor

“Michel Foucault’s Birth of Biopolitics and Contemporary Neo-liberalism Debates,” Thesis Eleven 108 (2012): 44–65. Fligstein, Neil, and Adam Goldstein. “A Long Strange Trip: The State and Mortgage Securitization, 1968–2010,” in Preda and Knorr-Cetina, Handbook of the Sociology of Finance. Flitter, Emily, Kristina Cooke, and Pedro DaCosta. “For Some Professors, Disclosure Is Academic,” Reuters special report, 2010, at Foer, Franklin. “Nudge-ocracy,” New Republic, May 6, 2009. Fontaine, Philippe. “Blood, Politics and Social Science,” Isis 93 (2002): 401–34. Forrester, Katrina. “Tocqueville Anticipated Me,” London Review of Books, April 26, 2012. Foucart, Stephane. “When Science Is Hidden Behind a Smokescreen,” Guardian Weekly, June 28, 2011. Foucault, Michel. The Birth of Biopolitics (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008). Foucault, Michel.

Yet even this divergence went too far for the Old Guard of the orthodoxy, such as Kenneth Arrow. The dividing line between the postwar generation of neoclassical economists and the post-1980 cohort is that the former believed they could abjure all dependence on academic psychology, whereas the latter believed they could pick and choose among psychological doctrines to elevate those that seemingly reinforced the neoclassical orthodoxy. 52 Foer, “Nudge-ocracy.” 53 Gennaioli, Shleifer, and Vishny, “Neglected Risks, Financial Innovation and Financial Fragility.” Of course, since this is an orthodox model, fluctuations are relative to a rational-expectations equilibrium, and not of employment, income, and output. This is compounded by the fact that rational-expectations forecasts of identical agents are replaced by identical inaccurate forecasts. Whoever doubted neoclassical equilibrium would fail in a world populated by identical wonky forecasters?

It’s an approach that combines the grand tradition of microeconomics, with its emphasis on how the invisible hand leads to generally desirable outcomes, with Keynesian macroeconomics, which emphasizes the way the economy can develop magneto trouble, requiring policy intervention. In the Samuelsonian synthesis, one must count on the government to ensure more or less full employment; only once that can be taken as given do the usual virtues of free markets come to the fore. It’s a deeply reasonable approach—but it’s also intellectually unstable. For it requires some strategic inconsistency in how you think about the economy. When you’re doing micro, you assume rational individuals and rapidly clearing markets; when you’re doing macro, frictions and ad hoc behavioral assumptions are essential. So what? Inconsistency in the pursuit of useful guidance is no vice.29 I do not wish to suggest one should never, ever simultaneously entertain A and Not-A. There is a grain of truth to this: quantum mechanics has been deemed inconsistent with classical mechanics and macro-scale theories such as relativity at various points in its history; it is possible for a science like physics to operate for a while with conceptual schizophrenia.

pages: 330 words: 91,805

Peers Inc: How People and Platforms Are Inventing the Collaborative Economy and Reinventing Capitalism by Robin Chase

Airbnb, Amazon Web Services, Andy Kessler, banking crisis, barriers to entry, basic income, Benevolent Dictator For Life (BDFL), bitcoin, blockchain, Burning Man, business climate, call centre, car-free, cloud computing, collaborative consumption, collaborative economy, collective bargaining, commoditize, congestion charging, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, decarbonisation, different worldview, do-ocracy, don't be evil, Elon Musk,, Ethereum, ethereum blockchain, Ferguson, Missouri, Firefox, frictionless, Gini coefficient, hive mind, income inequality, index fund, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Internet of things, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, job satisfaction, Kickstarter, Lean Startup, Lyft, means of production, megacity, Minecraft, minimum viable product, Network effects, new economy, Oculus Rift, openstreetmap, optical character recognition, pattern recognition, peer-to-peer, peer-to-peer lending, peer-to-peer model, Richard Stallman, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Satoshi Nakamoto, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, self-driving car, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, six sigma, Skype, smart cities, smart grid, Snapchat, sovereign wealth fund, Steve Crocker, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, TaskRabbit, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Future of Employment, The Nature of the Firm, transaction costs, Turing test, turn-by-turn navigation, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, Zipcar

Chris placed his experience with Jordi in a broader context, telling me, “In the 21st century, it matters less and less where you live, how old you are, what school you went to (or didn’t), or where you’ve worked. All that matters is what you can do; online innovation communities are the ultimate ‘do-ocracies.’ ” How we uncover our personal strengths is transformed. Gretchen’s parents weighed in on her early career options. Many people don’t feel like they have many options; others may make a choice but change their minds later in light of new life circumstances. Others might be like me. When I was just starting to work, it took me years to figure out what I liked to do and what I was good at. I hated my first job, and my second as well. But my mother wouldn’t let me quit right away. “You have to stick at it at least a year, otherwise you’ll look unreliable on your resumé,” she said.

When Craig, our first member, reserved a car, it would go something like this. Say he wanted to do a big grocery store run on Tuesday night and needed a car from 7:00 to 9:00 p.m. At he could see the schedule by calendar week for “Betsy,” an eye-catching lime-green Beetle (Volkswagen had only just introduced the new Beetle months before Zipcar’s launch). If Betsy was booked until 7:30 p.m. on that Tuesday night, Craig could decide whether he wanted to leave half an hour later or preferred to go on Wednesday night, when the car was free. In an old-school car rental company, the schedule would be visible to employees only. CRAIG: I want Beetle Betsy Tuesday from 7:00 to 9:00 p.m. OLD SCHOOL: Not possible. It is booked. Do you want a more expensive car? CRAIG: No. OLD SCHOOL: Do you want to go Wednesday night? CRAIG: No. OLD SCHOOL: Do you want to walk to a car that is ten blocks away?

In Thinking, Fast and Slow, Daniel Kahneman describes the two modes of thought that we all engage in. “Thinking fast” is what we usually do. He argues that humans are great at fast pattern recognition, recognizing subtle local cues and context, and adjusting immediately to take these into account. Conversely, computers are pretty terrible at these things. While we have to trick ourselves into “thinking slow,” taking the time to make the mathematical and rational calculations, this type of analysis is easy for computers. The optimal Peers Inc platforms allow computers to do what they do best—complex and not-so-complex math—and deliver the results to people, allowing us to engage in what we do best: creativity, pattern recognition, and contextualizing. In an interview on The Colbert Report, Vint Cerf, the Internet pioneer, remarked “[There are] about 3 billion people online right now.

pages: 326 words: 91,559

Everything for Everyone: The Radical Tradition That Is Shaping the Next Economy by Nathan Schneider

1960s counterculture, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, altcoin, Amazon Mechanical Turk, back-to-the-land, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, blockchain, Brewster Kahle, Burning Man, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carbon footprint, Clayton Christensen, collaborative economy, collective bargaining, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate governance, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, Debian, disruptive innovation, do-ocracy, Donald Knuth, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, Ethereum, ethereum blockchain, Food sovereignty, four colour theorem, future of work, gig economy, Google bus, hydraulic fracturing, Internet Archive, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Julian Assange, Kickstarter, Lyft, M-Pesa, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Marshall McLuhan, mass immigration, means of production, multi-sided market, new economy, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, Peter H. Diamandis: Planetary Resources, post-work, precariat, premature optimization, pre–internet, profit motive, race to the bottom, Richard Florida, Richard Stallman, ride hailing / ride sharing, Sam Altman, Satoshi Nakamoto, self-driving car, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Slavoj Žižek, smart contracts, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Stewart Brand, transaction costs, Turing test, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, underbanked, undersea cable, universal basic income, Upton Sinclair, Vanguard fund, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce, working poor, Y Combinator, Y2K, Zipcar

Like most stories, you don’t get to know the end until you get there, if there is an end at all. On a windy day in May, gusts swelled through the unMonastery’s first-floor caves, blowing from the walls various colored sticky notes and hand-drawn posters made in meetings heady with excitement and hope. They were schedules, sets of principles, slogans to remember, lists of things to do. A maxim for the Edgeryders’ doctrine of do-ocracy, for instance: “Who does the work calls the shots.” These relics remained on the floor for hours, apparently provoking insufficient motivation to pick them up. There had been a kind of monastic routine at the unMonastery in the first weeks. At specified times, the group would sit in circles to share feelings and discuss concerns. A flying drone once captured footage of the theatrical morning exercises that Bembo Davies led.

I can control my operating system, the programs on my machines, even the cloud tools I use to manage my personal data. But once I run into public platforms, once I need to connect with others and do things together, it’s over. I’m stuck. This is where my personal piety doesn’t help. If I want to do slow computing over networks, sensitive to the communities and value chains I’m interacting with, I need platform cooperativism. I need platform co-ops. There are too few of them. Most that do exist are still getting their start. Except for a few cases here and there, in a few parts of the world, life in the platform co-op stack remains mostly a feat of imagination, a possible future based on projects of the present that may or may not succeed. As some do, it will be easier for more to as well. For now, we’re building on each other. As I write, some of the time at least, I’m listening to music I’ve never heard of on Resonate.

Mondragon’s Father Arizmendi insisted that co-ops have a responsibility to capitalize: “A cooperativism without the structural ability to attract and assimilate capital at the level of the demands of industrial productivity is a transitory solution, an obsolete formula.”21 We’re starting to figure out how to do this for platform co-ops. Even the VCs are starting to notice the limits of their existing models. The New York firm Union Square Ventures, for instance, has been an unlikely friend of platform cooperativism. USV partner Brad Burnham spoke at the first New School conference; he envisions a new generation of less risky “skinny platforms” that are less centralized and share their benefits more widely. “We can generate a return participating in that,” he said in 2015, “and we think that’s what we should be doing.”22 Still, he can’t imagine investing directly in co-ops. There need to be other ways. Co-ops were the original crowdfunding. They were how people got together and financed a business to do things nobody else would do for them. Online crowdfunding borrows this idea, but platforms such as Kickstarter and GoFundMe subtract the co-ownership and mutual accountability of their cooperative predecessors.

pages: 357 words: 99,684

Why It's Still Kicking Off Everywhere: The New Global Revolutions by Paul Mason

anti-globalists, back-to-the-land, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, citizen journalism, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, do-ocracy, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, informal economy, land tenure, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, megacity, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, Network effects, New Journalism, Occupy movement, price stability, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rising living standards, short selling, Slavoj Žižek, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, union organizing, We are the 99%, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, young professional

As the situation degenerated in the late 1850s, the habitually rowdy electoral process gave rise to sporadic violent acts, from the outbreak of political violence in Kansas, to John Brown’s guerrilla raid on Harper’s Ferry, to a fight on the floor of the Senate that left the anti-slavery senator Charles Sumner maimed for life. The historian Allan Nevins argued that by the late 1850s America contained no longer just two political factions, or parallel economic systems, but ‘two peoples’ who were culturally, socially and ethnically different (by this time 90 per cent of all European migrants were headed for the north). Another historian, James McPherson, explained why, to the white slave-ocracy and its plebeian supporters, the rise of industrial capitalism and its liberal values did look like a revolution: The ascension to power of the Republican Party, with its ideology of competitive, egalitarian, free-labor capitalism, was a signal to the South that the Northern majority had turned irrevocably towards this frightening, revolutionary future.9 While it would be wrong to force an analogy, there are worrying echoes of 1850s America in today’s USA.

They stayed on the floors and sofas of friends—‘sofa surfing’, Reynalds calls it—until their friends got sick of it. Now they sleep, dad and daughter, side by side with eighty people they do not know. ‘It’s not bad,’ says Michelle. ‘It’s safe; I stay at school till six o’clock to get my homework done.’ Do they know she’s homeless? ‘I didn’t tell them.’ Why not? ‘They didn’t ask.’ This means she does not show up on New Mexico’s register of homeless children, which already numbers 5,500. She’s trying to keep her Latin dance class going; Larry is still working on his screenplay ‘about a biker who gets accused of doing something he didn’t do’. His eyes drift towards some inner memory, and Michelle smiles. Larry says: The job market was supposed to make progress a little in May, but it levelled off and now it’s dropped back.

By contrast, May 1968 looks less like a wave of revolutions and more like a surge of protest: students in the lead, workers and the urban poor taking it to the verge of insurrection only in France, Czechoslovakia and America’s ghettoes. Nineteen eighty-nine was—with the exception of Romania—achieved by demonstrations, passive resistance and a large amount of diplomacy. In each of these global spasms, issues of class were crucial. The key questions were always: what do the workers do? Do they lead? What is their ideology? How fast do they move from a democratic to a social agenda? How does the middle class react? But these worldwide protests were not only about class. With the rise of social micro-history, we’ve begun to understand that these events were also about ‘the personal’: about relationships, freedom of action, culture, the creation of small islands of autonomy and control. In this respect, the demographics of 2011 resemble those of 1848 more than any other event.

pages: 394 words: 110,352

The Art of Community: Building the New Age of Participation by Jono Bacon

barriers to entry, Benevolent Dictator For Life (BDFL), collaborative editing, crowdsourcing, Debian, DevOps, do-ocracy,, Firefox, game design, Guido van Rossum, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Jono Bacon, Kickstarter, Larry Wall, Mark Shuttleworth, Mark Zuckerberg, openstreetmap, Richard Stallman, side project, Silicon Valley, Skype, slashdot, social graph, software as a service, telemarketer, union organizing, VA Linux, web application

They work with the larger Drupal community to maintain our server infrastructure, to organize several Drupal conferences each year, and more. The direction for the Drupal Association is set by its board of directors, of which I’m president. It is not always easy, but we elect the board of directors such that they represent the different aspects of our community. By doing so, we make sure that the Drupal Association serves the needs of the community, and not the other way around. What makes the Drupal Association special is that it has no influence over the technical direction of Drupal. The Drupal community uses a do-ocracy model, meaning people work on what they want to work on, instead of being told what to work on. Decisions are usually made through consensus building and based on technical merit, trust, and respect. As the project lead, and with the help of my comaintainers, I help guide the community in strategic directions.

Consider the rebuilding of Europe after World Wars I and II, expanding the right to vote, equal access to public accommodations, reducing disease, reducing workplace discrimination, legislation around safe food and drinking water, the nationwide construction of highways, financial security in retirement, scientific funding and technical research, reducing hunger and improving nutrition, space exploration, and more. It is government that helped forward these worthy achievements. When the system works, beautiful things can happen. orm-interview-snippet: The Community Case Book The Drupal community uses a do-ocracy model, meaning people work on what they want to work on, instead of being told what to work on. Decisions are usually made through consensus building and based on technical merit, trust, and respect. As the project lead, and with the help of my co-maintainers, I help guide the community in strategic directions. —Dries Buytaert, on Governance Read the full interview in Chapter 14. Governance and Community In the same way that the government of a country is tasked with improving infrastructure, living conditions, and the welfare of its nation, the governance body of a community is similarly tasked with the welfare of those it governs.

The flow of communication between teams is a lot more complex than you would first imagine. How can you ensure an easy flow of ideas and progress between two teams who focus on different parts of the community? How does your art team communicate well with your development team? This opens up a huge array of questions. Even with the three teams in Figure 2-4, how do they communicate? What mediums do they use? How do they deal with geographic and time zone issues? How do they report their interactions to the wider community? How do they track progress? How do we understand how different teams work together? Not an easy problem to solve. These questions are not merely about how two or three teams communicate. They get to the heart of the ethos of the community as a whole: the standard for how teams are structured, how they behave, and how they communicate.

pages: 397 words: 110,222

Habeas Data: Privacy vs. The Rise of Surveillance Tech by Cyrus Farivar

Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, autonomous vehicles, call centre, citizen journalism, cloud computing, computer age, connected car, do-ocracy, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden,, failed state, Ferguson, Missouri, Frank Gehry, Golden Gate Park, John Markoff, license plate recognition, Lyft, national security letter, Occupy movement, optical character recognition, Port of Oakland, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, The Hackers Conference, Tim Cook: Apple, transaction costs, uber lyft, WikiLeaks, Zimmermann PGP

Before walking out, Hofer was pulled aside by Eddan Katz, a local tech-minded attorney and one of the co-founders of Sudoroom, trying gently to stop Hofer from leaving. Hofer, frustrated, tried to point out that their street theater efforts were unlikely to result in meaningful change. Still, Katz asked Hofer a few basic questions: “Do you want to meet with the city council? How can you not, with the people voting on the project? What’s your strategy?” Katz impressed upon him the motto of Sudoroom and other hacker-spaces like it: it’s an anarchist collective, yes, but it’s also a do-ocracy. If you want something done, do it. Hofer decided to take him up on the offer. Amazingly, it worked. Within weeks, Hofer, who had no political connections whatsoever, had meetings scheduled with city council members and other local organizations. By September 2014, Hofer was named as the chair of the Ad Hoc Privacy Committee.

Worse still, by the time Donald Trump was inaugurated, four of the five PCLOB members had either termed out or resigned, leaving the body without a quorum. One March 2017 article in McClatchy noted that the body “barely functions.” The White House seems wholly uninterested in reviving it. But the law is on the books for any administration—Republican or Democrat—to bring it back. After all, doing something is better than doing nothing. Back in Oakland, Saied Karamooz articulated what many legislators should take to heart: “Do you think people have the time to protect their privacy? They don’t even know that they’ve been violated—doing nothing is admitting defeat.” NOTES The fantastic advances: Lopez v. United States, 373 U.S. 427 (1963). I just hate Fourth: Justice Antonin Scalia, interview with Susan Swain, C-SPAN, June 19, 2009. Available at:​documents/​3984805-AScalia.html#document/​p13/​a373041.

One of Germany’s most fundamental data protection principles describes practically the opposite of how we typically do things in America: “The collection, processing and use of personal data shall be admissible only if permitted or prescribed by this Act or any other legal provision or if the data subject has consented.” In the United States, no one gave Google permission to go down all the roads in America and take pictures of every home. The company just did it. That’s why, when Street View arrived in Germany in 2010, politicians bent over backwards to show how opposed to Google they were. Notably, Guido Westerwelle, then the foreign minister, said, “I will do all I can to prevent it.” Google came up with a compromise: it would allow Germans to opt out of the service. To do this, they would have to input their name and address, and Google would blur their home, as it does with faces and cars.

pages: 457 words: 126,996

Hacker, Hoaxer, Whistleblower, Spy: The Story of Anonymous by Gabriella Coleman

1960s counterculture, 4chan, Amazon Web Services, Bay Area Rapid Transit, bitcoin, Chelsea Manning, citizen journalism, cloud computing, collective bargaining, corporate governance, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, David Graeber, Debian, do-ocracy, East Village, Edward Snowden, feminist movement, George Santayana, hive mind, impulse control, Jacob Appelbaum, jimmy wales, Julian Assange, low cost airline, mandatory minimum, Mohammed Bouazizi, Network effects, Occupy movement, pirate software, Richard Stallman, SETI@home, side project, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steven Levy, WikiLeaks, zero day

The mask, which has become its signature icon, functions as a eternal beacon, broadcasting the overriding value of equality, even in the face of bitter divisions and inequalities. Of course, despite the lack of a stable hierarchy or a single point of control, some Anons are more active and influential than others—at least for limited periods. Anonymous abides by a particular strain of what geeks call “do-ocracy,” with motivated individuals (or those with free time) extending its networked architecture by contributing time, labor, and attention to an existing enterprise or by starting their own as they see fit. Whether a movement even fesses up to the existence of soft leaders is a whole other important question intimately related to another issue plaguing many social movement: how to keep the membranes permeable/osmotic enough so newcomers can join existing working groups, whose tendency is to become cliquish; without overt recognition that leadership exists, a project can fall easily into the “tyranny of structurelessness”—a situation whereby the vocalizing of an ideology of decentralization works as a platitude that obscures or redirects attention away from firmly entrenched but hidden nodes of power behind the scenes.17 Following the heated controversy that erupted on Why We Protest, many Anons came to accept that marblecake played a valuable organizational role.

The world is getting the impression that unless western economic interests are involved, our media does not care to report upon it. Perhaps you didn’t know? Now that you do, you can help us spread the news. After all, you do not have to wear a mask to do it. Sincerely, Anonymous12 “Dudes believe me the key of this is having no ego” But Anonymous was doing more than pestering the mainstream media to do its job. By January 2, 2011, a technical team on #internetfeds forsook their holidays to work nearly nonstop for two weeks. Indeed, Adnon told me he barely slept for two weeks. During an interview, he explained that the operation took a different approach than Avenge Assange and Operation Payback: Adnon: With Tunisia we had a plan Adnon: We thought carefully about what to do and when in a small group Adnon: presented a list of options in a poll Adnon: then took the result of the poll Adnon: It was much less a big group decision than other ops OpTunisia marked, both internally and externally, a sea change.

Hoglund then changes tack, appealing to Anonymous’ supposed sense of self-preservation: greg: do you guys realize that attacking a U.S. company and stealing private data is something you have never done before? greg: no, I think you might have considered your public reputation - it doesn’t look good. Agamemnon: Greg. Please answer: do you understand who we are and why we do what we do? CogAnon: I was never going to sell u have it wrong. evilworks: we don’t CARE about reputation Sabu: greg, our reputation is not at stake here. yours is. greg: i mean this was a real hack - and btw, i have to concede you really did hack us good evilworks: we do what we think is right c0s: Greg, and the people here dont care about reputation, at all evilworks: there are numerous ways to make us look bad evilworks: we dont care […] Baas: Granted, you guys don’t do burn notices proper…But it’s the thought that counts.

pages: 587 words: 117,894

Cybersecurity: What Everyone Needs to Know by P. W. Singer, Allan Friedman

4chan, A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, blood diamonds, borderless world, Brian Krebs, business continuity plan, Chelsea Manning, cloud computing, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, data acquisition, do-ocracy, drone strike, Edward Snowden, energy security, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fault tolerance, global supply chain, Google Earth, Internet of things, invention of the telegraph, John Markoff, Julian Assange, Khan Academy, M-Pesa, MITM: man-in-the-middle, mutually assured destruction, Network effects, packet switching, Peace of Westphalia, pre–internet, profit motive, RAND corporation, ransomware, RFC: Request For Comment, risk tolerance, rolodex, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart grid, Steve Jobs, Stuxnet, uranium enrichment, We are Anonymous. We are Legion, web application, WikiLeaks, zero day, zero-sum game

As one member explained, “Anyone who wants to can be Anonymous and work toward a set of goals.… We have this agenda that we all agree on and we all coordinate and act, but all act independently toward it, without any want for recognition. We just want to get something that we feel is important done.” With no single leader or central control authority, the group visualizes itself not as a democracy or a bureaucracy, but as a “do-ocracy.” Members communicate via various forums and Internet Relay Chat (IRC) networks to debate potential causes to support and identify targets and actions to carry out. If enough of a collective is on board for action, a date will be selected and plan put into action; one member described it as “ultra-coordinated motherfuckery.” The members then use various media such as Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube to distribute “attack posters” to announce the plans, further coordinate steps, and draw new volunteers from around the world into the attacks, building up the ranks of an “Anonymous” army of hactivists.

Why Is There a Cybersecurity Knowledge Gap, and Why Does It Matter? How Did You Write the Book and What Do You Hope to Accomplish? PART I HOW IT ALL WORKS The World Wide What? Defining Cyberspace Where Did This “Cyber Stuff” Come from Anyway? A Short History of the Internet How Does the Internet Actually Work? Who Runs It? Understanding Internet Governance On the Internet, How Do They Know Whether You Are a Dog? Identity and Authentication What Do We Mean by “Security” Anyway? What Are the Threats? One Phish, Two Phish, Red Phish, Cyber Phish: What Are Vulnerabilities? How Do We Trust in Cyberspace? Focus: What Happened in WikiLeaks? What Is an Advanced Persistent Threat (APT)? How Do We Keep the Bad Guys Out? The Basics of Computer Defense Who Is the Weakest Link? Human Factors PART II WHY IT MATTERS What Is the Meaning of Cyberattack?

Exercise Is Good for You: How Can We Better Prepare for Cyber Incidents? Build Cybersecurity Incentives: Why Should I Do What You Want? Learn to Share: How Can We Better Collaborate on Information? Demand Disclosure: What Is the Role of Transparency? Get “Vigorous” about Responsibility: How Can We Create Accountability for Security? Find the IT Crowd: How Do We Solve the Cyber People Problem? Do Your Part: How Can I Protect Myself (and the Internet)? CONCLUSIONS Where Is Cybersecurity Headed Next? What Do I Really Need to Know in the End? ACKNOWLEDGMENTS NOTES GLOSSARY INDEX INTRODUCTION Why Write a Book about Cybersecurity and Cyberwar? “All this cyber stuff.” The setting was a Washington, DC, conference room. The speaker was a senior leader of the US Department of Defense. The topic was why he thought cybersecurity and cyberwar was so important.

Autonomia: Post-Political Politics 2007 by Sylvere Lotringer, Christian Marazzi

anti-communist, anti-work, business cycle, collective bargaining, dematerialisation, do-ocracy, feminist movement, full employment, land reform, late capitalism, means of production, social intelligence, wages for housework, women in the workforce

; b) the process of liberation is not first "political" and then "military"; it learns the use of arms throughout its course; it frees the army to carry out the thousand functions of political struggle; it mixes in the life of everyone, the civilian with the fighter; it forces everyone to learn the art of war or peace, One cannot claim to live the process of communist liberation and to have the same relationship to violence, the same idea of beauty and of good and right, of desirable, the same idea of normalcy, the same habits of a middle-aged bank clerk from Turin: living with earthquakes is living always with terrorism and in order not to have an "heroic" idea of war one must first of all avoid a beggarly (dea of peace, Pacifists such as Lama enlist policemen, while those "most to the left" ask for the legitimization of "violence of the masses", of the "armed proletariat", The actual Movement was more realistic and less bellicose, more human and heroic: it put peace up for debate because it criticlzed war and It shattered the criterion of delegation and of legitimization because it rejected the army; It has done this with errors and Inaccurate approximations, with terrible deviations, by cultlyating absurd myths, all within a history, It has been contradictory, but it has learned and has improved a process that has modified reality more than an insurrection, MUNIST ICISM OF OCRACY Consequently, a critique of politics is also a critique of the war/peace distinction. The peace to which we refer Is the peace of democracy and the violence which it uses is "legitimate violence", which the majority has delegated to the institutions of the State: to criticize that violence means to criticize the most developed principle of political legitimization, democracy, That Is because the problem of legitimacy is the problem of the majority, and the problem of the majority is that of the institutions through which it expresses itself, In other words, the State: "majority" and "minority" belong to the universe of political thought, they divide their hold over the "common interest", they live through the separation of "public" and "private", of State and society, immersing their roots into the relationship of dominion which alone forces men to see themselves in terms of quantity, The majority constitutes itself in order to administer power: the more power is concentrated, the more the majority can do, and the less each individual can do; the more the "publiC" is well off, which is the Interest of everyone, so much the more Is the "private" poor, expropriated; the more dispossessed, destitute of expression, is the indiVidual Interest.

rHE UNCANNY IS NHAT MAKES ME :::RAZY What makes me crazy Is the uncanny. Sifo, Fontana, and March! are in prison. 2 Sifo, Fontana, and Marchi are still in prison; Bifo, Fontana, and Marchi are always in prison. There isn't a single comrade who does not ask me, "And what do we do now?" Silence. And they take advantage of our silence. A month has already passed. But it was like a month in the mind of someone who Isn't thinking: an In· stant. A month has already passed since the arrest of Bifo and we have not got. ten him out of there. There is no proof, it's all a plot, we know it. And now what do we do? And now what do we do? We must do something, I want to do something, it isn't true that we are powerless before the monsters, the angels of death, the gray, the obtuse, the dangerous, I cannot keep quiet much longer. They have killed Mario SalvP in Rome. Slience.

Of course, my strlkes for a change in working conditions made them do It. And I ha'le gl'len some trouble to Flat, but so ha'le many others. Between '74 and '75, I was a union delegate and I did what was within my power. And e'len if I am not at all an orator, I ha'le ne'ler laid back when there wes some working method to be discussed with the foramen. Take note of this: I said working methOd, not work. I do not refuse work. I am a born worker, and I must work, but not as a sla'le. And 1 am also con'l\nced that it \5 necessary to work weH; If you don't do your job wen, you make more work for the people who come after you on the chain. I ha'le ne'ler swerved from this posl· tlon with those of my co-workers whO act badly. I say: If you do only a Httle work, at least do it well. And do a little work so It'l\ al\ get done. This Is one of the Fiat workers' slogans.

pages: 476 words: 139,761

Kleptopia: How Dirty Money Is Conquering the World by Tom Burgis

active measures, Anton Chekhov, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, British Empire, collapse of Lehman Brothers, coronavirus, corporate governance, COVID-19, Covid-19, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, cryptocurrency, do-ocracy, Donald Trump, energy security, Etonian, failed state, Gordon Gekko, high net worth, Honoré de Balzac, illegal immigration, invisible hand, Julian Assange, liberal capitalism, light touch regulation, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Skype, sovereign wealth fund, trade route, WikiLeaks

Then came the privatisations – if you talked about them the way the capitalists talked about them, an exercise in freeing the animal spirits of the new entrepreneurs from the dead hand of the state. He bought a bank, BTA, with a partner. Billions of dollars, he was worth. He went into government – by now he was one of the foremost figures in the new Kazakhstan – in charge of power supply, then as minister of energy, industry and trade. He alone stood up to the president, denouncing the promotion of Nazarbayev’s relatives and the creeping establishment of what he called a ‘clan-ocracy’. When he refused to continue in the cabinet, Nazarbayev demanded to see him. ‘You don’t respect your president,’ he ranted, ‘you don’t respect me as a person, you’re not loyal to me.’ He calmed down and asked again: ‘Come back and work for me.’ Again Ablyazov refused. ‘Well, in that case, you’re going to have to give me a chunk.’ They would be partners. The president would take half of BTA Bank.

‘I guess the worst thing that is going to happen and is happening is the blight I put on my children and I will now, in the past and in the future, try to do good deeds, try to be a positive member for my family and for my community, to in some way hopefully balance out the mountain of garbage I heaped on my own life.’ Mountain, Judge Glasser clearly thought, was the right word. The pump-and-dump conspiracy, he said, had been ‘a massive series of securities frauds, which were conceived by a cadre of callous, corrupt villains’. He had often wondered how such crimes come about. ‘I have been able to answer that question by assuming and believing that most of us have a little voice inside us which speaks to us when we think of or are about to do something wrong. It says to us, “Don’t do it, it is wrong.” And there were times that I have come to know that there are some persons who don’t have that little voice.

They met at the airport. ‘I’m sorry to have to address it,’ Sasha began, ‘but I’ve heard that you are now working against the president as allies of Mukhtar Ablyazov.’ ‘I’m not a traitor,’ Khrapunov replied. ‘If the president chooses to believe this malicious gossip, I can do nothing but regret it.’ ‘Is that the message you want me to give?’ ‘Exactly.’ ‘So it’s a declaration of war?’ ‘You’ve been asked to repeat my answer word for word,’ Khrapunov said. ‘Just do that.’ Sasha wanted to be sure Khrapunov understood the consequences of perfidy. ‘You do know that the entire state machinery will be mobilised against you?’ Khrapunov replied that, if attacked, he would defend himself and his family. There was one more matter to discuss. As a boy, the Khrapunovs’ son Iliyas had marvelled at the bejewelled shoes of kindly Uncle Sasha.

pages: 510 words: 163,449

How the Scots Invented the Modern World: The True Story of How Western Europe's Poorest Nation Created Our World and Everything in It by Arthur Herman

British Empire, California gold rush, creative destruction, do-ocracy, financial independence, global village, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Joan Didion, joint-stock company, laissez-faire capitalism, land tenure, mass immigration, means of production, new economy, New Urbanism, North Sea oil, oil shale / tar sands, Republic of Letters, Robert Mercer, spinning jenny, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, urban planning, urban renewal, working poor

Even before the Susquehanna and Cumberland valleys were fully settled, they were pushing into Virginia and the Carolinas. The governors of those colonies, Scots themselves, welcomed the new settlers; Ulster Scots began arriving in large numbers in the 1720s and 1730s, and under Governor Gabriel Johnson, a native of Dumfriesshire, expansion came to include Highland immigrants after the Forty-five. By 1760, North Carolina was practically a Little Scotland: a “Mac-ocracy,” in the words of one of the Ulstermen’s enemies. By the end of the century, some were moving on to Georgia, and as far south as the Savannah River. The Scotch-Irish South was a breeding ground for a type of strong, independent man and woman, a school for natural leaders. Andrew Jackson was son of an Ulster Scot immigrant, Hugh Jackson, a wealthy weaver and merchant from Carrickfergus. In 1765 he led a group of emigrants to America into South Carolina.

For this was the culturally and materially backward nation that forward-thinking Scotsmen worked to change. In doing so, they would also change the world. Before the eighteenth century was over, Scotland would generate the basic institutions, ideas, attitudes, and habits of mind that characterize the modern age. Scotland and the Scots would go on to blaze a trail across the global landscape in both a literal and a figurative sense, and open a new era in human history. In fact, the very notion of “human history” is itself, as we shall see, a largely Scottish invention. Fundamental to the Scottish notion of history is the idea of progress. The Scots argued that societies, like individuals, grow and improve over time. They acquire new skills, new attitudes, and a new understanding of what individuals can do and what they should be free to do. The Scots would teach the world that one of the crucial ways we measure progress is by how far we have come from what we were before.

Our willingness to do so becomes the measure of who we are. His statement on this point— “action is best, which produces the greatest happiness for the greatest number”—would also ring down through the next two centuries, underpinning the utilitarian philosophy of two later Scots, James and John Stuart Mill. That was what Francis Hutcheson taught his contemporaries: the desire to be moral and virtuous, and treat others with kindness and compassion; the desire to be free, including political freedom; and the desire to enjoy our natural rights in society, as civil rights, are universal desires. And why do human beings want them? Because these are the things that lead to human “happiness.” But this raised a problem for his disciples. If those desires are really so universal, why do so many societies deny people those very things?

pages: 1,327 words: 360,897

Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism by Peter Marshall

agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, anti-globalists, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, David Graeber, different worldview, do-ocracy, feminist movement, garden city movement, hive mind, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, Lao Tzu, liberation theology, Machinery of Freedom by David Friedman, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Naomi Klein, open borders, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post scarcity, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, the market place, union organizing, wage slave, washing machines reduced drudgery

Gaston Leval who went with the Spanish delegation to the Third Congress of the Communist International held in Moscow in the summer of 1921 returned to France to argue that the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’ had become a dictatorship over the proletariat.20 The result, anticipated so forcefully by Bakunin, was that the Bolshevik revolution made in the name of Marxism had degenerated into a form of State capitalism which operated in the interests of a new bureaucratic and managerial class. Rocker later observed that the dictatorship of the proletariat had become a new Russian ‘commissar-ocracy’.21 After 1925 no anarchist activity was allowed in the Soviet Union. Russian exiles in Paris launched the controversial ‘Organizational Platform’ which called for a general union of anarchists with a central executive committee to co-ordinate policy and action, but although it was supported by Arshinov and Makhno, Volin and others argued that its central committee was not in keeping with the anarchist stress on local initiative.

From his careful reading of the Gospels, he inferred the following five commandments: (1) Do not be angry, but live at peace with all men. (2) Do not indulge yourself in sexual gratification. (3) Do not promise anything on oath to anyone. (4) Do not resist evil, do not judge and do not go to law. (5) Make no distinction of nationality, but love foreigners as your own people. All these commandments are contained in one: all that you wish men to do to you, do you to them.25 Tolstoy thought that these principles formed the central message of Christianity and they became the basis of his moral teaching. The first commandment confirmed his anarchism since all governments are based on organized violence. The fourth commandment – ‘Do not resist evil’ – led him to develop his doctrine of non-resistance, that is to say, the refusal to resist evil by violence.

The alleged ‘freedom’ of the few on the other hand to exploit and to command is not a desirable form of freedom since it leads to oppression. They are thus the most coherent and consistent advocates of freedom. Some anarchists have taken up Rabelais’ motto ‘Do what you will!’ Faure insists that ‘the man who does not do what he wants, only what pleases him and which suits him, is not free.’8 But few anarchists believe that one should do what one wants whatever the consequences. Elisée Reclus sees in anarchism the ‘right to act according to one’s own agreement, to do “what one wants”’, but adds immediately ‘while associating one’s will to those of other men in all collective works’.9 Similarly, Godwin makes a distinction between freedom and licence. He rejects the positive right to do as we please on the grounds that we have a permanent duty to contribute to general happiness. Freedom from constraint (except that of reasons presented to the understanding) is of the utmost importance, but ‘moral independence’ is always injurious.10 We should therefore be free from political constraints, not moral constraints.

pages: 1,445 words: 469,426

The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money & Power by Daniel Yergin

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial exploitation, Columbine, continuation of politics by other means, cuban missile crisis, do-ocracy, energy security, European colonialism, Exxon Valdez, financial independence, fudge factor, informal economy, joint-stock company, land reform, liberal capitalism, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, North Sea oil, oil rush, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, old-boy network, postnationalism / post nation state, price stability, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Thomas Malthus, Yom Kippur War

In the early months of 1953, he tried to bolster his weakening domestic position by taking more power in his own hands—extending martial law, governing by decree, seizing control of military appointments, intimidating and silencing opposition, abolishing the upper house of the parliament and dissolving the lower, and carrying out a Soviet-style plebiscite that gave him a 99 percent victory. Many nationalists and reformers, who had once supported Mossadegh, were antagonized by his efforts to monopolize power and his increasing reliance on "mob-ocracy" and the Tudeh party. The religious fundamentalists also turned against him as he sought to extend his power. They decided that he was an enemy of Islam. The fact that Time magazine had chosen him as "Man of the Year" was, in some eyes, proof that he was an American agent. It also appeared that Mossadegh was setting the stage to eliminate the Shah. And he was moving closer to the Soviet Union. As for the Shah himself, he seemed as helpless as ever.

In the quickness and ingenuity of his response to the crisis, Marcus proved his entrepreneurial genius. He sent out a chartered ship, filled with tinplate, to the Far East, and simply instructed his partners in Asia to begin manufacturing tin receptacles for the kerosene. No matter that no one knew how to do so; no matter that no one had the facilities. Marcus persuaded them they could do it. "How do you stick on the wire handles?" the agent in Singapore wrote to Samuel's representative in Japan. Instructions were sent. "What color do you suggest?" cabled the agent in Shanghai. Mark gave the answer—"Red!" All the trading houses in the Far East quickly established local factories to make the tin containers, and throughout Asia, Samuel's bright and shiny red receptacles, fresh from the factory, were soon competing with Standard's blue ones, battered and chipped after the long voyage halfway around the world.

I make this confession, friends, as a confidential matter to you, and in the strong conviction and belief that you will not give me away to the Bureau of Corporations." But, despite the bantering, he and his colleagues were deeply apprehensive. "The Federal authorities are doing their utmost against us," he wrote privately in 1907. "The President names the judges, who are also the jury, who try these corporation cases ... I do not suppose they can eat us although they may succeed in inciting a mob to do damage. We shall do our very utmost to protect our shareholders. Further than this it is impossible for me or anyone to say." In another case, in that same year, a federal judge with the memorable name of Kenesaw Mountain Landis—who would later become the first commissioner of baseball—levied a huge fine against Standard Oil for violating the law by accepting rebates.