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Killing Hope: Us Military and Cia Interventions Since World War 2 by William Blum

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bolshevik threat, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, kremlinology, land reform, liberation theology, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, nuremberg principles, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, trickle-down economics, union organizing

., at the same time taking care to warn of "the Bolshevik threat" to all that is decent from the likes of Nicaraguan rebel Augusto Sandino. By the end of the Second World War, every American past the age of 40 had been subjected to some 25 years of anti-communist radiation, the average incubation period needed to produce a malignancy. Anti-communism had developed a life of its own, independent of its capitalist father. Increasingly, in the post-war period, middle-aged 9 Washington policy makers and diplomats saw the world out there as one composed of "communists" and "anti-communists", whether of nations, movements or individuals. This comic-strip vision of the world, with righteous American supermen fighting communist evil everywhere, had graduated from a cynical propaganda exercise to a moral imperative of US foreign policy.

I was puzzled why the good professor had bothered to respond at all. Clearly, if my thesis could receive such a non-response from such a person, I and my thesis faced an extremely steep uphill struggle. In the 1930s, and again after the war in the 1940s and '50s, anti-communists of various stripes in the United States tried their best to expose the crimes of the Soviet Union, such as the purge trials and the mass murders. But a strange thing happened. The truth did not seem to matter. American Communists and fellow travelers continued to support the Kremlin. Even allowing for the exaggeration and disinformation regularly disbursed by the anti-communists which damaged their credibility, the continued ignorance and/or denial by the American leftists is remarkable. At the close of the Second World War, when the victorious Allies discovered the German concentration camps, in some cases German citizens from nearby towns were brought to the camp to come face-to-face with the institution, the piles of corpses, and the still-living skeletal people; some of the respectable burghers were even forced to bury the dead.

Costa Rica was a haven for hundreds of exiles fleeing from various Latin American right-wing dictatorships, such as in the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, and Figueres was providing groups of them with material and moral support in their plans to overthrow these regimes.6 To Figueres, this was entirely in keeping with his antitotalitarian beliefs, directed against the left as well as the right. The problem was that the dictators targeted for overthrow were all members in good standing of the United States' anti-Communist, "Free-World" club. (The American attitude toward Trujillo was later modified-) Moreover, Figueres had on occasion expressed criticism of the American policy of supporting such dictatorships while neglecting the economic and social problems of the hemisphere. These considerations could easily outweigh the fact that Figueres had established his anti-Communist credentials, albeit not of the "ultra" variety, and was no more a "socialist" than US Senator Hubert Humphrey. Although Figueres spoke out strongly at times against foreign investment, as president he was eminently accommodating to Central America's bêtes noires, the multinational fruit companies.7 In addition to providing support to Figueres's political opponents,8 the CIA, reported The Invisible Government, tried: to stir up embarrassing trouble within the Communist Party in Costa Rica, and to attempt to link Figueres with the Communists.

pages: 407

Disrupt and Deny: Spies, Special Forces, and the Secret Pursuit of British Foreign Policy by Rory Cormac

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, currency manipulation / currency intervention, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Etonian, illegal immigration, land reform, Malacca Straits, Mikhail Gorbachev, private military company, Ronald Reagan, Stuxnet, trade route, union organizing, WikiLeaks, Yom Kippur War

CREST: Prole Administrative Mailing Staff to Deputy Director, Plans, ‘Termination of OBLIVIOUS Project’, 14/6/56; DNSA: Database: The Soviet Estimate: US Analysis of the Soviet Union, 1947–1991: CIA. Director of Central Intelligence, ‘Anti-Communist Resistance Potential in the SinoSoviet Bloc—Annex a, Albania’, 4/3/58. DNSA: Database: The Soviet Estimate: US Analysis of the Soviet Union, 1947–1991: CIA, Director of Central Intelligence, ‘Anti-Communist Resistance Potential in the Sino-Soviet Bloc’, 12/4/55. FO371/135615, ‘UK Policy Towards the East European Satellites’, SC(58)46, 17/10/58. DNSA: Database: The Soviet Estimate: US Analysis of the Soviet Union, 1947–1991: CIA, Director of Central Intelligence, ‘Anti-Communist Resistance Potential in the Sino-Soviet Bloc—Annex a, Albania’, 4/3/58. Chapter 3 1. Attlee quoted in Aldrich, The Hidden Hand, p.295. 2. KCLMA: SUEZOHP, 18, Reilly, ‘Interview with Patrick Reilly Conducted by W.

Thatcher effectively told him to stop living in the past and leave covert action to SIS and special forces.The Second World War had long ended and such activity was now much riskier.46 Meanwhile back in the Cercle, Brian Crozier encouraged fellow members to ‘provoke the disintegration of the Soviet system and the Soviet empire’.47 Their plans included rigging the 1980 West German election through bribery and black propaganda to ensure the anti-communist Franz Josef Strauss became chancellor, as well as influencing the situation in Rhodesia and South Africa from what Crozier termed ‘a European Conservative viewpoint’. They lobbied support for rebel groups in Africa, Asia, and Latin America and specifically worked with anti-communists in Angola, Namibia, and Mozambique. Throughout the decade, the Cercle tried to wage propaganda operations against the Soviet Union and across Western Europe, playing a key role, for example, in one international campaign blaming the KGB for controlling international terrorism.

FO371/56885, Sargent, ‘Circular to Heads of Political and Functional Departments: Committee on Policy Towards Russia’, 13/5/946; ‘Committee on Policy Towards Russia: Anti-Communist Propaganda’, 30/4/46; FO 371/56887, Kirkpatrick, ‘Russia in the Middle East: Publicity Directive’, 11/10/46; KCLMA, SUEZOHP, 7, ‘Transcript of Interview with Sir William Hayter Conducted by Anthony Gorst and W. Scott Lucas’. OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 06/02/18, SPi not e s291 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. Aldrich, ‘Putting Culture into the Cold War’, pp.109–33. Aldrich, The Hidden Hand, p.151. Selverstone, Constructing the Monolith, p.41. Defty, Britain, America and Anti-Communist Propaganda, p.44; Footitt, ‘A Hideously Difficult Country’, p.156. Schwartz, Political Warfare against the Kremlin, p.44.

pages: 559 words: 178,279

The Cold War: Stories From the Big Freeze by Bridget Kendall

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Howard Zinn, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, open borders, Ronald Reagan, white flight

And then there was a Pope, Pius XII, who had been in Bavaria in 1919 and 1920 at the time of the Soviet-Bavarian republic, so he had made a personal experience at that time. He had been a prisoner in his own palace, threatened with death, so he was definitely an anti-Communist Pope, there was absolutely no doubt about it. And so the Church was very militant at the time. Giorgio Napolitano The Church was very active in supporting the Christian Democrats. There was a special organisation called Comitati Civici, which was not a political party, but it was a strong element beside the Christian Democrat Party throughout the campaign. Of course, Comitati Civici was violently anti-left and anti-Communist, and they based their propaganda on the pillars of family and religion, and they gave a big contribution to the victory of the Christian Democrats. Sergio Romano Comitati Civici had been organised by a medical doctor who had really managed to create propaganda against the Communists that was working; there was no doubt it was working.

And instead of Britain, France and Germany dominating the continent’s diplomatic chessboard, now the leading powers facing each other across the divide were the United States and the Soviet Union. From 1949, the Cold War spread further round the globe with the emergence of another Communist giant – Mao Zedong’s ‘Red’ China. The disclosure, that same year, that the Soviet Union had acquired atomic weapons, and the start of the Korean War in 1950, brought tensions to a new peak. Revelations of Soviet espionage and fears of infiltration whipped up an anti-Communist crusade in the United States. Strident anti-capitalist rhetoric and paranoia about all things Western accompanied a new wave of Stalinist repression inside the Soviet Union, while in Eastern Europe new Communist regimes set about murdering and jailing their enemies. And even though the death of the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin in 1953 brought hopes of a thaw and better East–West relations, that did not last.

In gathering and processing the material, we were all profoundly affected by these accounts. We hope you will be too. ‘Then all hell broke loose’ The Greek Civil War (1944–9) IT IS OFTEN said that the Cold War emerged out of the power vacuum left by the Second World War, following the Nazi retreat from a devastated Europe. Yet in Greece the fault line between East and West, between Communist and anti-Communist, was already opening up well before the formal German surrender in the early summer of 1945. The main Greek Civil War ran from 1946 to 1949, pitting Communist-backed fighters of the Democratic Army of Greece against Western-backed government forces. But our story begins earlier, with the so-called December Events, or Dekemvriana: the Battle of Athens at the end of 1944. This was the prelude to the Greek Civil War, erupting a full six months before the Second World War in Europe came to a close.

The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, business climate, colonial rule, declining real wages, deliberate practice, European colonialism, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, income inequality, income per capita, land reform, land tenure, new economy, RAND corporation, strikebreaker, union organizing

Many people were denounced as “Communists” in personal disputes, and “on the basis of one word or the pointing of a finger, people were taken away to be killed.”12 The killing was on such a huge scale as to raise a sanitation problem in East Java and Northern Sumatra, where the smell of decaying flesh was pervasive and rivers were impassable because of the clogging by human bodies.13 This slaughter was described by the anti-Communist Indonesia expert Justus M. van der Kroef as “a frightful anti­-Communist pogrom” where, “it is to be feared, innocent victims of mere hearsay were killed” (as opposed, presumably, to the guilty Communist men, women and children who fully deserved their fate).14 In 1968 there was a renewal of mass executions, and in one single case in early 1969 army and local civic guards in Central Java “were said to have killed some 3,500 alleged followers of the PKI by means of blows of iron staves in the neck.”15 According to van der Kroef, it was a period of “endless and often arbitrary arrests, brutalization of prisoners, and an atmosphere of distrust in which exhibitions of violent anti-communism are believed to be the best way to convince suspicious local military of one’s bona fides.”16 The number killed in the Indonesian bloodbath has always been uncertain, but an authoritative minimum was established in October 1976 when Admiral Sudomo, the head of the Indonesian state security system, in an interview over a Dutch television station, estimated that more than 500,000 had been slaughtered.17 He “explained” to Henry Kamm of the New York Times that these deaths had been a result of an “unhealthy competition between the parties” who were causing “chaos”.18 Other authorities have given estimates running from 700,00019 to “many more than one million.”20 For the period of the massacres, the official figures for people arrested, exclusive of the 500,000 or more “Communists” killed, is 750,000.21 AI estimated in 1977 that there were still between 55,000 and 100,000 political prisoners.

Only on the assumption that Arabs intrinsically lack human rights, so that even the slightest attention to their fate is excessive, whereas the principles of Western ideology are so sacrosanct that even a vast chorus of condemnation of an enemy still does not reach some approved standard—that is, only by a combination of chauvinist and racist assumptions that are quite remarkable when spelled out clearly, though standard among the Western intelligentsia. 1.8 Cambodia: Why the Media Find It More Newsworthy Than Indonesia and East Timor The way in which the media have latched on to Cambodian violence, as a drowning man seizes a lifebuoy, is an object lesson as to how the U.S. media serve first and foremost to mobilize opinion in the service of state ideology. When somewhere between 500,000 and a million people were butchered in the anti-Communist counterrevolution of 1965-1966 in Indonesia, almost total silence prevailed in Congress and in editorials in the U.S. press—a few tut-tuts, many more “objective” statements of how this is beneficially affecting the structure of power in Southeast Asia, how it shows the effectiveness of our Vietnam strategy, which is providing a “shield” for “democracy in Asia,” and some suggestions that the “Communists” got what they deserved in a spontaneous uprising of “the people.”58 This bloodbath involved approved victims and a political change consistent with U.S. business and strategic interests—what we refer to as a “constructive bloodbath” in the text below.

The explanation was always simple—the Vietnamese willing to serve the United States were “denationalized,” that is, they had lost touch with their own culture, and were essentially rootless mercenaries. The Vietnamese elite had a deep contempt for their own people and were quite prepared to cooperate with a “superior” culture and power in destroying their own society. The world-view of this elite was formed out of its own institutional interests, increasingly tied to the largesse of the external power and to the anti-Communist and counterrevolutionary ideology of the Godfather. There is a close similarity of ideology among the predominantly military leaders of the U.S. client states, based on an incredibly simple Manichean view of the forces of evil (Communism) versus the forces of good (the United States, military officers, and free enterprise), all of it about on a John Birch Society level of sophistication. There is a regular pattern of identifying reform and any criticism of the status quo with Communism, and seeing in any such outcroppings external and subversive evils that must be extirpated.65 There is solid evidence that this fascistic ideology has flowed in good part from the training and viewpoints of the U.S. military and civil establishment.66 The denationalized client fascist elites of such countries as pre-1975 South Vietnam and post-1964 Brazil have had a usually weak internal minority base of comprador and conservative business interests and a dominant external support base in a foreign economic and military establishment.

Active Measures by Thomas Rid

1960s counterculture, 4chan, active measures, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, call centre, Chelsea Manning, continuation of politics by other means, cryptocurrency, cuban missile crisis, Donald Trump, East Village, Edward Snowden,, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, guest worker program, Internet Archive, Jacob Appelbaum, John Markoff, Julian Assange, kremlinology, Mikhail Gorbachev, Norman Mailer, nuclear winter, peer-to-peer, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, We are Anonymous. We are Legion, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks, zero day

No historian has ever uncovered what happened in America’s first great disinformation scandal.20 Just before the Soviet Union collapsed, Stanislav Levchenko, the KGB defector, and his American co-author speculated that Grover Whalen became the first U.S. victim of a shrewd Soviet intelligence operation designed to remove a particularly fierce anti-Communist voice. But they were wrong, led astray by their own professional biases. In fact, the Soviets were the victim, and Whalen merely an unexpected pawn in a bigger game. By early 1930, most European countries had recognized the Soviet Union, which was founded in 1922, and yet the United States had still not reestablished diplomatic relations with Russia since the Bolshevik seizure of power in 1917. The United States’ anti-Communist leanings were stronger than Europe’s. Even much of organized labor was sharply anti-Communist. The American Federation of Labor (AFL) purged “Reds” from its ranks21 and regularly warned of Soviets stirring trouble. One of the AFL’s most aggressive voices was its vice president Matthew Woll, who had, in 1928, alleged that Amtorg was an intelligence front.

The project, as one memo to CIA headquarters explained, had been “subsidized and guided by CIA since inception in 1949.”9 The American spy agency judged the committee, as it had Hildebrandt’s Kampfgruppe, a tool of “psychological and political warfare.” The specific objective of CADROIT was to “promote and sustain popular anti-Communist resistance in East Germany (including East Berlin).”10 It was in the U.S. national interest, according to this argument, to prevent the “complete Sovietization” of East Germany, and to minimize the economic, political, and military help that the GDR would be able to contribute to the Soviet Union. By 1956, the CIA was spending $250,000 per year on the project, which was considered highly effective. “The UfJ has achieved an international reputation as an efficient anti-Communist organization,” the CIA case officer boasted in a memo intended to justify an increase in funding for “psychological and political warfare” in Berlin, adding that articles praising the legal society and its activities had appeared in Time, The New Yorker, New Statesman, Reader’s Digest, and The Nation, as well as in leading publications in Switzerland, the Netherlands, Italy, and France.11 In the last week of July 1952, the UfJ organized a major, contentious event, the International Congress of Free Jurists, the goal of which was to expose crimes and injustices of all kinds committed in the name of communism.12 “Congress sponsored by Committee of Jurists, a most reputable anti-Commie organization,” U.S. diplomats in Berlin cabled to Washington.13 They expected that 107 jurists from 43 countries would attend.

The Stasi targeted Jürgen Fuchs, a writer and peace activist in West Berlin, in an operation called OPPONENT; the goal of this “Zersetzung,” as the Stasi wrote in one particularly chilling memo, was to coerce Fuchs to turn inward, to continuously occupy him with everyday annoyances in order to make him insecure, to discredit him in public, and eventually to incapacitate him with respect to his attacks against the GDR.51 The Stasi was particularly concerned about a small West Berlin–based group with an “anti-Communist orientation,” known as the Arbeitskreis, or Working Group for a Nuclear-Weapons-Free Europe. The group, founded in 1981, advocated for a united Europe with no nuclear weapons on either side of the border that divided the two Germanys. To Wolf’s men, this goal was tantamount to attempted “anti-Communist repurposing” of the peace movement. When the Arbeitskreis prepared a peace conference for May 1983, titled “Second European Conference for a Nuclear-Weapons-Free Europe,” East German state security saw the group as persistently attempting to “continue a process of division in the peace movement, to distract from the fight against NATO’s missile policy, and to penetrate Socialist countries.”52 The HVA therefore considered the group a threat, classified it as an “enemy object,” and ran operations against it. 20.

Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America by Peter Dale Scott, Jonathan Marshall

active measures, air freight, anti-communist, cuban missile crisis, Mikhail Gorbachev, Ronald Reagan, trade route, union organizing

Summarizing the research o f a former CIA and DEA agent, he wrote: American authorities were instrumental in the revival o f the Sicilian mafia [although] they persuaded the Italian government to mount a successful crackdown on the heroin smugglers [into the United States]. This left the Corsicans, who had also been buttressed by the CIA as an anti-Communist force, as the major providers o f illicit heroin to the United States. The Corsicans had two powerful advantages: their connections to the Southeast heroin market through the French colonial presence in Indochina and their influence on the French secret services through the Corsicans’ involvement in official anti-Communist agitation.17 Introduction / 5 It would be foolish to assume that these connections are a matter o f past history, even if the CIA has severed its Mafia links. Blumenthal demonstrates that the Pizza Connection was the “successor to the French Connection, the postwar heroin pipeline from Marseilles that at its peak in 1971 was pouring an estimated ten tons o f heroin a year into the United States.” 18 Unlike the French Connection, however, this Sicilian ring got much o f its heroin from Afghanistan, the single largest exporter o f opium in the world by the mid-1980s and the source o f half the heroin consumed in the United States.19 The chief smugglers o f Afghan opium were (and as o f this writing still are) CIA-backed, anti-Soviet guerrillas working together with Pakistan's military intelligence service.

This left the Corsicans, who had also been buttressed by the CIA 86 / Narcoterrorism, the CIA, and the Contras as an anti-Communist force, as the major providers o f illegal heroin to the United States.27‫״‬ And when, in the 1970s, the United States mounted a successful crackdown on the Corsicans, it appears to have been iCIA-trained Cubans like Frank Castro and Jose Medardo Alvero Cruz in Latin America who were the initial beneficiaries. Like the Ricord network before it, the new International Connection performed arms-smuggling and assassination favors for right-wing dietatorships. In Mexico, for example, Sicilia began to negotiate a $250 million arms deal with the chief o f the Portuguese secret service “ for an anti-Communist coup d’etat in Portugal,‫ ״‬which ultimately failed to happen.28 The deal was apparently sanctioned by the CIA and negotiated for Sicilia by a Cuban Bay o f Pigs veteran (Jose Egozi Bejar) who maintained his CIA contacts while working for Sicilia (see Chapter 2).

Thus it was easy for Frank Castro’s Cuban CORU group (see Chapter 2) to pick up Ricord’s right-wing intelligence connections in Latin America, such as Paraguay’s intelligence chief Pastor Coronel.31 In the second half o f the 1970s, especially after the Carter administration distanced itself from both right-wing Latin American dictatorships The Cali Connection and the United States / 87 and ex-CIA Cuban terrorists, these rejected U.S. allies moved into closer association with each other. By 1980, as we saw in Chapter 2, they were meeting annually at the conferences o f the Argentinian-backed Latin American Anti-communist Confederation (CAL), the regional section o f the World Anti-Communist League (WACL). The Argentinians were mounting a continental WACL-CAL strategy o f right-wing hegemony based on drug alliances. The most noted example was the 1980 Cocaine Coup o f Luis Garcia Meza in Bolivia; but WACL also supported the new ARENA party o f Col. Roberto d ’Aubuisson in El Salvador, and it is suspected that drug money did so as well.32 In 1980, as part o f this continental strategy, WACL-CAL connections played a key role in forming the initial core Contra group, which later became the main FDN Contra faction o f Enrique Bermudez.

After the Cataclysm by Noam Chomsky

8-hour work day, anti-communist, British Empire, facts on the ground, illegal immigration, land reform, mass immigration, RAND corporation, union organizing

The media favorite, Barron-Paul, is based largely on visits to refugee camps arranged in part by a representative of the Thai Ministry of the Interior, whose “knowledge and advice additionally provided us with invaluable guidance.”22 In the camps to which they gained access with the help of this Thai official, who is responsible for internal security matters including anti-Communist police and propaganda operations, they “approached the camp leader elected by the Cambodians and from his knowledge of his people compiled a list of refugees who seemed to be promising subjects”23—one can easily imagine which “subjects” would seem “promising” to these earnest seekers after truth, to whom we return. Citing this comment,24 Porter points out that “the Khmer camp chief works closely with and in subordination to Thai officials who run the camps and with the Thai government-supported anti-Communist Cambodian organization carrying out harassment and intelligence operations in Cambodia.” The camps and their leaders are effectively under Thai control and the refugees who eke out a miserable existence there are subject to the whims of the passionately anti-Communist Thai authorities, a point that should be obvious to journalists and should suggest some caution, but is entirely ignored by Barron-Paul, as well as by many others.

The United States was deeply concerned to prevent any negotiated political settlement because, as is easily documented, its planners and leaders assumed that the groups that they backed could not possibly survive peaceful competition. Once again the United States succeeded in preventing a peaceful settlement. In South Vietnam, it stood in opposition to all significant political forces, however anti-Communist, imposing the rule of a military clique that was willing to serve U.S. interests. By January 1965, the United States was compelled to undermine its own puppet, General Khanh; he was attempting to form what Ambassador Taylor called a “dangerous” coalition with the Buddhists, who were not acting “in the interests of the Nation,” as General Westmoreland explained. What is more, Khanh was apparently trying to make peace with the NLF, quite possibly a factor that lay behind the elimination of his predecessors.

A complete captive of the assumptions of the war propagandists, Peters is unable to comprehend that opponents of the war were insisting that Vietnam should be left to the Vietnamese, not to whatever fate is determined for them by the likes of Walt Rostow, Henry Kissinger, or the myriad sycophants of the Peters variety. To regard that commitment as “racist” reveals moral standards that are quite on a par with the intellectual level indicated by Peters’ belief that opponents of the war must now “concede” that there were many anti-Communists in Vietnam, a great insight, no doubt. His implication that the United States was fighting for “democracy” for the yellow people in South Vietnam is ideological claptrap, refuted by the consistent U.S. support for terror regimes in South Vietnam (and indeed throughout the subfascist empire, as illustrated throughout Volume I). We may compare Peters’ plea for healing the wounds of war with that of William Colby, as illustrated in this item which we quote in toto from the Boston Globe (15 January 1977): Former CIA Director William Colby, who directed the ‘pacification’ program during the Vietnam war, said the United States and the Communist government of Vietnam should forget past animosities and build a relationship of respect and friendship.

pages: 564 words: 182,946

The Berlin Wall: A World Divided, 1961-1989 by Frederick Taylor

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, German hyperinflation, Kickstarter, land reform, mass immigration, mutually assured destruction, oil shock, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine, the market place, young professional, éminence grise

‘DISSOLVE THE PEOPLE AND ELECT ANOTHER’ / 71 Extremes were utterly foreign to him. He had little time for the absolutist Right. On the other hand, he was also a firm Catholic anti-Communist. He looked at central and eastern Germany and saw an ‘unreliable’ electorate that was not only predominantly Protestant but had tended to support radicalism, of the brown-shirted or red-flagged persuasion. Adenauer was a patriot, but was not prepared to sacrifice his vision of a Western-orientated, Christian Germany on the altar of unity. It was the firebrand Social Democrat leader Kurt Schumacher who, though also fiercely anti-Communist, yearned to restore German unity. Schumacher was a Prussian from the east, born in what had become Poland. His savage attacks against Adenauer, and his tireless campaigning for German reunification (despite a war wound that would send him to an early grave), established the courageous Schumacher as a legend in the SPD.

He was once more elected to the city council and awarded his old job in charge of transport. Then, in May 1947, the existing Mayor was forced to resign, and Reuter was offered the top post. The Communists hated no one more than an apostate. The Soviet commandant refused to recognise Reuter’s election. He had to stand down in favour of the SPD veteran Louise Schröder, but remained the key figure around whom Berlin’s anti-Communists rallied. Reuter’s understanding, as an ex-KPD insider, of the mentality of apparatchiks such as Ulbricht, proved invaluable. Frustrated by their inability to run Berlin as they wished, the Communists started arresting their opponents, not just in the Soviet Zone but also in the West. Paul Markgraf, a former Wehrmacht captain, captured at Stalingrad and transformed into a keen Communist, was appointed Police President of Berlin by the Soviets in May 1945.

When the Magistrat met on 26 August, a huge and intimidating crowd of SED supporters showed up, waving red flags and shouting slogans such as ‘Down with the bankrupt Magistrat!’, ‘No Marshall Plan’, and ‘No more airfields’. The SED called for the Magistrat to resign. It would be replaced by a special commission, whose job would be to enact emergency measures and co-operate with the ‘great Soviet Union’.7 That evening, 30,000 anti-Communist Berliners gathered on the parkland in front of the Reichstag to hear a speech from Ernst Reuter: We Berliners have said No to Communism and we will fight it with all our might as long as there is a breath in us…the Magistrat and the City Assembly together with the freedom-loving Berlin population will build a dam against which the red tide will break in vain. The next day, another threatening crowd of SED supporters gathered outside the Red Town Hall.

pages: 476 words: 144,288

1946: The Making of the Modern World by Victor Sebestyen

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, Etonian, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, illegal immigration, imperial preference, Kickstarter, land reform, long peace, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, operation paperclip

His hands were the rough hands of the peasant and the fingernails were dirty.’2 Western diplomats agreed that the real power in the new state belonged to the diminutive, smartly dressed Mohammed Biriya, a sinister figure in his mid-forties who had done much to foment revolution as head of the Society of Friends of the USSR. Formerly, Biriya had been a talented professional flautist and leader of the Tabriz street cleaners’ union. Officially, his title was Minister of Propaganda but, more importantly, he ran the secret police, whose members were trained by Russian advisors from the NKVD. They had been arresting opponents for the last few days, roughing up well-known anti-communists and other potential opponents. Three days earlier, members of Pishevari’s ragbag People’s Army had taken over the police stations in Tabriz and the surrounding area, the central post office and the radio station, the classic revolutionary targets, and blocked all principal roads into the city. But the coup could not have succeeded without help from outside. There were between thirty and fifty thousand Soviet troops in or near Tabriz.

He was summoned to appear before Barraclough and two other British officers and told gruffly that he could not sit in their presence. The Brigadier read out a letter dismissing him and banning him from all political activity. He was ordered to leave Cologne and return to his home village, Rhöndorf. Not long afterwards the British, on advice from the Americans, realised how much they needed him as a reliable, anti-communist voice, and encouraged him to set up the Christian Democratic Union, which presided over the German ‘economic miracle’ of the 1950s and has been in power for most of the period since the war. Despite his treatment, Adenauer nonetheless preferred the British to the Americans, who had originally appointed him mayor before they handed over the responsibility to the UK. At first he was flattered and delighted to accept – until he was told by a US officer, with no humour intended, that it may have had something to do with his name beginning with an A

Even private companies were firing staff on political grounds.3 In Britain the fear of communist incursions never reached American levels of frenzy and hysteria, but Attlee chaired a Cabinet Committee on Subversion, a few score civil servants were investigated by MI5, some academics lost their posts at Oxbridge colleges, and employees at the John Lewis Partnership department store had to sign an anti-communist pledge. But the British were, as usual, fairly relaxed about ideology. Most people were ‘simply too preoccupied to worry,’ as the novelist Pamela Hansford Johnson recalled: ‘The ordinary person was too busy coping with the daily problems . . . he sees the ruins of the War all around him – along the railway lines as he goes to work, on the bus routes. He sees the place where the pub was and the children’s play area on the cleared site.

pages: 972 words: 259,764

The Road Not Taken: Edward Lansdale and the American Tragedy in Vietnam by Max Boot

American ideology, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Charles Lindbergh, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, desegregation, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, drone strike, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Golden Gate Park, jitney, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Potemkin village, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, War on Poverty, white picket fence, Works Progress Administration

To keep Italy, economically and morally lacerated after two decades of Fascist wantonness, from going Communist, the newly formed National Security Council approved a program of covert action to buttress the conservative premier Alcide De Gasperi and his Christian Democratic Party against the Popular Democratic Front established by the Communist and Socialist parties in an election scheduled for April 18, 1948. The CIA provided as much as ten million dollars in cash to finance the Christian Democratic campaign. In addition to bankrolling anti-Communist politicians, the CIA worked in cooperation with the State Department and the Voice of America to launch an all-out propaganda blitz to warn Italians against embracing Communism. Anti-Communist appeals from well-known entertainers such as Bing Crosby and Dinah Shore were supplemented by shipments of the film Ninotchka, Greta Garbo’s 1939 satire of Soviet life. The newspaper publisher Generoso Pope, who subsequently founded the National Enquirer, chipped in with a campaign asking fellow Italian Americans to send letters and telegrams to their friends and relatives in the old country urging them to vote against Communism.

You don’t seem to understand that, if the U.S. bureaucracies had done their work, we wouldn’t have over 2,000 American kids killed in combat so far.”13 Lansdale wanted to change the direction of the war but felt powerless to do so: “It is senseless to ask me to throw myself or any of the team in the path of this thing, just to have a spectacle of a big ‘spla-a-a-t,’ which would be us.”14 “I’m getting to hate some of my fellow Americans,” Ed wrote home, “and that’s not good.”15 Lansdale vented his frustrations at the embassy’s Fourth of July party in 1966 by trying to teach “some four-letter Anglo-Saxon words, ending in ‘Cabot,’ ” to the ambassador’s red-feathered parrots, an act of comical sabotage in which he was caught by one of the embassy staff.16 Writing from Washington, where he had returned, the former team member Mike Deutch urged Lansdale to stay in Vietnam. “However much you suffer, the alternative (coming back in defeat, retiring to a bit of writing on MacArthur Blvd., or getting entangled in domestic politics with Bo’s political friends) is even less palatable.” (Bohannon was a right-wing anti-Communist, Deutch a liberal anti-Communist.) The message of “stay the course” was reinforced by Pat Kelly: “I predict that if you did chuck it all and go back to Washington, within three months, the old fire-horse in you would have taken over completely and you’d be raring to get back and perhaps not able to do so. That frustration would dwarf what you now feel.”17 Lansdale took this advice and in the summer of 1966 put off plans for his departure until after the American midterm election in November at the earliest.

In both Vietnam and the Philippines, I have visited many of the places where he made his reputation, from the still-bustling streets of Manila and Saigon (now Ho Chi Minh City) to important locations in the provinces, such as the “Holy See” of the Cao Dai religion in Tay Ninh Province, which looks much as it did when Lansdale first moved to Vietnam in 1954. I have seen for myself the countryside of both countries, where rice farmers continue to eke out a living as their ancestors had done in Lansdale’s day—and since time immemorial. Mount Arayat in Luzon and Dien Bien Phu in northern Vietnam are by and large quiet today, eerily so, but in Lansdale’s time they were abattoirs where Communist and anti-Communist troops fought to the death. Visiting such remote locales gave me a sense of the challenges of topography and weather that confronted combatants on both sides, along with a sense of atmosphere that informs the following account. My work in the archives and in the field was supplemented by a careful reading of the latest academic literature and interviews with numerous individuals who knew Lansdale.

pages: 215 words: 60,489

1947: Where Now Begins by Elisabeth Åsbrink

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, British Empire, Grace Hopper, Gunnar Myrdal, haute couture, illegal immigration, Mahatma Gandhi, trade route

Even now, they are setting up among themselves a well-organized system of couriers to circumvent passport, visa, and currency restrictions. Soon the men will come closer together, even merge. The pent-up stillness of a pendulum about to strike back. Poland On January 19, elections are held in Poland. But over the course of the last few weeks, half-a-million people have been accused of collaboration with the Nazis and disenfranchised by way of punishment. Over 80,000 members and supporters of the anti-Communist party Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe [Polish People’s Party] are arrested on the eve of the elections. Around a hundred of them are murdered by Poland’s secret police. As a result, the Communists win a landslide victory. At the 1945 Yalta Conference, Stalin promised free elections in Poland — but for the multiparty system, today is the moment of death. Al-Mahmudiyyah The son of an Egyptian clockmaker, Hasan al-Banna, wants to turn time towards Islam.

On Friday, February 21, the Americans are informed that Great Britain will no long be supporting Greece and Turkey as it did in the past. The Empire is collapsing. The country that once wielded world dominion is relinquishing it; the country that commanded the seas and the trade routes, held the balance of power, and disseminated its language, sport, arms, education system, currency, and soldiers across the globe is now cutting ties and turning in on itself. An incomprehensible week. Budapest The purge of anti-Communist elements starts on February 25 with the arrest of Béla Kovács, leader of the small farmers’ party, FKGP. He is accused of conspiracy against the Soviet occupation power and sentenced to spend the rest of his life in Siberia. He is the first, but not the last. MARCH Hollywood Billie Holiday is in Hollywood to film New Orleans. She plays the singing maid who falls in love with a musician, played by Louis Armstrong.

When the Soviet Union prevents the countries of Eastern Europe from receiving Marshall Aid, the crack between east and west widens into a chasm. Only 12 weeks have passed since February 21, when Great Britain declared it would no longer support Greece and Italy, and as a result of a geopolitical domino effect the world is changed. Sofia While Secretary of State George C. Marshall is giving his speech, the anti-Communist leader Nikola Petkov is arrested in the Bulgarian Parliament. He is accused of spying, tortured, and sentenced to death by hanging. Cairo And on the same day, the leaders of the Arab League meet in Cairo: the Grand Mufti, and leaders from Syria, Transjordan, the Lebanon, Iraq, and Egypt. There are movements pulling in opposite directions in the conflict over Palestine. The Grand Mufti and leader of the Palestinian Arabs, Haj Amin al-Husseini, is violently opposed to the Jews.

pages: 891 words: 253,901

The Devil's Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America's Secret Government by David Talbot

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, drone strike, information retrieval, Internet Archive, land reform, means of production, Naomi Klein, Norman Mailer, operation paperclip, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation

After meeting with the Cuban leader in his New York hotel suite, an ecstatic CIA agent reported, “Castro is not only not a Communist, but he is a strong anti-communist fighter.” But there had been many changes over the following year, as Castro moved to deliver on the promise of the revolution, nationalizing the sugar and oil industries, and beginning to transform Cuba from a vassal state of the United States to a sovereign nation. By early 1960, Dulles had resolved the debate within his intelligence agency over Castro’s true identity, deciding that he was a dedicated Communist and a serious threat to U.S. security. The CIA director’s hardening line mirrored that of friends in the business world like William Pawley, the globetrotting entrepreneur whose major investments in Cuban sugar plantations and Havana’s municipal transportation system were wiped out by Castro’s revolution. One of a coterie of vigorously anti-Communist international businessmen who provided the CIA with foreign information and contacts, as well as guns and money, Pawley began lobbying the Eisenhower administration to take an aggressive stand against Castro when he was still fighting Batista’s soldiers in the rugged peaks of the Sierra Maestra.

On first glance, Schlesinger seemed like an unlikely target for the Dulles network, since he, too, had enjoyed a friendly relationship with the intelligence chief, dating back to World War II, when the young historian was one of many intellectuals recruited by the OSS. As an OSS analyst stationed in London and Paris during the war, Schlesinger held strongly anti-Communist views; after the war, Schlesinger became a leading architect of Cold War liberalism, joining the anti-Soviet propaganda campaign that was secretly funded by the CIA and endorsing efforts to root out Communist Party influence in the labor movement, cultural arena, and academic circles. Schlesinger was a passionate believer in New Deal liberalism, which he saw as the only way to civilize capitalism. And he was an equally ardent anti-Communist, viewing the anti-Red crusade as a way to protect the American left, by ridding it of the Stalinist contamination that had seeped into Democratic Party circles during FDR’s necessary wartime alliance with Moscow.

The CIA, which took a strong interest in the anti-Communist left, eventually took an interest in Ruth’s father. According to a CIA document, Hyde was considered “for a covert use” in Vietnam in 1957, but for unexplained reasons the agency decided not to utilize him. Hyde did work for a year in Peru, setting up co-op credit unions for the U.S. Agency for International Development (AID), an organization whose work was often entwined with that of the CIA. Government documents suggest that Ruth’s sister, Sylvia, later went to work for the CIA, and Sylvia’s husband, John Hoke, was employed by AID. In short, the young Dallas housewife who took the Oswald family into her care was not simply a Quaker do-gooder but a woman with a politically complex family history. She grew up in that strongly anti-Communist wing of the American left that overlapped with the espionage world.

Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower by William Blum

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, collective bargaining, Columbine, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

Twenty former South Vietnamese officers who have admitted to committing torture and other human-rights violations during the Vietnam War are residing legally in California.8 Throughout the 1980s and into the 1990s, numerous other Vietnamese in California carried out a violent terrorist campaign against their countrymen who were deemed not sufficiently anti-communist, sometimes merely for calling for resumption of contacts with Hanoi; others were attacked simply for questioning the terrorists' actions. Under names such as "Anti-Communist Viets Organization" and "Vietnamese Organization to Exterminate Communists and Restore the Nation", on hundreds of occasions they assaulted and murdered, burned down businesses and vehicles, forced Vietnamese newspapers to cease publishing, issued death threats, engaged in extortion and many other aspects of organized crime... all with virtual impunity, even with numerous witnesses to some murders.

"They returned desperate and destructive," he said, "and adopted killing and explosives as their profession, according to the training they received from the American intelligence."23 And there has been more of the same in other places, from the men Ronald Reagan fancied as "freedom fighters". "This is an insane instance of the chickens coming home to roost," said a US diplomat in Pakistan in 1996. "You can't plug billions of dollars into an anti-Communist jihad, accept participation from all over the world and ignore the consequences. But we did. Our objectives weren't peace and grooviness in Afghanistan. Our objective was killing Commies and getting the Russians out."24 CHAPTER 3 : Assassinations I don't want to wipe out everyone...Just my enemies. Michael Corleone, The Godfather, Part II On June 26, 1993, President Clinton went before the American people and announced that the United States had fired several missiles against Iraq that day.

The students have also been taught to hate and fear something called "communism", later something called "terrorism", with little, if any, distinction made between the two, thus establishing the ideological justification to suppress their own people, to stifle dissent, to cut off at the knees anything bearing a likeness to a movement for social change which—although the military men might not think in such terms—might interfere with Washington's global agenda. Those on the receiving end of anti-communist punishment would have a difficult time recognizing themselves from this piece of philosophy from an SOA class: "Democracy and communism clash with the firm determination of the Western countries to conserve their own traditional way of life."2 This reads as if dissidents came from some faraway land, with alien values and no grievances that could be comprehended as legitimate by the "Western" mind.

pages: 393 words: 115,178

The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program That Shaped Our World by Vincent Bevins

Albert Einstein, American ideology, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, centre right, colonial rule, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Gini coefficient, income inequality, land reform, market fundamentalism, megacity, Nelson Mandela, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, South China Sea, structural adjustment programs, union organizing

James Reston, a liberal columnist at the New York Times, published a piece under the headline “A Gleam of Light in Asia.” He noted, correctly, that “There was a great deal more contact between the anti-Communist forces in that country and at least one very high official in Washington before and during the Indonesian massacre than is generally realized… it is doubtful if the coup would have ever been attempted without the American show of strength in Vietnam or been sustained without the clandestine aid it has received indirectly from here.” Reston said that the “savage transformation of Indonesia from a pro-Chinese policy under Sukarno to a defiantly anti-Communist policy under General Suharto is, of course, the most important” of a number of “hopeful political developments in Asia” that he saw as outweighing Washington’s more widely publicized setbacks in Vietnam.52 Reston knew Washington’s foreign policy establishment very well.

Other titles: Washington’s anticommunist crusade and the mass murder program that shaped our world Description: New York: PublicAffairs, [2020] | Includes bibliographical references. Identifiers: LCCN 2019046069 | ISBN 9781541742406 (hardcover) | ISBN 9781541724013 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: United States—Foreign relations—1945–1989. | Developing countries—Foreign relations—United States. | United States—Foreign relations—Developing countries. | Anti-communist movements—Developing countries—History—20th century. | Autonomy and independence movements—History—20th century. | Political violence—Developing countries—History—20th century. | Indonesia—History—Coup d’état, 1965. | Cold War. | United States. Central Intelligence Agency—History—20th century. Classification: LCC E744 .B476 2020 | DDC 327.73009/04—dc23 LC record available at ISBNs: 978-1-5417-4240-6 (hardcover), 978-1-5417-2401-3 (ebook) E3-20200415-JV-NF-ORI Contents Cover Title Page Copyright Dedication Introduction 1 A New American Age 2 Independent Indonesia 3 Feet to the Fire, Pope in the Sky 4 An Alliance for Progress 5 To Brazil and Back 6 The September 30th Movement 7 Extermination 8 Around the World 9 Jakarta Is Coming 10 Back Up North 11 We Are the Champions 12 Where Are They Now?

The military told the world Aidit confessed to plans to take over the country, and this account was later published in Newsweek. After the issue came out, a cable from the embassy told the State Department that embassy staff knew it was “impossible to believe that Aidit made such a statement” because according to the military’s version, he allegedly referenced a fake document, one they knew “was obviously being disseminated as part of an anti-Communist ‘black propaganda’ operation.”21 December 13 Jakarta—Francisca kept working in the days after October 1, 1965. Zain stopped working after The People’s Daily was closed down by the military. But Francisca kept going to the Afro-Asian Journalist Association office every day, and the staff continued working on preparations for their next edition, and for the Tricontinental Conference planned for Havana in 1966.

pages: 756 words: 228,797

Ayn Rand and the World She Made by Anne C. Heller

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, American ideology, anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, Charles Lindbergh, conceptual framework, greed is good, laissez-faire capitalism, Milgram experiment, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, New Journalism, open borders, price stability, profit motive, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, theory of mind, Thorstein Veblen, transcontinental railway, upwardly mobile, wage slave, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration, young professional

As Lenin was consolidating power in 1917, he invoked not only Karl Marx but also, more tellingly, the works of Ivan Turgenev (Fathers and Sons), Fyodor Dostoyevsky (Poor Folk), Maxim Gorky (The Mother), and especially Nikolai Chernyshevsky (What Is to Be Done?) as inspiration and grounds for action. Lenin said that Chernyshevsky’s novel, a nineteenth-century tale of superhuman sacrifice in the service of a coming revolution, converted him to Communism at age fourteen, and he named his own seminal revolutionary tract What Is to Be Done? in tribute. It’s little wonder, then, that Rand once referred to her own novels as anti-Communist propaganda, or that she henceforth viewed national politics as a morality play whose theme is individual freedom in contest with overt or hidden mob force. She continued to write stories, though no copies and few accounts of these exist. She would have needed the company of her heroes that fall and winter, because she was losing her only friend. In late November, Olga’s father, who was plotting a final legislative challenge to the Bolshevik usurpers, sent his wife and children south, to the Crimea, near Yalta, an area that was still free of Communist control.

She had been introduced to Wick by her Hollywood admirer Gouverneur Morris, who, like Ivan Lebedeff and a few others who took the time to read her work and talk to her, was deeply impressed by her personal history, the quality of her mind, and her passionate intellectual commitment to individual achievement. After reading a draft of We the Living (“the Uncle Tom’s Cabin of Soviet Russia,” he called it), he sent sections to the famous libertarian newspaperman H. L. Mencken. Mencken, an avid defender of American civil liberties, pronounced the work “excellent” but warned that its anti-Communist message might hurt it with publishers. Whatever the demand for Russian stories such as Red Pawn, Mencken’s letter implied, receptivity might not extend to open criticism of the Soviet state. This was Rand’s second explicit warning that the Depression was beginning to produce political monsters of a kind she thought she had left behind in Russia. The first warning had come in the form of a casual remark by a White Russian acquaintance in Hollywood, who offhandedly suggested that certain film-industry Communists might try to prevent the studios from buying Red Pawn.

Kira’s ex-socialite mother quickly joins a Red teachers’ union to achieve better living conditions for her family. Kira’s uncle Vasili—once a prosperous merchant, like Rand’s father and grandfather—proudly goes on strike and lets his capitalist skills dwindle with his spirit. Kira’s cousin Irina Dunaeva, an artist like Rand’s sister Nora, endures arrest and Siberian exile for the crime of hiding her anti-Communist boyfriend in her room. Irina’s brother, a villainous upstart named Victor, gains political power by turning his sister in. Irina’s crime is a clear remembrance of Rand’s Russian flame Lev Bekkerman’s youthful act of courage. In fact, We the Living can be partly seen as her attempt to come to terms with Lev, as well as a meditation on the psychological roots of the Russian Revolution. In most respects, the beautiful, arrogant, sexually talented Leo Kovalensky is the fictional alter ego of the real-life Lev.

pages: 556 words: 141,069

The Profiteers by Sally Denton

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Berlin Wall, Boycotts of Israel, clean water, corporate governance, crony capitalism, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, energy security, Fall of the Berlin Wall, G4S, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Joan Didion, Kitchen Debate, laissez-faire capitalism, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, new economy, nuclear winter, profit motive, Robert Hanssen: Double agent, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, trickle-down economics, uranium enrichment, urban planning, WikiLeaks, wikimedia commons, William Langewiesche

* * * “This is a good time to see what the rest of the world is doing,” Dad told his partners in the summer of 1933, claiming to have been invited by Joseph Stalin’s government to visit the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). Now that he was suddenly the most famous builder in the world, the Soviets supposedly sought his expertise. Hoover Dam was not yet completed, but he felt confident he could leave the project not only in Crowe’s capable hands but also in those of his three sons now installed on the job. Given Bechtel’s—and Six Companies’—rabidly antilabor, anti-Communist, anti-Socialist corporate culture, it seems implausible that Stalin would invite Dad to visit Russian technological sites. The United States had not officially recognized the Soviet Union since the US intervention against the Bolsheviks in their 1917 civil war. All that would soon change, thanks to FDR, who, in a few months, would formally acknowledge Stalin’s Communist government and dispatch the first American diplomats to Moscow since the coup.

The 1953 CIA-supported coup installed one of the most vicious and brutal dictatorships in the region, and “Bechtel’s 12-volume industrial-development plan for the country has strengthened, not loosened, the Shah’s grip,” investigative journalist Mark Dowie concluded twenty years later. CHAPTER EIGHT Going Nuclear While Allen Dulles was masterminding the “New ‘Cold War’ Plan Under Secret Agents,” as the Boston Globe headlined it, John McCone, who had become an extreme hard-line anti-Communist and major defense contractor, was moving up the ranks in Washington. In 1950 US defense secretary James Forrestal had appointed McCone undersecretary of the US Air Force, which had been formed three years earlier out of what had been a division of the US Army, and where he was in charge of procurement and where, according to an FBI report, “he favored his friends in the granting of contracts.”

In addition to fashioning a muscular air force, complete with a robust anti-Soviet doctrine promoted by the hawks in the Truman Cabinet, he prepared the first two budgets of the newly unified National Military Establishment—a merger of the Department of War and the Department of the Navy created by the National Security Act of 1947—and worked with Forrestal in the creation of the CIA. “The strong-willed, stern-looking multimillionaire was not of the stuff to inspire love among the bureaucrats,” wrote two journalists of McCone’s unpleasant demeanor. A man so rigid that he flinched when addressed by his first name. “When he smiles, look out,” a CIA official was once quoted as saying. Along the way, McCone developed close personal relationships with like-minded anti-Communist crusaders—most notably, in addition to Dulles and Forrestal, the five-star general who would soon be president, Dwight Eisenhower. This powerful clique, comprised of devotees of media baron Henry Luce’s pleas for internationalism as an extension of American influence throughout the world, embodied what Luce called “The American Century.” Published in 1941 in his Life magazine, the editorial was the interventionists’ call for America to forsake isolationism and assume the role of world leadership in the face of Nazi aggression and the Soviet Union’s expansionist geopolitical designs.

pages: 495 words: 144,101

Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right by Jennifer Burns

anti-communist, bank run, barriers to entry, centralized clearinghouse, collective bargaining, creative destruction, desegregation, feminist movement, financial independence, George Gilder, invisible hand, jimmy wales, Joan Didion, John Markoff, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, lone genius, Menlo Park, minimum wage unemployment, Mont Pelerin Society, new economy, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, Ponzi scheme, profit motive, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, side project, Stewart Brand, The Chicago School, The Wisdom of Crowds, union organizing, urban renewal, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog

Although forbidden to read the newspapers or talk about politics, she had followed the news of the Revolution with great interest. When Zinovy announced his departure for a political meeting one evening, Alisa boldly asked to accompany him. Surprised yet pleased, Zinovy agreed to take her, and afterward the two had their first real conversation. He listened to Alisa respectfully and offered his own opinions. Zinovy was an anti-Communist and, as the mature Rand phrased it, “pro-individualist.” So was she. In her adventure stories heroic resisters struggling against the Soviet regime now replaced knights and princesses. She filled her diary with invective against the Communists, further bolstered by her father’s position. Their new connection was a source of great joy for Alisa, who remembered it was “only after we began to be political allies that I really felt a real love for him. . . . ” She also discovered that her father had an “enormous approval of my intelligence,” which further confirmed her emerging sense of self.9 As in Petrograd, she remained unpopular with her classmates.

She told DeWitt Emery, “When you read it, you’ll see what an indictment of the New Deal it is, what it does to the ‘humanitarians’ and what effect it could have on the next election—although I never mentioned the New Deal by name.”48 Rand’s belief that fiction could have important political consequences sprang from her Russian background and her careful observations of the New York left. As anti-Communists were hustled out of Leningrad State University, Rand had realized that the most innocuous of literary works could have political meaning. She kept this in mind during her first years in the United States, when she sent her family American novels to translate into Russian. These books were an important source of income for the Rosenbaums, but they had to pass the Soviet censors. Rand became an expert in picking out which type of story would gain the approval of the Communists.

For her part, Rand felt betrayed by Read’s failure to understand the principles at stake in their work and wounded by his disregard for their “ghost” agreement.47 Only weeks later Read added insult to injury when he sent Rand a sheaf of anonymous comments on her short article, “Textbook of Americanism.” Rand had written the piece for The Vigil, the official publication of the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American Ideals, the Hollywood anti-Communist group that had recruited her to its board. “Textbook” was a very brief piece that included her first published discussion of rights. Written in the style of a catechism, the piece defined a right as “the sanction of independent action.” Rand offered a secular defense of natural rights, which were “granted to man by the fact of his birth as a man—not by an act of society.” Paramount in the “Textbook” was the noninitiation principle, the idea that “no man has the right to initiate the use of physical force against another man” (she capitalized the entire phrase for emphasis).48 The noninitiation principle, sometimes called the nonaggression principle, can be traced to thinkers as varied as Thomas Aquinas, John Locke, and Herbert Spencer.

pages: 497 words: 161,742

The Enemy Within by Seumas Milne

active measures, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Edward Snowden, Etonian, Fall of the Berlin Wall, invisible hand, Kickstarter, market fundamentalism, Mikhail Gorbachev, Naomi Klein, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, New Journalism, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, union organizing, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, éminence grise

Cabinet papers released in 1995 revealed that in the early 1960s the Conservative government authorized a secret payment of £40,000 – around £710,000 in 2012 prices – to a semi-clandestine anti-communist trade-union organization known as the Industrial Research and Information Service (IRIS). The money was allocated from the ‘secret vote’, the intelligence services budget, on the orders of the then Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, with the aim of stemming the advance of the left in the labour movement and ‘inspiring’ media stories culled from ‘secret sources’. The government funding, agreed after an approach from a former Labour minister, Lord Shawcross, was matched by large private companies like Ford and Shell. It was used to hire full-time ‘undercover’ IRIS organizers in the NUM, the Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) and elsewhere to defeat left-wing candidates for union positions and build ‘anti-communist cells’. The government also agreed to a secret committee, made up of industrialists, civil servants and intelligence officials, whose task was to ‘enlist the help’ of the BBC, Daily Mirror and various suitable newspapers in the propaganda war against ‘communism’ and industrial militancy on the shop floor.

And surprisingly, given his apparent certainty about where the Soviet donation had been sent, the discarded official declared himself at the same time entirely ignorant about when and how it was actually transferred. Back in Sheffield, the NUM president could only shrug off the latest broadside from his former ally. Scargill described Srebny’s remarks as ‘a remarkable change of mind’, but said he would be delighted to see the cash come to Britain if the Soviet coal union would formally confirm that it had been intended for the NUM after all.23 At which point, enter on cue, stage right, anti-communist Soviet miners demanding their money back. On the eve of the NUM Durham conference, Yuri Butchenko, a twice-imprisoned dissident from the tiny Siberia-based Kuzbass Union of Workers, was paraded before the press in the National Liberal Club in London by Roy Lynk, leader of the breakaway Union of Democratic Mineworkers. Butchenko claimed that Soviet miners had donated a day’s wages – between 10 and 30 roubles, or £10–£30 at the official 1984 exchange rate – to the British strike, along with clothes and other goods.

They should ‘resume relations’ with this heavily penetrated outfit, he argued, ‘as indeed had happened between the NTS and the CIA’.25 Miller, some of whose undercover schemes are known to have been directly funded by the CIA during the 1980s, was busy all through the summer of 1990 stoking up the anti-Scargill campaign. A few weeks before he appeared with Yuri Butchenko at the Liberal Club, the NTS’s London man had brought over a couple of other anti-communist activists from the Russian coalfields to get to work on the Scargill Affair. The pair, Sergei Massalovitch and Nikolai Terokin, were whisked down to Weymouth to address the UDM’s annual conference. Next day, the front page of the Daily Mirror triumphantly reported that these Soviet ‘miners’ leaders’ had confirmed its allegations about the Soviet money. In fact, they were in no position to do any such thing.

pages: 742 words: 202,902

The Brilliant Disaster: JFK, Castro, and America's Doomed Invasion of Cuba's Bay of Pigs by Jim Rasenberger

affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Gunnar Myrdal, Kitchen Debate, land reform, Torches of Freedom, William of Occam

Operating from his office in the six-story U.S. embassy near the Havana waterfront that summer, Bonsal pressed American concerns on Castro, at the same time reminding his colleagues in the State Department that while there were indeed Communists within the Castro government, there also remained many fervent anti-Communists. “I strongly recommend that for the present we continue policy of friendliness toward Castro and GOC [Government of Cuba],” he cabled to the State Department on July 7. “In many respects,” he added on August 2, “it is the most hopeful regime Cuba has ever had.” If Castro was aware of Bonsal’s efforts to defend him, he was in no hurry to express his gratitude. He let the summer pass without granting the American ambassador a single face-to-face meeting. Interestingly, one of Bonsal’s more helpful contacts in Castro’s government was Foreign Minister Raúl Roa. By the time the Bay of Pigs invasion occurred two years later, Roa would have evolved into an attack dog for Castro, but in this earlier incarnation Roa was an anti-Communist moderate who hoped to span the gulf between the United States and Cuba almost as fervently as Bonsal did.

Still, it was an unseemly breach of protocol for him to show up like this, and Eisenhower was not pleased. As it happened, Castro’s arrival in the United States came on a very difficult day for Eisenhower. That morning, the president had learned in a phone call that his longtime secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, was resigning, effective immediately. For eight years, Dulles had been the ballast, if not the rudder, of Eisenhower’s anti-Communist foreign policy. Now he was in Walter Reed Army Hospital with terminal abdominal cancer. That John Foster Dulles should end his career on the very day Fidel Castro landed in America is one of those coincidences that would seem, like so many others of the next two years, to have been plotted by a roomful of cackling Soviet scriptwriters bunked up in a commune near the Kremlin. THE MORNING AFTER his arrival, Castro awoke in a bedroom in the Cuban embassy on Sixteenth Street and began to practice his English.

For one thing, he spoke no Spanish. His own colleagues at the CIA tended to dismiss him as a know-it-all who blew a lot of smoke—literally. He had a passion for cigars that rivaled Castro’s. Maybe it was the cigars that got to Droller’s head. In any case, he came out of the three-hour meeting in a state of near intoxication. “Castro is not only not a Communist,” he exclaimed to López-Fresquet, “but he is a strong anti-Communist fighter.” A year later, Gerry Droller, alias Frank Bender, would be working with a task force at the CIA to remove Fidel Castro from power and, if possible, eliminate him from the face of the Earth. AMONG THE IRONIES attending Castro’s 1959 trip to America were the great lengths to which U.S. federal security agents and local police went to keep him alive. No visitor to America had ever received such lavish protection.

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The Marshall Plan: Dawn of the Cold War by Benn Steil

Albert Einstein, Alistair Cooke, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, Carmen Reinhart, centre right, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, disintermediation, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, imperial preference, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, kremlinology, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, open economy, Potemkin village, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, structural adjustment programs, the market place, trade liberalization, Transnistria, Winter of Discontent, Works Progress Administration, éminence grise

But his government was also committed to securing reparations and placing the industrialized Ruhr under international control—a position that allied it with Moscow.53 Particularly given that a third of the French government was Communist, the Soviets expected cooperation from Bidault. French ambassador General Georges Catroux had met privately with Molotov in Moscow on February 19, 1947, stressing the importance of “the Soviet Union and France . . . work[ing] out a common position” on reparations from current production “prior to the Council of Ministers” meeting.54 But the anti-communist Bidault considered it “madness” to allow the Soviets, who were “already draining the resources of Germany’s Eastern Zone . . . to despoil the rest of it as well.”55 As for internationalization of the Ruhr, he felt he could no longer “go on defending it” once it became clear that “Russia [would] use it as an argument for getting even further into Germany.” Refusing to break with Marshall on Germany, Bidault incurred Russian wrath.

There, he avoided the fate of so many less adroit Communist Party members and activists by backing Stalin’s every move, from show trials to the Nazi-Soviet Pact. Politburo member Lavrentiy Beria, master of the Soviet internal-security system, called him “the greatest idiot” he had ever seen, but Stalin found him a most useful one after the war’s end.82 Thanks to the treachery of British MI6 intelligence agent Kim Philby, the Soviets were also able to identify, and then capture or murder, most of eastern Germany’s Catholic wartime anti-Nazi—and anti-Communist—resistance leaders.83 So Stalin was well prepared for the present stalemate with the Americans, who had few natural allies in the east. What he was unprepared for was the role his own actions would play in hardening the hostilities between eastern and western Germany, making impossible the progressive unification under Communist leadership that he was now seeking. While telling Ulbricht in early 1946 that he wanted Germany to be “democratic,” allowing approved non-Communist parties to participate, he also demanded a “purge of the state administration, public ownership of enterprises . . . expropriation of big landowners” and obedience to directives from Moscow.84 In April he forced a merger of the KPD and the Social Democratic SPD into the KPD-dominated Socialist Unity Party (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands—SED).

While telling Ulbricht in early 1946 that he wanted Germany to be “democratic,” allowing approved non-Communist parties to participate, he also demanded a “purge of the state administration, public ownership of enterprises . . . expropriation of big landowners” and obedience to directives from Moscow.84 In April he forced a merger of the KPD and the Social Democratic SPD into the KPD-dominated Socialist Unity Party (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands—SED). This only increased anti-Russian anger in Germany, where Berliners referred to Communists as “SEDisten”—Sadists.85 Facing a huge anti-Communist electoral turnout on October 20 of that year, particularly in Soviet-occupied East Berlin, Stalin now stiffened his opposition to Washington’s federalization proposals, which would have strengthened local control and weakened his own. And in the wake of the crushing defeat—the SED finishing third, with under 20 percent of the vote—he became ruthlessly pragmatic. To the shock and dismay of SED leaders who met with him in January 1947, he pressed them to abandon their “policy of elimination . . . in order to avoid a scenario in which all former fascists are pushed into the adversarial camp.”

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The Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class by Kees Van der Pijl

anti-communist, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, deskilling, diversified portfolio, European colonialism, floating exchange rates, full employment, imperial preference, Joseph Schumpeter, liberal capitalism, mass immigration, means of production, North Sea oil, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit maximization, RAND corporation, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, trade route, union organizing, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, War on Poverty

In the autumn of that year, the editorial board of the journal Socialist Commentary, which had been the organ of the non-Communist German Left exiles in Britain, welcomed Oxford lecturer Anthony Crosland, Allan Flanders, a former TUC official, and Rita Hinden, who had set up the Fabian Colonial Bureau. While AFL organizer Jay Lovestone recruited many of his agents from the former exiles around Socialist Commentary, the journal in its new set-up became the mouthpiece of the right-wing of the Labour Party and developed a close collaboration with the New Leader, an anti-Communist American magazine which from 1950 on was sponsored by the CIA. Flanders, who was in the United States studying the American trade-union movement, contributed anti-Communist articles to both publications, while Denis Healey, the future Labour minister became London correspondent for the New Leader in 1954.54 The TUC leadership not only played a critical role in splitting the WFTU, but also propagated the American methods of scientific management that its representatives had become fascinated by in the course of Washington-sponsored junkets.55 The ruling Labour Party, apart from playing a major part in shaping the institutional framework of Atlantic integration, complemented TUC activities on the European continent by supporting the pro-American split-offs in European Social Democratic parties.

Discussions with Moscow not only touched upon trade, but in a more general way pertained to the envisaged position of Russia in the open world projected by American post-war planners.75 Penetration and modification of Soviet conduct rather than confrontation was the key aspect of the universalism crystallizing at the peak of the Roosevelt offensive. Pioneer-spirited solidarity like Ambassador Joseph Davies’s proposal in the 1942 postscript to his Mission to Moscow to send American engineers to Russia here paved the way for long-term considerations of an apparently generous, but basically anti-communist nature. Sumner Welles in 1944 put the tremendous possibilities for trade with the Soviet Union in the perspective of a gradual abandoning by the Russians of ‘many of the more radical forms of political organization which time and experience have proved to be inefficient’.76 The Morgenthau Plan which envisioned the deindustrialization of Germany also had the aspect of depriving the USSR of German reparations, and thus driving it to seek American credits.

Displaying considerable boldness in this respect, CDU propaganda even claimed that its social doctrine went beyond Marxism.7 Meanwhile, the SPD, the most powerful party on the Left, allowed itself be incorporated in the Western occupation policy without claiming a share of power. Schumacher, its leader, was obstinate to both the Americans and the Russians. According to McCloy, he was ‘one of the most effective anti-Communists in Germany’, but in international affairs, his attitude according to Acheson was ‘just the same as if he were a Communist’.8 In the US zone, in line with the prevailing attitude in the United States, no Socialists were allowed in the government bodies created by the military authorities. Only in the British zone were German administrative organs allowed, and in 1946, the Socialist, Victor Agartz, was made the head of the economic council of the British zone after protests over the background of the initial incumbent, rayon magnate and International Chamber of Commerce stalwart, Abraham Frowein.9 Very much in the same vein as the German Christian Democrats, the Italian DC, which had been one among several parties of comparable strength in the Badoglio coalition, tried to outflank the Communists in terms of proposed social reforms.

Culture of Terrorism by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, Bretton Woods, centre right, clean water, David Brooks, failed state, Farzad Bazoft, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, risk tolerance, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

Arms were sent to the contras through a shadowy network of CIA subsidiaries and “private” organizations controlled by U.S. ex-generals in close coordination with the White House.2 Notorious international terrorists were enlisted in the cause, for example, Luis Posada Carriles, a CIA-trained Cuban exile sprung from a Venezuelan prison where he was charged with planning the 1976 bombing of a Cubana airliner with 73 civilians killed, then taken to El Salvador to help organize the contra supply network from the U.S.-controlled Ilopango Air Base.3 The Reagan administration took over the World Anti-Communist League, a collection of Nazis who had been recruited by the U.S. as part of its global campaign against the anti-fascist resistance in the immediate post-World War II period, fanatic anti-Semites, death squad assassins, torturers and killers from around the world, backed by U.S. client states such as South Korea and Taiwan. This organization was converted into an instrument of international terrorism from Mozambique to Nicaragua.4 Profits from U.S. arms sales to Iran via Israel with Saudi Arabian funding, undertaken for entirely different purposes to which we return, were diverted to the contras through Swiss banks, along with tens of millions of dollars from long-term clients such as Taiwan and Saudi Arabia, and targets of opportunity such as the Sultan of Brunei.

This organization was converted into an instrument of international terrorism from Mozambique to Nicaragua.4 Profits from U.S. arms sales to Iran via Israel with Saudi Arabian funding, undertaken for entirely different purposes to which we return, were diverted to the contras through Swiss banks, along with tens of millions of dollars from long-term clients such as Taiwan and Saudi Arabia, and targets of opportunity such as the Sultan of Brunei. In what the Far Eastern Economic Review describes as a particularly “remarkable case of arms diplomacy,” the U.S. succeeded in arranging a cooperative effort of China and Taiwan “to help the anti-Communist Nicaraguan resistance [sic],” in a November 1984 deal arranged by Oliver North whereby China shipped arms to the contras through Canadian arms dealers and Portugal, funded by Taiwan.5 The level of support developed through these state-private networks was so large that when $10 million solicited by the State Department from the Sultan was misplaced, the loss was not even noticed. Such machinations provided the contra armies with an air force and military equipment in violation of explicit congressional legislation and U.S. laws going back to the 18th century Neutrality Act, enabling them to maintain some forces within Nicaragua and to continue the terrorist activities that are generally ignored by the U.S. media and dismissed by apologists as “Sandinista atrocity allegations.”6 In such ways, the Reagan administration constructed an international terrorist network of impressive sophistication, without parallel in history to my knowledge, and used it for a variety of purposes in conformity with the Reagan Doctrine, as already discussed.

It may also be recalled that the previous state of grim suffering and death in Nicaragua, to which we must again reduce them, elicited scarcely a flicker of interest among the educated classes in the United States, just as the perpetuation of these circumstances in Honduras and elsewhere evokes no concern today. Rather, it was the effort to overcome the grim consequences of a century of U.S. dominance that aroused horror and indignation (concealed in the usual “anti-Communist” disguise), along with a dedicated commitment to restore Nicaragua to the “Central American mode,” in the approving words of the editors of the Washington Post, to which we return. Terrorist attacks on “soft targets” such as health clinics and schools serve obvious purposes. The perceived threat of the Sandinistas was that despite their meager resources and the horrifying conditions left by the final phase of the U.S.

pages: 627 words: 127,613

Transcending the Cold War: Summits, Statecraft, and the Dissolution of Bipolarity in Europe, 1970–1990 by Kristina Spohr, David Reynolds

anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, computer age, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Kickstarter, Kitchen Debate, liberal capitalism, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Nixon shock, oil shock, open borders, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shared worldview, Thomas L Friedman, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

If Brezhnev was a believer in accommodation with the United States, he also held that such a settlement could only be achieved on the basis of Soviet military strength, equal in its fundamentals to that of its great rival.6 Nixon’s broad understanding of Brezhnev’s background appears to have been fairly accurate. Likewise, the Russians had a clear idea of the man with whom they were dealing in Washington. Anatoly Dobrynin, Soviet ambassador to the United States, warned his masters that Nixon’s transition from anti-communist stalwart to champion of accommodation was more apparent than real. In his view, Nixon was ‘petty and distrustful with a huge ego’. Moreover, Nixon continued to be motivated by his ‘long-standing anti-communist ideology’ and retained what Dobrynin called a ‘heightened suspiciousness…regarding the Soviet Union’s motives’.7 Neither side believed for a moment that the other might suddenly concede fundamental interests, thereby ending their competition. Instead, each inched towards pragmatic accommodation, animated by a distinctive vision that was born of domestic and international considerations.

DzD VI/1, doc. 167, 669–71. 2 Beijing, 1972 Yafeng Xia and Chris Tudda It seemed like fantasy. On 21 February 1972 President Richard Nixon stood up at a banquet in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, to toast the leaders of communist China. In his speech, broadcast around the world by satellite and shown live on morning television in America, the president—formerly an inveterate anti-communist—waxed eloquent and emotional. ‘What legacy shall we leave our children?’ he asked. ‘Are they destined to die for the hatreds which have plagued the old world, or are they destined to live because we had the vision to build a new world? There is no reason for us to be enemies. Neither of us seeks the territory of the other; neither of us seeks domination over the other; neither of us seeks to stretch out our hands and rule the world.’

And only weeks before the Moscow meeting was supposed to take place, it was almost called off. Compared with what the summiteers hoped for, one would also have to say that the results of Moscow were modest. Nevertheless, the agreements signed in the Kremlin proved a significant benchmark for superpower relations over the subsequent two decades. Underlying Motivations Neither Nixon nor Brezhnev was a natural dove. In fact, Nixon had made his political name as an anti-communist crusader, rising to prominence in Congress on the back of his campaign to prove that Alger Hiss, a State Department official under suspicion of spying for the Soviet Union, had lied about his activities. Dwight D. Eisenhower selected Nixon as his running mate in the 1952 presidential election in order to reassure Republican conservatives. Nixon’s 1959 trip to the Soviet Union as vice president had been contentious yet politically profitable after he got into an animated ‘kitchen debate’ with Nikita Khrushchev over the relative merits of American and Soviet consumerism.2 In short, Nixon was a figure whose political trajectory had been fuelled by confrontation, not détente.

pages: 392 words: 106,532

The Cold War: A New History by John Lewis Gaddis

American ideology, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, full employment, land reform, long peace, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Potemkin village, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine

Sensing the rising tide of nationalism in Asia, he had already associated himself by then with two leaders from that part of the world, Jawaharlal Nehru of India, and Zhou Enlai of China—each of whom had his own reasons for resisting superpower hegemony. Nehru’s had to do with the United States and Pakistan. The British had granted India and Pakistan independence in 1947, and Nehru had hoped to keep the subcontinent they shared out of the Cold War. The Pakistanis, however—concerned about Indian ambitions—had sought support from the Americans by portraying themselves as tough anti-communists with a British-trained military who could provide bases along the sensitive southern border of the U.S.S.R. The contrast with Nehru—also British-trained, but socialist, pacifist, and determined not to take sides in the Cold War—could hardly have been greater. By the end of 1954, Pakistan had maneuvered its way into the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and the Southeast Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO), both designed by Secretary of State Dulles to surround the Soviet Union with American-sponsored military alliances.

The very compulsiveness with which the Soviet Union and the United States sought to bring such states within their orbits wound up giving those states the means of escape. Autonomy, in what might have seemed to be inhospitable circumstances, was becoming attainable. Tails were beginning to wag dogs. III. “NON-ALIGNMENT” was not the only weapon available to small powers seeking to expand their autonomy while living in the shadow of superpowers: so too was the possibility of collapse. There was no way that staunch anti-communists like Syngman Rhee in South Korea, Chiang Kai-shek on Taiwan, or Ngo Dinh Diem in South Vietnam could plausibly threaten to defect to the other side (although Diem, desperate to hang on to power as the Americans were abandoning him in 1963, did implausibly attempt to open negotiations with the North Vietnamese).19 Nor could such dedicated anti-capitalists as Kim Il-sung in North Korea or Ho Chi Minh in North Vietnam credibly raise the prospect of alignment with the United States.

Much the same thing happened, with far more devastating results, in yet another East Asian country the Cold War had left divided, Vietnam. After Ho Chi Minh’s victory over the French in 1954, they, together with the Americans, the British, the Russians, and the Chinese Communists, had agreed at Geneva that the country should be partitioned at the 17th parallel. Ho then established a communist state in the north, while the Americans took over the search for an anti-communist alternative in the south. They finally settled, in 1955, on Ngo Dinh Diem, an exile untainted by cooperation with France whose Catholicism, they expected, would make him a reliable ally. But Diem, like Rhee, was also an authoritarian, and by the beginning of the 1960s his South Vietnamese government had become an embarrassment to the Americans—and a target for renewed insurgency from North Vietnam.

pages: 615 words: 187,426

Chinese Spies: From Chairman Mao to Xi Jinping by Roger Faligot

active measures, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, autonomous vehicles, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business intelligence, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Fall of the Berlin Wall, housing crisis, illegal immigration, index card, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, offshore financial centre, Pearl River Delta, Port of Oakland, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, special economic zone, stem cell, union organizing, young professional, éminence grise

We can get closer to the bottom of Deng Xiaoping’s rule (1989–97) if we look at this era’s formidable mechanisms of clandestine activity, particularly in the region of Hong Kong, whose triumphant reclaim by the PRC in 1997, just months after Deng’s death, marked the opening of a new, ambitious era in Chinese global espionage. Hong Kong: nest of spies The principles of “keeping a low profile” and “concealing your true abilities” had first been set in motion by the communist and other secret services half a century earlier, in the wake of the communist victory. British Special Branch was first set up in 1933 as an anti-communist squad within the Criminal Investigation Department of the then Hong Kong police, in charge of the anti-communist struggle. In 1949, alongside MI5 and under the direction of Peter Erwin, it developed into a political police force, charged with fighting Chinese communists.5 London realized that Mao, now in Beijing, had given up the idea of sending the PLA to invade Hong Kong when Marshal Lin Biao and his troops stopped 20 kilometres short of the Perfumed Harbour, red flag flying proudly in the breeze, weapons in hand.

Every office of the Central Committee and every one of the comrades whom Gu knew was moved to a new location. All links with Gu were broken. Working day and night it took us only two days to complete the job.”32 Zhou and his comrades were right to act as they did. Gu Shunzhang immediately switched his allegiance to the services of Chen Lifu and Xu Enzeng, the master spies of the nationalist movement. In addition, he agreed to head up a special anti-communist section, and to author an instruction manual for the fight against the communist secret service. In the hours that followed, roundups made it clear that the magician really had revealed everything he knew about the underground organization of the CCP. In spite of all the precautions that the communists had taken, there were multiple arrests in different cities. On 21 June 1931, Xiang Zhongfa, general secretary of the party since the 1928 Moscow Congress, was captured hiding out in a jewellery shop on Avenue Joffre with his mistress, a cabaret dancer.

But at the end of the interrogation the nationalist leader, recalling how Chen had saved his life during the battle for the north, decided to release his prisoner, asking him to negotiate an accord with the “red generals” in his camp. In May, Chen Geng “escaped”, and fled to the Soviet zone of Jiangxi. He remained a communist and was a commander during Mao’s Long March. Six months later, a report by the new French chief of police, Louis Fabre—Fiori finally having been removed from office for corruption and collusion with the Green Gang—brought news of Gu Shunzhang, who had become head of a special anti-communist brigade. The French report gave details of the Blue Shirts, the 3,000-strong paramilitary organization led by the Chen brothers, and revealed the organizational structure of their special services: 1. An intelligence service composed of: a) a military intelligence section (Wang Pai-ling); b) a secret intelligence service (Kou Chien-chung, Kuomintang Central Committee); 2. An executive department (Gu Shunzhang), charged with carrying out terrorist activities, which recruits mainly from graduates of the Huangpu Military Academy.

The Chomsky Reader by Noam Chomsky

American ideology, anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, British Empire, business climate, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, interchangeable parts, land reform, land tenure, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, theory of mind, Thomas L Friedman, union organizing, War on Poverty, zero-sum game, éminence grise

It justifies a highly covert, at times overt, interventionist policy, conveniently setting aside such principles as nonintervention in the internal affairs of another country. And it practically sorts out friends and foes by their role in maintaining an integrated global economy in which American capital can operate with relative freedom. Any nation’s attempt to extricate itself from the global marketplace is anathema and is labeled “Communist.” No fate is worse for the anti-Communist than a nation opting out of such a “Free World” market. Should a nation try to opt out, or take significant steps to control its own resources for the native population, the U.S. reaction is swift and savage. Chomsky shows the remarkably consistent means the United States uses to undercut such revolutionary regimes—or even a potential for them. The goal is to create such harsh conditions—as in Vietnam during and after the war or in Nicaragua today—that by the time the conflict is over there will be little left of what is needed to build a better society.

.… What the Russian autocrats and their supporters fear most is that the success of libertarian Socialism in Spain might prove to their blind followers that the much vaunted “necessity of a dictatorship” is nothing but one vast fraud which in Russia has led to the despotism of Stalin and is to serve today in Spain to help the counterrevolution to a victory over the revolution of the workers and peasants. After decades of anti-Communist indoctrination, it is difficult to achieve a perspective that makes possible a serious evaluation of the extent to which Bolshevism and Western liberalism have been united in their opposition to popular revolution. However, I do not think that one can comprehend the events in Spain without attaining this perspective. With this brief sketch—partisan, but I think accurate—for background, I would like to turn to Jackson’s account of this aspect of the Spanish Civil War (see note 8).

Furthermore, these markets and sources of raw materials should be developed for United States purposes. “Some kind of regional association … among the non-Communist countries of Asia might become an important means of developing a favorable atmosphere for such trade among themselves and with other parts of the world.” As John Dower, among others, has emphasized, “The United States has never intended to carry the burden of anti-Communist and anti-Chinese consolidation alone. It has always seen the end goal as a quasi-dependent Asian regionalism.” The Pentagon Papers enrich the available documentation on this matter in a rather interesting way. Continuing with NSC 48/1, it is recommended that under certain restrictions trade with Communist China should be permitted, for the health of the Japanese and American economies. The industrial plant of Japan and such strategic materials as Indonesian oil must be denied to the Soviet Union and kept in the Western orbit.

Rethinking Camelot by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fear of failure, Howard Zinn, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, Norman Mailer, Paul Samuelson, Ronald Reagan

To select an example at random, after Indonesia committed the error of carrying out a massacre in front of TV cameras and brutally beating two US journalists in Dili, East Timor, in November 1991, the editors of the Washington Post, to their credit, suggested that the US “should be able to bring its influence to bear on this issue,” noting that for 16 years Washington had been supporting an Indonesian invasion and forced annexation that had killed “up to a third of the population.” The reasons, the Post explained, is that “the American government was in the throes of its Vietnam agony, unprepared to exert itself for a cause” that could harm relations “with its sturdy anti-Communist ally in Jakarta. But that was then. Today, with the East-West conflict gone, almost everyone is readier to consider legitimate calls for self-determination.”18 The relation of Indonesia’s invasion to the East-West conflict was a flat zero. Unexplained is why, in the throes of its Vietnam agony, the US found it necessary to increase the flow of weapons to its Indonesian client at the time of the 1975 invasion, and to render the UN “utterly ineffective in whatever measures it undertook” to counter the aggression, as UN Ambassador Daniel Patrick Moynihan proudly described his success in following State Department orders.

The assault that followed left three countries utterly devastated with millions dead, untold numbers of maimed, widows and orphans, children being killed to this day by unexploded bombs, deformed fetuses in hospitals in the South—not the North, spared the particular atrocity of chemical warfare—and a record of criminal savagery that would fill many a docket, by the standards of Nuremberg. By 1967, the bitterly anti-Communist French military historian and Indochina specialist Bernard Fall warned that “Vietnam as a cultural and historic threatened with extinction...[as]...the countryside literally dies under the blows of the largest military machine ever unleashed on an area of this size.” After the January 1968 Tet Offensive, the onslaught became even more violent, along with “secret bombing” of Laos and later Cambodia that added hundreds of thousands of additional casualties—“secret,” because the media refused to find out what was happening, or to make public what they knew.

In May 1965, three months after the bombing of South Vietnam had been vastly intensified along with the first regular bombing of the North and after US combat forces had landed, RFK condemned withdrawal as “a repudiation of commitments undertaken and confirmed by three administrations” which would “gravely—perhaps irreparably—weaken the democratic position in Asia.” Theodore Sorenson traces RFK’s first break with Johnson policy to February 1966, when RFK called for a negotiated settlement (but not withdrawal, never an option).16 The basic reasoning behind the war was indicated years later by McGeorge Bundy. In retrospect, he felt that “our effort” in Vietnam was “excessive” after October 1965, when “a new anti-communist government took power in Indonesia and destroyed the communist party,” incidentally, slaughtering several hundred thousand peasants and securing Indonesia’s riches for foreign corporations. As Bundy now recognized, with Vietnam already in ruins and Indonesia protected against infection, it may have been “excessive” to continue to demolish Indochina at inordinate cost to ourselves. US-supported military coups in Thailand and the Philippines, the virtual demolition of most of Indochina, and the subsequent policies of economic strangulation and isolation brought the US at least a partial victory, ensuring that the region will continue to “fulfill its main function,” free from any threat of “radical nationalism.”

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Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader: North Korea and the Kim Dynasty by Bradley K. Martin

anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, four colour theorem, illegal immigration, informal economy, kremlinology, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Potemkin village, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, special economic zone, stakhanovite, UNCLOS, upwardly mobile, uranium enrichment, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

“We still had our color TV We were the only family in the area who had one. After four months someone set fire to our house. Everything was lost except the underwear we had on. Probably it was a villager, one of those people who were calling us anti-communists. After our property was set on fire, Mother kept demanding an investigation. The Central Party said she was crazy and put her in a mental hospital when I was seven, in 1976. For three years she stayed there while my brother and I dined only on small rations. I had eyesight problems. I couldn’t see. I couldn’t attend the elementary school because schoolmates would call me anti-communist and teachers would hit me. My brother taught me a little. But if anyone had offered us help, that person would have gotten in trouble. No one helped. “My uncle on my mother’s side was vice-commander of the Second Army Corps.

I believed that liberating the country would repay my benefactors’ kindness, relieve them of their suffering and break the people’s shackles.”80 And he ended the preface to his memoirs with the following words: “Praying for the souls of the departed revolutionaries.” As the decade of the 1920s neared its end, Kim was a junior founding member of a communist youth group. He wrote later that the league’s charter members, meeting secretly in the cellar of a shrine in Jilin’s Beishan Park, “sang the Internationale side by side.”81 During that period he directly involved himself in pro-Soviet activity. Anti-communist Chinese warlords angered Moscow by seizing Manchurian rail-ways that had been under joint Chinese and Soviet management. Kim and his friends distributed handbills supporting the Soviet position. “Some politically ignorant young Chinese gave us a wide berth, vilifying us as evil people who were helping the ‘trespassers,’” Kim recalled. For him, though, it seemed only natural that he and his friends viewed the world’s first socialist system as a “beacon of hope” and “considered it our solemn internationalist obligation as communists to fight in its defense.”

Collaborating with the Americans this time, they had reduced the South Korean people to a ragged and hungry population of slaves, he charged in a June 1946 speech.65 In another speech in August 1946, he referred to right-wing Southern leaders as pro-Japanese, reactionary country-sellers who put patriots in prison while kisaeng houses increased in number daily66 Often during this period Kim spoke of the need to expand his provisional government into a Korea-wide “democratic people’s republic,” which he defined as a leftist regime, different from the capitalist-parliamentary model seen in the South.67 Once rid of the anti-communist, and to his mind unpatriotic, leaders in the South and their American protectors, Korea must be reunited. Expanding his rule to cover the entire peninsula was to remain Kim’s unchanging goal, second only to consolidating and maintaining power in the North, until the final days of the long life and career of this supremely determined and stubborn man. Communist and other leftist efforts to take over South Korea from within seemed to make head-way in 1946 but the U.S. occupation authorities soon clamped down, arresting key figures.

The Basque History of the World by Mark Kurlansky

anti-communist, borderless world, Frank Gehry, Guggenheim Bilbao, joint-stock company, open economy, spice trade, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith

The Franco government responded by sending thousands of Guardia Civil and police to Bilbao. Then salvation came to Franco from unexpected places such as Prague, taken over by a Communist coup in 1948. The world was being divided into Communists and anti-Communists, and Franco was a long-standing anti-Communist—one of his few consistencies. The two Germanies declared separate capitals in 1949. In June 1950, the United States went to war in Korea. Two months after the Korean War began, the U.S. Congress authorized $62 million in credit for Franco’s anti-Communist Spain. The following year France removed the diplomatic status of the Basque government office in Paris, expelling Basques from the city they had helped liberate and turning the building, near the Eiffel Tower, back into the Spanish Embassy.

But this source of wealth was not inexhaustible, and only 10 percent of Vizcayan ore was going to Basque steel mills. The rest was being shipped abroad, 65 or 75 percent to British steel mills, which was contrary to Foral tradition. For centuries the Fueros had regulated iron mining as Basqueland’s most valuable resource, forbidding the exploitation of Vizcayan iron by non-Basques. The Carlists were vehement anti-Communists, but they were among the first to speak out against the mistreatment of industrial workers. V. Manterola wrote in his Carlist newspaper, La Reconquista, “The factory worker is a virtual slave, turned into a machine by Liberalism, good only to produce, but without regard for his morale.” IN 1869, THE Spanish government instituted secular marriage. In giving the state, rather than the Church, the right to create families, the government was shifting the fundamental control over Basque society.

In exchange for allowing a foreign power to establish bases that were potential nuclear targets next to Spanish cities, Spain got $226 million in assistance, but most of it was of little value. The only developmental assistance was for roads, port facilities, and ancillary defense industries that the Americans would need to operate. They did give military equipment, but only used and dated leftovers from World War II and the Korean War. But the pacts were of enormous symbolic importance. The Basques were stunned by the betrayal. Aguirre, himself a passionate anti-Communist, accepted the Cold War logic that the United States feared an unstable Spain, but he complained that the move was a “weakening of moral force in the fight against totalitarianism.” Other Basques, however, especially younger ones, were furious. Xabier Arzalluz, today the most powerful Basque politician, was a young law student in Zaragoza at the time. “People of our generation are bitter,” he recently said.

Turning the Tide by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, British Empire, collective bargaining, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, failed state, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, land reform, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Paul Samuelson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

It is familiar to students of US policy that “while paying lip-service to the encouragement of representative democracy in Latin America, the United States has a strong interest in just the reverse,” apart from “procedural democracy, especially the holding of elections—which only too often have proved farcical.” The reason is that democracies may tend to be responsive to popular needs, while “the United States has been concerned with fostering the most favourable conditions for her private overseas investment”:95 ...United States concern for representative democracy in Latin America is a facet of her anti-communist policy. There has been no serious question of her intervening in the case of the many right-wing military coups, from which, of course, this policy generally has benefited. It is only when her own concept of democracy, closely identified with private, capitalistic enterprise, is threatened by communism [or to be more accurate, by independent development, whether capitalist, socialist, or whatever] that she has felt impelled to demand collective action to defend it.

Furthermore, polio and malaria have been eliminated, and the causes of death have shifted from those associated with underdevelopment (diseases of early infancy, etc.) to those of the developed world (congenital abnormalities, diabetes, etc.).98 These are the crimes for which Cuba must pay dearly; the real ones are of little interest to policy makers, except for their propaganda effect. As for the NLF in South Vietnam, its crime was explained ruefully by the bitterly anti-Communist journalist Denis Warner: “in hundreds of villages all over South-East Asia the only people working at the grass roots for an uplift in people’s living standards are the Communists,”99 the reason for the popular support that forced the US to resort to violence and to undermine any political settlement. Those who set their priorities in this way are evidently deficient in their understanding of US needs and priorities.

Here, as elsewhere, the US “wanted stability, benefited from the on-going system, and was therefore content to work with the military-oligarchy complex that ruled most of Central America from the 1820s to the 1980s.”27 Historian Thomas Anderson comments that “the whole political labyrinth of El Salvador can be explained only in reference to the traumatic experience of the uprising and the matanza,” while Jeane Kirkpatrick assures us that “To many Salvadorans the violence of this repression seems less important than the fact of restored order and the thirteen years of civil peace that ensued,” an accurate rendition of the views of those Salvadorans who count.28 No problems arose in one of the world’s most miserable countries until 1960, when a junior officer’s coup established a “moderately leftist government [that] lasted for only a few weeks before other officers, responding to pressures from the oligarchy and the United States, staged a countercoup,” a foretaste of what was to come 20 years later. The US Embassy urged support for the military regime, stating that the internal security forces “are behind the present government, are strongly anti-Communist, and constitute major force for stability and orderly political and economic development.” Their rule was necessitated by “subversive anti-government activities” such as “underground propaganda,” the Embassy explained, offering an insight into the concept of “subversion” as understood by the Kennedy liberals. Dr. Fabio Castillo, a former president of the National University, testified before Congress that the US had openly participated in the countercoup and had opposed the holding of free elections.29 The conservative junta was quickly recognized by President Kennedy, whose preference for civil-military regimes was noted earlier (p. 79), after they had “pledged to take tough actions against the students [who had protested against the outlawing of political parties, the main proof offered of a Communist plot], cut relations with Castro, and warmly welcomed foreign investment.”

pages: 872 words: 259,208

A History of Modern Britain by Andrew Marr

air freight, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, battle of ideas, Beeching cuts, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brixton riot, clean water, collective bargaining, computer age, congestion charging, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Etonian, falling living standards, fear of failure, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial independence, floating exchange rates, full employment, housing crisis, illegal immigration, Kickstarter, liberal capitalism, Live Aid, loadsamoney, market design, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, millennium bug, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, open borders, out of africa, Parkinson's law, Piper Alpha, Red Clydeside, reserve currency, Right to Buy, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, working poor, Yom Kippur War

Orphaned at eight, ‘Ernie’ began as a Somerset labourer and worked his way up to become the organizer of dockworkers, until in 1921 he helped merge those men into the new Transport and General Workers’ Union. A powerful figure in the General Strike, he ran the union until he was brought into the Churchill cabinet in 1940, a parliamentary seat being hurriedly found for him in Wandsworth. As the most powerful trade union leader of the inter-war years, Bevin was a passionate anti-Communist and a patriot who believed ‘my boys’ in the T & G were the very best of Britain. In the wartime government he had almost dictatorial powers to direct workers into factories, mines and fields. If total war consisted in gathering together a country’s total human and physical resources and then directing them at the enemy, Bevin was the Great Director. Described by one newspaper of the time as ‘a bad mixer, a good hater, respected by all’, he could be rude enough, even to Stalin who once hilariously whined that Mr Bevin was ‘no gentleman’.

It was not only the shortages of almost everything in the shops, and what was described as a virtual peasant diet, heavily based on potatoes and bread – though by then even the bread had now been rationed, and potatoes ran short. It was not only the huge state bureaucracy still interfering in so much daily life, controlling everything from how long you could turn your heater on, to what plays you could see and whether or not you could leave the country. It was not the 25,000 regulations and orders never seen in peacetime before, administered by a government which though anti-Communist, still urged people to learn from the ‘colossal’ industrial achievements of Soviet Communism.25 It was not the smashed and broken homes. It was not even all those war dead – for this war had involved far fewer soldiers than the First World War, and far fewer dead – 256,000 as against nearly a million, as well as the 60,000 British civilians who had died in air-raids. Relief at the final victory was still strong across the country, and pride in Britain’s part in it.

There was gratitude for Indian support for the Empire at its worst moment. There was also fear – the clear evidence that delaying independence would result in mass and probably uncontrollable protest. Attlee wanted a united, independent India, Muslims and Hindus in one vast state connected by trade and military agreement with Britain. Apart from anything else, he believed this would function as a major anti-communist bulwark in Asia, at just the time when the Russians were looking south and China was in revolutionary turmoil. Attlee would get some of what he wanted, but not all. Sir Stafford Cripps led the first Labour delegation to post-war India but it was not socialist politicians who negotiated the end of British control in India. That job was begun by Field Marshal Wavell, a veteran of the Boer and First World Wars who had served with the Czarist Russians before fighting the Italians (successfully) and Rommel (less so) in the desert.

pages: 589 words: 197,971

A Fiery Peace in a Cold War: Bernard Schriever and the Ultimate Weapon by Neil Sheehan

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, cuban missile crisis, double helix, European colonialism, John von Neumann, Menlo Park, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Norman Macrae, nuclear winter, operation paperclip, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, undersea cable, uranium enrichment

Copies were sent to U.S. diplomatic missions around the world and distributed among the leadership in Washington. James Forrestal, the fiercely anti-Communist secretary of the Navy, soon to become the nation’s first secretary of defense with the creation of the Defense Department under the National Security Act of 1947, had hundreds of copies made for circulation within the Navy and, according to an acquaintance, “sent it all over town.” It was also leaked to the press to prepare the public for a change, the American people having heard little during the war years except praise for their gallant Soviet ally. Time, the magazine of another fervent anti-Communist, Henry Luce, carried a full-page article illustrated by a map entitled “Communist Contagion.” The map labeled Iran, Turkey, and Manchuria as “infected” and Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Afghanistan, and India as “exposed.”

By the end of January 1945 the Red Army had driven Hitler’s Wehrmacht from almost all of Eastern Europe and had broken into Germany for the advance on Berlin, which fell on May 2. Short of now going to war with the Soviet Union to wrest Eastern Europe from Stalin, the most that could be done was to try to mitigate his treatment of its peoples. Roosevelt believed that reason and restraint worked best with Stalin. His scrappy successor had a different attitude. Truman was, to begin with, much more militantly anti-Communist. The day after Hitler invaded the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, Truman, then a senator from Missouri, had advocated keeping both German and Russian blood flowing: “If we see that Germany is winning we ought to help Russia, and if Russia is winning we ought to help Germany, and that way let them kill as many as possible, although I don’t want to see Hitler victorious under any circumstances.

The news films of the transports coming in over the rooftops in the falling snow, as these men held steady course for a runway they could not see, spoke for them. Then there were the grateful Berliners, men and women, unloading the sacks of coal and crates of foodstuffs alongside the American and British and French soldiers who had not long ago been their enemies, and the films of the children cheering and waving at the pilots who tossed them candy. It was heady and emotional and more powerful anti-Communist propaganda than anyone in Washington could have imagined. The blockade and the airlift turned many who were undecided among the peoples of Europe against the Soviets and propelled the nations of Western Europe and Britain and the United States toward closer cooperation. The Russians were laying siege to a city and attempting to conquer it with the weapons of starvation and cold, but the American and British airmen were defeating them by keeping the people of this beleaguered Berlin warm and well fed.

pages: 736 words: 233,366

Roller-Coaster: Europe, 1950-2017 by Ian Kershaw

airport security, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, centre right, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, Exxon Valdez, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, illegal immigration, income inequality, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, labour market flexibility, land reform, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, liberation theology, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, precariat, price stability, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, reserve currency, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine, The Chicago School, trade liberalization, union organizing, upwardly mobile, washing machines reduced drudgery, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, young professional

And as the country was beset by mounting economic difficulties in the later 1950s the government became increasingly illiberal and repressive until it was toppled by a military coup in 1961. Although a return to pluralist politics soon followed, the influence of the military lurked as a constant threat and a second, more right-wing, strongly anti-communist coup followed a decade later. Despite its doubtful democratic credentials, Turkey’s strategic position ensured strong American backing. Like Turkey, Greece – deeply polarized and poverty-stricken – had a pivotal position in NATO’s Cold War defence strategy. Greece was heavily dependent upon extensive American aid, while the CIA gave support to the strongly anti-communist military and security services. The complex internal politics of the country were strongly influenced by the deep split between the socialist left (the Communist Party had meanwhile been banned) and the conservative right, the historic enmities with Turkey (though relations improved somewhat during the 1950s) and continued tension in the British colony of Cyprus, where the majority of the population favoured union with Greece while the Turkish minority wanted partition.

Given the levels of anti-Americanism prevalent within parts of the European left, most notably in France, the efforts were not without success. The United States countered with its own propaganda initiatives. In terms of intellectual influence, the most important was the Congress for Cultural Freedom, set up in June 1950 and soon disseminating anti-communist views throughout Western Europe. The Congress, secretly funded by the CIA, was backed by a number of leading anti-communist intellectuals. They included the philosophers Bertrand Russell, Benedetto Croce, Karl Jaspers and A. J. Ayer, Arthur Koestler (famous for his brilliant anti-Soviet novel Darkness at Noon, published in 1940), the distinguished French political writer Raymond Aron and the Oxford historian Hugh Trevor-Roper. Koestler, a one-time communist now fired with the zeal of the convert, was the leading speaker at the founding conference in Berlin.

The Korean peninsula was then divided more or less in half at a demarcation line on the 38th parallel by an agreement between the Americans and Soviets to split the administration of the country temporarily. By 1948 expectations of a reunited Korea had disappeared. The division congealed into a communist republic in the north, effectively a Soviet satellite and seen by Moscow as part of the Soviet sphere of influence, and a vehemently anti-communist republic in the south, dominated by American interests. But the victory of communism in China in September 1949, after more than two decades of bitter civil war with Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalists (which had run alongside the immensely bloody war against the Japanese invaders between 1937 and 1945), had left the Korean peninsula exposed. The south remained a non-communist enclave in a vast region of communist dominance.

pages: 400 words: 121,708

1983: Reagan, Andropov, and a World on the Brink by Taylor Downing

active measures, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, kremlinology, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, nuclear paranoia, nuclear winter, RAND corporation, Robert Hanssen: Double agent, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Stanislav Petrov, Vladimir Vetrov: Farewell Dossier, Yom Kippur War

He did not want to appear in the more serious and challenging films of the day, unlike his wife Jane Wyman, who embraced several tough roles and won an Oscar for one performance, as a deaf mute who is raped.6 Ronnie wanted to play the action adventure hero in pure entertainment movies but he was more often cast as the nice guy who stood up for the just cause. None of his films in these years was a box office success, and one of them has been listed among the fifty worst of all time.7 In 1948 he and Wyman divorced–she sued him on the grounds of mental cruelty for not taking her views and thoughts seriously. All of this pushed him to take on a more political role. He became well known as an anti-communist crusader and devoted more time to the Screen Actors Guild. When in 1952 he married Nancy Davis, this seemed to encourage the trajectory. She had been an aspiring actress when they met but now devoted herself to supporting her husband and pushing him to be ever more ambitious. It was the part of dutiful and adoring wife that she now wanted to play, and she continued in this role, creating a truly close and loving relationship with her spouse, for the rest of her life.

The dimensions of this failure are astounding: a country which employs one fifth of its population in agriculture is unable to feed its own people… Over-centralized, with little or no incentives, year after year the Soviet system pours its best resource into the making of instruments of destruction. The constant shrinkage of economic growth combined with the growth of military production is putting a heavy strain on the Soviet people.’ Reagan was confident that the socialist system faced collapse and that the ‘march of freedom and democracy’ would ‘leave Marxism-Leninism on the ash-heap of history’.27 Of course, not everyone went along with Reagan’s anti-communist crusade. In the mid-term elections in November 1982 the Democrats captured twenty-six seats in the House of Representatives, threatening the Republican majority. By early 1983 Reagan’s opponents were still fiercely fighting the budget cuts that were necessary to fund the huge increase in defence spending. The Democrats wanted more to be spent on social and welfare benefits. Moreover, some Americans had started to protest about the growth in the number of nuclear weapons.

Dobrynin later said that after two years in office, the Kremlin bosses were astonished to hear that the only concrete request by the President when he met Dobrynin was the release of the Pentecostals, ‘as if this were the most important issue between us’.12 In many ways the meeting confirmed that neither side really understood the other. For Reagan and for many Americans, the issue of these Christians and their desire to leave the Soviet Union was of fundamental importance. The fate of individuals was a vital part of political discourse. To the Soviet leadership, looking at a President who had spent much of his life mounting an anti-communist crusade and whose ideology was deeply opposed to theirs, it was an irrelevance. Shultz later placed great importance on this meeting. But its significance lay only in the long term. In the short term it completely failed to provide Reagan with any deeper understanding of his adversary, or any greater grasp of how the Kremlin leaders were responding to his own anti-Soviet rhetoric. Reagan said he liked and admired Dobrynin, to the extent that he was surprised that he and his wife could ‘stick with the Soviet system’.13 But Reagan’s personal feelings did not in any way intervene in his own political trajectory.

pages: 240 words: 74,182

This Is Not Propaganda: Adventures in the War Against Reality by Peter Pomerantsev

"side hustle", 4chan, active measures, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, call centre, citizen journalism, desegregation, Donald Trump, Etonian, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, illegal immigration, mass immigration, mega-rich, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Skype, South China Sea

This sort of activity led Freedom House, a Washington-based organisation that rates press freedom, to downgrade the US’s standings in 2017: ‘Fake news and aggressive trolling of journalists … contributed to a score decline in the United States’ otherwise generally free environment.’ Freedom House was created in 1941 as a tool with which to fight totalitarian regimes. It advocated for Soviet dissidents in the Cold War. Now it increasingly focuses on abuses of freedom inside the US (not for the first time: in the 1950s Freedom House also fought publicly against the anti-Communist witch-hunts of US Senator Joseph McCarthy). Having established a scale of attribution, François began poring over legal documents. States had a legal obligation, enshrined in their UN commitments, to protect their citizens’ fundamental rights. There was certainly nothing that defended a state’s ‘right’ to use automated and fake personas to drown out, threaten and demean its critics. The issue was no longer whether state-sponsored trolls had ‘freedom of expression’, but whether this was being abused to suppress the victims’ human rights.

Everyone in the room already feels he is their closest comrade and that together they can change history. The students take copious notes, which they keep breaking away from as Srdja cracks another joke and they double up with laughter. Srdja will often start his workshops with something seemingly light, like laughtivism: the use of humorous stunts in revolutionary campaigns. He might mention, for example, how Polish anti-Communist activists in the 1980s would go out on the streets with wheelbarrows filled with televisions during the Soviet news hour to express their rejection of state media. Laughtivism, explains Srdja, fulfils a double role. The first is psychological: laughter removes the aura of impenetrability around an authoritarian leader. It also forces the regime into what Srdja calls a dilemma situation: if well-armed security services arrest activists for a jape, it can alienate parts of the population.

Survival was the story, fear of losing everything the feeling. Pavlovsky’s agency, the Fund for Effective Politics, went about smearing the opposition Communist Party in an early echo of today’s ‘fake news’ and ‘sock puppets’. Pavlovsky created posters that purported to be from the Communist Party and which claimed they would nationalise people’s homes. He filmed actors posing as Communist Party members angrily burning anti-Communist pamphlets. He hired astrologers who would go on TV and predict that electing the Communists would lead to nightmare scenarios – even war with Ukraine. Yelstin won an unlikely victory. Pavlovsky had conjured up a new notion of ‘the majority’, but as this was no more than an emotional trick with little political content it fell apart soon afterwards, and work immediately began on a new one.

Year 501 by Noam Chomsky

"Robert Solow", anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, Bolshevik threat, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, land reform, land tenure, long peace, mass incarceration, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor

The regular channel for the State Department, Reston admonished Americans not to let the bad news in Vietnam displace “the more hopeful developments in Asia,” primary among them being “the savage transformation of Indonesia from a pro-Chinese policy under Sukarno to a defiantly anti-Communist policy under General Suharto”: Washington is being careful not to claim any credit for this change in the sixth most populous and one of the richest nations in the world, but this does not mean that Washington had nothing to do with it. There was a great deal more contact between the anti-Communist forces in that country and at least one very high official in Washington before and during the Indonesian massacre than is generally realized. General Suharto’s forces, at times severely short of food and munitions, have been getting aid from here through various third countries, and it is doubtful if the coup would ever have been attempted without the American show of strength in Vietnam or been sustained without the clandestine aid it has received indirectly from here.

But he leaves no doubt about Washington’s enthusiasm about the turn “for the better” as the slaughter proceeded. According to Brands’s reconstruction of events, by early 1964 the US was engaged in “quiet efforts to encourage action by the army against the PKI,” ensuring that when the expected conflict broke out, “the army [would know] it had friends in Washington.” The goal of the continuing civic action and military training programs, Secretary of State Dean Rusk commented, was “strengthening anti-Communist elements in Indonesia in the continuing and coming struggle with the PKI.” Chief of Staff Nasution, regarded by US Ambassador Howard Jones as “the strongest man in the country,” informed Jones in March 1964 that “Madiun would be mild compared with an army crackdown today,” referring to the bloody repression of 1948. Through 1965, the main question in Washington was how to encourage army action against the PKI.

A congressional report also held that training and continued communication with military officers paid “enormous dividends.” The same reasoning has long been standard with regard to Latin America, with similar results.9 Across a broad spectrum, commentators credited the US intervention in Vietnam with having encouraged these welcome developments, providing a sign of American commitment to the anti-Communist cause and a “shield” behind which the generals could act without undue concern about Sukarno’s Chinese ally. A Freedom House statement in November 1966 signed by “145 distinguished Americans” justified the US war in Vietnam for having “provided a shield for the sharp reversal of Indonesia’s shift toward Communism,” with no reservations concerning the means employed. Speaking to US troops in November 1966, President Johnson told them that their exploits in Indochina were the reason why “In Indonesia there are 100 million people that enjoy a measure of freedom today that they didn’t enjoy yesterday.”

pages: 474 words: 130,575

Surveillance Valley: The Rise of the Military-Digital Complex by Yasha Levine

23andMe, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Airbnb, AltaVista, Amazon Web Services, Anne Wojcicki, anti-communist, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, bitcoin, borderless world, British Empire, call centre, Chelsea Manning, cloud computing, collaborative editing, colonial rule, computer age, computerized markets, corporate governance, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, digital map, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, drone strike, Edward Snowden, El Camino Real, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, Elon Musk, fault tolerance, George Gilder, ghettoisation, global village, Google Chrome, Google Earth, Google Hangouts, Howard Zinn, hypertext link, IBM and the Holocaust, index card, Jacob Appelbaum, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, John Markoff, John von Neumann, Julian Assange, Kevin Kelly, Kickstarter, life extension, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, Menlo Park, Mitch Kapor, natural language processing, Network effects, new economy, Norbert Wiener, packet switching, PageRank, Paul Buchheit, peer-to-peer, Peter Thiel, Philip Mirowski, plutocrats, Plutocrats, private military company, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ross Ulbricht, Satoshi Nakamoto, self-driving car, sentiment analysis, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, slashdot, Snapchat, speech recognition, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Steven Levy, Stewart Brand, Telecommunications Act of 1996, telepresence, telepresence robot, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Hackers Conference, uber lyft, Whole Earth Catalog, Whole Earth Review, WikiLeaks

“This included underwriting most of the French Paix et Liberté movement, paying the bills of the German League for Struggle Against Inhumanity, and financing a half dozen free jurists associations, a variety of European federalist groups, the Congress for Cultural Freedom, magazines, news services, book publishers, and much more,” writes historian Christopher Simpson in Blowback (chap. 10). Ralph McGehee, a former CIA agent who wrote about his experiences in Deadly Deceits, described this effort as more than just rolling back Soviet influence in specific countries. It was an attempt to fight ideas with ideas. “Within the Agency the international organizations division was coordinating an extensive propaganda effort aimed at developing an international anti-communist ideology.” Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits: My 25 Years in the CIA (New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1983). 37. Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks, The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1974); Gene Sosin, Sparks of Liberty: An Insider’s Memoir of Radio Liberty (University Park: Penn State University Press, 1999). “The facade of a private company was supposed to establish greater credibility for the Radio as an independent voice rather than an official arm of the U.S. communications network,” Gene Sosin, a longtime executive of Radio Liberty who worked for military intelligence during World War II, explains in his memoir.

Sun-Myung Moon’s Unification Church, and the Central Intelligence Agency (SAC, San Francisco, “Memorandum to Director, FBI, Subject: Moon Sun-Myung, IS—Korea,” October 6, 1975, Through the 1960s, Radio Free Asia served as a psychological operations component of the Vietnam War. According to the FBI, it “produced anti-communist programs in Washington and beamed them into China, North Korea and North Vietnam” (Scott Armstrong and Charles R. Babcock, “Ex-Director Informs on KCIA Action,” Washington Post, May 6, 1977). It enjoyed high-level support from within the first Nixon administration and even featured Congressman Gerald Ford on its board (Robert Parry, “Dark Side of Rev. Moon: Truth, Legend & Lies,” Consortium, 1997,

See race Agent Orange, 14–15 Air Force, US: Social Radar initiative, 189–190 Algeria: Arab Spring, 248 Allo app, 258 al-Qaeda, 142, 199, 265 Amazon CIA as client for, 180 monitoring and profiling individuals, 169–170 Signal app data, 265 American Airlines, 81–82 American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), 245 American Institutes for Research (AIR), 29–30 Angry Birds, 169 anonymous communication. See Tor/Tor Project Anonymous movement, 212 ANS CO+RE Systems, 122 ANSNET, 122 Anthropometric Survey of the Royal Thai Armed Forces, 53–54 anticipatory intelligence, 189–190 anti-communist activities and sentiment covert government initiatives, 23–24 Radio Free Asia, 254–255 Simulmatics Corporation work, 65–66 Stewart Brand, 107–108 tabulating racial data on immigrants, 55–56 William Godel’s counterinsurgency efforts, 22 See also Cold War antisurveillance movement. See privacy AOL, 154–156 Appelbaum, Jacob background, 239–242 Julian Assange and WikiLeaks, 242–245, 247 Moxie Marlinspike’s Signal, 257 privacy movement, 245–247 32C3, 221–222 Tor encryption, 260 training Arab Spring protesters in social media use, 250 training political activists around the world, 251–253 Apple “1984” ad, 115–116 personal computers, 124–126 Signal data, 265 Arab Spring protests, 247–251, 254 ARPA (Advanced Research Projects Agency) anthropomorphic data on Thais, 53–54 anti-communist operations, 23–24 Brand’s advocacy for, 105–106 collaborative computer technology for civilian use, 57–59 Command and Control Research program, 48–51 communications technology research, 35–37 computer and networking technology development for counterinsurgency, 51–59 creation and objectives of, 16–18 cybernetics, 111–112 defoliation in Vietnam, 15 history of NSA involvement, 191 Nicholas Negroponte, 130 Project Agile, 13–15, 24, 27, 31–33, 52, 65–66, 145 Project Camelot, 67–68, 160 psychological warfare programs, 28–31 Stanford Industrial Park presence, 145 student protests against, 69–71 surveillance systems in Vietnam, 24–25 Tunney’s congressional investigation of domestic surveillance, 90–93 See also ARPANET ARPANET ARPA and communes, 111–112 as tool of repression, 8 Cambridge Project, 68 connecting the network, 59–62 early Internet development, 6–7 exposé on domestic data files, 87–90 Godel’s counterinsurgency operations, 21 government spying on civilians, 187–188 Larry Page’s connection, 144 privatization of the technology, 117–121 routing system protocol design, 93–97 spying on Americans with, 73–75 student protests targeting, 62–64 Tunney hearings on domestic surveillance, 90–93 Ars Technica, 196–197 art galleries, crypto culture and, 210–211 artificial intelligence (AI), cybernetics and, 47 Artificial Intelligence Laboratory, Stanford University, 104–107 artillery, 38–39 Assange, Julian, 220–222, 242–247 Atlantic Monthly, 82–84 Atlantis, 261 Atlas Shrugged (Rand), 109 Augmentation Research Center, 50–51, 112 backbone of the Internet, 119–123, 127, 191–192 backdoor hacks: Tor Project, 223 BackRub, 149 Bamford, James, 238 Baran, Paul, 61 Barlow, Perry, 228 Bechtolsheim, Andy, 151 Beck, Glenn, 199 Bell Labs, 145 Ben Ali, Zine El Abidine, 248 Beria, Lavrentiy, 37 Berman, Ken, 228–230, 246–247 Bezos, Jeff, 169–170, 180 Bitcoin, 201–202, 205 Blue, Violet, 240 Blue Origin missile company, 180 Bolt, Beranek and Newman, 92–93, 191 Brand, Stewart, 101(quote), 104–116, 131–132, 134, 137, 152 Brantingham, Jeffrey, 165–168 Brautigan, Richard, 112, 183–184 Brin, Sergey, 5, 139–140, 139(quote), 140–141, 147–153, 157, 163–164, 173–175, 208 Broadcasting Board of Governors (BBG) China’s censorship of radio and Internet, 234–236 Cold War origins of, 231–233 Consolidated Appropriations Act, 254 Internet Freedom policies and digital weapons, 234–236 Jacob Appelbaum and, 241–242 Radio Free Asia, 258 Russian Deployment Plan, 236–239 Tor, WikiLeaks, and US Intelligence, 245–247 Tor Project funding, 222–224, 228–230, 236 Burton, Fred, 182 Bush, George W., 141–142, 193 Cambridge Project, 63–65, 68, 90, 130, 160–161 Carnegie Mellon University, 147, 263–264 censorship China’s censorship of CIA radio propaganda and Internet, 234–236 Russian Deployment Plan, 236–239 Tor Project as weapon against Internet censorship, 236–239 training Arab Spring protesters in social media use, 250 US foreign policy targeting China’s Internet censorship, 234–236 Census, US, 54–55 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) anti-terrorist activities, 142 ARPA’s Command and Control, 49–50 as Amazon client, 180 congressional hearings on domestic surveillance, 91–92 congressional investigations of radio networks, 233 counterinsurgency in North Vietnam and Laos, 21 covert communication, 224–225 exposé on domestic surveillance, 89 Godel’s work with, 19 Google’s involvement with, 5 hacking tools targeting smartphones, 265–266 Internet Freedom weapons, 235 Keyhole Incorporated, 174–176 LSD study, 108 Oakland’s DAC, 3–4 open source intelligence, 188–189 origins of the BBG, 231–233 predictive policing, 167 protesters targeting the Cambridge Project, 69–70 Radio Free Asia, 234, 254–255 Snowden’s employment, 197–198 spying on Americans with ARPANET, 73–75 Tor Project funding, 230 Cerf, Vint, 93–96, 120–121, 176 Chen, Adrian, 201 child pornography network, 205, 262 Chile: Project Camelot, 67–68 China anti-censorship activities, 234–239 CIA propaganda targeting, 232–234 using Tor anonymity in, 205 Chomsky, Noam, 71 Ciabattari, Scott, 179 civil rights activists, 8, 76–78, 187 Clapper, James R., 193 Clinton, Bill, 127 cloud computing: Google penetration into the private sector, 178–179 Cohen, Jared, 181 Cold War anti-communist operations, 23–24 CIA radio propaganda, 232–233 origins of the BBG, 231–233 Combat Development and Test Center, 24–25, 53 Command and Control Research program (ARPA), 15, 48–51, 53, 59, 64–65 communes, 109–112 Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act (1994), 227–228 communications technology.

pages: 780 words: 168,782

Strange Rebels: 1979 and the Birth of the 21st Century by Christian Caryl

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, financial deregulation, financial independence, friendly fire, full employment, income inequality, industrial robot, Internet Archive, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, liberal capitalism, liberation theology, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Mont Pelerin Society, Neil Kinnock, new economy, New Urbanism, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Pearl River Delta, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special economic zone, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, Yom Kippur War

When the doddering Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev and his Politburo colleagues decided to send their troops across the border on Christmas Day 1979 to quash a revolt against the country’s recently installed communist regime, Western observers instinctively recalled earlier episodes of the Cold War. Moscow’s grab for Kabul, they said, was simply a repetition of earlier interventions in Hungary in 1956 or Czechoslovakia in 1968, when Russian tanks had crushed local anti-Communist rebellions. The powers that be in Washington immediately assumed that the Russians were seizing an opportunity to make an aggressive thrust toward the strategically vital Persian Gulf. The old men in the Kremlin actually had more modest motives: they were desperate to shore up the crumbling twenty-month-old Communist regime, which had succeeded in the course of its brief life in alienating just about everyone in the country.

Lines of ships formed outside Iranian port facilities that did not have the capacity to unload all the goods that had been purchased. Nineteen seventy-five was also the year that the shah decided to complete his country’s political transformation. Though he was ostensibly an ally of the United States, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi often expressed his contempt for what he saw as the indiscipline and moral laxity of the liberal democracies. Though a staunch anti-Communist, he believed in central planning and the Soviet Union’s apparent success in mobilizing resources for the common good. Having spent decades curtailing the opportunities for political expression of his subjects, he now moved to bring that process to its logical culmination by declaring Iran to be a one-party state. From now on, everyone had to be a dues-paying member of his Rastakhiz (Resurgence) Party.

As good students of history, they knew how religion had served in the past as a force for the mobilization of Polish national feeling, and they understood that a revival of such sentiments could easily direct itself against the Kremlin. The KGB station chief in Warsaw quickly dispatched a character study of the new pontiff to his masters in Moscow. The contents of the memo had been supplied by the SB, the KGB’s Polish sister service: Wojtyła holds extreme anti-communist views. Without openly opposing the Socialist system, he has criticized the way in which the state agencies of the Polish People’s Republic have functioned, making the following accusations: that the basic human rights of Polish citizens are restricted; that there is an unacceptable exploitation of the workers, whom “the Catholic Church must protect against the workers’ government”; that the activities of the Catholic Church are restricted and Catholics treated as second-class citizens; that an extensive campaign is being conducted to convert society to atheism and impose an alien ideology on the people; that the Catholic Church is denied its proper cultural role, thereby depriving Polish culture of its national treasures.4 Yuri Andropov, the head of the KGB, immediately dispatched a cable to his rezident in Warsaw that berated the man for allowing this debacle to happen.

pages: 558 words: 168,179

Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right by Jane Mayer

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Bakken shale, bank run, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, centre right, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, collective bargaining, corporate raider, crony capitalism, David Brooks, desegregation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, energy security, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, George Gilder, housing crisis, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, job automation, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, Mont Pelerin Society, More Guns, Less Crime, Nate Silver, New Journalism, obamacare, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, Ralph Nader, Renaissance Technologies, road to serfdom, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, school choice, school vouchers, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, the scientific method, University of East Anglia, Unsafe at Any Speed, War on Poverty, working poor

LeFevre, who looked like a jolly, white-haired Santa, had reportedly been indicted earlier for mail fraud in connection with his role in a cultlike right-wing self-actualization movement called the Mighty “I AM” that worked audiences into frenzies as they chanted in response to Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt’s names, “Annihilate them!” As the journalist Mark Ames recounts, LeFevre escaped prosecution by becoming a witness for the state, but he continued on a wayward path, claiming to have supernatural powers and struggling through bankruptcy and an infatuation with a fourteen-year-old girl. Later, at the height of Senator Joe McCarthy’s anti-Communist crusades, LeFevre became an FBI informant, accusing Hollywood figures of Communist sympathies and leading a drive to purge the Girl Scouts of Reds. A stint writing editorials for the archconservative Gazette-Telegraph in Colorado Springs enabled him to drum up funds to launch the Freedom School on a rustic, five-hundred-acre campus nearby. There, he assumed the title of dean. The school taught a revisionist version of American history in which the robber barons were heroes, not villains, and the Gilded Age was the country’s golden era.

But while his tailor-made uniforms made a memorable impression, this was less true of his job performance. Richard Helms, who later became director of the CIA, recalled Scaife, who had been a colleague, as “a lightweight.” The family brush with the spy service, however, ignited Richard Scaife’s lifelong infatuation with intelligence intrigue, conspiracy theories, and international affairs. Scaife writes that it also gave rise to his strongly anti-Communist views. In his memoir, he recalls his father admonishing the family while on furlough from the war that the scourge of Communism loomed large, not just abroad, but at home in America. “My political conservatism which eventually unmasked me as the villain behind the ‘vast right-wing conspiracy’ of Hillary Clinton’s imagination—but only her imagination,” he writes, began “before I had reached my twelfth birthday” over a lunch with his father at New York’s Colony Club in 1944.

Chamber of Commerce, who shared Powell’s political upset, commissioned Powell to write a special memorandum for the business league. In August, Powell delivered a seething memo that was nothing less than a counterrevolutionary call to arms for corporate America, warning the business community that its very survival was at stake if it didn’t get politically organized and fight back. The five-thousand-word memo was marked “confidential” and titled “Attack on American Free Enterprise System.” A virtual anti–Communist Manifesto, it laid out a blueprint for a conservative takeover. As Kim Phillips-Fein describes it in her history, Invisible Hands, Powell’s memo transformed corporate America into a “vanguard.” Also heeding the battle cry were the heirs to some of America’s greatest corporate fortunes, including Scaife, who were poised to enlist their private foundations as the conservative movement’s banks.

pages: 372 words: 115,094

Reagan at Reykjavik: Forty-Eight Hours That Ended the Cold War by Ken Adelman

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Haight Ashbury, Kitchen Debate, kremlinology, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, old-boy network, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, Sinatra Doctrine, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra

Having run the Institute for U.S. and Canadian Studies in Moscow since founding it in 1967, this wily survivor had advised a succession of general secretaries, Gorbachev being his fifth. Arbatov, with excellent English and considerable media savvy, had become the go-to Soviet spokesman for American news operations. Well informed and always available, he became a familiar face on Nightline and even managed to charm no less an anti-Communist than the Reverend Billy Graham. Arbatov called himself a scholar and journalist, and could win over an audience with an appearance of academic balance. But that was only an appearance. In actuality, he was an unyielding party propagandist and a powerful traditionalist on the Communist Party’s Central Committee. He had previously accused the Reagan administration of engaging in “a campaign of demonization” of the Soviet Union.

That constituted a big win for the Reagan doctrine, which supported the rollback of Communist regimes anywhere, and represented a big loss for the Brezhnev doctrine, which supported the permanency of Communist regimes everywhere, if need be by the dispatch of Soviet troops. In the spring of 1988 Reagan and Gorbachev began anticipating their third summit in three years. This too was gearing up to be some show, with the world’s foremost anti-Communist entering the Communist epicenter, the man who had dubbed the Soviet Union an “evil empire” and the “center of evil in the modern world” being its welcomed guest. THE PRESIDENT LEFT THE White House on May 25, weeks after a military dustup with Iran and days after endorsing Vice President George H. W. Bush as his successor. The White House staff wisely scheduled three days in Helsinki for Reagan to shake off jet lag before he would arrive in Moscow for the five-day summit.

It was inspired by the new, and first Polish, pope, John Paul II—whose motto became “Have no fear!”—and led by an adept organizer, Lech Wałęsa. Boxed in by heavenly and earthly resistance, onetime-strongman General Wojciech Jaruzselski staged the freest elections held anywhere behind the Iron Curtain. The results were as lopsided as they had always been, but this time in the opposite direction. The anti-Communists of Solidarity won 99 of the 100 contested seats in the upper chamber, and 160 of the 161 in the Sejm, the lower chamber. Ideas have consequences. The idea that Communist domination could be successfully challenged spread like wildfire. If it could happen in Poland, people across the region began asking each other, why couldn’t it happen here? They soon found that it could. From East Berlin to Bucharest and Budapest to Sofia and Prague, the masses began to echo the sentiments of Oliver Cromwell toward the entrenched power of the Rump Parliament he confronted in 1653: “You have sat too long here for any good.

pages: 459 words: 144,009

Upheaval: Turning Points for Nations in Crisis by Jared Diamond

anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, British Empire, California gold rush, clean water, correlation coefficient, cuban missile crisis, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Gini coefficient, illegal immigration, interchangeable parts, invention of writing, Jeff Bezos, medical malpractice, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, nuclear winter, oil shale / tar sands, peak oil, post-work, purchasing power parity, rising living standards, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, The Spirit Level, traffic fines, transcontinental railway, women in the workforce, World Values Survey

When it became clear that the junta wasn’t just a temporary transitional phase but intended to remain in power, many middle-class and upper-class Chileans nevertheless continued to support Pinochet because of that (unequally distributed) economic improvement, and despite governmental repression. Optimism, and a sigh of relief about the end of the economic chaos that had prevailed under Allende, arose among those Chileans outside the sectors of Chilean society that were being tortured or killed. Like many Chileans, the U.S. government supported Pinochet for more than half of the duration of his military dictatorship—in the U.S.’s case, because of his strong anti-communist stance. U.S. government policy was to extend economic and military aid to Chile, and publicly to deny Pinochet’s human rights abuses, even when those being tortured and killed were American citizens. As American Secretary of State Henry Kissinger expressed it, “… however unpleasantly they [the junta] act, this government [i.e., Pinochet’s] is better for us than Allende was.” That American government support of Pinochet, and that blind eye to his abuses, continued through the presidencies of Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, and initially Ronald Reagan.

The armed forces became divided among Sukarno’s supporters, PKI supporters, and officers who wanted the armed forces to destroy the PKI. Army officers infiltrated the PKI, which in turn infiltrated the army. To remedy its military weakness, in 1965 the PKI with Sukarno’s support proposed arming peasants and workers, ostensibly to serve as a fifth national armed forces branch along with the army, navy, air force, and police. In frightened response, anti-communist army officers reportedly set up a Council of Generals to prepare measures against the perceived growing communist threat. This three-way struggle came to a climax around 3:15 A.M. during the night of September 30–October 1, 1965, when two army units with leftist commanders and 2,000 troops revolted and sent squads to capture seven leading generals (including the army’s commander and the minister of defense) in their homes, evidently to bring them alive to President Sukarno and to persuade him to repress the Council of Generals.

Was the involvement of the PKI in the coup confined to just a few of its leaders? Was Communist China involved in planning and supporting the coup? Why didn’t the coup leaders include Suharto on their list of generals to be kidnapped? Why didn’t the coup forces capture the Kostrad headquarters on one side of the central square? Did President Sukarno know of the coup in advance? Did General Suharto know of the coup in advance? Did anti-communist generals know of the coup in advance but nevertheless allow it to unfold, in order to provide them with a pretext for previously laid plans to suppress the PKI? The last possibility is strongly suggested by the speed of the military’s reaction. Within three days, military commanders began a propaganda campaign to justify round-ups and killings of Indonesian communists and their sympathizers on a vast scale (Plate 5.4).

pages: 356 words: 95,647

Sun in a Bottle: The Strange History of Fusion and the Science of Wishful Thinking by Charles Seife

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Brownian motion, correlation does not imply causation, Dmitri Mendeleev, Ernest Rutherford, Fellow of the Royal Society, Gary Taubes, Isaac Newton, John von Neumann, Mikhail Gorbachev, Norman Macrae, Project Plowshare, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, the scientific method, Yom Kippur War

He was refused his rightful position as head of theory at Los Alamos, and the Super was mothballed all because of one man: J. Robert Oppenheimer. Oppenheimer and Teller would soon become bitter enemies. The two were very different. Oppenheimer, gaunt and aristocratic, was quite unlike the limping, bushy-browed Teller.7 The most striking difference was their politics. Oppenheimer, a leftist who flirted with Communism, was bound to clash eventually with Teller, the rabid anti-Communist. However, in July 1945 the Teller-Oppenheimer feud was yet to ignite. It was a triumphant time for both physicists. The Los Alamos scientists had nearly overcome all the technical problems that faced them; they had manufactured and machined enough plutonium to build a “gadget” named Jumbo and had built an intricate cage of explosives that would force all the metal to assemble into a critical mass and explode.

“Now I began to see a distorted human being, petty, perhaps nearly paranoid in his hatred of the Russians, and jealous in personal relationships,” wrote the Los Alamos physicist John Manley. The scientists battled about whether or not to pursue fusion weapons, and the fight worked its way up to the president. Truman deliberated. Would he back the Super project or not? The pressures were building. Anti-Communist hysteria was sweeping the country, and the populace would clamor for a fusion bomb if they knew it existed. They soon knew. On November 18, 1949, the Washington Post carried an alarming story on page 1. “[Scientists] are working and ‘have made considerable progress’ on ‘what is known as a super-bomb’ with ‘1000 times’ the effect of the Nagasaki weapon,” the article read. Soon, Truman was fielding questions at press conferences about the hydrogen bomb.

In the 1952 short A is for Atom, a giant glowing golem, arms crossed, represented “the answer to a dream as old as man himself, a giant of limitless power at man’s command.” And Eisenhower, for all his talk of nuclear annihilation, envisioned an earthly utopia if we put the power of the atom “into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts of peace.” The paranoid, anti-Communist Edward Teller was the man who most desperately tried to bring us to the promised land. He and his allies lobbied for more and more money to figure out how to harness the immense power of fusion. Lewis Strauss, the AEC chairman and Teller backer, promised the world a future where the energy of the atom would power cities, cure diseases, and grow foods. Nuclear power would reshape the planet.

Pirates and Emperors, Old and New by Noam Chomsky

American ideology, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, drone strike, Fall of the Berlin Wall, land reform, liberation theology, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, union organizing, urban planning

These are important facts to bear in mind in connection with the Middle East as well. One element of the U.S.-organized international terror network is the World Anti-Communist League, a collection of Nazis, anti-Semites, death squad assassins, and some of the worst killers and thugs around the world, mobilized by the Reagan Administration into an effective network of murderers and torturers, worldwide in scope. Last month, the League attracted some attention in the course of the Hasenfus affair in Nicaragua. The New York Times, as usual reporting government propaganda as fact, claimed that the League had been purged of its more nefarious elements when General Singlaub took it over in the 1980s. The World Anti-Communist League had just then completed its annual conference in Europe (not reported in the media here to my knowledge). The leading Nazis were present, given respectful applause when their leaders—Nazi killers from the days of Hitler—mounted the podium to address the audience.

In the introduction to their recent book on the League, Scott Anderson and John Anderson comment that the Anti-Defamation League of B’nai Brith, a leading component of the domestic Israeli lobby, refused to provide them with information on this notorious collection of anti-Semites, who now serve a useful purpose within the Reaganite international terror network that they generally support.13 All of this, and much more, reveals a sophisticated understanding of how to conduct international terrorism, on a scale with few historical precedents. The sordid record of the World Anti-Communist League should remind us that while Reaganite thuggery is unusual, it is not unique in U.S. history. Immediately after World War II, the U.S. turned to the task of suppressing the anti-fascist resistance throughout much of the world, often in favor of fascists and collaborators. One component of this global program was the recruitment of Nazi gangsters such as Klaus Barbie, “the Butcher of Lyons,” who had been responsible for horrendous atrocities in France and was duly placed in charge of spying on the French for American intelligence.

One indication is the immediate sharp reduction in foreign aid, most radically in the U.S., where the category virtually disappeared, even if we count the largest component, which goes to a rich country for strategic reasons, and to Egypt because of its collaboration in the same enterprise. The decline of options was fully recognized. President Mahathir of Malaysia spoke for many when he said that: Paradoxically, the greatest catastrophe for us, who had always been anti-communist, is the defeat of communism. The end of the Cold War has deprived us of the only leverage we had—the option to defect. Now we can turn to no one.20 Not really a paradox, but the natural course of real-world history. Similar fears were widely expressed. The Gulf war was bitterly condemned throughout the South as a needless show of force, evading diplomatic options; there was considerable evidence for such an interpretation at the time, more since.

pages: 482 words: 122,497

The Wrecking Crew: How Conservatives Rule by Thomas Frank

affirmative action, anti-communist, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, business cycle, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, edge city, financial deregulation, full employment, George Gilder, guest worker program, income inequality, invisible hand, job satisfaction, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage debt, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, new economy, P = NP, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Nader, rent control, Richard Florida, road to serfdom, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, stem cell, Telecommunications Act of 1996, the scientific method, too big to fail, union organizing, War on Poverty

Poser’s participation in “Youth for Freedom” gives us a hint of the shadowy world of extremism which the IFF brushed up against. For example, in 1987 the group sent a delegation to the annual meeting of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), a body comprising three main groups: representatives of Asian dictatorships, death-squad organizers from Latin America, and surviving remnants of the Nazi empire in eastern Europe. (Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson, Inside the League: The Shocking Exposé of How Terrorists, Nazis, and Latin American Death Squads Have Infiltrated the World Anti-Communist League [New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1986].) Another example: Dr. Myron Kuropas, a Ukrainian nationalist who sat on the advisory board of International Freedom Review, and who later turned out to be something of an anti-Semite.

RENAMO’s “brutal holocaust”: This was the 1988 assessment of Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Roy Stacey, as reported by (among many other outlets) the Associated Press, “Mozambique Blames Its Civil War on South Africa,” April 27, 1988. 37. “What makes UNITA [Savimbi’s guerrilla group] unique in a world replete with resistance movements is that this one vehemently espouses its belief in free enterprise, balanced budgets, self-reliance, regular free and secret elections, and decentralization of power and private property.” Peter Worthington, “Anti-Communist Guerrillas on the Verge of Success,” Wall Street Journal, August 20, 1985. 38. Kirkpatrick, wingers: Phil McCombs, “The Salute to Savimbi: Bush, Kirkpatrick Join a Conservative Chorus,” Washington Post, February 1, 1986. Norquist: As described in Easton, Gang of Five, p. 171. Abramoff: The movie was Red Scorpion. 39. “Jonas Savimbi: The Real Leader of the Free World”: Phillips reprinted this article four times that I know of.

An editorial in National Review for March 7 of that year speculated in its highfalutin way that, “granted the propriety of this field of activity, it might still have seemed to the public and to Congress, if the facts had been openly before them, that some other campus organizations should have shared in the largesse, and that among the young Lochinvars sent to do battle in the international conclaves a few hard anti-Communists and even an occasional enthusiastic pro-American might have been included.” The explanation for the CIA’s blundering, the wingers decided, was liberal bias. As Howard Phillips himself put it in the Washington Post for July 3, 1974, the NSA incident revealed the CIA to be “an instrument of establishment liberalism.” In addition to Phillips, two other figures who would later play a role in Abramoff’s own clandestinely funded youth organization—Donald (“Buz”) Lukens and Charles Lichenstein—made similar points.

pages: 913 words: 299,770

A People's History of the United States by Howard Zinn

active measures, affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, American ideology, anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, death of newspapers, desegregation, equal pay for equal work, feminist movement, friendly fire, full employment, God and Mammon, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, jobless men, land reform, Mercator projection, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, very high income, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration

When he began attacking generals for not being hard enough on suspected Communists, he antagonized Republicans as well as Democrats, and in December 1954, the Senate voted overwhelmingly to censure him for “conduct . . . unbecoming a Member of the United States Senate.” The censure resolution avoided criticizing McCarthy’s anti-Communist lies and exaggerations; it concentrated on minor matters—on his refusal to appear before a Senate Subcommittee on Privileges and Elections, and his abuse of an army general at his hearings. At the very time the Senate was censuring McCarthy, Congress was putting through a whole series of anti-Communist bills. Liberal Hubert Humphrey introduced an amendment to one of them to make the Communist party illegal, saying: “I do not intend to be a half patriot. . . . Either Senators are for recognizing the Communist Party for what it is, or they will continue to trip over the niceties of legal technicalities and details.”

Such a coalition could best be created by a liberal Democratic President, whose aggressive policy abroad would be supported by conservatives, and whose welfare programs at home (Truman’s “Fair Deal”) would be attractive to liberals. If, in addition, liberals and traditional Democrats could—the memory of the war was still fresh—support a foreign policy against “aggression,” the radical-liberal bloc created by World War II would be broken up. And perhaps, if the anti-Communist mood became strong enough, liberals could support repressive moves at home which in ordinary times would be seen as violating the liberal tradition of tolerance. In 1950, there came an event that speeded the formation of the liberal-conservative consensus—Truman’s undeclared war in Korea. Korea, occupied by Japan for thirty-five years, was liberated from Japan after World War II and divided into North Korea, a socialist dictatorship, part of the Soviet sphere of influence, and South Korea, a right-wing dictatorship, in the American sphere.

Despite the failure to find subversion, the broad scope of the official Red hunt gave popular credence to the notion that the government was riddled with spies. A conservative and fearful reaction coursed the country. Americans became convinced of the need for absolute security and the preservation of the established order. World events right after the war made it easier to build up public support for the anti-Communist crusade at home. In 1948, the Communist party in Czechoslovakia ousted non-Communists from the government and established their own rule. The Soviet Union that year blockaded Berlin, which was a jointly occupied city isolated inside the Soviet sphere of East Germany, forcing the United States to airlift supplies into Berlin. In 1949, there was the Communist victory in China, and in that year also, the Soviet Union exploded its first atomic bomb.

Gorbachev by William Taubman

active measures, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, card file, conceptual framework, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fear of failure, haute couture, indoor plumbing, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, Potemkin village, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, Stanislav Petrov, trade liberalization, young professional

Moreover, Gorbachev couldn’t resist several more slams at Yeltsin in his speech: “not one constructive idea,” “theoretically and politically helpless,” “inordinate vanity.”94 After that, other speakers felt free to have at Yeltsin without restraint. KGB agents had reserved the first three rows of the hall for preselected orators. Yeltsin describes them as “flushed, quaking,” like wolfhounds “before the hunt.” “You have ground everything into dust and ashes,” snarled a former district party boss. “A party crime” and “blasphemy” was the way another district chief characterized Yeltsin’s behavior. Anti-Communists, another speaker charged, were trying to turn Yeltsin into “a Jesus Christ who has been tortured for his frightfully revolutionary love of social renewal and democracy.”95 When it was over, Yeltsin dragged himself up to the platform, with Gorbachev supporting his elbow. This time he was utterly abject before “Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev, whose authority is so high in our organization, in our country, and in the entire world.”

She became “so excited that the conversation got completely out of hand.”55 Gorbachev boasted to his male chauvinist colleagues about his success. When she and he had come close to a “fight,” she got “agitated.” She put on a powerful performance—strong arguments, skills of an experienced debater—of the sort “you’d never see in a theater.” She “never looked at a note,” and knew the numbers of missiles each side had by heart. But unlike Mitterrand, she “couldn’t hide her thoughts and schemes.” She was a “raging anti-Communist,” who agreed in the end to “live and let live.” She set out to “unmask” Soviet sins, then “panicked” at the prospect that the summit would seem to “fail.”56 A cozy dinner with the Gorbachevs at a prerevolutionary villa in the country, obviously meant to echo their luncheon at the prime minister’s Chequers estate, also went swimmingly. In addition to Prime Minister Ryzhkov and his wife, neither of whom said much, only Chernyaev, Powell, and two interpreters were present.

And I hope you will use your authority, your political weight and influence to keep others within limits that are adequate . . . for the requirement of our time.”6 The main “requirement of our time,” in Gorbachev’s view, was that East Germany remain a viable socialist state for a lengthy interval so that eventual reunification would fit into the common European home that he had long favored. But Chancellor Kohl did not use his “authority, political weight and influence” in the way Gorbachev wanted; a mere seventeen days after their conversation, he began a process that ended with West Germany swallowing East Germany the following fall. Long before then, all the other Communist regimes in Eastern Europe had collapsed. In Poland, even before the Berlin Wall fell, the anti-Communist movement, Solidarity, triumphed in June 1989 elections, and a non-Communist prime minister, Tadeusz Mazowiecki, took power in August. In Hungary, the Communist party endorsed a multiparty political system in June. In Bulgaria, the grizzled party boss, Todor Zhivkov, fell on the same day as the Berlin Wall (although he was replaced by a Communist reformer). In Czechoslovakia, the president, by the end of the year, was playwright and longtime dissident Václav Havel.

pages: 496 words: 131,938

The Future Is Asian by Parag Khanna

3D printing, Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, Airbnb, Amazon Web Services, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, augmented reality, autonomous vehicles, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Basel III, blockchain, Boycotts of Israel, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, carbon footprint, cashless society, clean water, cloud computing, colonial rule, computer vision, connected car, corporate governance, crony capitalism, currency peg, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, energy security, European colonialism, factory automation, failed state, falling living standards, family office, fixed income, flex fuel, gig economy, global reserve currency, global supply chain, haute couture, haute cuisine, illegal immigration, income inequality, industrial robot, informal economy, Internet of things, Kevin Kelly, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, light touch regulation, low cost airline, low cost carrier, low skilled workers, Lyft, Malacca Straits, Mark Zuckerberg, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, money market fund, Monroe Doctrine, mortgage debt, natural language processing, Netflix Prize, new economy, off grid, oil shale / tar sands, open economy, Parag Khanna, payday loans, Pearl River Delta, prediction markets, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, reserve currency, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, smart cities, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, stem cell, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, supply-chain management, sustainable-tourism, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, Travis Kalanick, uber lyft, upwardly mobile, urban planning, Washington Consensus, working-age population, Yom Kippur War

Likewise in Thailand, a brief experiment with democracy was followed by a succession of military dictatorships that coexisted with the respected monarchy of King Bhumibol. In the Philippines, President Ferdinand Marcos took office in 1965 and soon declared martial law in the country, citing unrest caused by a Communist insurgency. The United States supported these anti-Communist, military-backed regimes in Indonesia, Thailand, and the Philippines, which together with Malaysia and Singapore in 1967 formed the anti-Communist Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In Southwest Asia, British and French dominions—Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon—gained (or regained) independence by the late 1940s. The Arab League was founded in 1945 to give voice to pan-Arab nationalism. Arab interests clashed with the Zionist movement, led by the Jewish diaspora, that claimed Jerusalem and Palestine as its homeland.

British fears that Germany might conquer the Soviet Union and proceed to take control of Iran’s oil refineries prompted a joint Anglo-Soviet invasion that created a corridor for US supplies to the Soviets. The British conscripted hundreds of thousands of troops from India, while the Soviets utilized Central Asian cotton and tank production to overwhelm Iranian forces and hold off the Nazis. In the early 1930s, Japan, which had an anti-Communist alliance with Germany, seized on the ongoing conflict between China’s Communists and Nationalists to invade Manchuria again. Appropriating the same language of regional unity it had used to rally pan-Asianism, Japan conjured up an imperialist vision of a “Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.” While the Allies (Great Britain, France, and the United States) focused on confronting the Nazis in Europe and Iran, Japan unleashed devastating attacks on the Allies’ interests in Pacific Asia, beginning with air strikes against Pearl Harbor in Hawaii and Guam in 1941.

The Malay Peninsula, North Borneo, and Singapore were granted independence as Malaysia in 1963, but racial and economic tensions flared between ethnic Malays and the majority-Chinese-populated port of Singapore, which the Malaysian parliament expelled from the federation in 1965. On the whole, whether by liberation or partition, independence brought triumphant moments for Asians even though it meant adopting a new form of rigidly bordered, and contested, statehood. During the numerous Cold War proxy struggles across the region, US, Soviet, and Chinese factions competed for influence. The United States supported anti-Communist authoritarian regimes such as that of Indonesia’s Sukarno and helped suppress the Communist Hukbalahap insurgency in the Philippines. It also led the formation in 1954 of the region’s primary security pact, known as the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO)—meant to be an Asian version of the NATO alliance—that included disparate regional states such as Australia, Pakistan, the Philippines, and Thailand.

Corbyn by Richard Seymour

anti-communist, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, credit crunch, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, first-past-the-post, full employment, gender pay gap, housing crisis, income inequality, knowledge economy, land value tax, liberal world order, mass immigration, means of production, moral panic, Naomi Klein, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, new economy, non-tariff barriers, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, pension reform, Philip Mirowski, precariat, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rent control, Snapchat, stakhanovite, Washington Consensus, wealth creators, Winter of Discontent, Wolfgang Streeck, working-age population, éminence grise

Baldwin, one of the more astute Conservative leaders, had understood the elements of this shift well; although a growing layer of British society had been moving to the left since the turn of the century, much of the remainder was available to be corralled into an anti-socialist electoral bloc led by the most combative defenders of private property. As such, the subtlety of the Conservatives in this period had been to allow just so much reform – be it pensions or the extension of the franchise to female voters – as would take the edge off any radicalising tendencies, while also banging the anti-communist drum louder than anyone else. Despite the Conservatives’ political dominance of the interwar period, for example, there is some evidence that the growing welfare consensus which Baldwin felt compelled to accept was having some mildly redistributive effects.24 The Liberals, torn between Victorian nostrums of ‘free trade’ and fiscal abstinence on the one hand, and a ‘new liberalism’ enjoining welfarism and state intervention on the other, were unable to lead this bloc, and their period in ‘National’ government was just as fatal, in its way, as the more recent rose garden nuptials between David Cameron and Nick Clegg.

Once stabilised, the system also proved remarkably resistant to further such encroachments on private ownership. At any rate, the architects of the nationalisation programme, such as Herbert Morrison, were reluctant to extend it, arguing that Labour had to ‘consolidate’ its gains before attempting further transformation. Even the Labour Left began to retreat and soften its positions, partially in view of the growing anti-communist climate of the Cold War. Later, post-war social democrats of the Labour Right, such as Anthony Crosland and Hugh Gaitskell, argued that with a ‘mixed economy’ and some degree of political liberalism, Labour had actually achieved socialism. Capitalism, if not in fact done away with, was grievously weakened by the encroachments on its power by organised labour and the social-democratic state.

Even the famously liberal Home Secretary Roy Jenkins tilted the balance of criminal justice policy in an authoritarian direction with his contribution to Britain’s repertoire of ‘anti-terrorism’ laws, the 1974 Prevention of Terrorism Act authorising internment and jury-less trials in Northern Ireland, while the Criminal Law Act introduced further restrictions on organised labour.33 The authoritarianism of New Labour was of a different order, but hardly unthinkable in light of the record of social democracy in its heyday. The post-war consensus was also bought in part with American dollars, which ensured Britain’s orientation in a new axis of power which demanded continuity in foreign policy justified by a staunch anti-communist line. Despite manifesto commitments and pre-election insinuations, Labour’s Ernest Bevin had promised on election day, 1945, that the new government’s foreign policy would not differ from the previous one. His first parliamentary speech as foreign minister made clear that he accepted the policy of his Conservative predecessor, Anthony Eden.34 He did not dissimulate. Labour had, in 1944, supported the policy of crushing the Greek partisans and supporting monarchist forces.

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Revolting!: How the Establishment Are Undermining Democracy and What They're Afraid Of by Mick Hume

anti-communist, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, central bank independence, colonial rule, David Brooks, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, non-tariff barriers, Occupy movement, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Slavoj Žižek, the scientific method, We are the 99%, World Values Survey

The real empowerment of unaccountable judges, as supposed protectors of our civil liberties, is a sharply two-edged sword. It also gives them the power to restrict or override those rights if they so choose. In recent decades, for example, the US Supreme Court has generally been seen as a champion of free speech upholding the First Amendment to the Constitution, reflecting the more liberal times. Yet in past periods of social tension, such as the anti-communist scares that followed both world wars in America, the Supreme Court refused to uphold the First Amendment rights of those individuals it viewed as subversive or ‘un-American’. America’s version of democracy, as Larry Diamond from the Hoover Institute at Stanton concedes, involves ‘having 9 unelected justices with lifetime tenure and no political accountability to anyone but themselves decide such basic questions as when a woman can have an abortion or where a child can go to school’.36 The fact that most Americans might have supported the Supreme Court’s past liberal judgments on abortion or segregated schooling does not alter the fundamentally undemocratic nature of that system, or the potential dangers of entrusting the liberties of more than three hundred million American citizens to the verdict of nine justices appointed by the President and approved by the US Senate.

In the post-war era, fears about democracy were far from confined to traditional right-wing authoritarians. Now the liberal Left became increasingly wary of giving too much power to ordinary voters, supposedly misled by demagogues and the mass media and hooked on consumerist advertising. As the intellectual Left lost contact and support among the masses, it lost faith in democracy. In America, the Left blamed the supposedly gullible masses for the McCarthyite anti-Communist witch-hunts. In the UK and Europe, a Left that was losing touch with the working class and turning on its popular base would help pioneer the displacement of politics into the undemocratic world of Euro courts and commissions. Some forty-five years after the Second World War, Western capitalist democracy arguably reached its highest point of historical supremacy with the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the rival Soviet bloc.

Dynamic democratic debate does need to be informed by genuine expertise and practical experience where relevant. That is not the same thing as being instructed and sanitised by the dead hand of self-appointed experts in what is good for us or which is the right direction in which to travel. We might do well to recall the words of Moses Finley, the US-born classical scholar who came to the UK and became a Brit after being hounded out during America’s anti-Communist witch-hunts of the 1950s. Imagining how he would respond to Plato’s prejudice favouring a government of intellectuals and experts, Finley the ancient Greek expert put the case for a modern democracy in which the experts are under the direction of society, rather than the other way around: ‘When I charter a vessel or buy passage on one, I leave it to the captain, the expert, to navigate it – but I decide where I want to go, not the captain.’13 3 ‘Globalisation means democracy and national sovereignty are outdated’ What use is it to talk about popular democracy, a system created in the tiny ancient city-state of Athens 2,500 years ago, as fitting a twenty-first-century world of global interconnectedness and uncertainty, where the push of a button in an Asian financial market can cause a currency crisis in Europe in the middle of the night?

pages: 868 words: 147,152

How Asia Works by Joe Studwell

affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, collective bargaining, crony capitalism, cross-subsidies, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, financial deregulation, financial repression, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, land reform, land tenure, large denomination, liberal capitalism, market fragmentation, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open economy, passive investing, purchasing power parity, rent control, rent-seeking, Right to Buy, Ronald Coase, South China Sea, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, working-age population

What is different in some states in east Asia is that after the Second World War they made radical changes to land distribution and structured a different kind of agricultural market. It was a rural arrangement in which market forces tended to maximise output. There has been no equivalent policy change of such magnitude and effect anywhere else. The vehicle for the change was a series of land reform programmes undertaken in China, Japan, Korea and Taiwan. Although the first was orchestrated by communists, and the second, third and fourth by anti-communists, the objective was the same in all cases. It was, roughly speaking, to take available agricultural land and to divide it up on an equal basis (once variation in land quality was allowed for) among the farming population. This, backed by government support for rural credit and marketing institutions, agronomic training and other support services, created a new type of market. It was a market in which owners of small household farms were incentivised to invest their labour and the surplus they generated towards maximising production.

Pakistan is perhaps the outstanding case in point. In the US domestic politics of the 1950s, the pro-market ideas of Ladejinsky and his ilk were represented by the country’s insular right-wing politicians as socialism by the back door. After the victory of the Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower in November 1952, the political atmosphere in Washington swung decisively against those supporting forced land redistribution. Joe McCarthy’s ‘anti-communist’ cabal had been growing in strength since 1950 and Eisenhower’s election lent it support. In November 1954, Ladejinsky was turned down for a routine job reassignment at the Department of Agriculture on ‘security’ grounds. The reasons cited for this by the Secretary of Agriculture, Ezra Taft Benson, were that Ladejinsky had three sisters in the Soviet Union (making him, it was argued, a potential subject of coercion), that he had visited there in 1939, and that he had worked briefly as a translator for the American office of a Soviet trading firm after he first arrived in the US.

Benson also made clear to journalists that he did not like the idea of land reform, though he conceded that he understood little of the details of its implementation in north-east Asia.126 Ladejinsky refused to resign and was fired, although he was defended by some more thoughtful Republicans, who stood up for him against Benson and Eisenhower. For instance, Walter Judd, a Republican congressman, described Ladejinsky’s work as ‘about the only successful anti-communist step we have taken in Asia’.127 Ladejinsky went on to take up a job resettling refugees in south Vietnam, and later to positions at the Ford Foundation and the World Bank. He died in 1975. Poor excuses Two main excuses are used by those countries in south-east Asia which have failed to institute effective land reform. Neither bears close scrutiny. The first is that the cash crops grown in south-east Asia are unsuited to household production.

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Kill All Normies: Online Culture Wars From 4Chan and Tumblr to Trump and the Alt-Right by Angela Nagle

4chan, A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, affirmative action, anti-communist, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, citizen journalism, crony capitalism, death of newspapers, Donald Trump, feminist movement, game design, Hacker Ethic, hive mind, Julian Assange, Kickstarter, mass immigration, moral panic, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, Occupy movement, open borders, post-industrial society, pre–internet, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, The Wisdom of Crowds, WikiLeaks

Antipathy to duty, the work ethic, the bureaucratic straightjacket, the company man, the square, had come from the Beats, and fused with the anti-war and student movements to form the New Left. It is significant here too that, despite the constant accusations of ‘Cultural Marxism’ by the Trumpian online right, the countercultural aesthetics of anti-conformism in the US were later cultivated by the US government as part of a culture war against communism. Through the Congress for Cultural Freedom, a covert cultural soft-power initiative, it was the Cold War anti-communist liberals who used non-conformism, self-expression and individualism to rival the collectivist, conformist, productivist and heavily restricted Soviet Union, which still revered the uniformed pre-60s anti-individualist forms of culture like army choirs, marching bands, orchestras and ballet. By the time Buchanan gave his speech in 1992, the Cold War was over and the economic program of the Western democratic left had suffered a catastrophic defeat during the Reagan and Thatcher years.

To understand these fault lines it is worth remembering that after the cultural revolution of the 60s in the US, it wasn’t the old-fashioned conservatives (whose entire way of being was seen as hopelessly square and un-modern) who really succeeded in taking on the cultural left but the much more intellectually equipped and rhetorically gifted neoconservatives. Partisan Review magazine, also a project of the anti-communist Cold War left soft-power CCF initiative, published an essay by Norman Podhoretz about the ‘the know-nothing bohemians’. In it, he described ‘the beat generation’s worship of primitivism and spontaneity’ that suggested a desire to ‘kill those incomprehensible characters who are capable of getting seriously involved with a woman, a job, a cause.’ As Hartman elucidates in his book, many of the early neocons were New York Jewish intellectuals who had come to politics in the 30s through the City College of New York.

Chasing the Moon: The People, the Politics, and the Promise That Launched America Into the Space Age by Robert Stone, Alan Andres

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, Charles Lindbergh, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, feminist movement, invention of the telephone, low earth orbit, more computing power than Apollo, New Journalism, Norman Mailer, operation paperclip, out of africa, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, the scientific method, traveling salesman, Works Progress Administration

But the Army had other worries as well. Von Braun gave a well-received speech to the El Paso Rotary Club in January 1947, but not long after, reports appeared in newspapers that revealed that some Operation Paperclip engineers had to be sent back to Germany after troublesome details about their Nazi past had come to light. Most press accounts stressed the Germans’ eagerness to work for the United States—their anti-communist sympathies were often cited—and indicated their hope to become American citizens. Nevertheless, the same month that von Braun addressed the El Paso Rotary, the president of the American and World Federations for Polish Jews said, “It is a sad reflection and insult to the consciousness of humanity [to welcome] these evil representatives of Nazi science…to this country with open arms.” For the next two years, von Braun maintained a modest public profile.

One viewer who saw “Man in Space” lived at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, and after the broadcast Disney received a request from the Eisenhower White House for the loan of an exhibition print of the program so that it could be screened for Pentagon officials. In nearly all of his entertainment, Disney promoted commonly accepted traditional American values. Though he kept his personal political attitudes out of the spotlight, Disney’s were conservative and anti-communist. Von Braun’s association with Disney therefore subtly bestowed an imprimatur of American respectability on the former official of the Third Reich. And in a final act of assimilation, a month after “Man in Space” aired, von Braun and more than one hundred other Germans working at the Redstone Arsenal in Huntsville appeared in a newsreel taking an oath of allegiance as they became U.S. citizens.

The charismatic Valentina Tereshkova was a twenty-six-year-old former textile-factory worker and amateur skydiver, who was personally selected by Khrushchev to be the first woman in space, a decision conceived entirely as propaganda. Predictably, members of the American press once again asked whether women astronauts might be allowed in the American space program, most notably writer and politician Clare Boothe Luce, wife of conservative Time Life publisher Henry Luce. Surprising many of her anti-communist friends, she criticized NASA’s lack of will and apparent sexism while noting that Tereshkova’s flight was symbolic of the emancipation of women in Russia, where 31 percent of engineers and 74 percent of doctors and surgeons were female. A year earlier, Congress had held hearings about the astronaut selection process and whether women might be qualified, but nothing had changed. After Tereshkova’s flight, NASA did nothing and again waited for the public discussion to subside.

Culture Shock! Costa Rica 30th Anniversary Edition by Claire Wallerstein

anti-communist, bilateral investment treaty, call centre, card file, fixed income, Kickstarter, liberal capitalism, out of africa, Silicon Valley, sustainable-tourism, trade route, urban sprawl

Historically poor, rural, and lacking in mineral riches, it has a tradition of self-reliance and individualism, an enormous middle class (ostentatious displays of wealth are frowned upon) and a hatred of violence: the army was abolished in 1948, former president Oscar Arias Sánchez won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987, and the country is the seat of the United Nations’ University for Peace. Costa Rica is also a country of paradoxes. It is socialist yet fiercely anti-Communist, it is a ‘green idyll’ yet with one of the region’s highest rates of deforestation, it is urbanised but with a rural mindset. Paul Theroux, in The Old Patagonian Express: By Train Through the Americas, noted how Costa Ricans ‘go to bed early and rise at dawn; everyone—student, labourer, businessman, estate manager, politician—keeps farmer’s hours’. Ticos—who earned their nickname because of their habit of turning words into cute diminutives (making, for example, a momento a momentico for example)—are also almost unnervingly friendly and polite.

What Calderón had not bargained for, however, was a group of disaffected young middle-class men, who formed the Social Democratic Party, led by an extraordinary coffee farmer called José ‘Don Pepe’ Figueres Ferrer. Figueres had gained notoriety as the first political exile since the Tinoco years, after he had attacked Calderón on a radio programme in 1942. Other political groups—from oligarchs to idealists— joined Figueres’ party in the single hope of toppling Calderón, Overview of the Land and History 23 and the by now staunchly anti-communist United States lent its support. One of Figueres’ main gripes with communism, according to political scientist Olivier Dabene and quoted by the Biesanz family in The Ticos, is that it was a ‘subversive, imported ideology’, that couldn’t meet the needs of the Tico idiosincracia. While Figueres’ aims might not have seemed so very different from those of Calderón’s, Ticos have always been wary of foreign ideas and influences that don’t take Costa Rica’s unique characteristics into account.

Most of his literary works were gritty pieces focusing on the tough conditions suffered by the poor. The most famous of his works, Mamita Yunai, was a ‘denunciation of the abuses’ suffered by the country’s mainly black banana workers. He won the prestigious Magón National Culture Prize in 1965 and died the following year. José ‘Don Pepe’ Figueres Ferrer Coffee farmer who led the civil war of 1948 and became the architect of the present Costa Rican state and constitution. A virulent anti-communist, Don Pepe served as president three times, and was responsible for abolishing the army, nationalising the banks, giving the vote to women and blacks and overseeing the country’s 1970s cultural revolution. He died in 1990. Fast Facts 251 Carlos Gagini An intellectual, anti-imperialist and linguist, he was a proponent of the international language Esperanto and compiled a dictionary of the Costa Rican indigenous Térraba language.

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Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Big Myths of Republican Politics by Glenn Greenwald

affirmative action, anti-communist, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, national security letter, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith

In one interview, he complained: “High Noon was the most un-American thing I have ever seen in my whole life. The last thing in the picture is ol’ Coop [Gary Cooper] putting the United States Marshal’s badge under his foot and stepping on it. I’ll never regret having run [screenwriter and accused Communist] Carl Foreman out of this country.” Wayne’s boast that he ran Foreman “out of this country” referenced the fact that, in the 1950s, Wayne became a fervent and paranoid anti-Communist McCarthyite. He actively assisted the House Un-American Activities Committee in its effort to ferret out suspected Communist sympathizers in Hollywood. He made a practice of accusing Hollywood figures of being Communists based on the flimsiest of evidence, proclaiming in one interview: The only guy that ever fooled me was the director Edward Dmytryk. I made a picture with him called Back to Bataan.

I made a picture with him called Back to Bataan. He started talking about the masses, and as soon as he started using that word—which is from their book, not ours—I knew he was a Commie. In 1960, Frank Sinatra—at the request of his political ally, then-senator and presidential candidate John Kennedy—hired a Hollywood writer, Albert Maltz, one of the “Hollywood Ten” who had been blacklisted during the height of the anti-Communist hysteria. Wayne led the charge in attacking Sinatra: “I wonder how Sinatra’s crony Senator John Kennedy feels about him hiring such a man.” Wayne became even more extremist later in life, and his delusions of grandeur as a Warrior for Freedom grew steadily. He told a Time reporter in 1969: “I think those blacklisted people should have been sent over to Russia. They’d have been taken care of over there, and if the Commies ever won over here, why hell, those guys would be the first ones they’d take care of—after me.”

He stressed that he wanted to “tell the story of our fighting men in Vietnam…in a manner that will inspire a patriotic attitude on the part of fellow-Americans—a feeling which we have always had in this country in the past during times of stress and trouble.” According to his 1979 Newsweek obituary, Wayne’s initial script for The Green Berets was such a transparent and inaccurate piece of pro-war propaganda that even the U.S. military was uncomfortable with it: “The Army rejected the initial script because Wayne’s Green Berets were too gung-ho in their anti-Communist enthusiasm.” After much controversy, The Green Berets was finally made, one of the very few films about the Vietnam War that Hollywood produced during the time the war lasted. The film glorified the war in every way. Wayne played a swaggering, courageous colonel assigned to the dangerous mission of kidnapping a North Vietnamese general, and uttered tough-guy lines such as “Out here, due process is a bullet.”

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An Impeccable Spy: Richard Sorge, Stalin’s Master Agent by Owen Matthews

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, garden city movement, Internet Archive, Kickstarter, post-work, South China Sea, urban planning

Despite strenuous efforts, the Japanese had never been able to locate the transmitter, nor decipher the messages. But once Clausen surrendered the book code that he had used to encrypt his telegrams, Japanese military intelligence was able to read almost every word of Sorge’s secret correspondence with his masters in Moscow. The confessions and the transcripts, which fill two thick volumes of testimony, were published in full after the war. This evidence was later cited at length by McCarthy-era anti-communists in the United States as a lurid blueprint of how Soviet intelligence could penetrate the highest levels of a government. Two things are missing in the vast trove of confessions and decrypts gathered by the Japanese police, as well as from the hundred-odd books that have been written about Sorge, mostly by Japanese historians, since his execution in Sugamo prison in Tokyo in November 1944. The most important omission is the Soviet side of the story.

For years the popular press – in particular the Daily Mail – had been sounding alarmist warnings to their working-class readers of the dangers of foreign subversives in their midst. In 1924 the paper published the sensational Zinoviev letter, a document purporting to be a directive from the Comintern to the Communist Party of Great Britain ordering them to hasten the radicalisation of British workers. The letter was in fact a forgery, but it sowed anti-communist hysteria and helped to instil a deep aversion in the Parliamentary Labour Party to compromising contacts with Moscow that would last until the end of the Cold War.66 In May 1927 police raids on the Soviet Trade Mission operating out of a building at 49 Moorgate, London, had revealed an extensive espionage network that caused Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin to break off diplomatic relations with the USSR.

This mixture of professionals and amateurs, officials and illegal spies, proved a security nightmare. The memory of the single police raid on the Soviet Trade Mission in Moorgate, London, in 1927 that had smashed almost the entire Soviet espionage apparatus in England at a single stroke must have been still fresh in Berzin’s mind. And unfortunately – for the Soviets – it was the British who ran the most effective counter-intelligence and anti-communist operations in its colonial outposts in Shanghai, Hong Kong and Singapore. Moscow had sensibly decided that its diplomatic quarters abroad were no longer safe centres from which to control agents. More, doubts were also accumulating about the basic competence of the Comintern as a spy agency.11 Berzin’s task, therefore, was to create an entirely new network of illegal agents run by a variety of undercover espionage officers posing as journalists, brokers, merchants and academics.

The China Mission: George Marshall's Unfinished War, 1945-1947 by Daniel Kurtz-Phelan

anti-communist, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, clean water, Deng Xiaoping, facts on the ground, failed state, haute couture, land reform, long peace, South China Sea

Mao had asked the Soviets to join the mediation—it was an old stratagem, using barbarian to check barbarian—but Stalin declined. He would leave it to the Americans. The Americans, of course, had their own reasons for advocating a negotiated solution. Chiang could not win a civil war—they were sure of that. The CCP might not be able to win either, but in a warring, divided China, the Nationalist government’s position would likely erode over time, even with substantial U.S. assistance. Ivan Yeaton, the staunch anti-Communist heading up the Dixie Mission, submitted an analysis ahead of Marshall’s arrival: “The Generalissimo’s military strength if not constantly revitalized will slowly crumble when forced into a long drawn-out civil war of attrition while the Communists’ deep-rooted political strength in their stabilized bases will best develop and spread under military and civil suppression together.” Yeaton shared the view of other military observers: Chiang must attempt a deal.

Just before their flight, an urgent message came from the American embassy in China. The situation was deteriorating rapidly. Political democratization and military demobilization had both stalled, amid a flurry of fresh reservations and mutual recrimination. The Communists were issuing anti-Chiang screeds and ranting about his “lust for battle and slaughter.” The Generalissimo was giving fiery anti-Communist speeches and interviews. The embassy made a hurried recommendation: wait on announcing the aid Marshall had secured until his return, so as not to “seriously weaken his hand in reversing the present trend and bringing parties back to path on which he had set them.” Marshall assented. He would hold off on an announcement until he could see the situation for himself. When reporters intercepted him and Katherine in Honolulu on their way to Chongqing, he had only one thing to say: “We don’t know how long we’ll be in China

Without the participation of the Communists and some of the strongest third parties, there was little countervailing pressure. That had been part of the logic of a coalition, a way of compelling reform on recalcitrant Nationalists. Marshall had been far from alone in seeing a coalition as the best, and perhaps only, way forward. Even Chiang’s staunchest advocates—Luce, Congressman Judd, the Flying Tigers commander Claire Chennault, a slew of anti-Communist officers—had called for a coalition as essential to Chiang’s survival and China’s renewal. Now, however, many were denying they had ever considered it. It had been a year since Marshall had gotten Truman’s phone call tapping him for this mission. After nearly as long watching him in action, Melby found Marshall wearied by the prospect of moving forward. “I think I wanted to cry,” Melby wrote, “partly because he deserved a better fate than this.

The Transformation Of Ireland 1900-2000 by Diarmaid Ferriter

anti-communist, Bob Geldof, British Empire, Celtic Tiger, collective bargaining, deliberate practice, edge city, falling living standards, financial independence, ghettoisation, greed is good, hiring and firing, housing crisis, immigration reform, income per capita, land reform, manufacturing employment, moral panic, New Journalism, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, open economy, postnationalism / post nation state, sensible shoes, the market place, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, wage slave, women in the workforce

(1935) seem highly alarmist; it was a party that was to become increasingly moderate by the time of the Emergency, abandoning its attachment to anti-capitalist policies, with the Dublin branch dissolving itself into the Labour Party by 1941. Hogan’s chief concern had been to depict those sympathetic to communism in the IRA as a threat to democracy and religion, believing there could be no ‘Christian communists’ in Ireland, to which Peadar O’Donnell replied by accusing him of being the theoretician of fascism in Ireland.160 In any case, the enormous popularity enjoyed by the Blueshirts ensured anti-communist hysteria became populist and afforded Eoin O’Duffy a political platform he embraced with gusto. It is important to locate Hogan’s intellectual outpourings in the almost frenzied and paranoid atmosphere of the early 1930s, which facilitated the emergence of the Blueshirts, a group which by 1934 had between thirty and forty thousand members and undoubtedly possessed certain fascist traits, though not in the sense of German or Italian fascism.

Even though there were those in the US who wished to isolate Ireland as a result of neutrality, there was a perceived security need to tie Ireland into the American-sponsored reconstruction, while, interestingly, there was also a perception that excluding Ireland would intensify anti-partitionism. It was also significant that the US ambassador in Dublin from 1948 to 1950, George Garrett, erroneously believed that Ireland was as vulnerable as any other country to communist infiltration owing to its economic depression, despite Ireland’s seemingly impeccable anti-communist credentials. Over four years, despite the government’s arrogant insistence that they should get grants rather than loans (and the US was by no means disposed towards being overly generous), a token grant of only $18 million was given, with the bulk of $149 million coming in loans. ‘the quality of the thought that informs public policy’ The Marshall Aid period was significant in that it focused much attention on the difficulties of directing the economy away from protection towards more openness.

It was also the case that politicians like Seán MacEntee and newspapers like the Standard went out of their way to encourage witchhunts in order to uncover any who might be remotely tainted with communist associations, Jim Larkin being the most obvious victim in 1943. The sheer virulence (and sometimes violence) of attitudes towards communists was striking; a year after Archbishop McQuaid had raised £40,000 in a matter of days to fight communism in Italy, up to 150,000 are estimated to have joined an anti-communist march in Dublin, led by the city’s Lord Mayor, with a platform dominated by trade unionists. The Irish Workers’ League could not publish their paper, Irish Workers’ Voice, in Ireland because of the fears of printers, and members were also physically beaten, as happened in the early 1950s when they were campaigning for peace and the banning of atomic weapons. Mike Milotte points out that ‘the Communist-inspired peace movement failed to attract any section of the labour movement in the 26 counties and in the end, only 3,000 signatures were collected’.126 Meanwhile the Standard newspaper was able to boast that communism had been purged in Dublin (the leader of the party, Michael O’Riordan, managed to poll only 295 votes as a general election candidate).

Saving America's Cities: Ed Logue and the Struggle to Renew Urban America in the Suburban Age by Lizabeth Cohen

activist lawyer, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, car-free, charter city, deindustrialization, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, garden city movement, ghettoisation, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, hiring and firing, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, Jane Jacobs, land reform, megastructure, new economy, New Urbanism, Peter Eisenman, postindustrial economy, race to the bottom, rent control, Robert Gordon, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, Victor Gruen, Vilfredo Pareto, walkable city, War on Poverty, white flight, white picket fence, young professional

For decades Rodell annoyed the Yale University Corporation and administration by being a persistent gadfly, most infuriatingly when he canceled his classes during the Local 142 strike of November 1941.24 With the encouragement of Rodell and other leftists on the law school faculty, Logue and his friends worked energetically to challenge the university not only on its labor practices, but also for its racial and religious discrimination—through quotas in admissions and prejudices in faculty hiring—and for its weak defense of academic freedom in the increasingly anti-communist atmosphere of the 1940s. As its president Charles Seymour famously said, “There will be no witch-hunts at Yale because there will be no witches. We do not intend to hire Communists.” Logue may have personally disliked communism, but he adamantly rejected red-baiting of any kind.25 On and off campus during these immediate postwar years, Logue developed a political identity as a pro-labor liberal and a committed racial integrationist. He founded a Yale chapter of the national American Veterans Committee (AVC), a progressive movement of veterans committed to challenging the conservative American Legion and Veterans of Foreign Wars. When the AVC went through a bruising battle between its liberal and communist wings, Logue characteristically chose the anti-communist side.26 But opting for the more moderate path in the AVC did not stop Logue from bravely championing the cause of racial integration, raising havoc at the slightest hint of discrimination or injustice.

Logue threw himself into this yearlong roller-coaster ride of a unionization struggle, which he later recalled as “a time with a lot of idealism, a lot of ‘we’re going to do what we can to make the world better.’” He was rewarded upon graduation with a full-time job as general organizer for the local.13 As an activist on the New Haven labor scene, Logue had a clear political position: pro-labor and anti-communist. Although he wasn’t religious himself, Logue’s Catholic upbringing propelled his anti-communism, just as it helped inspire his commitment to social justice.14 But mostly, he was a New Dealer to the core, convinced that the best way to improve ordinary people’s lives was to empower the federal government to be a force for good.15 In New Haven, that approach meant much more than organizing workers.

Named for the fourth point in President Truman’s inaugural address of 1949, the program was born out of the fires of the Cold War to, in Truman’s words, “make the benefits of our scientific advances and industrial progress available for the improvement and growth of underdeveloped areas,” so that the “free peoples of the world, through their own efforts” would be able to “lighten their burdens.”48 New physical infrastructure such as wells, roads, schools, clinics, and community centers were to accompany reforms in land ownership and tenancy, public health, and education in everything from literacy to improved farming methods. Thirty-five thousand “village workers” trained by the Ford Foundation provided expertise on the ground. The goal was a more modern, self-sufficient, and, not least, democratic India—an India that could be counted on as a solid anti-communist American ally in Asia.49 Soon after Bowles and Logue arrived in New Delhi, they became intrigued with a demonstration project already under way at Etawah, in the nearby state of Uttar Pradesh. Originally conceived by the American architect and planner Albert Mayer in 1948 at the encouragement of Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, this model site, covering ninety-seven villages, combined an anti-colonial Gandhian commitment to village survival with the extension service techniques (improved seeds, tools, fertilizer, livestock, irrigation) of the U.S.

pages: 767 words: 208,933

Liberalism at Large: The World According to the Economist by Alex Zevin

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, Chelsea Manning, collective bargaining, Columbine, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, credit crunch, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, debt deflation, desegregation, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, hiring and firing, imperial preference, income inequality, interest rate derivative, invisible hand, John von Neumann, Joseph Schumpeter, Julian Assange, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, liberal capitalism, liberal world order, light touch regulation, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, Martin Wolf, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, new economy, New Journalism, Norman Macrae, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, Philip Mirowski, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, railway mania, rent control, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Snapchat, Socratic dialogue, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, unbanked and underbanked, underbanked, unorthodox policies, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, Yom Kippur War, young professional

He recommended that there be no rearmament outside the League, and that Britain ‘constantly … make it clear to Germany we are anxious and willing’ to include it in a ‘system of collective security’ – by, inter alia, ceding a share of colonies to it, and that ‘indeed, we should expect to see, an extension of German influence in Central Europe’.160 Hitler’s Anschluss of Austria, which followed in March 1938, brought a more sombre vision of a German-dominated Mitteleuropa – ‘vast totalitarian Empire’, anti-communist, anti-Semitic, set to crush France and encircle Britain, like ‘one gigantic rock of Gibraltar’ – yet, at the same time, the feeble hope that united action might still ‘compel Herr Hitler to give Czechoslovakia not intolerable terms’.161 The capitulation of France and Britain six months later at Munich was thus foretold. If abandoning the Czechs to their fate over the Sudetenland was a bitter pill, the Economist swallowed it while uttering a ‘prayer of thanksgiving’ for being spared the ‘hell of totalitarian war’ on the night the Munich Agreement was signed.162 Layton resigned as editor the same day, so it was Crowther, chosen as his replacement, who wrote this prayer to peace.

Then, of course, he was officially not the third man; his work for us in the first and longer part of his engagement was excellent and, as Elizabeth herself told the Observer on Sunday, properly impartial and judgematical. At the very end, he did flag, as we said in our piece, but for personal not political causes; and, when he went, we had for some time been wondering what to do about him, simply on journalistic grounds.164 From his father’s house in Ajaltoun, Philby had sent back faultlessly anti-communist articles, the sort he thought would rhyme with British upper-class prejudices, on Iran, Iraq, Syria, Egypt and Yemen. When his output flagged, Tyerman sent down Midgley – Philby’s friend from Cambridge, with him in Berlin in Easter 1933 when the Nazis came to power – to encourage him, as well as Barbara Smith; they got drunk instead at hotel bars, Smith chasing a baby fox around Philby’s Beirut flat months before he disappeared in 1963.

Brazenly overlapping with studies for Crozier’s ISC, his Economist articles spread the alarm about supposed communist threats in Spain, Portugal, Northern Ireland, Iran, South Africa and Nicaragua.38 In all this, he showed that, in the free world, it was possible to do well by doing good: free trips from the Shah; quid-pro-quos for a cheery gloss on apartheid South Africa’s invasion of Angola; a £20,000 salary to edit VISION, a magazine owned by the Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza.39 Moss left the Economist in 1980, using contacts he had made there to publish his first novel, The Spike. Here the hero is journalist Robert Hockney, ex-Berkeley radical turned anti-communist crusader, whose erotic adventures are rendered in as much graphic detail as his quest to expose media outlets and think tanks as thinly disguised KGB fronts.40 Macrae-economics: Considering Japan and West Germany Norman Macrae was the mirror image of Beedham and Moss, complementing their geopolitical engagements with his own take on global capitalism.41 His manner was quite different, however.

pages: 497 words: 143,175

Pivotal Decade: How the United States Traded Factories for Finance in the Seventies by Judith Stein

"Robert Solow", 1960s counterculture, activist lawyer, affirmative action, airline deregulation, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, desegregation, energy security, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, intermodal, invisible hand, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, liberal capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market bubble, Martin Wolf, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, post-industrial society, post-oil, price mechanism, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, union organizing, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor, Yom Kippur War

Richard Scammon and Ben Wattenberg hectored their party to attend to a new conservative majority anxious about crime, militant activism, and permissive values.1 But the king of right wing Republicans, National Review editor William Buckley, believed that it was not the moment for conservatives. Nixon himself thought that members of the right wing Young Americans for Freedom were “nuts and second-raters.”2 The president did not want the “hard right-wing, Bircher, or anti-Communist” in the new majority he was trying to build.3 Howard K. Smith, a principal commentator for ABC news, remarked in 1971, “No matter how often we reporters pronounce the old FDR Coalition dead—the blacks, the poor, labor, and so on—every election it seems to pull together enough to keep the Democrats the majority party.”4 One way to cut through this dispute is to separate notions of social and economic liberalism.

In November 1973, Sheik Yamani, sounding a little like Qaddafi, boasted that Saudi Arabia could blow up its wells or cut production by 80 percent and still do very well.37 The sheik demanded the withdrawal of Israeli troops from all of the lands taken after the 1967 war, including Jerusalem, before his country would return to the production levels of September. The kingdom had reduced its oil production from 8.3 million to 6.2 million barrels a day.38 To underscore his point, anti-Communist King Faisal sent a congratulatory message to Leonid Brezhnev on the anniversary of the Bolshevik revolution.39 (Saudi Arabia did not even have diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union.) But Kissinger would not link the specifics of the Arab-Israeli settlement with the oil question. “If we once begin to let ourselves be blackmailed, this weapon will be used time and time again at every stage of the negotiations.”40 King Faisal discovered that his oil would not get him Jerusalem, but the United States did begin negotiating.

In defending Helsinki as well as his record, the president stated that “there is no Soviet domination of Eastern Europe, and there never will be under a Ford administration.” Upon further questioning, Ford dug himself in deeper, claiming that “I don’t believe that the Poles consider themselves dominated by the Soviet Union.” He simply meant that the Poles retained the hope of freedom, and, given Ford’s anti-Communist credentials, few outside the media took note of it. But overnight the press magnified the misstatement; Ford refused to modify it and the president seemed, at the very least, a bumbler. The controversy stopped his momentum, but even before the press worked over his remarks, Carter was generally considered to have won the debate, if by a small margin. Carter then attacked Ford on the issue to a degree that the public turned on the governor for being too strident.48 Did Ford lose because of the Helsinki blunder?

From Peoples into Nations by John Connelly

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, Cass Sunstein, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, German hyperinflation, Gini coefficient, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, joint-stock company, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, liberal capitalism, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, oil shock, old-boy network, open borders, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Peace of Westphalia, profit motive, purchasing power parity, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Chicago School, trade liberalization, Transnistria, union organizing, upwardly mobile, wikimedia commons, women in the workforce

Still, like the Iron Guard, Hungary’s national socialists became popular through all strata of society because their cadres seemed to care when no one else did, making some urban workers finally feel that they were “organic parts” of the national community.60 The Legionary electoral success of December 1937—in which they had won almost 16 percent of the ballots—triggered a political crisis, because for the first time, the incumbent party failed to win, and despite manipulation, it could not form a majority.61 Two months later, the king instituted a royal dictatorship and shut down all parties, including the Legion, along with its world of camps, restaurants, and businesses. Codreanu instructed followers to comply, evidently trusting in fate. Like his followers, the Captain seemed little concerned with death; in fact, the organization he led was a death cult. The standard practice of legionary hit squads was to surrender to authorities after carrying out their crimes. King Carol had tacitly financed the Legion, which seemed to him an anti-Communist ally on the right. He had hoped it would serve him, because Codreanu respected the monarchy as a fundamental institution of the Romanian nation. Yet now Carol recognized that fascism was untamable and would subvert the existing order. In the fall, responding to a flare-up of unrest, he had Codreanu and several followers arrested and then executed, supposedly for trying to escape. In the summer of 1938, the Horthy regime put Hungary’s charismatic fascist Ferenc Szálasi behind bars, where he remained for two years.62 Neither movement took power until sponsored by Germany during the war; and in Romania, the Iron Guard’s participation in government lasted only a few months (in 1940/1941), because their extremism endangered Romania’s contributions to Germany’s war efforts.

The new Polish western boundary was called the “Oder-Neisse” line for the two rivers that formed it.1 The Soviet leadership also required that the governments in Poland and Romania not be hostile to Soviet interests. This demand implied Soviet influence in these countries’ internal politics but did not require the creation of the outright Soviet replica regimes that took shape in the region after 1948.2 For the time being, domestic factors stood against anyone dreaming of such a transformation. Eastern Europe had been the most anti-Communist territory on the continent, and to try to force Communism on it would make it more so. In the minds of most East Europeans, the Russian Revolution had inaugurated not liberation but cataclysms of suffering the likes of which Europe had never seen. For Hungarian and Polish peasants, Bolshevism evoked a system out to take their land and close their churches. In addition, many Hungarians and Poles were reared in animosity toward Imperial Russia, and encounters with Red Army units in 1944 and 1945 reinforced prejudices.

This was the East European predicament, to be trapped in a geopolitical situation that impeded entry into Europe as a place of law, democracy, and commitment to social welfare.26 But the cultural ties to the West were relatively new for Romanian elites, dating back only a century. Before that, a rhetoric had governed of fraternal ties to Russia as a fellow Orthodox country. When in February 1947, the compliant Romanian government under Petru Groza signed the Paris peace treaty confirming the retrieval of Northern Transylvania from Hungary, the anti-Communist Constantin Rădulescu-Motru praised Groza for observing a tradition of submitting to great powers and renouncing independence in exchange for “stability and institutional continuity.”27 Contempt for old elites derived not only from blunders of international politics, however. Beyond failing to protect their countries from the onslaught of well-armed and rapacious neighbors, the prewar leaders had neglected grievous social problems, instead monopolizing and reproducing privilege for themselves.

pages: 1,057 words: 239,915

The Deluge: The Great War, America and the Remaking of the Global Order, 1916-1931 by Adam Tooze

anti-communist, bank run, banking crisis, British Empire, centre right, collective bargaining, Corn Laws, credit crunch, failed state, fear of failure, first-past-the-post, floating exchange rates, German hyperinflation, imperial preference, labour mobility, liberal world order, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, negative equity, price stability, reserve currency, Right to Buy, the payments system, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, union organizing, zero-sum game

In March 1927 Chiang had ordered the disarmament of the Communist militia in the army divisions under his command. On the day after the protest by the Western Powers about the ‘outrages’ in Nanjing, before the powerful Shanghai trade union movement could organize resistance, Chiang delivered his decisive blow.66 On 12 April, declaring that the Chinese revolution must liberate itself from Russian tutelage, he launched a bloody anti-Communist purge in Shanghai. With the Japanese keen to support Chiang’s anti-Communist drive and the Americans refusing to condone the use of force, London backed down. The Chinese Communist Party, having integrated its organization into that of the Guomindang, was defenceless. When the left wing of the Guomindang in Wuhan turned against them as well, their position was hopeless. Of the 60,000 Chinese Communists in the spring of 1926, by the end of 1927 no more than 10,000 were still alive.

The nineteenth century had been haunted by revolution. Now was the moment, it seemed, that revolution had arrived. But outside Russia the far left was everywhere defeated.2 Across the world, as in Argentina and the United States, the resources of the state and the property-owning classes were mobilized to defend established order aggressively. In Italy in 1922, in Bulgaria and Spain in 1923, a new type of authoritarian, paramilitary, anti-communist dictatorship was established. But in most places the violence ebbed away. The new authoritarianism, to which the left soon applied the generic label ‘fascism’, remained confined to the periphery. In most places, as in the United States, the Red Scare, anti-foreign witchhunts, and nightly gatherings under the sign of the burning cross, came in retrospect to seem like a carnivalesque distraction from the real business of restoring normalcy.

Il Duce was a mercurial character, a former socialist and paramilitary gang leader. The activity of his squadistri since 1919 could not but be distasteful to anyone committed to the rule of law. But by 1922 Mussolini was distancing himself from the more disreputable elements of his own movement and he clearly enjoyed the backing of some of the most influential groups in Italian society. Whatever else one might say about them, the Fascists were solidly anti-Communist. Above all, from the French point of view, Mussolini’s entire career was built on his war record. No one had been more vocal in his railings against ‘peace without victory’. Worries about the aggressive impulses of Fascism would come later. In 1923 Mussolini was not about to stand in the way of French enforcement action against Germany.10 That was all that Paris needed to know. On 11 January 1923 crowds of resentful German civilians watched in ominous silence as the French Army of the Rhine, accompanied by a battalion of Belgian infantry and a token team of Italian engineers, marched into the Ruhr.

pages: 769 words: 224,916

The Bin Ladens: An Arabian Family in the American Century by Steve Coll

American ideology, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, borderless world, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, business climate, colonial rule, Donald Trump, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, forensic accounting, global village, haute couture, intangible asset, Iridium satellite, Khyber Pass, low earth orbit, margin call, new economy, offshore financial centre, oil shock, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, urban planning, Yogi Berra

Unbeknownst to the American public, for example, Reagan had authorized an attempt to free American hostages held in Lebanon by selling weapons to the kidnappers’ sponsors in Iran; Adnan Khashoggi, who worked closely with the Saudi royal family, was centrally involved in those secret transactions. Also, the previous June, after a request by Reagan’s national security advisor Robert McFarlane, King Fahd had secretly agreed to funnel $1 million per month into a Cayman Islands bank account in support of Nicaragua’s anti-communist rebels, known as the Contras; this contribution allowed President Reagan to evade congressional restrictions on such aid. Saudi Arabia had no particular interest in the Nicaraguan cause, according to the kingdom’s longtime ambassador in Washington, Bandar Bin Sultan (“I didn’t give a damn about the Contras—I didn’t even know where Nicaragua was,” he said later). However, according to Bandar, McFarlane claimed the aid would help ensure Reagan’s reelection in November by preventing trouble in Central America.

He was the eldest of fifty-four children, the leader of the sprawling Bin Laden family, the chairman of several multinational corporations, and a genuine friend to King Fahd, but Salem was also decidedly the king’s subordinate; he might just as well have been called to Washington to organize a night on the town as to participate in clandestine statecraft.16 There was one portfolio of secrets binding King Fahd and President Reagan that winter that unquestionably involved Salem Bin Laden, however. These concerned the covert aid provided by the United States and Saudi Arabia to anti-communist rebels fighting Soviet forces in Afghanistan. The United States and Saudi Arabia each had already channeled several hundred million dollars in cash and weapons to the Afghan rebels since the Soviet invasion in 1979. It seems probable that when Salem reached Washington that winter, he would have passed to King Fahd, if not directly to the White House, the video evidence he had just gathered documenting Osama’s humanitarian work on the Afghan frontier.

Saud dodged a Nasser-inspired coup in 1955; the foiled conspiracy was a shocking event in politically quiescent Arabia. The king grasped that he had to respond to Nasser’s popularity, but he lacked the necessary insight and skill. He veered erratically, embracing Nasser at one point but later participating in a botched conspiracy to murder him.14 In Washington, President Eisenhower and his aides set out to make Saud into a staunch anti-communist ally. After Nasser nationalized the Suez Canal with Saud’s vocal support, Britain and France responded with an ill-judged invasion; after their defeat, Eisenhower saw a vacuum in the Arab world that American power might fill. He particularly coveted the use of an air base near the Saudi oil fields. In 1957 he invited King Saud to America once again, and while the dancing girls were not so conspicuous this time, the thrust of American flattery was the same; Eisenhower met the Saudi regent at the airport and escorted him beneath a banner strung across Pennsylvania Avenue: “Welcome King Saud!”

pages: 325 words: 99,983

Globish: How the English Language Became the World's Language by Robert McCrum

Alistair Cooke, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, call centre, Charles Lindbergh, colonial rule, credit crunch, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Etonian, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, invention of movable type, invention of writing, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, jimmy wales, knowledge economy, Livingstone, I presume, Martin Wolf, Naomi Klein, Norman Mailer, Parag Khanna, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, sceptred isle, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, Steven Pinker, the new new thing, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, upwardly mobile

More impressive still was the roster of top Hollywood executives lining up to support this iniative of ‘soft power’: Darryl Zanuck (from Twentieth Century Fox), Nicholas Schenk (MGM), Harry and Jack Warner (Warner Bros.), Barney Balaban (Paramount), James Grainger (RKO), Milton Rackmil (Universal), Harry Cohn (Columbia), Walt and Roy Disney. Motivated by anti-Communist zeal, this powerful group would play a crucial role in the dissemination of American cultural values, and language, across the world. It was the beginning of postwar Globish. The drive to insert the idea of ‘freedom’ into American movies acquired a new momentum in December 1955 when a secret meeting, convened by the joint chiefs of staff, placed the idea of ‘Militant Liberty’ at the top of a covert Hollywood agenda supported by a posse of anti-Communist directors and stars led by John Ford and John Wayne, no less. To demonstrate how to insert the Militant Liberty programme into the movies, Wayne invited the meeting to his house.

At first, the opposition of the United States and NATO to the threat of the USSR and the Soviet bloc divided the international community into two halves, anglophone and non-anglophone. Of course at the local level language and culture continued to flourish but now, with the spread of television, radio and the movies, there was an alternative cultural narrative available. In this ‘hot’ phase of the Cold War, the American mobilisation of an anti-Communist campaign, led by the CIA, inspired a full-scale culture war that pushed the English language, in all its varieties, into the front line. ‘By 1953,’ writes Tony Judt, ‘at the height of the Cold War, US foreign cultural programmes employed 13,000 people worldwide and cost $129m.’ This struggle for hearts and minds sowed the seeds of the world’s English in parts of the world previously unreceptive to British or American cultural colonialism.

Powers and Prospects by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, colonial rule, declining real wages, deindustrialization, deskilling, Fall of the Berlin Wall, invisible hand, Jacques de Vaucanson, John von Neumann, liberation theology, Monroe Doctrine, old-boy network, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, theory of mind, Tobin tax, Turing test

The same methods were tried in Iran after the fall of the Shah, but failed. The technique is an understandable one; it is not easy to think of an alternative, given the acknowledged inability to ‘appeal directly to the masses’ and ‘get control of mass movements’ as the ‘Communists’ can do, using the unfair advantages they gain from ‘defending the interests of the poor’—‘Communist’ here used in the technical sense that covers also militant anti-Communists with the wrong priorities. The Problem Solved By the early 1960s, US experts were urging their contacts in the Indonesian military to ‘strike, sweep their house clean’ (Guy Pauker of the Pentagon-sponsored RAND Corporation in a study published by Princeton University Press); ‘if the officer corps appreciated its historic role, it could be the nation’s salvation’, he wrote in a University of California study.

US forces in Vietnam provided a ‘shield’ that encouraged the Indonesian Generals to do their necessary work, Freedom House and its ‘distinguished Americans’ argued, agreeing with James Reston and others. Years later, top planners spelled out their delayed reaction to the ‘dramatic events’. McGeorge Bundy, National Security Adviser under Kennedy and Johnson and former Harvard dean, finally came to realise, he said, that ‘our effort’ in Vietnam should perhaps have been brought to an end after October 1965, when ‘a new anti-communist government took power in Indonesia and destroyed the communist party’. With Indonesia now protected from infection, it may have been ‘excessive’, he felt, to continue to demolish Indochina at inordinate cost to ourselves. The rest of the region was being immunised in a similar if not quite so spectacular way, while the virus of independent nationalism in Indochina was destroyed so completely that by the early 1970s, the business press recognised that the US had basically won the war.

In 1977, one old Asia hand, George McArthur, wrote that the PKI had ‘subjected the country to a bloodbath’, placing their necks under the knife in a major Communist atrocity. As for the ‘quietly determined’ leader Suharto with his ‘almost innocent face’ and ‘scrupulously constitutional’ reliance on ‘law not on mere power’ (Time), the ‘Indonesian moderate’ admired by the New York Times who was presiding over the massacres and ‘encouraging as wide as possible participation . . . as a way of committing fence-sitters to the victory of the anti-communist cause’ (Cribb), he retained his moderate status as he proceeded to compile one of the world’s worst human rights records in Indonesia, not to speak of some exploits beyond. ‘Many in the West were keen to cultivate Jakarta’s new moderate leader, Suharto’, after the dramatic events of 1965–6, the Christian Science Monitor reported years later, though some recognised that his human rights record is ‘checkered’ (Times Southeast Asia correspondent Philip Shenon).

pages: 415 words: 103,801

The Last Kings of Shanghai: The Rival Jewish Dynasties That Helped Create Modern China by Jonathan Kaufman

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Honoré de Balzac, indoor plumbing, joint-stock company, life extension, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, Mikhail Gorbachev, old-boy network, plutocrats, Plutocrats, rent control, Steve Jobs, trade route

It ended up being a massacre instead. Chiang and the Nationalist troops surrounded the Communists in Shanghai, declared martial law, and began executing Communist supporters—as many as 12,000 in three weeks. Chiang issued a secret order to all provinces under the control of his forces to purge Communists. More than 10,000 Communists across the country were also arrested and killed. Over the next year, anti-Communist suppression campaigns killed 300,000 people. Mao escaped. He fled Shanghai and led a small peasant army in retreat—the start of what would become the People’s Liberation Army. The International Settlement was untouched. The British soldiers watched the massacres from a distance and wrote home praising the luxury of their rooms in Marble Hall and the “excellent” and exotic Baghdad-influenced cuisine.

Lawrence’s decision in the 1950s and 1960s to relentlessly increase the generation and distribution of power paved the way for air-conditioned movie theaters and well-lit shopping malls, elevators and escalators that climbed the city’s ever-taller buildings, a dazzlingly bright skyline and bustling streets. It turned the wrecked and depleted city Lawrence returned to after World War II into “a neon-emblazoned outpost of capitalist modernity on the edge of monochromatic China.” Horace and Lawrence Kadoorie, declared an Australian publisher after meeting them, were the two most effective anti-Communists Asia had produced. Lawrence called himself the last Victorian. He had been born in 1899, in the final years of Victoria’s reign. He shared with the Victorians the optimism of empire—that he knew what was best for Hong Kong and for the Chinese. Colonialism might have been in retreat and discredited—leaving a legacy of ethnic conflict and war in India, the Middle East, and Africa—but here in Hong Kong, Lawrence believed, the last outpost of the British Empire was succeeding.

“everything about pigs except the taste”: Interview with Leung Chik. “non-involvement in political issues”: Steve Tsang, A Modern History of Hong Kong (London: I. B. Tauris, 2004), 158, Kindle location 3771–86. “neon-emblazoned outpost of capitalist modernity”: Mark Lambert Clifford, “Let There Be Light: China Light & Power and the Making of Modern Hong Kong,” PhD thesis, University of Hong Kong, March 2019. two most effective anti-Communists Asia had produced: Jonathan Swift, “It Started with a Spilled Barrel,” Reader’s Digest, no date, copy in author’s possession. See also Lawrence Kadoorie memo prepared for meeting with British secretary of state Oliver Lyttleton, December 14, 1951, Hong Kong Heritage Project. “no doubt that Hong Kong is run by an elite”: Vaudine England, “Lord Kadoorie,” Discovery (Hong Kong), March 1986, 58–59.

pages: 613 words: 151,140

No Such Thing as Society by Andy McSmith

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bob Geldof, Boris Johnson, British Empire, Brixton riot, call centre, cuban missile crisis, Etonian, F. W. de Klerk, Farzad Bazoft, feminist movement, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, full employment, glass ceiling, God and Mammon, greed is good, illegal immigration, index card, John Bercow, Kickstarter, liberal capitalism, light touch regulation, Live Aid, loadsamoney, long peace, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mortgage debt, mutually assured destruction, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, old-boy network, popular capitalism, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Rubik’s Cube, Sloane Ranger, South Sea Bubble, spread of share-ownership, strikebreaker, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban decay, Winter of Discontent, young professional

The UN appealed to the developed world to help, and asked Britain to take in 10,000 of the ‘boat people’ in 1979. Politically, there was no reason for a Conservative government to object. These were mostly ethnic Chinese families who had formed Vietnam’s entrepreneurial class, which was why a communist regime was driving them out. Once settled, they could be expected to look after themselves, contribute to the economy and be staunchly anti-communist. Foreign Secretary Lord Carrington was keen to comply, partly for the sake of the UK’s international reputation, but principally because refugees were pouring into Hong Kong, which was then a British colony, and whose government was pleading for help. Home Secretary William Whitelaw was conscious that public opinion had been aroused by the television pictures of desperate families in overcrowded boats.

This grisly operation seems to have begun with the tacit approval of Washington, where the Republican administration certainly believed that a military takeover was preferable to a Marxist revolution; but Democrat President Jimmy Carter, who took office in 1977, was more particular about human rights. By 1979, the junta felt the need to try to improve its international image by releasing some prisoners and reducing the rate at which new victims disappeared. It also supplied bookshops across Europe with complimentary copies of a book called The Strategists of Fear, by a well-known French historian and anti-communist, Pierre de Villemarest, which attributed Argentina’s bad reputation to poison being spread by rich Jews living in Buenos Aires, aided by their co-religionists in Europe and their contacts in the White House.7 In 1981, this much criticized regime suddenly found itself back in the sunlight because Ronald Reagan had taken office in Washington. His foreign policy adviser during the election had been Jeane Kirkpatrick, author of a theory that differentiated between ‘totalitarian’ and ‘authoritarian’ dictatorships according to whether they interfered with or permitted free enterprise.

When he refused to give way to any more, John Biggs-Davison, the MP for Epping Forest, rose to demand of the Speaker: ‘If defeatism of this kind is to be spoken, should it not be done in secret session?’ Struggling to be heard above the commotion, Whitney replied: ‘It’s not a question of defeatism – it is a question of realism.’22 Whitney, incidentally, was also on the right of the Tory party; he thought that CND was run by Communists and believed in good relations with anti-Communist regimes. After that lead from the Commons, it was no surprise that the first opinion poll, broadcast by ITV on the Monday night, 5 April, showed that 70 per cent of the public thought the distant islands worth fighting for, even if that meant sinking Argentine ships and putting British lives at risk. Only 5 per cent thought they were no concern of Britain.23 A quarter thought that Margaret Thatcher should have resigned, but that was hardly surprising, given her general unpopularity.

pages: 618 words: 146,557

Afgantsy: The Russians in Afghanistan, 1979-89 by Rodric Braithwaite

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, clean water,, friendly fire, full employment, Khyber Pass, Mikhail Gorbachev, trade route, V2 rocket

The American scholar Louis Dupree called Kabul University ‘a perfect breeding ground for political discontent’. It was in the universities that Afghanistan’s first political movements were created. A Communist Party, the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan, was set up in 1965 by Nur Mohamed Taraki, Babrak Karmal (1929–96), and Hafizullah Amin, all of whom were to play a major role in the run-up to the Soviet invasion. A number of students who were later to become prominent in the anti-Communist and anti-Soviet struggle also fledged their political wings there: Rabbani (1940–), Hekmatyar (1947–), Abdul Rasul Sayyaf (1946–), and Ahmad Shah Masud (1953–2001) all studied together in Kabul University. Students rioted in 1968 against conservative attempts to limit the education of women. In 1969 there were further riots, and some deaths, when high school students protested against the school management.

But the comparison with Vietnam was to colour American thinking for the next nine years, as it coloured the thinking of the Russians. Ways should be found, said Brzezinski, to make the Soviets pay.27 It was not as if the Americans had so far been idle. Even before the Herat rising in March 1979, well before there had been any question of Soviet troops entering Afghanistan, the CIA had put forward proposals for helping the growing anti-Communist rebellion. President Carter decided at the end of March that the Soviet presence in Afghanistan must be reversed. American officials were already drawing the parallel with Vietnam. In the summer Carter authorised the CIA to spend $500,000 on helping the Afghan rebels. Brzezinski later claimed that this was not a deliberate move to provoke the Soviets to intervene, but that ‘we knowingly increased the probability that they would’.28 The Saudis and the Chinese looked as if they too would help.

Exiled. 1919 Third Anglo-Afghan War. 1921 Afghan–Soviet Friendship Treaty signed. 1929–33 Nadir Shah, Amanullah’s uncle, takes power. Assassinated. 1933–73 Zahir Shah succeeds (dies in exile in 2007). 1959 President Eisenhower visits Afghanistan. 1965 Afghan Communist Party founded. 1973 Daud proclaims himself President. April 1978 Afghan Communists seize power, kill Daud. March 1979 Anti-Communist rising in Herat. September 1979 President Taraki arrested and killed by Prime Minister Amin. December 1979 Soviets enter Afghanistan. Amin killed, replaced by Babrak Karmal. January 1980 UN condemns Soviet invasion. February 1980 Massive demonstrations in Kabul. Soviets begin major operations. November 1982 Leonid Brezhnev dies, succeeded by Yuri Andropov.

pages: 535 words: 144,827

1939: A People's History by Frederick Taylor

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, collective bargaining, delayed gratification, facts on the ground, full employment, mass immigration, rising living standards, the market place, women in the workforce

Moreover, after the Munich Agreement, first Britain and then France had signed ‘friendship treaties’ with Hitler, raising, if one worried about such things, a possibility of their joining with Germany against Russia (Chamberlain, in particular, was a passionate anti-Communist). A Soviet arrangement with the Nazi state started to look like a rational course of action for Stalin. As Europe’s two main ‘black sheep’, Germany and Soviet Russia had been keen trading partners immediately after the First World War, as well as political and military collaborators. Under secret clauses of the Treaties of Rapallo and then Berlin between the two countries in 1922 and 1926, Weimar Germany had built up extra military forces forbidden under the Treaty of Versailles, trained a clandestine air force (likewise forbidden), and even experimented with chemical weapons, on Soviet soil before 1933. Trade between Russia and Germany continued to be brisk until the virulently anti-communist Nazis came to power. In 1932, 46 per cent of the Soviet Union’s imports of industrial machinery had originated from Germany; by 1938, that figure was down to 4.7 per cent, with German goods replaced by American and British products.2 However, by 1938 the Soviets wanted German technology and weaponry, and the Nazis needed raw materials, which Russia had in plentiful supply.

The regime had a fixed routine of things to say, and it just kept saying them in various forms, hammering home the message every day. The morning edition of the local newspaper in Freiburg on 23 December 1938 carried material culled straight from the DNB’s press releases, sent through from Berlin several times a day, as it was required to do. The front page led with a story about a proposed anti-communist pact for the Far East between Japan, its puppet state of Manchukuo, and the Kuomintang government (with which Japan was currently at war, having occupied huge swathes of Chinese territory) in the interests of joint suppression of communism in the region. Pure propaganda. The Japanese were in trouble in China and wanted to drive a wedge between the various Chinese factions resisting their invasion.* Then, underneath that, the Führer showing his popular touch by celebrating Christmas with construction workers at his almost-completed new Reich Chancellery building.

A. ref1 Butlin, Billy ref1, ref2 Cadogan, Sir Alexander ‘battle of nerves’ ref1, ref2 German-Soviet Pact ref1 Jewish refugee issues ref1 Munich talks ref1 Polish crisis ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 position paper on Hitler’s ambitions ref1 relationship with German opposition ref1 relationship with Polish Foreign Minister ref1, ref2 response to invasion of Poland ref1, ref2 response to Munich Agreement ref1, ref2 ultimatum to Berlin ref1 Cadogan, Gillian ref1 Cameron, Tony ref1 Campbell, Michael Rory ref1 Canaris, Wilhelm ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Canstatt, woman gardener in ref1, ref2, ref3 car ownership ref1 ‘Case White’ ref1, ref2, ref3 ‘Cassandra’ (William Connor) ref1 Catlin, Shirley ref1 Chamberlain, Annie ref1, ref2, ref3 Chamberlain, Hilda ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Chamberlain, Ida ref1 Chamberlain, Neville Anglo-German Declaration ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 anti-Communist ref1 Appeasement policy ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Birmingham speeches ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 broadcasts ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8 career ref1 character ref1 conscription policy ref1, ref2, ref3 critics of his foreign policy ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 Czechoslovak crisis ref1 declaration of war ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 fly-fishing ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 German propaganda ref1, ref2 health ref1 Jewish issues ref1, ref2, ref3 leadership style ref1 meetings with Hitler ref1, ref2, ref3 Munich Agreement ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8 Munich Conference ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Palestine Conference ref1 Polish policy ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 public responses to ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 rearmament policy ref1, ref2, ref3 response to German invasion of Poland ref1, ref2, ref3 response to German occupation of Bohemia and Moravia ref1, ref2 response to German-Soviet Pact ref1 response to Hitler’s Reichstag speech ref1 return from Munich ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 ultimatum to Hitler ref1, ref2, ref3 US view of ref1 Chequers ref1 Christmas celebrations ref1, ref2 Churchill, Winston anti-Appeasement policy ref1, ref2, ref3 cabinet membership ref1 German press on ref1, ref2 Mosley’s attack on ref1 opposition to Munich Agreement ref1, ref2 social life ref1, ref2 speech on conscription ref1 Chvalovský, František ref1, ref2 Ciano, Count Galeazzo ref1, ref2, ref3 Clay, James ref1 Cohn, Jochen ref1 Cohn, Willy ref1 Coles, A.

pages: 467 words: 149,632

If Then: How Simulmatics Corporation Invented the Future by Jill Lepore

A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, anti-communist, Buckminster Fuller, computer age, coronavirus, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, game design, George Gilder, Grace Hopper, Hacker Ethic, Howard Zinn, index card, information retrieval, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, Jeffrey Epstein, job automation, land reform, linear programming, Mahatma Gandhi, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, Maui Hawaii, Menlo Park, New Journalism, New Urbanism, Norbert Wiener, Norman Mailer, packet switching, Peter Thiel, profit motive, RAND corporation, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, smart cities, South China Sea, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, Telecommunications Act of 1996, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog

Like a lot of big halls, it had originally been built for livestock shows: promenades of cattle. The convention was televised live, coast to coast, a first. Eisenhower won on the first ballot. To balance the ticket, party leaders connived to anoint as his running mate the shovel-jawed young California senator Richard M. Nixon, a Whitaker and Baxter protégé. Eisenhower was sixty-two; Nixon, thirty-nine. Eisenhower was a liberal, Nixon a ferocious anti-Communist. Whitaker and Baxter ran the Eisenhower-Nixon campaign in California. The Republicans had put together a formidable ticket. The Democrats were vulnerable. Truman had assumed the presidency in 1945 with FDR’s death and had been elected in 1948. He campaigned for a Fair Deal. But in 1952 he was unpopular, not least because voters blamed him for the United States’ involvement in the Korean War.

And he was no longer a member of the Left.28 Two weeks after Pool delivered his statement, the review board reversed its decision and granted him his long-sought security clearance: “The Secretaries of the Army, Navy, and Air Force therefore withdraw any objection to your employment on classified military information.”29 Pool wrote to Nixon to thank him.30 Pool had come by his security clearance and his anti-Communist credentials the hard way, and he would cling to them, and burnish them, all his life, like medals earned on a battlefield. Saul Bellow, who’d known Pool since they were undergraduates and fellow Trotskyites at the University of Chicago, later memorialized him as “Ithiel Regler” in a novel called A Theft. Bellow must have known about Pool’s troubles getting a national security clearance. In the novel, he includes a scene in which Ithiel Regler, asked for an ID, provides a “Pentagon pass.”

fascell: There is an industrial organization called Simulmatics which might give you some sort of argument. deitchman: We are very familiar with that.29 Project Camelot convinced many behavioral scientists to stop taking money from the Department of Defense. Not Pool. The anxious young man who’d been denied a security clearance because of suspicion that he was a Communist, years before, had long since settled into his convictions: he wore his anti-Communist credentials like so many ribbons and medals. In 1966, a turning point in U.S. involvement in Vietnam, Pool, for all his gentleness of manner, fiercely committed himself both to the cause of counterinsurgency and to the role of behavioral scientists in pursuing that cause. In an angry and overheated essay, “The Necessity for Social Scientists Doing Research for Governments,” Pool insisted that nothing was more noble or wise or more true to both science and citizenship than projects like Camelot.

pages: 486 words: 150,849

Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America: A Recent History by Kurt Andersen

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, airport security, always be closing, American ideology, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, artificial general intelligence, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Bernie Sanders, blue-collar work, Bonfire of the Vanities, bonus culture, Burning Man, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, centre right, computer age, coronavirus, corporate governance, corporate raider, COVID-19, Covid-19, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, cryptocurrency, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, Erik Brynjolfsson, feminist movement, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, future of work, game design, George Gilder, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, High speed trading, hive mind, income inequality, industrial robot, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, jitney, Joan Didion, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, mass immigration, mass incarceration, Menlo Park, Naomi Klein, new economy, Norbert Wiener, Norman Mailer, obamacare, Peter Thiel, Picturephone, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-industrial society, Powell Memorandum, pre–internet, Ralph Nader, Right to Buy, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Seaside, Florida, Second Machine Age, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Future of Employment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, union organizing, universal basic income, Unsafe at Any Speed, urban planning, urban renewal, very high income, wage slave, Wall-E, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, working poor, young professional, éminence grise

In the spring of 1972, during the primaries, a liberal Democratic senator was anonymously quoted in an article warning that “the people don’t know McGovern is for amnesty, abortion, and legalization of pot.” The Nixonians condensed that into an effective alliterative caricature of McGovernism—Acid, Amnesty, and Abortion.*5 Paradoxically, the other big reason President Nixon got reelected by such an enormous margin in 1972 was because on policy he did not swim against the lingering, dominant leftward ideological tide. Unlike Goldwater, he wasn’t committed to a superaggressive global anti-Communist crusade but instead oversaw the slow-motion U.S. surrender in Vietnam (“peace with honor”) and the remarkable U.S. diplomatic opening to Communist China and détente with the Soviet Union. Unlike the Goldwater right (as I’ll discuss in the next chapter), he definitely did not try to roll back Johnson’s Great Society social welfare programs, let alone FDR’s New Deal. His administration actually built upon them.

Ronald Reagan’s job from the 1930s through the mid-1960s had been to perform for cameras, reciting words written by other people, so cynics are apt to look no further than that for an explanation of his subsequent political success—good-looking TV dummy, strings pulled by right-wing puppet-masters. But that’s not correct. Reagan was no intellectual, but he’d always been a cheerful, politically engaged ideologue, and by the time he ran for office, he was more fluent in political economics than most politicians. At age thirty-five, after morphing from sincere left-winger to sincere anti-Communist liberal, he continued making political ads decrying corporations’ “bigger and bigger profits” and Republican tax cuts for “the higher income brackets alone,” and he repeatedly got reelected president of his show business union, the Screen Actors Guild. But before he was fifty, after reading books like Hayek’s libertarian manifesto The Road to Serfdom and giving hundreds of speeches a year as GE’s $1 million–a–year traveling ambassador, he’d turned into a sincere right-winger.

Too many confused the singular appeal of Ronald Reagan personally with massive popular approval of pro-business, pro-rich Reaganism, and their reaction was to cower, essentially disavowing their New Deal social democratic past. As Reagan settled into office and became presidential, liberal dread concerning domestic policy was reduced by the nature of his appointees—who mostly were, like his vice president, moderate Establishment types, normal Republicans, not crazies.*1 In addition, Democrats had taken their eyes off the ball of the political economy and focused more of their dread of what this old-school anti-Communist president would or could do abroad—fund death squads and counterrevolution in Central America, upset the precarious nuclear balance with the USSR, trigger World War III. Reagan was also very lucky very quickly in ways that made him more popular. The very day he was inaugurated, Iran released their American hostages. Two months later he was shot by a movie-mad would-be young assassin—and survived, unlike any president who’d ever been shot before.

pages: 823 words: 206,070

The Making of Global Capitalism by Leo Panitch, Sam Gindin

accounting loophole / creative accounting, active measures, airline deregulation, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Basel III, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collective bargaining, continuous integration, corporate governance, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, dark matter, Deng Xiaoping, disintermediation, ending welfare as we know it, eurozone crisis, facts on the ground, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Financial Instability Hypothesis, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gini coefficient, global value chain, guest worker program, Hyman Minsky, imperial preference, income inequality, inflation targeting, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, land reform, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, liquidity trap, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, money market fund, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, Myron Scholes, new economy, non-tariff barriers, Northern Rock, oil shock, precariat, price stability, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, regulatory arbitrage, reserve currency, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, seigniorage, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, special economic zone, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, the payments system, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, union organizing, very high income, Washington Consensus, Works Progress Administration, zero-coupon bond, zero-sum game

The 1946 rail strike was ended by President Truman threatening to send in the army to run the railroads. The 1947 Taft-Hartley Act constrained union solidarity by banning secondary picketing and reinforcing state right-to-work laws. Moreover, the anti-Communist “witch-hunt” was already well in train by this time, especially in relation to the labor movement. Taft-Hartley included a provision that required officers of local, national, and international unions to file an affidavit swearing they were not members of the Communist Party. By 1949 Communist-led unions were being expelled from the AFL and CIO, while anti-Communist rhetoric was used to repress or at least marginalize rank-and-file militancy in the trade unions generally. Alongside the stick came the carrot. Although wage incomes had decreased significantly in the first year after the war, by 1950 they had increased on average by 25 percent, despite the brief recession of 1949.

Also essential to the success of the project was marginalizing the most radical impulses in the labor movement and channeling the expectations and demands of workers and farmers towards making gains within the boundaries of a growing capitalism. A great deal has been written on the isolation of Communist unions and parties, including the role played by the the AFL and CIO in establishing, with CIA funding, non-Communist—and anti-Communist—unions.40 But no less crucial was the consolidation of the “politics of productivism” among the majority of European workers, “superseding class conflict with economic growth.”41 This was in fact the crucial condition both for the distinctive development of the European welfare states and for the regional integration of their economies, which culminated in the European Common Market. The productivity councils that emerged during the Marshall Plan were especially important in identifying productivity with “modernization.”

It was no accident that a legislative hurdle (the D’Amato Amendment), adopted after the Mexican crisis to prevent the Treasury from making large-scale use of the Exchange Stabilization Fund without Congressional authorization, was quietly not renewed when it expired in September 1997. When the IMF came up with an $18 billion rescue package for Indonesia at the end of October, the Treasury now directly committed a further $3 billion from the ESF as a “second line of defense,” while insisting (over the misgivings of the State and Defense departments not to undermine such an old anti-Communist ally in the region) that the usual IMF conditionality of severe austerity be supplemented with a host of micro–structural adjustment requirements, including the closure of the banks closely linked to Suharto’s inner circle. The contagion had by then already spread to South Korea, as European as well as Japanese banks stopped turning over the massive short-term loans they had provided to Korean banks—and through them to the heavily indebted Korean chaebols.

Reaganland: America's Right Turn 1976-1980 by Rick Perlstein

"Robert Solow", 8-hour work day, affirmative action, airline deregulation, Alistair Cooke, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Brewster Kahle, business climate, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, COVID-19, Covid-19, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, currency peg, death of newspapers, defense in depth, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, energy security, equal pay for equal work, facts on the ground, feminist movement, financial deregulation, full employment, global village, Golden Gate Park, illegal immigration, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index card, indoor plumbing, Internet Archive, invisible hand, Julian Assange, Kitchen Debate, kremlinology, land reform, Marshall McLuhan, mass immigration, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Monroe Doctrine, moral panic, mutually assured destruction, New Journalism, oil shock, open borders, Potemkin village, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, traveling salesman, unemployed young men, union organizing, unpaid internship, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, wages for housework, walking around money, War on Poverty, white flight, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, yellow journalism, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

Undaunted, she began organizing like-minded women into what she called the “pro-American underground”—work she compared to God’s injunction to Abraham before He smote Sodom and Gomorrah: “Our republic can be saved from the fires of Communism which have already destroyed or enslaved many Christian cities if we can find ten patriotic women in each community.” She churned out pamphlets, study guides, newsletters. Her husband produced the American Bar Association’s “Report on Communist Tactics, Strategy, and Objectives.” She hosted an anti-Communist radio show. In 1964, she self-published A Choice, Not an Echo, a 123-page paperback, with which she devoted herself to the election of Barry Goldwater, persuading rich angels to buy cartons of the book in bulk; with her anti-Communist underground as its distribution network, delegates to the Republican convention complained of receiving as many as fifty copies in the mail. By fall, there were 3.5 million in circulation. The book’s argument was that “a few secret kingmakers based in New York selected every Republican presidential nominee from 1936 through 1960.”

That spring, in perhaps the finest speech of his career, he called the treaty instrumental to “the survival of our people and our system,” imprecating the “abstract mumbo jumbo of the nuclear priesthood” as the “great moral blindness of our time.” But Frank Church was also up for reelection in an increasingly right-wing state. On July 17, his Democratic colleague Richard Stone, who was also up for reelection—facing a Florida electorate full of Cuban-American anti-Communist diehards—said at the SALT II hearings that he had learned that a Soviet combat brigade some two thousand troops strong had recently arrived in Cuba. The charge was particularly sensitive because, that same day, Nicaragua’s anti-Communist strongman Anastasio Somoza Debayle surrendered Managua to a government backed by Cuba. Church and his ranking Republican colleague Jacob Javits issued a joint statement denying the brigade’s existence, and Church returned to his work presiding over the hearings with a diligence and passion longtime Capitol Hill watchers described as awe-inspiring.

They became the foundation of an ideological empire. Viguerie went to school on the august forebears who had mastered the arcane science of selling magazine subscriptions, encyclopedias, and charitable contributions by “direct mail”—what another mentor, Walter H. Weintz of Reader’s Digest, called the “solid gold mailbox.” “RAVCO” (for Richard A. Viguerie Company) began building a client base: the World Anti-Communist League, the National Right to Work Committee, the National Rifle Association, No Amnesty for Deserters, Citizens for Decent Literature—and George C. Wallace, for whose 1968 presidential campaign RAVCO raised some $6 million, an unheard-of 76 percent of the total. Each client—especially Wallace—helped Viguerie’s mailing lists grow and grow and grow. So in November of 1974, Howard Phillips began recruiting for his new organization, which he named the Conservative Caucus, with a direct mail “piece” RAVCO sent to more than two million solid gold mailboxes: Dear Friend: Are you as sick and tired as I am of liberal politicians who: Force children to be bused; appoint judges who turn murderers and rapists loose on the public; force your children to study from school books that are anti-God, anti-American, and filled with the most vulgar curse words; give your tax money to communists, anarchist and other radical organizations; do nothing about sex, adultery and homosexuality and foul language on television?

pages: 273 words: 34,920

Free Market Missionaries: The Corporate Manipulation of Community Values by Sharon Beder

anti-communist, battle of ideas, business climate, corporate governance,, full employment, income inequality, invisible hand, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, minimum wage unemployment, Mont Pelerin Society, new economy, old-boy network, popular capitalism, Powell Memorandum, price mechanism, profit motive, Ralph Nader, rent control, risk/return, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, shareholder value, spread of share-ownership, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Torches of Freedom, trade liberalization, traveling salesman, trickle-down economics, Upton Sinclair, Washington Consensus, wealth creators, young professional

By 1950, most people, particularly the middle classes, had come to accept big business as an essential part of American life. A 1951 poll found that 76 per cent of those asked approved of big business compared with 10 per cent who disapproved.72 A million-dollar public relations campaign by organized labour in 1953 failed to counter the pro-free enterprise public relations effort. Anti-communist sentiment, fed by the revolution in China and developments in the Soviet Union, as well as McCarthy’s anti-communist campaign in the US, tainted the unions in the public eye and caused division within the labour movement, weakening the power of the unions.73 By 1955, studies found that the community was much more supportive of industry. A majority of those surveyed agreed that the interests of employers and workers were the same, and the vast majority of Americans said they approved of large corporations.

Moon Company 50 Cadbury Schweppes 211 Campaign for Economic Literacy 215 Canada economic education 81, 209, 220, 223–224 political appointments 158 Washington consensus 149 Canadian Bankers Association 218, 224 Canadian Broadcasting 80 Canadian Foundation for Economic Education (CFEE) 81, 218, 221, 223–224 Capital Ownership Group (COG) 184 capitalism terminology 58 employee share ownership 177–181 free market gospel 7, 8 people’s capitalism 171–186 and Protestantism 231 wider share ownership 173–177, 184–186 see also business values; free market Car Owners’ Association 133 Carter, Jimmy 121 Cato Institute 118, 119, 121, 129, 130, 131, 175, 223 Caygill, David 153 INDEX 253 Center for Economic Education and Entrepreneurship 220 Center for Education and Research in Free Enterprise 73 Center for Strategic and International Studies 223 Center for the Study of Private Enterprise 73–74 Centre 2000 85, 132, 137, 161 Centre for Commercial Freedom 135 Centre for Economic Development in Australia (CEDA) 84, 161 Centre for Economic Education 224 Centre for Independent Studies (CIS) 85, 127–130, 137, 156, 161, 214 see also Lindsay, Greg Centre for International Economics 138 Centre for Policy Studies (CPS) 111–112, 113, 114 Centre for Policy Studies (CPS) (Australia) 127, 132, 161 Centre for Strategic and International Studies 135 Chase Manhattan 146 Chicago Boys 145, 146 Chicago School 96, 102–103, 134, 147–148, 149, 154 see also University of Chicago children economic literacy programs 218–224 enterprise education 209–218 games 87, 203–204, 211 share ownership 194–195, 202–204 see also education Chile 97, 100, 134, 145–146, 148 China, revolution 59 Chipman, Lauchlan 127 Chrysler 45, 94, 209 churches 25, 35, 36, 88, 129 CIG 85 CIO 33–34 civil service Australia 89, 130, 131, 135, 138, 158–160, 163 New Zealand 154–155, 163 United Kingdom 89, 163 United States 118 see also bureaucracy Citigroup Foundation 223 Citizens for a Sound Economy 171 Clark, Fred G. 47 Clinton, Bill 172, 177 Clorox Company 69 Coca-Cola/ Coca-Cola Amatil 50, 73, 135, 181 Colgate-Palmolive-Peet 15 comic books 15, 35, 38, 42, 51, 204 Committee for Constitutional Government 48–49 Committee for Corporate Support of American Universities 72 Committee for Economic Development 46, 75 Committee for Economic Development in Australia (CEDA) 136 communism 25, 57, 59, 71, 195 see also socialism Compass 172 competition Advertising Council campaign 33 anti-competitive behaviour 21–22 contestability theory 102 in educational materials 55, 56, 203, 217, 222, 223, 224 ideology 3, 7–8, 46, 54, 55, 95, 109, 138, 151, 264 monopolies 40, 102 National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) campaign 35 Competitive Enterprise Institute (CEI) 223 Compton Advertising 65–68 see also Cummins, Barton Confederation of Australian Industry (CAI) 132 Confederation of British Industry (CBI) 79, 81, 178, 179, 195, 214 conferences 35, 36, 50, 54, 72, 84, 85, 86, 89, 110, 111, 117, 119, 129, 131, 133, 134, 136, 221, 223, 224 Connecticut Light & Power Company 58 consultants economic see economic advisers management 138, 158 public relations 3–4, 15, 25, 26, 30, 58, 79 see also pollster’s role consumers 20, 63, 65, 67, 74, 110, 222 choice/democracy 8, 20, 31, 54, 55, 67, 103, 104, 194, 216, 217, 229 education 51–52, 70, 211 consumerism 74 contestability theory 102–103 Continental Group 69 Continental Institute 69 Conzinc Riotinto Australia (CRA) 127, 129, 130, 133, 135 Coolidge, Calvin 4 Coors, Joseph 109 corporate power, growth 1, 229–230 Costello, Peter 133, 135 Council for Financial Aid to Education 50 Council on Foreign Relations 75 Crane, Jasper 94 Crane Metals 213 Crossroads 132–133, 137, 161 Cruden Investments 201 Cummins, Barton 65–66, 86 Deane, Roderick 134, 155, 156 Deloitte 210 democracy v corporate public relations 1, 2–4 decline in voter participation 79 and free market missionaries 7 NAM message 20–21 polling as democracy 32 shareholder democracy 8, 191–204 shift to corporate rule 229–230 voting franchise 2 see also consumers, choice Deustche Bank 146 254 FREE MARKET MISSIONARIES Deustche Telekom 196 deregulation 74, 95, 102, 103, 105, 117, 118, 128, 131, 132, 135, 136, 138, 145, 149, 158, 164 labour market 95, 96, 150, 151, 154, 158 financial markets 155, 157 developing countries, and Washington consensus 150–152 development banks 150 direct mailing 16–17 Dollars at Work 42 Douglas, Roger 132, 133, 134, 152–153, 163 Dow Chemical 70, 73, 119 Drexel Burnham Lambert 197 DuPont 3, 15, 26, 31, 38, 45, 50, 54, 56, 58, 94, 193 Eastman Kodak 15, 85, 119 economic advisers 145–165 Australia 138, 155–165 Chile 145–148 New Zealand 152–155, 156 outcomes 163–165 Washington Consensus 148–152 Economic Discussion Groups 36 economic literacy programs 214–218 see also education Economic Literacy Project 214 economics economic education see education classical theory 6–9, 102, 103 see also economics, neo-classical model contestability theory 102–103 economic literacy 39–42, 214–218 economic rationalism (Australia) 130–131, 162 see also neoliberalism employee education 54–59 Great Nebraskan National Economics Test 218 Keynesianism 95–96, 99, 100, 103, 146 liberalism 95 neo-classical model 94–95, 105, 159, 220 neoconservatism see economics, neoliberalism neoliberalism 93–105 see also economics, economic rationalism; ideology, free market outcomes of economics education 59, 74–75 planning 96, 103 post-war free market campaigns 45–59 public choice theory 103–105, 128, 223 as religion 6–9, 230–231 standards in teaching 218–223 supply-side economics 100–102, 110 ‘Ten Pillars of Economic Wisdom’ 47–48 Washington Consensus 148–152 Economics Education Review 85 Economics International 210 Economics Quotient (EQ) 68 EconomicsCanada 220 education 1970s economic education 63–75 Australian economic education 81–89 children and enterprise 209–218 consumer education 51–52 economic literacy 39–42, 214–218 economics in schools 49–54, 209–224 employee economics education 54–59 international free market education 79–89 outcomes of economics education 59, 74–75 post-war free market education 45–59 proliferating associations 47–49 share ownership 202–204 standards in economics 218–223 Test of Economic Literacy (TEL) 216–217 Eisenhower, Dwight 34, 59 Elders IXL 130 see also Elliott, John electricity companies 194, 196 Electricity Corporation of New Zealand (ECNZ) 133, 155 Eli Lilly 70, 119 Elliott, John 130, 133, 137 Employee Share Alliance (ESA) 179 employees and Advertising Council campaign 34 economics education 54–59, 70 employee share ownership 177–181 and NAM campaign 17 see also Trade Unions Empower America 171 Enterprise America 71 Enterprise Australia 79, 85–89 Enterprise Insight 213–214 Enterprise Week 87, 214 environmental pollution 8 environmentalists 64 Epstein, Richard 129–130 Ernst & Young 212 Esso 85, 133 E*Trade 191 European Policy Forum 135 European Union 185–186 Evans, Ray 133 Exxon 70, 119, 209 Facts about Business 80 Falklands War 99, 113 Federal Reserve (US) 98, 100 Federation of Small Businesses 214 Fernyhough, John 134 Feulner, Edward 109–110, 116 Fighters for Freedom 48 films 1970s campaigns 67, 70, 71, 72 1980s critique of capitalism 175 anti-communist messages 71 Australian free market education 82, 85, 87 NAM campaigns 16, 17, 18, 19, 35 post-war campaigns 36–37, 38, 42 for schools 47, 51, 52, 54, 57 Finance Canada 224 Financial Services Forum 172 Firestone Tire and Rubber 50 INDEX 255 Fisher, Anthony 111, 114, 127 Fletcher Challenge 156 Flynn, John 48–49 Forbes Magazine 101, 174 Forbes, Steve 171 Ford, Gerald 121 Ford Foundation 132, 184 Ford Motor Company 3, 19, 26, 31, 37, 50, 73, 85, 118, 119 Foreign & Colonial 202 foreign languages, NAM campaign 17 Fortune Magazine 31 174 Foundation for Economic Education (Brisbane) 85, 128 Foundation for Economic Education (FEE) 26, 45–49, 50, 53, 93–94, 111, 130, 158 Foundation for Enterprise Development 180 Foundation for Teaching Economics (FTE) 218–219, 222–223 France 138, 153, 177, 186, 196–197 Fraser, Malcolm 83, 87, 127, 134 free enterprise see free market free market 1970s economic education 63–75 Advertising Council campaigns 32–35, 64, 65–69, 74–75 economic freedom 8, 9, 21, 29, 35, 36, 37, 42, 45, 48, 50, 56, 65, 86, 96, 105, 122, 171, 221 education programmes 45–59, 209–218 see also education vs. government 8, 14, 21, 23–6 ideology 1–2, 6–9, 14, 22, 46, 49, 53–4, 56, 59, 65, 75, 93–105, 110, 112, 115–6, 130–1, 176, 217, 229 see also economics, economic rationalism; economics, neoliberalism influence mechanisms 119–122 international message 79–89 and mergers 21 mystique 145 National Association of Manufacturers campaigns see National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) orthodoxy 109 policies 93–105 policy dissemination 109–122 post-war campaigns 29–42 post-war education programmes 45–59 pre-war business promotion 13–26 and public opinion 24–25 scriptures 6–9 and social justice 151–152, 153, 154, 163–164, 165, 192 vs. unions 23–26 see also individual freedom, and free market; political freedom, and free market Freedom Forum 34, 71 Freedom Works 171 Freedoms Foundation 54 The Freeman 53 Friedman, Milton 70, 94, 96–98, 99, 100, 110, 111, 112, 113, 116, 127, 129, 131, 132, 145 Friedman, Rose 94 Funston, George Keith 195 games 70, 87, 202, 203–204, 211 Garnaut, Ross 157 Gates, Jeff 185 GATT 154, 159 General Electric (GE) 3, 31, 33, 37, 38, 51, 55, 73, 116, 119, 193, 222, 223 General Foods 15, 33 General Mills 51 General Motors 14, 18–19, 22, 23, 30, 31, 33, 37, 45, 50, 51, 70, 119, 193–194 Georgia-Pacific 209 Georgia State University 74 Germany 81, 138, 196 Gibbs, Alan 156 Gilbert, Wayne 156 Gillette 222, 223 Goldman Sachs 212 Goldsmith, Walter 113 Goodrich 33, 45 Goodrich, David 45 Goodyear 3, 73 government see also deregulation; regulation; taxation capture by business 3, 5 during the Depression 14, 222 and economic advisers/ consultants 138, 145–163 and financial markets 149 Hayek on 93, 94 intervention, opposition to 4, 8, 9, 14, 21, 23–26, 34, 36, 37, 38, 65, 83, 84, 85, 89, 93, 95, 96, 98, 114, 118, 128, 130, 131, 132 Keynesianism 95 and Monetarism 97–100 post-war period 23–26 privatization see privatization and public choice theory 104, 105 Reagan era 116 role 7, 8, 23, 33, 41, 96, 103 and supply-side economics 100 and think tanks 111–114, 120–122, 127, 131–135 and unions 24 and Washington Consensus 149 Great Depression 5, 13, 14, 29, 46, 49, 97, 98, 195, 222 Great Nebraskan National Economics Test 218 Greenpeace 153 Greiner, Nick 130, 132, 159, 160 Gulf Oil 50 H.

George Marshall: Defender of the Republic by David L. Roll

anti-communist, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, David Brooks, Defenestration of Prague, Donald Trump, European colonialism, fear of failure, invisible hand, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, one-China policy, one-state solution, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Simon Kuznets, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, trade liberalization, Works Progress Administration, yellow journalism

Moreover, he was worried that the Soviets might renege on their promise to keep advancing from the east through Poland into Germany. Since August the Red Army had halted on the east bank of the Vistula River outside Warsaw, supposedly because they exhausted their supplies and outran their lines of communication. In fact, they paused at the Vistula to allow the Nazis to crush an uprising by the anti-Communist Polish Home Army in Warsaw. In a message to Roosevelt on December 27, Stalin accused the U.S. and its Western allies of supporting the uprising in Warsaw, calling the Polish army a “criminal terrorist network.”78 In view of the Red Army halt and Stalin’s accusations, Stimson “became convinced,” according to Marshall, that the Soviets “were going back on us,” meaning they intended to stand still on the Vistula in the east while the U.S. suffered even more casualties taking on the full brunt of the Wehrmacht in the west.79 Stimson asked Marshall to revisit the manpower problem.

Mayling and Kai-shek were known throughout the world as symbols of Chinese bravery and dignity. She spent the last fourteen months of the war living on the Long Island estate of H. H. Kung, supposedly a direct descendant of Confucius, who was married to her sister Ai-ling (her other sister, Ching-ling, was the widow of Sun Yat-sen). During that time Madame and the ten lobbying firms on retainer by the Nationalist government worked to create and build a pro-Chiang, anti-Communist movement in the United States—part of the China Lobby. Marshall’s trust in and regard for Chiang when he landed in Nanking to begin his mission to China are difficult to assess. He swore to his interviewer that he always was “fond” of Chiang and that his views toward him were not influenced by Stilwell. Marshall said he believed Chiang was not “personally corrupt,” but “there were many corrupt people around him” and his advisers “constantly sold [him] down the river.”

In April he took aim at Marshall by name, calling him “completely unfit” and suggesting that he lost China because he studied the writings of Owen Lattimore, director of the Johns Hopkins School of International Relations, a target of the China Lobby who McCarthy accused of being a “top Russian spy” or at least a concealed Communist.149 A year later beneath a packed gallery McCarthy stood almost alone on the Senate floor. For three hours he read, apparently for the first time, from a 60,000-word savage diatribe against Marshall that had been ghostwritten for him by his wife, Jean Kerr, his staff, and Forrest Davis, a newspaperman known for his strong anti-Communist views who was a speechwriter for Senator Robert Taft. McCarthy began his speech by linking Marshall to “the highest circles” of “a conspiracy of infamy so black that, when it is finally exposed, its principals shall be forever deserving of the maledictions of honest men.” The objective of the “great conspiracy,” as to which Marshall was an alleged principal, was to “diminish the United States in world affairs,” to weaken it militarily, and to cause “talk of surrender in the Far East.”

pages: 546 words: 176,169

The Cold War by Robert Cowley

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, defense in depth, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doomsday Clock, friendly fire, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, RAND corporation, refrigerator car, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, Stanislav Petrov, transcontinental railway

Their ideological activity was shouted out in slogans and posters, including drawings of the Soviet and North Korean dictators, Joseph Stalin and Kim Il Sung. They demonstrated for better conditions, drilled with homemade rifles, and forcibly resisted United Nations screening, to the point of murdering those who wavered. In the compounds they controlled, riots on command slowed down the U.N. process of screening out anti-Communist prisoners from the hard core. When the leader of Compound 62 declared that screening was unnecessary because all 5,600 prisoners demanded to be returned to North Korea, the 3rd Battalion of the American 27th Infantry Regiment was sent to subdue them on February 18, 1952. As more than a thousand prisoners in Compound 62 ran yelling from their tents brandishing improvised weapons and throwing rocks, the men of the 27th hurled grenades and finally opened fire.

The U.S.S.R. was all but impenetrable to Western espionage, as were its satellites. (As has been pointed out, that impenetrability explained the need for overflights.) What was the Soviet capability for offensive action, not only against Berlin and West Germany but also against Western Europe itself? How much was the GDR contributing to the Soviet nuclear program? After the anti-government riots that had spread across East Germany in June 1953, how strong did anti-Communist sentiment remain? Could it still be exploited? The spy game became even more risky thanks to moles in the British Secret Intelligence Service (SIS) and the West German Foreign Intelligence Service. Between 1953 and 1955, they betrayed the West's spy network in the Soviet bloc and for a time almost eliminated it. Several hundred Allied agents were rounded up, not a few of whom were executed.

Harvey himself might have written the report's appeal for more espionage to “subvert, sabotage, and destroy our enemies.” As it was, ranking American visitors to BOB headquarters were buoyed by a rousing delivery of his signature speech about “protecting the United States against its enemies.” Startled Europeans tended to see the passionate lover of pearl handles and battle hyperbole as dangerously half-cocked himself: the archetypal anti-Communist cowboy. John Kennedy approved. The young president and Ian Fleming fan would speak of the pear-shaped Harvey, with his bulging eyes and froglike voice, as a kind of American James Bond. Actually, the “memorably bizarre figure”—as described by Evan Thomas's account of CIA all-stars, The Very Best Men— occupied the opposite end of the manly-beauty spectrum from braw Bond. That aside, the comparison was not outrageous.

Necessary Illusions by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, British Empire, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, full employment, Howard Zinn, Khyber Pass, land reform, long peace, New Journalism, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, union organizing

As accurately observed by Gordon Connell-Smith in his study of the inter-American system for the Royal Institute of International Affairs,19 the U.S. “concept of democracy” is “closely identified with private, capitalistic enterprise,” and it is only when this is threatened by what is regularly called “Communism” that action is taken to “restore democracy”; the “United States concern for representative democracy in Latin America [as elsewhere] is a facet of her anti-communist policy,” or more accurately, the policy of opposing any threat to U.S. economic penetration and political control. And when these interests are safeguarded, democratic forms are not only tolerated, but approved, if only for public relations reasons. Costa Rica fits the model closely, and provides interesting insight into the “yearning for democracy” that is alleged to guide U.S. foreign policy.

No censorship was required in Guatemala while the United States was supporting the terror at its height; the murder of dozens of journalists sufficed. There was little notice in the United States. With the “democratic renewal” that we proudly hail, there were some halting efforts to explore the “political space” that perhaps had opened. In February 1988, two journalists who had returned from exile opened the center-left weekly La Epoca, testing Guatemalan “democracy.” A communique of the Secret Anti-Communist Army (ESA) had warned returning journalists: “We will make sure they either leave the country or die inside it.”44 No notice was taken in the United States. In April great indignation was aroused when La Prensa could not publish during a newsprint shortage. For the Washington Post, this was another “pointed lesson in arbitrary power … by denying La Prensa the newsprint.” There were renewed cries of outrage when La Prensa was suspended for two weeks in July after what the government alleged to be fabricated and inflammatory accounts of violence that had erupted at demonstrations.45 Meanwhile, on June 10, fifteen heavily armed men broke into the offices of La Epoca, stole valuable equipment, and firebombed the offices, destroying them.

While the media “make extensive use of news and special articles” from the U.S. propaganda services, more can be done in this regard to “encourage confidence in democracy and free enterprise”—the two being operationally equivalent—and to overcome the current “lackadaisical… attitude of the government toward [the] suppression” of communists. The State Department recommended convincing the government to take measures to “Limit the international movement of communists, Increase penalties for communist activities, Eliminate communists from union leadership, Restrict communist propaganda,” while continuing U.S. propaganda programs “to increase public support for anti-communist measures.” In short, the United States should foster democracy. It should not be assumed that these are only the thoughts of the Republican Eisenhower administration. If anything, the Kennedy liberals were even more concerned to ensure that democratic forms remain within appropriate bounds.6 In later years, Don Pepe continued to serve the cause of the United States, as standard bearer of the Free World, while advocating probity in government, class collaboration, and economic development sensitive to the needs of business and foreign investors.

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The Metropolitan Revolution: The Rise of Post-Urban America by Jon C. Teaford

anti-communist, big-box store, conceptual framework, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, East Village, edge city, estate planning, Golden Gate Park, Gunnar Myrdal, Haight Ashbury, housing crisis, illegal immigration, Jane Jacobs, Joan Didion, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Potemkin village, rent control, Seaside, Florida, Silicon Valley, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, Victor Gruen, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, young professional

During the intervening four decades, more than 1.3 million newcomers legally entered the United States from China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong.34 The ouster of the Taiwan-based Republic of China from the United Nations in 1971, the fall of Saigon in 1975, the gradual establishment of relations between the United States and Communist China during the 1970s, and British plans to relinquish Hong Kong to Communist China all seemed to threaten the interests of anti-Communist Asian capitalists and encouraged an influx of Chinese immigrants to the United States, the one eminently secure bastion of anti-Communist capitalism in the world. Many of the Chinese immigrants were not wealthy, but a good portion of the newcomers had money and skills that they sought to invest and utilize in America. The influence of the new Chinese Americans was especially evident in the suburbs of the San Gabriel Valley, east of Los Angeles, and specifically in the city of Monterey Park.

These factors resulted in an immigrant population that was highly diverse in social and educational background. Many well-educated Asians gained entry under the provisions of the Hart-Celler Act. Unlike the stereotypical immigrants of the past, they were middle class and college trained. Moreover, America’s refugee policy opened the floodgates to displaced capitalists whose entrepreneurial skills and ambitions clashed with Communist dogma. Vehement anti-Communists, these newcomers posed no threat to the nation’s prevailing ideology but instead reinforced the image of the United States as the world’s chief bulwark of capitalism. The illegal immigrants were for the most part desperately poor, compelled by economic necessity to defy the law. Because of their precarious legal status, they could be readily exploited by American employers, paid less than minimum wage, and forced to work in conditions that no native-born American would tolerate.

pages: 450 words: 113,173

The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties by Christopher Caldwell

1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, big data - Walmart - Pop Tarts, blue-collar work, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, computer age, crack epidemic, crony capitalism, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Attenborough, desegregation, disintermediation, disruptive innovation, Edward Snowden, Erik Brynjolfsson, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Firefox, full employment, George Gilder, global value chain, Home mortgage interest deduction, illegal immigration, immigration reform, informal economy, Jeff Bezos, John Markoff, Kevin Kelly, libertarian paternalism, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, mass incarceration, mortgage tax deduction, Nate Silver, new economy, Norman Mailer, post-industrial society, pre–internet, profit motive, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Metcalfe, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog, zero-sum game

Definitions of what was required in the name of justice and humanity broadened. Racial integration turned into the all-embracing ideology of diversity. Women’s liberation moved on to a reconsideration of what it meant to be a woman (and, eventually, a man). Immigration became grounds for reconsidering whether an American owed his primary allegiance to his country or whether other forms of belonging were more important. Anti-communist military adventures gave way, once communism began to collapse in 1989, to a role for the United States as the keeper of the whole world’s peace, the guarantor of the whole world’s prosperity, and the promulgator and enforcer of ethical codes for a new international order, which was sometimes called the “global economy.” There was something irresistible about this movement. The moral prestige and practical resources available to the American governing elite as it went about reordering society were almost limitless.

The war’s prosecution had been placed in their hands, and for understandable reasons. For two decades America’s bureaucratic and corporate experts had met every challenge they had been set, from a two-front war against Germany and Japan to the construction of an interstate highway system. Much as Johnson had revived Kennedy’s stalled civil rights initiatives and turned them into a massive constitutional reform, he took Kennedy’s inchoate plans to make a manly anti-communist stand somewhere in Southeast Asia (Laos had been the first country on which Kennedy’s whimsy landed) and turned them into a focused military campaign. President Kennedy had recruited Robert McNamara, the president of the Ford Motor Company, to be his secretary of defense. McNamara had won the esteem of the country’s leaders, and the authority to manage its now-nuclearized armed forces, on the strength of his corporate career.

CNN founder Ted Turner ordered his company’s personnel to refer to things outside the United States as “international” rather than “foreign,” threatening to levy fines (which he would donate to the United Nations) on those who disobeyed. Political correctness was not a joke after all. It was the most comprehensive ideological capture of institutional power in the history of the United States. Those who pooh-poohed P.C. assumed that the partisan arrangements that had governed Western thinking in the Cold War would last forever. True, the “conservative” “hawks” had outlasted the “liberal” “doves” and the anti-communists the communists. And true, most of the groups now clamoring for rights and recognition had belonged, in one way or another, to the dovish side in that conflict. But that had been a matter of expedience. Campaigners for civil or women’s or gay rights had never had any particular affinity for Marxist ideas of economic organization and the Soviet state that defended them. Now, in fact, it was possible for people who had wanted a different racial or sexual order to demand it of the American system without incurring the suspicion that they were working against the country’s national security.

pages: 396 words: 116,332

Political Ponerology (A Science on the Nature of Evil Adjusted for Political Purposes) by Andrew M. Lobaczewski

anti-communist, corporate raider,, John Nash: game theory, means of production, phenotype, Project for a New American Century

In contemporary political discourse, adherents of some political ideologies tend to associate fascism with their enemies, or define it as the opposite of their own views. There are no major self-described fascist parties or organizations anywhere in the world. However, at the present time, in the U.S., the system is far more fascist than democratic, which probably explains the existence of the years of anti-Communist propaganda. That would demonstrate an early process of ponerization of Western democracy which, at present, has almost completed the transformation to full-blown fascism. (Wikipedia, Fascism, [Editor’s note.] * * * [52]: The law [is] harsh, but [it is] the law. * * * [53]: It should also be mentioned that the same process occurs when a psychological deviant is thrown out of a group of normal people.

For instance: we meet two people whose behavior makes us suspect they are psychopaths, but their attitudes to the pathocratic system are quite different; the first is affirmative, the second painfully critical. Studies on the basis of tests detecting brain tissue damage will indicate such pathology in the second person, but not in the first; in the second case we are dealing with behavior which may be strongly reminiscent of psychopathy, but the substratum is different. If a carrier of an essential psychopathy gene was a member of the decidedly anti-communist government party before the war, he will be treated as an “ideological enemy” during the pathocracy’s formative period. However, he soon appears to find a modus vivendi with the new authorities and enjoys a certain amount of tolerance. The moment when he becomes transformed into an adherent of the new “ideology” and finds the way back to the ruling party is only a matter of time and circumstance.

This new science, expressed in language derived from a deviant reality, is something foreign to people who wish to understand this macrosocial phenomenon but think in the categories of the countries of normal man. Attempts to understand this language produce a certain feeling of helplessness which gives rise to the tendency of creating one’s own doctrines, built from the concepts of one’s own world and a certain amount of appropriately co-opted pathocratic propaganda material. Such a doctrine, for example, would be the American anti-Communist propaganda. Such twisted and distorted concepts makes it even more difficult to understand that other reality. May the objective description adduced herein enable them to overcome the impasse thus engendered. In countries subjected to pathocratic rule, this knowledge and language, especially human experience, create a mediating concatenation in such a way that most people could assimilate this objective description of the phenomenon without major difficulties with the help of active apperception.

pages: 401 words: 119,043

Checkpoint Charlie by Iain MacGregor

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bob Geldof, British Empire, index card, Kickstarter, Live Aid, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, open borders, Ronald Reagan

“We never saw the regime, or the Wall, falling; on the contrary—everyone was getting used to it being around for a long time. And the late 1970s and early 1980s, when I was writing my own analysis of East German life, it was quite a refreshing point of view. Unlike West German journalists who were closely monitored, and also many of whom were what I called ‘anti-anti-Communists,’ due to the predominant rhetoric being so anti-Communist [that] they were trying to put the other side. I just traveled around and talked to people. It gave me a pretty good sense of how nasty it was. So that, as you know, was what resulted in my being banned from the country.” * * * For Mark Wood, traversing through Checkpoint Charlie was a routine of his working life that hardly ever changed. “The authorities kept the same guard rotations in place, so one could get to know individuals, but still not on a friendly basis.

Mao Zedong had grown cold to Khrushchev’s leadership for several reasons: his denouncement of Stalin’s rule in 1956; his lack of ambition to take the revolution to the capitalist West; and, crucially, his decision to visit the USA when invited by Eisenhower in September 1959, before he had even gone to China to celebrate Mao’s tenth year in power. The two leaders were now barely on speaking terms, preferring to communicate through their respective foreign ministries. Closer to home, the thought of a West Germany led by the anti-Communist Konrad Adenauer being allowed tactical nuclear weapons by their NATO allies appalled the Soviets as much as it did the East Germans. Ulbricht began pressuring the Soviet leader for a solution to the growing problem of the refugee crisis, too. On June 15, 1961, in an international press conference, he uttered the prophetic words “Niemand hat die Absicht, eine Mauer zu errichten!” (“No one has the intention to erect a wall!”)

pages: 235 words: 68,317

The Rum Diary by Hunter S. Thompson

anti-communist, job-hopping, New Urbanism

I know, she whispered. Just let me rest awhile. Fine with me, I said. I have to go to work anyway. I went to the kitchen and drank two mouthfuls of warm rum, then I took a shower and got dressed. When I left, the food on her table was untouched. See you about eight, I said. Call the paper if you need anything. I will, she said. Goodbye. I spent most of the day in the library, taking notes on previous anti-communist investigations and looking for background material on people involved in hearings that were scheduled to start on Thursday. I avoided Sala, hoping he wouldn't come looking for me to ask for news of Chenault. At six o'clock Lotterman called from Miami, telling Schwartz to handle the paper and saying he'd be back on Friday with good news. It could only mean that he'd found some financing; the paper would last a little longer and I still had my job.

I also expected Yeamon to come bounding into the office at any moment. It took me a while to compose myself, but finally I decided that the morning had never happened. Nothing had changed. I would see Yeamon and get her off my hands. If he didn't come into town, I would drive out there after work. When I felt myself under control I went back to the office. At two-thirty I had to go to the Caribe to talk to one of the Congressmen who had come down for the anti-communist investigation. I drove over there and talked to the man for two hours. We sat on the terrace and drank rum punch, and when I left he thanked me for the valuable information I had given him. Okay, Senator, I said. Thanks for the story -- it's a hot one. Back at the office I was hard-pressed to get four paragraphs out of the entire conversation. Then I called Sanderson. How're you coming on that brochure?

pages: 262 words: 66,800

Progress: Ten Reasons to Look Forward to the Future by Johan Norberg

agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, availability heuristic, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business climate, clean water, continuation of politics by other means, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, demographic transition, desegregation, Donald Trump, Flynn Effect, germ theory of disease, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, Haber-Bosch Process, Hans Island, Hans Rosling, Ignaz Semmelweis: hand washing, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, Isaac Newton, Jane Jacobs, John Snow's cholera map, Kibera, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, more computing power than Apollo, moveable type in China, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, open economy, place-making, Rosa Parks, sexual politics, special economic zone, Steven Pinker, telerobotics, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transatlantic slave trade, very high income, working poor, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, zero-sum game

The moment people realized that Soviet tanks would not crush them if they protested, they dismantled communism themselves. The exception was Romania, where crowds booed the dictator Nicolae Ceau?escu at a mass rally he had ordered, and security forces fired on the protesters, until the morning after, when the military switched sides and sent its tanks against the Central Committee. Ceausescu was executed days later. Many anti-communist dictatorships supported by the United States also realized that patience with authoritarianism was growing thin. In 1989 Brazil saw the first election for president by popular vote since the military coup of 1964. After a fraudulent presidential election in Mexico in 1988, when the computers ‘broke down’ as the opposition candidate was about to win, political and electoral reforms set the country on the path to democracy.

The authorities would show them gay pornography and give them electric shocks to condition them against it. In some instances they were referred to medical institutions, where they could be sterilized and sometimes castrated and lobotomized. During the Cold War, homosexuals were often seen as security risks, either because their behaviour made them more susceptible to political radicalism generally or because it made them vulnerable to blackmail, which might make them help the enemy. The rabid anti-communist Senator Joseph McCarthy was among those making a connection between communists and so-called ‘cocksuckers’ – even though homosexuality was of course illegal in the Soviet Union. Under President Eisenhower hundreds of homosexuals were dismissed from federal employment. Similar purges took place in the British government. Undercover policemen would pose as gay men in public places, and arrested those who took the bait.

pages: 376 words: 121,254

Cocaine Nation: How the White Trade Took Over the World by Thomas Feiling

anti-communist, barriers to entry, crack epidemic, deindustrialization, illegal immigration, informal economy, inventory management, Kickstarter, land reform, Lao Tzu, mandatory minimum, moral panic, offshore financial centre, RAND corporation, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Stanford prison experiment, trade route, upwardly mobile, yellow journalism

What is beyond doubt is that it put cocaine within the reach of many more Americans, and paved the way for the crack epidemic that swept through the inner cities of the United States in the 1980s. The cocaine-Contra scandal might have undermined the United States’ determination to scupper the cocaine trade, but it also brings to mind earlier cases in which the US government has allowed drug traffickers to sell drugs in the United States, usually in pursuit of the same anti-communist goals that animated their strategy in Nicaragua. The Italian-American Mafioso Lucky Luciano was the first beneficiary of collusion between the US government’s spies and its gangsters, as the government turned to the Italian Mafia for help in invading Sicily in 1943. United States intelligence agencies not only arranged for Luciano, then the world’s pre-eminent heroin dealer, to be released from prison; they also allowed him to rebuild his drug-smuggling business, watched as heroin flowed into New York and Washington DC, and then lied about what they had done.

Because the Colombian government shares the paramilitaries’ hatred of the FARC, it turned a blind eye to the AUC’s second motive, which was to get rich quick. AUC leader Carlos Castaño revealed that three quarters of the AUC’s funds came from the production and trafficking of cocaine. Like the guerrillas, the paramilitaries went through bitter internal struggles over their relationship to the cocaine business. Castaño made his fortune working with the Norte del Valle cartel, but he was first and foremost an anti-communist, who saw the cocaine business as a means to a political end. When the AUC struck a deal with the government, by which the paramilitaries would leave the fighting to the regular armed forces, its political task was complete, and Castaño’s card was marked. He was killed shortly afterwards by his brother Vicente. The AUC was ready to demobilize. The battle to wrest control of the north of the country from the guerrillas had been won.

As a result, three quarters of the cocaine consumed in the United States is said to pass through Guatemala.8 The US government has shown itself to be happy to facilitate drugs traffickers when they share the Americans’ broader foreign policy goals. Former DEA agent Celerino Castillo III has written that ‘we spent billions trying to beat down an ideology in Central America, while the cartels rented nations as transit routes’.9 Of course, there are limits to American indulgence of drug trafficking: the case of Manuel Noriega, the military dictator who ruled Panama between 1983 and 1989, shows what US agencies are prepared to do when anti-communist allies in Central America overstep the mark. Noriega had been trafficking drugs, and working for the CIA, since the late 1960s. The United States’ security agencies had long overlooked Noriega’s cocaine trafficking for the Medellín cartel because of the strategic role the Panamanian played in supporting the Contras in Nicaragua. But when Noriega took a hard line in negotiations with the Americans over the future of the Panama Canal, the CIA dropped him as an asset, and the White House decided to depose him.

pages: 473 words: 132,344

The Downfall of Money: Germany's Hyperinflation and the Destruction of the Middle Class by Frederick Taylor

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, British Empire, central bank independence, centre right, collective bargaining, falling living standards, fiat currency, fixed income, full employment, German hyperinflation, housing crisis, Internet Archive, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, mittelstand, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, quantitative easing, rent control, risk/return, strikebreaker, trade route, zero-sum game

He wore a tie in the fashion of Oscar Wilde, organised champagne parties, and provided for his embarrassed father.3 Elsewhere in the country, young bank workers, like the ‘high-rollers’ of Wall Street and the City of London in the early 2000s, were able to use their access to foreign currency to live the high life. In Hamburg, the bank clerk Hermann Zander, after completing his brief post-war service with the anti-Communist Freikorps, settled into a career as a foreign exchange dealer with the Commerzbank. He described his privileged situation during the hyperinflation in jaunty terms: This is the time when we had the ever quicker developing inflation, during which I had the opportunity to make diversions into Valuta (foreign currency). Any paper marks that were still left over at close of business would be spent on fun or used to buy goods.

On the same day that President Ebert and Stresemann’s government jointly announced the end of support for the resistance struggle in the Ruhr, the Bavarian government responded to the new emergency by transferring presidential powers within the state away from Ebert in Berlin to Gustav von Kahr, currently District President of Upper Bavaria (which included Munich), former Premier of the state (1920-21), and champion of anti-Communist order. Under paragraph 48 of the Weimar constitution, the President in Berlin could assume semi-dictatorial powers. Now, according to the Bavarians’ peculiar interpretation of their own legal rights, Kahr as ‘General State Commissioner’ superseded the national President and could exercise these powers in his place without consulting anyone. Sure enough, Kahr proclaimed martial law in Bavaria immediately on taking office.

At a secret meeting of the Politburo on 23 August 1923, the green light was given for a Communist revolution in Germany, to be spearheaded by the ‘proletarian hundreds’. A successful uprising in the world’s second largest industrial country would bolster the Trotskyite cause within the Bolshevik leadership. It would also, incidentally, ensure that the new ‘bourgeois’ Stresemann government, which was clearly attempting to find a modus vivendi with the arch-capitalist British, would not abandon the Rapallo Treaty and become part of a possible anti-Communist block. Hence the Moscow leadership’s authorisation of a secret fund, to be controlled by the Soviet ambassador in Berlin, for the promotion of the so-called ‘German October’ – or, rather, in Trotsky’s case, a ‘German November’, for he argued that the Communist coup should take place on the ninth of that month, the fifth anniversary of the revolution that overthrew the Kaiser in 1918. It is one of the special curiosities of this most strange of German autumns that Adolf Hitler had the very same fateful date in mind – 9 November 1923 – for his planned ‘march on Berlin’.

pages: 691 words: 203,236

Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future of White Majorities by Eric Kaufmann

4chan, affirmative action, Amazon Mechanical Turk, anti-communist, anti-globalists, augmented reality, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, Chelsea Manning, cognitive dissonance, complexity theory, corporate governance, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, deindustrialization, demographic transition, Donald Trump, Elon Musk,, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Haight Ashbury, illegal immigration, immigration reform, imperial preference, income inequality, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, liberal capitalism, longitudinal study, Lyft, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral panic, Nate Silver, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, open borders, phenotype, postnationalism / post nation state, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Silicon Valley, statistical model, Steven Pinker, the built environment, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, transcontinental railway, twin studies, uber lyft, upwardly mobile, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, white flight, working-age population, World Values Survey, young professional

Truman also highlighted the importance of the US as a ‘moral leader’, reflecting an enhanced missionary nationalism in the face of the communist threat. From the American state’s viewpoint, the country was defined by its liberal-democratic ideology and political traditions. Its ethnic composition was immaterial. Changes were also afoot on the right. In the early 1950s, Irish-American Senator Joseph McCarthy made his name by instigating an anti-communist witch-hunt of largely WASP federal bureaucrats. This meant anti-communism displaced WASPness as a litmus test of Americanism. Ironically, the WASP liberals who prised open the doors of opportunity to those of immigrant stock like McCarthy had become targets of a Catholic patriot. McCarthy’s reconfiguration of right-wing nationalism indirectly benefited its first Catholic president, John F. Kennedy, who never once criticized the hawkish senator.

Neoconservatism’s missionary nationalism fed off the country’s struggle against communism. Recall that anti-communism, by shifting the litmus test of Americanism from Anglo-Protestant ethnicity to universalist ideology, permitted non-WASPs like Joseph McCarthy or semi-WASPs like Barry Goldwater to convincingly engage in the politics of patriotism. Neoconservatism’s roots likewise lay in the immigrant, anti-communist, ex-leftist ‘New York Intellectual’ tradition. Stalin’s Show Trials of the 1930s, and, later, the excesses of the 1960s campus revolts prompted many formerly left-wing, predominantly Jewish, intellectuals to move right. Figures such as Irving Kristol and Norman Podhoretz, writing in journals such as Commentary and the Public Interest, along with Catholic ‘theocons’ brought new vigour to American conservatism.

It originated in the 1910s, expanded in the 1960s and attained pre-eminence in high-cultural institutions in the 1980s. In universities, left-modernism continued to consolidate its hold into the 2000s and has become such a dominant force on campus that activist staff, administrators and students have begun restricting academic freedom – albeit in a less brutal manner than that carried out by McCarthyite anti-communists of the 1950s. Let’s begin at the epicentre. WHO IS RACIST? On 16 September 2017, Bret Weinstein, a professor of biology at Evergreen State College in Washington state, resigned his post and settled out of court for $500,000 with the university for failing to protect him and his wife from verbal and physical abuse. The assailants were left-wing students who accused Weinstein of racism for failing to embrace the university’s anti-racist equality and diversity initiative.

pages: 870 words: 259,362

Austerity Britain: 1945-51 by David Kynaston

Alistair Cooke, anti-communist, British Empire, Chelsea Manning, collective bargaining, continuous integration, deindustrialization, deskilling, Etonian, full employment, garden city movement, hiring and firing, industrial cluster, invisible hand, job satisfaction, labour mobility, light touch regulation, mass immigration, moral panic, Neil Kinnock, occupational segregation, price mechanism, rent control, reserve currency, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, shared worldview, stakhanovite, strikebreaker, the market place, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, very high income, wage slave, washing machines reduced drudgery, wealth creators, women in the workforce, young professional

And she made an equally pertinent further point: such parents in this situation would, if they could afford it, look instead to the private sector.11 10 The Whole World Is Full of Permits There was much on the Labour Party’s mind by 1947/8 as – following the great burst of legislation since 1945 – it sought to orientate itself for the 1950s. Would it, for instance, tamely line up behind Ernest Bevin’s strong pro-American, anti-Communist line? Over Easter 1947, shortly after President Harry Truman had proclaimed his fiercely anti-Soviet Doctrine, denouncing Communism for its inherent expansionism and promising on the part of the free world an ‘enduring struggle’ against it, three youngish Labour MPs (Richard Crossman, Michael Foot and Ian Mikardo) wrote an almost instantly published pamphlet, Keep Left. Critical of Bevin’s ‘dangerous dependence’ on the US, it demanded that British and French Socialists form an alliance sufficiently strong ‘to hold the balance of world power, to halt the division into a Western and Eastern bloc and so to make the United Nations a reality’.

A Communist candidate today [1987] would be more than satisfied with that figure, but in 1948 it was seen as disastrous. Overall, the onset of the Cold War could not but affect the temper of British public life. As early as May 1947, Attlee began to chair a Special Cabinet Committee on Subversive Activities; in early 1948 the government established the Information and Research Department (IRD), essentially an anti-Communist propaganda unit; and on 15 March, soon after the Prague coup, Attlee announced that members of the CP and those ‘associated with it’ would henceforth be forbidden from undertaking work deemed ‘vital to the security of the State’. The immediate consequences were dramatic. There began the process of systematically investigating individual civil servants; new academic appointments were more or less closed for Communists or Communist sympathisers; and the BBC summarily dismissed Alex McCrindle, a Communist actor known to millions as ‘Jock’ in Dick Barton.

Civil servants continued, as they had been since the spring of 1948, to be vetted; scare tactics resulted in the removal of most Communists from the National Union of Teachers (NUT) Executive; the historian George Rudé was dismissed from his teaching post at St Paul’s public school and found it impossible to secure either an academic or a BBC position; the Transport and General Workers’ Union’s implacably right-wing leader, Arthur Deakin, banned Communists from holding office in his union; the educationalist Brian Simon thought he had got a job at Bristol University, but it proved a mirage after his CP membership was discovered; it was on pain of dismissal that any John Lewis employee did not sign an anti-Communist declaration; and so on. Yet for all that, the witch-hunt could have been much more extreme. ‘The Cold War mentality which developed in Britain did not reach the state of paranoia which sometimes afflicted the United States,’ the cultural historian Robert Hewison persuasively writes. ‘No House of Commons committee solemnly examined the works of art chosen for exhibition abroad by the British Council, in search of Communist tendencies . . .

pages: 105 words: 18,832

The Collapse of Western Civilization: A View From the Future by Naomi Oreskes, Erik M. Conway

anti-communist, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction,, energy transition, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, market fundamentalism, mass immigration, means of production, oil shale / tar sands, Pierre-Simon Laplace, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, stochastic process, the built environment, the market place

This would be funny if it weren’t (mostly) true. The supporters of the Sea Level Rise Denial Bill don’t call it that, of course, but that’s what it is. We figured future historians would call a spade a spade. I N t e r v I e w w I t h t h e A u t h O r s 69 5. Why did you decide to situate the narrator in China in the Second (or Neocommunist) People’s Republic? NO: The doubt-mongers we wrote about in Merchants of Doubt were anti-communists who opposed environmental regulations for fear that government encroachment in the marketplace would become a backdoor to communism. They believed that political freedom was tied to economic freedom, so restrictions on economic freedom threatened political freedom. Their views came out of the Cold War—particularly the writings of Milton Friedman and Friedrich von Hayek—but the essential idea remains a tenet for many people on the right wing of the American political spectrum today.

pages: 306 words: 79,537

Prisoners of Geography: Ten Maps That Explain Everything About the World (Politics of Place) by Tim Marshall

9 dash line, Admiral Zheng, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, California gold rush, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, drone strike, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Hans Island, Kickstarter, LNG terminal, market fragmentation, megacity, Mercator projection distort size, especially Greenland and Africa, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, oil shale / tar sands, Scramble for Africa, South China Sea, trade route, transcontinental railway, Transnistria, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, zero-sum game

Late in the last century overstretch, spending more money than was available, the economics of the madhouse in a land not designed for people, and defeat in the mountains of Afghanistan led to the fall of the USSR and saw the Russian Empire shrink back to the shape of more or less the pre–Communist era with its European borders ending at Estonia, Latvia, Belarus, Ukraine, Georgia, and Azerbaijan. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, in support of the Communist Afghan government against anti-Communist Muslim guerrillas, had never been about bringing the joys of Marxist-Leninism to the Afghan people. It was always about ensuring that Moscow controlled that space in order to prevent anyone else from doing so. Crucially, the invasion of Afghanistan also gave hope to the great Russian dream of its army being able to “wash their boots in the warm waters of the Indian Ocean,” in the words of the ultra-nationalistic Russian politician Vladimir Zhirinovsky, and thus achieve what it never had: a warm-water port where the water does not freeze in winter, with free access to the world’s major trading routes.

Most of the socialists of the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) were from the Mbundu tribe, while the opposition rebel fighters were mostly from two other main tribes, the Bakongo and the Ovimbundu. Their political disguise was as the FNLA (National Front for the Liberation of Angola) and UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola). Many of the civil wars of the 1960s and 1970s followed this template: if Russia backed a particular side, that side would suddenly remember that it had socialist principles, while its opponents would become anti-Communist. The Mbundu had the geographical but not the numerical advantage. They held the capital, Luanda; had access to the oil fields and the main river, the Cuanza; and were backed by countries that could supply them with Russian arms and Cuban soldiers. They prevailed in 2002, and their top echelons immediately undermined their own somewhat questionable socialist credentials by joining the long list of colonial and African leaders who enriched themselves at the expense of the people.

pages: 469 words: 145,094

Endgame: Bobby Fischer's Remarkable Rise and Fall - From America's Brightest Prodigy to the Edge of Madness by Frank Brady

anti-communist, Charles Lindbergh, El Camino Real, illegal immigration, index card, long peace, offshore financial centre, Ponzi scheme, Socratic dialogue

Sitting with those magazines, it was as if he were studying the chess equivalent of Plutarch’s lives of the Roman generals or Vasari’s lives of the artists. Quite simply, they inspired. Then, in the summer of 1954, Bobby had an opportunity to see in action some of the greats he’d been reading about. It turned out that the Soviet team would be playing for the first time on United States soil. In that era of anti-Communist hysteria, when anyone in America who read Karl Marx’s Das Kapital or wore a red tie was thought to be a Communist, the president of the U.S. Chess Federation, Harold M. Phillips, a lawyer who’d defended Morton Sobell in the Rosenberg espionage case, confided almost with relish that he expected to be called in front of Senator McCarthy’s House Un-American Activities Committee hearings and accused of being a Communist simply because he’d tendered the chess invitation to the Russians.

She was shaking, not because she was concealing anything, but because of the scenario that had just taken place: two law enforcement agents, men who towered over her relatively tiny frame of five feet, four inches, coming at her in a confrontational way in the street. Regina’s political activities—any or all of which could be considered “subversive,” taking into account the near hysterical anti-Communist climate of the day—were fodder for the FBI: her six years in Moscow, her mercurial ex-husband in Chile, her work at defense plants, her association with rabble-rousers, her affiliation with left-wing political organizations, and her active participation in protests—such as a vigil she joined on the night of the execution of the convicted spies Ethel and Julius Rosenberg. Had she done anything illegal?

Though Bobby had always pushed for Belgrade as the site of the championship match, a tentative understanding seemed to have been worked out to at least split the match between Belgrade and Reykjavik. Thorbergsson clearly favored the idea of all the games being staged in Iceland. Going back to Bobby’s chalet, the two analyzed some games, and Thorbergsson continued his volley of subtle arguments for why Bobby should play exclusively in Iceland. A gentle man, Thorbergsson had lived in Russia and was a rabid anti-Communist. He saw Bobby’s playing for the World Championship as a political act as much as a cultural one; and he used that line of reasoning with Bobby, maintaining that it would be morally wrong to allow the championship to be played within the Soviets’ sphere of influence. In an essay, he’d later write: “The Russians have for decades enslaved other nations and their own nationals. They use their victories in various sports, chess and in other fields to fool people and make them believe their system is the best.”

pages: 621 words: 157,263

How to Change the World: Reflections on Marx and Marxism by Eric Hobsbawm

anti-communist, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, British Empire, continuation of politics by other means, creative destruction, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, discovery of the americas, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, labour market flexibility, liberal capitalism, market fundamentalism, mass immigration, means of production, new economy, Simon Kuznets, Thorstein Veblen, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, Vilfredo Pareto, zero-sum game

Perhaps this did not greatly affect the bulk of the continent’s intellectuals, but it should warn us against too facile an application of the European political alignments in Latin America. Moreover, that continent was not effectively involved in World War Two. The situation was more complex in Asia and (insofar as it was politically mobilised), Africa, where there was no local fascism15 – though Japan, a militantly anti-communist power, was allied with Germany and Italy – and where Britain, France and the Netherlands were the obvious main adversaries for anti-imperialists. The bulk of secular intellectuals were certainly opposed to European fascism, given its racialist attitude to peoples of yellow, brown and black skins. Moreover, movements in these countries were often strongly influenced by those of the metropoles, i.e. by the liberal and democratic traditions of Western Europe, as notably in the Indian National Congress.

It is therefore likely that Gramsci will continue to be read mainly for the light his writings throw on politics, in his own words, the ‘body of practical rules for research and of detailed observations useful for awakening an interest in effective reality and for stimulating more rigorous and more vigorous political insights’. I do not believe that those looking for such insights will only be found on the left, although for evident reasons those who share Gramsci’s objectives are most likely to look to him for guidance. As Joseph Buttigieg notes, American anti-communists are worried because Gramsci can still inspire the post-Soviet left, even when Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky and Mao no longer can. Yet, while one hopes that Gramsci may still be a guide to successful political action for the left, it is already clear that his international influence has penetrated beyond the left, and indeed beyond the sphere of instrumental politics. 2 338 The Reception of Gramsci It may seem trivial that an Anglo-Saxon reference work can – I quote the entry in its entirety – reduce him to a single word: ‘Antonio Gramsci (Italian political thinker, 1891–1937), see under HEGEMONY’.3 It may be absurd that an American journalist quoted by Buttigieg believes that the concept of ‘civil society’ was introduced into modern political discourse by Gramsci alone.4 Yet the acceptance of a thinker as a permanent classic is often indicated by just such superficial references to him by people who patently know little more about him than that he is ‘important’.

But even when both stood on the left, the focus of their political interests tended to be different. Thus it was very much easier to rouse passionate concern for environmental and ecological questions on the intellectual left than in purely proletarian organisations. The combination of both groups was politically most powerful –where it still occurred: under left-wing auspices in Brazil, under anti-communist ones in Poland, both in the 1980s. The gap, or the lack of coordination between them, whether permanent or not, was therefore likely to affect the practical prospects of transforming society by the action of Marxist movements. At the same time experience suggested that political movements based primarily on intellectuals were unlikely to produce mass parties like the traditional socialist or communist parties of labour, held together by the solid bonds of class consciousness and class loyalty; or indeed any mass parties.

pages: 516 words: 159,734

War Without Mercy: PACIFIC WAR by John Dower

anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, colonial rule, European colonialism, ghettoisation, Gunnar Myrdal, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Scientific racism, South China Sea, Torches of Freedom, transcontinental railway

The demonic Westerners could suddenly become transformed into their tutelary guise, extirpating evil feudalistic and militaristic influences from Japan, and leading the folk procession along the road to democracy. The Japanese, on the other hand, retained in Western eyes characteristics of the herd, the undifferentiated mass. Formerly “all bad,” they now became all (or almost all)—what? Diligent, peace-loving, pro-American–and anti-Communist. With the “anti-Communist” allure of postwar Japan, one moves on to a fuller appreciation of the true resilience of code words concerning the Other. Not only are such concepts capable of evoking constructive as well as destructive responses; they are also free-floating and easily transferred from one target to another, depending on the exigencies and apprehensions of the moment. The war hates and race hates of World War Two, that is, proved very adaptable to the cold war.

The total number of Chinese killed is controversial, but a middle-range estimate puts the combined deaths from both the shelling and subsequent atrocities at two hundred thousand.26 Much smaller killings occurred in other Chinese cities that fell into Japanese hands, including Hankow and Canton. In attempting to consolidate their control over northern China, the Japanese subsequently turned to “rural pacification” campaigns that amounted to indiscriminate terror against the peasantry. And by 1941–42, this fundamentally anti-Communist “pacification” campaign had evolved into the devastating “three-all” policy (sankō seisaku: “kill all, burn all, destroy all”), during which it is estimated that the population in the areas dominated by the Chinese Communists was reduced, through flight and death, from 44 million to 25 million persons.27 Outside of China, massacres small and large by Japanese ground forces were reported from every country that fell within the Co-Prosperity Sphere.28 After the British surrendered Singapore in February 1942, the overseas Chinese there became an immediate target of Japanese oppression, and upwards of five thousand were summarily executed in the course of a few days.

pages: 475 words: 156,046

When They Go Low, We Go High: Speeches That Shape the World – and Why We Need Them by Philip Collins

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, collective bargaining, Copley Medal, Corn Laws, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, fear of failure, Fellow of the Royal Society, full employment, invention of the printing press, late capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, plutocrats, Plutocrats, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Rosa Parks, stakhanovite, Thomas Malthus, Torches of Freedom, World Values Survey

But the most pressing issue for his presidency, with which Reagan will always be associated, was the Cold War. Reagan fortified the American arsenal of weapons and its reserve of troops against a Soviet Union that he described, in a speech in March 1983, as ‘the evil empire’. Providing aid to anti-communist movements in Africa, Asia and Latin America became known as the Reagan Doctrine. In November 1984 Reagan won a second landslide, carrying 49 of the 50 US states and 525 of the 538 electoral votes, the largest number ever won by an American presidential candidate. His second term was tarnished by the Iran–Contra affair, an arms-for-hostages deal with Iran to funnel money toward anti-communist insurgencies in Central America. Though he initially denied knowing about it, Reagan later announced that it had been a mistake. It was, however, during his second term as president that Reagan forged a diplomatic relationship with Mikhail Gorbachev, chairman of the Soviet Union.

This is a difficult argument to press these days. Populism has wormed its way into democratic politics and planted an insidious lack of confidence in the institutions of democracies. Western nations are oddly apt to blame themselves for the world’s troubles. Self-criticism is, of course, one of the attributes of a democracy, but self-loathing is not. The colonial adventures of the nineteenth century, the anti-communist conflicts that upheld dubious regimes in the twentieth century and the various military disasters in the Middle East of recent years provide a ready historical roster of Western culpability. It sounds vainglorious and imperial to state baldly that democratic societies are superior to their non-democratic counterparts, but it is true all the same and the arguments that democracies make for war show why it is true.

pages: 538 words: 145,243

Behemoth: A History of the Factory and the Making of the Modern World by Joshua B. Freeman

anti-communist, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, collective bargaining, Corn Laws, corporate raider, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, disruptive innovation,, factory automation, Ford paid five dollars a day, Frederick Winslow Taylor, global supply chain, indoor plumbing, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, James Hargreaves, joint-stock company, knowledge worker, mass immigration, means of production, mittelstand, Naomi Klein, new economy, On the Economy of Machinery and Manufactures, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Pearl River Delta, post-industrial society, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, spinning jenny, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, technoutopianism, the built environment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, Tim Cook: Apple, transaction costs, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, urban planning, Vanguard fund, women in the workforce, working poor, Works Progress Administration, zero-sum game

, 85–86; Applebaum, Iron Curtain, 459; Pittaway, “Hungary’s Socialist Industrial Landscape,” 88–89. 48.Paweł Jagło, “Defense of the Cross,” in Nowa Huta 1949+, 39–40; Lebow, Unfinished Utopia, 161–69. 49.Paweł Jagło, “Anti-Communist Opposition,” in Nowa Huta 1949+; Stenning, “Placing (Post-) Socialism,” 105–06; Chicago Tribune, June 10, 1979. 50.Kraków environmentalists often blamed the steel mill for the severe air pollution in the city, but prevailing winds took emissions from Nowa Huta eastward, away from the city, not toward it. Local plants, industry west of Kraków, coal-burning furnaces, and growing traffic were more responsible. Maria Lempart, “Myths and facts about Nowa Huta,” in Nowa Huta 1949+, 50. 51.Judt, Postwar, 587–89; Stenning, “Placing (Post-)Socialism,” 106; Jagło, “Anti-Communist Opposition.” 52.The official government-recognized union tacitly supported the 1988 strike, though with its own, more modest demands.

Maria Lempart, “Myths and facts about Nowa Huta,” in Nowa Huta 1949+, 50. 51.Judt, Postwar, 587–89; Stenning, “Placing (Post-)Socialism,” 106; Jagło, “Anti-Communist Opposition.” 52.The official government-recognized union tacitly supported the 1988 strike, though with its own, more modest demands. The discussion of Solidarity in Nowa Huta is drawn primarily from Lebow, Unfinished Utopia, 169–76, and my interview with Lebiest et al. See also Jagło, “Anti-Communist Opposition”; New York Times, Nov. 11, 1982, Apr. 29, 1988, May 3, 1988, and May 6, 1988; and Judt, Postwar, 605–08. 53.Interview with Lebiest et al. 54.“Poland Fights for Gdansk Shipyard,” BBC News, Aug. 21, 2007,; “Gdansk Shipyard Sinking from Freedom to Failure,” Toronto Star (accessed May 6, 2016), 55.New York Times, Nov. 27, 1989; interview with Lebiest et al.; Jagło, “Steelworks,”19–20; Stenning, “Placing (Post-)Socialism,” 108–10, 116. 56.New York Times, Oct. 6, 2015, and Oct. 7, 2015. 57.Harold James, Krupp: A History of the Legendary German Firm (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), 39; Werner Abelshauser, The Dynamics of German Industry: Germany’s Path toward the New Economy and the American Challenge (New York: Berghahn Books, 2005), 3, 85–86, 89. 58.Though in some respects the Wolfsburg plant was modeled on River Rouge, Volkswagen did not integrate backward to make all its parts, instead purchasing many from a network of closely connected suppliers.

pages: 514 words: 153,092

The Forgotten Man by Amity Shlaes

anti-communist, bank run, banking crisis, Charles Lindbergh, collective bargaining, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Frederick Winslow Taylor, invisible hand, jobless men, Mahatma Gandhi, plutocrats, Plutocrats, short selling, Upton Sinclair, wage slave, Works Progress Administration

Coda Roger Baldwin, the ACLU cofounder, worked hard for the peace movement in the 1930s. His change of heart at the news of the Soviet-Nazi Pact changed the course of both the ACLU and American history. Baldwin now brought strong anti-Communists onto his board. In 1940 the ACLU expelled a board member, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, who was a Communist; Baldwin concluded that “an organization devoted to civil liberties should be directed only by consistent supporters of civil liberty.” At the end of 1959, Baldwin told scholar Lewis Feuer, “We went wrong, we were starry-eyed. We didn’t see the potentiality of totalitarianism.” Some have called Baldwin’s anti-Communist shift early McCarthyism, but it gave the ACLU a legitimacy that would enable it to play an important role in civil rights battles after World War II. Stuart Chase went on to write in a number of other areas.

The transcript of these questions, published within a week in Pravda, give as clear a snapshot as any document of the tactical and strategic goals of Soviet foreign policy. Stalin wanted to make the point that he had a genuine labor following in the United States, and he wanted to sideline those organizations that had sidelined him—with the aid of his interlocutors. He had already skewered the anti-Communist American Federation of Labor. Now he set about doing so again: “How do you explain the fact that on the question of recognizing the USSR, the leaders of the American Federation of Labor are more reactionary than many bourgeois?” Brophy allowed that the AFL had a “peculiar philosophy.” Dunn took time to point out that the AFL was too close to capitalists—especially Matthew Woll, AFL vice president.

The Oil Kings: How the U.S., Iran, and Saudi Arabia Changed the Balance of Power in the Middle East by Andrew Scott Cooper

addicted to oil, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, banking crisis, Boycotts of Israel, energy security, falling living standards, friendly fire, full employment, interchangeable parts, Kickstarter, land reform, MITM: man-in-the-middle, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, peak oil, Ponzi scheme, RAND corporation, rising living standards, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, unbiased observer, uranium enrichment, urban planning, Yom Kippur War

He is understandably a man in a hurry who will press all resources available to their limits.” Kissinger also recited Helms’s opinion that “there is room to question whether the direct military threat to Iran from the Persian Gulf is as great as the Shah fears.” One month later, at 3:00 P.M. on May 14, President Nixon welcomed to the White House foreign ministers in town for a meeting of the Central Treaty Organization, CENTO, the alliance of anti-communist “northern tier” countries: Iran, Pakistan, Turkey, and Great Britain. At the end of the formal discussions he beckoned Ardeshir Zahedi into a small room off the Oval Office. He wanted the foreign minister to pass on a message to the Shah. Nixon’s subsequent remarks suggested he was fed up with the bureaucratic wrangling over arms sales. He wanted to do something for the Shah and short-circuit Laird and Wheeler.

The Pakistani army had gone on a rampage in East Pakistan, slaughtering at least half a million people and triggering a mass exodus of 10 million refugees into India. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi made it clear that she would not stand idly by while her country was swamped by millions of refugees. Khan was a favorite of the Nixon White House and the president refused Gandhi’s appeal to intervene. Pakistan, like Iran, was one of the so-called Northern Tier anti-Communist states that blocked the Soviet Union from the Mediterranean and Persian Gulf. Mrs. Gandhi had recently committed the ultimate sin in Nixon’s eyes by concluding a treaty of friendship with the Soviets. He intended to bring “the bitch,” as he called the prime minister, to heel. It was Nixon’s belief that Mrs. Gandhi had deceived him when he hosted her at the White House only a few weeks before the war broke out.

Many European and American analysts frankly suspected the durability of the continent’s postwar democratic institutions. Foremost among them was Henry Kissinger. To Kissinger and other pessimists the countries of Southern Europe were like dominoes ready to fall. Advocates of the domino theory feared that Portugal was on the verge of becoming the first Communist state in Western Europe. Western Europe could be splintered between an anti-Communist north and Socialist and Communist-ruled south. NATO would be paralyzed. Détente would collapse. Faced with the grim prospect of a Communist takeover of Southern Europe, Henry Kissinger, the student of great power politics, finally grasped the damage high oil prices were inflicting on the economies and political structures of the Western democracies. Following the overthrow of the Portuguese government by leftist army officers, Italy’s fate weighed heavily on his mind.

pages: 91 words: 24,469

The Once and Future Liberal: After Identity Politics by Mark Lilla

affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Gordon Gekko, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, New Urbanism, Ronald Reagan, sensible shoes, Silicon Valley

Sunset By evoking an image of a better, morally undemanding life in a less political America, Reagan managed to unite the Republican Party, which after Watergate was a fractious and undisciplined body, much as the Democratic Party is today. It grouped together liberal patricians from the East, resentful Southerners and Midwestern blue-collar ethnics who had abandoned the Democratic Party, single-minded free marketeers, anti-communist crusaders, unhinged conspiracy theorists, religious leaders repelled by the cultural changes of the 1960s, and—a not insignificant group—conservative women who considered feminism an attack on themselves as mothers and homemakers. It was an ideologically and temperamentally diverse coalition. But it lacked a common vision of what America was and could become. When Reagan provided one, the party ceased to be a coalition and became an ideologically unified and electorally potent force that thought and acted like a “fine-tuned machine,” to borrow a characteristic phrase from our current president.

pages: 369 words: 94,588

The Enigma of Capital: And the Crises of Capitalism by David Harvey

accounting loophole / creative accounting, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, call centre, capital controls, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, failed state, financial innovation, Frank Gehry, full employment, global reserve currency, Google Earth, Guggenheim Bilbao, Gunnar Myrdal, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, interest rate swap, invention of the steam engine, Jane Jacobs, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Just-in-time delivery, land reform, liquidity trap, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, means of production, megacity, microcredit, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, new economy, New Urbanism, Northern Rock, oil shale / tar sands, peak oil, Pearl River Delta, place-making, Ponzi scheme, precariat, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, special economic zone, statistical arbitrage, structural adjustment programs, the built environment, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, urban renewal, urban sprawl, white flight, women in the workforce

These policies were hardly great success stories, precipitating great tragedies such as the grand famine caused by Mao’s Great Leap Forward in China (which temporarily halted the otherwise rapid increase in life expectancies) and sparking political resistance that was in some instances ruthlessly crushed. Insurgent movements against dispossession other than in the labour process have therefore in recent times generally taken an anti-communist path. This has sometimes been ideological but in other instances simply for pragmatic and organisational reasons, deriving from the very nature of what such struggles were and are about. The variety of struggles against the capitalist forms of dispossession was and is simply stunning. It is hard to even imagine connections between them. The struggles of the Ogoni people in the Niger delta against what they see as the degradation of their lands by Shell Oil; peasant movements against biopiracy and land grabbing; struggles against genetically modified foods and for the authenticity of local production systems; fights to preserve access for indigenous populations to forest reserves, while curbing the activities of timber companies; political struggles against privatisation; movements to procure labour rights or women’s rights in developing countries; campaigns to protect biodiversity and to prevent habitat destruction; hundreds of protests against IMF-imposed austerity programmes and long-drawn-out struggles against World Bank-backed dam construction projects in India and Latin America: these have all been part of a volatile mix of protest movements that have swept the world and increasingly grabbed the headlines since the 1980s.

Index Numbers in italics indicate Figures; those in bold indicate a Table. 11 September 2001 attacks 38, 41–2 subject to perpetual renewal and transformation 128 A Abu Dhabi 222 Académie Française 91 accumulation by dispossession 48–9, 244 acid deposition 75, 187 activity spheres 121–4, 128, 130 deindustrialised working-class area 151 and ‘green revolution’ 185–6 institutional and administrative arrangements 123 ‘mental conceptions of the world’ 123 patterns of relations between 196 production and labour processes 123 relations to nature 123 the reproduction of daily life and of the species 123 slums 152 social relations 123 subject to perpetual renewal and transformation 128 suburbs 150 technologies and organisational forms 123 uneven development between and among them 128–9 Adelphia 100 advertising industry 106 affective bonds 194 Afghanistan: US interventionism 210 Africa civil wars 148 land bought up in 220 neocolonialism 208 population growth 146 agribusiness 50 agriculture collectivisation of 250 diminishing returns in 72 ‘green revolution’ 185–6 ‘high farming’ 82 itinerant labourers 147 subsidies 79 AIG 5 alcoholism 151 Allen, Paul 98 Allende, Salvador 203 Amazonia 161, 188 American Bankers Association 8 American Revolution 61 anarchists 253, 254 anti-capitalist revolutionary movement 228 anti-racism 258 anti-Semitism 62 après moi le déluge 64, 71 Argentina Debt Crisis (2000–2002) 6, 243, 246, 261 Arizona, foreclosure wave in 1 Arrighi, Giovanni: The Long Twentieth Century 35, 204 asbestos 74 Asia Asian Currency Crisis (1997–98) 141, 261 collapse of export markets 141 growth 218 population growth 146 asset stripping 49, 50, 245 asset traders 40 asset values 1, 6, 21, 23, 26, 29, 46, 223, 261 Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) 200 Athabaska tar sands, Canada 83 austerity programmes 246, 251 automobile industry 14, 15, 23, 56, 67, 68, 77, 121, 160–61 Detroit 5, 15, 16, 91, 108, 195, 216 autonomista movement 233, 234, 254 B Baader-Meinhof Gang 254 Bakunin, Michael 225 Balzac, Honoré 156 Bangalore, software development in 195 Bangkok 243 Bank of England 53, 54 massive liquidity injections in stock markets 261 Bank of International Settlements, Basel 51, 55, 200 Bank of New England 261 Bankers Trust 25 banking bail-outs 5, 218 bank shares become almost worthless 5 bankers’ pay and bonuses 12, 56, 218 ‘boutique investment banks’ 12 de-leveraging 30 debt-deposit ratio 30 deposit banks 20 French banks nationalised 198 international networks of finance houses 163 investment banks 2, 19, 20, 28, 219 irresponsible behaviour 10–11 lending 51 liquidity injections by central banks vii, 261 mysterious workings of central banks 54 ‘national bail-out’ 30–31 property market-led Nordic and Japanese bank crises 261 regional European banks 4 regular banks stash away cash 12, 220 rising tide of ‘moral hazard’ in international bank lending practices 19 ‘shadow banking’ system 8, 21, 24 sympathy with ‘Bonnie and Clyde’ bank robbers 56 Baran, Paul and Sweezey, Paul: Monopoly Capital 52, 113 Barings Bank 37, 100, 190 Baucus, Max 220 Bavaria, automotive engineering in 195 Beijing declaration (1995) 258 Berlin: cross-border leasing 14 Bernanke, Ben 236 ‘Big Bang’ (1986) 20, 37 Big Bang unification of global stock, options and currency trading markets 262 billionaire class 29, 110, 223 biodiversity 74, 251 biomass 78 biomedical engineering 98 biopiracy 245, 251 Birmingham 27 Bismarck, Prince Otto von 168 Black, Fischer 100 Blackstone 50 Blair, Tony 255 Blair government 197 blockbusting neighbourhoods 248 Bloomberg, Mayor Michael 20, 98, 174 Bolivarian movement 226, 256 bonuses, Wall Street 2, 12 Borlaug, Norman 186 bourgeoisie 48, 89, 95, 167, 176 ‘boutique investment banks’ 12 Brazil automobile industry 16 capital flight crisis (1999) 261 containerisation 16 an export-dominated economy 6 follows Japanese model 92 landless movement 257 lending to 19 the right to the city movement 257 workers’ party 256 Bretton Woods Agreement (1944) 31, 32, 51, 55, 171 British Academy 235 British empire 14 Brown, Gordon 27, 45 Budd, Alan 15 Buenos Aires 243 Buffett, Warren 173 building booms 173–4 Bush, George W. 5, 42, 45 business associations 195 C California, foreclosure wave in 1, 2 Canada, tightly regulated banks in 141 ‘cap and trade’ markets in pollution rights 221 capital bank 30 centralisation of 95, 110, 113 circulation of 90, 93, 108, 114, 116, 122, 124, 128, 158, 159, 182, 183, 191 cultural 21 devalued 46 embedded in the land 191 expansion of 58, 67, 68 exploitations of 102 export 19, 158 fixed 191, 213 industrial 40–41, 56 insufficient initial money capital 47 investment 93, 203 and labour 56, 88, 169–70 liquid money 20 mobility 59, 63, 64, 161–2, 191, 213 and nature 88 as a process 40 reproduction of 58 scarcity 50 surplus 16, 28, 29, 50–51, 84, 88, 100, 158, 166, 167, 172, 173, 174, 206, 215, 216, 217 capital accumulation 107, 108, 123, 182, 183, 191, 211 and the activity spheres 128 barriers to 12, 16, 47, 65–6, 69–70, 159 compound rate 28, 74, 75, 97, 126, 135, 215 continuity of endless 74 at the core of human evolutionary dynamics 121 dynamics of 188, 197 geographic landscape of 185 geographical dynamics of 67, 143 and governance 201 lagging 130 laws of 113, 154, 160 main centres of 192 market-based 180 Mumbai redevelopment 178 ‘nature’ affected by 122 and population growth 144–7 and social struggles 105 start of 159 capital circulation barriers to 45 continuity of 68 industrial/production capital 40–41 inherently risky 52 interruption in the process 41–2, 50 spatial movement 42 speculative 52, 53 capital controls 198 capital flow continuity 41, 47, 67, 117 defined vi global 20 importance of understanding vi, vii-viii interrupted, slowed down or suspended vi systematic misallocation of 70 taxation of vi wealth creation vi capital gains 112 capital strike 60 capital surplus absorption 31–2, 94, 97, 98, 101, 163 capital-labour relation 77 capitalism and communism 224–5 corporate 1691 ‘creative-destructive’ tendencies in 46 crisis of vi, 40, 42, 117, 130 end of 72 evolution of 117, 118, 120 expansion at a compound rate 45 first contradiction of 77 geographical development of 143 geographical mobility 161 global 36, 110 historical geography of 76, 117, 118, 121, 174, 180, 200, 202, 204 industrial 58, 109, 242 internal contradictions 115 irrationality of 11, 215, 246 market-led 203 positive and negative aspects 120 and poverty 72 relies on the beneficence of nature 71 removal of 260 rise of 135, 192, 194, 204, 228, 248–9, 258 ‘second contradiction of’ 77, 78 social relations in 101 and socialism 224 speculative 160 survival of 46, 57, 66, 86, 107, 112, 113, 116, 130, 144, 229, 246 uneven geographical development of 211, 213 volatile 145 Capitalism, Nature, Socialism journal 77 capitalist creed 103 capitalist development considered over time 121–4 ‘eras’ of 97 capitalist exploitation 104 capitalist logic 205 capitalist reinvestment 110–11 capitalists, types of 40 Carnegie, Andrew 98 Carnegie foundation 44 Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 195 Carson, Rachel: Silent Spring 187 Case Shiller Composite Indices SA 3 Catholic Church 194, 254 cell phones 131, 150, 152 Central American Free Trade Association (CAFTA) 200 centralisation 10, 11, 165, 201 Certificates of Deposit 262 chambers of commerce 195, 203 Channel Tunnel 50 Chiapas, Mexico 207, 226 Chicago Board Options Exchange 262 Chicago Currency Futures Market 262 ‘Chicago School’ 246 Chile, lending to 19 China ‘barefoot doctors’ 137 bilateral trade with Latin America 173 capital accumulation issue 70 cheap retail goods 64 collapse of communism 16 collapse of export markets 141 Cultural Revolution 137 Deng’s announcement 159 falling exports 6 follows Japanese model 92 ‘Great Leap Forward’ 137, 138 growth 35, 59, 137, 144–5, 213, 218, 222 health care 137 huge foreign exchange reserves 141, 206 infant mortality 59 infrastructural investment 222 labour income and household consumption (1980–2005) 14 market closed after communists took power (1949) 108 market forcibly opened 108 and oil market 83 one child per family policy 137, 146 one-party rule 199 opening-up of 58 plundering of wealth from 109, 113 proletarianisation 60 protests in 38 and rare earth metals 188 recession (1997) 172 ‘silk road’ 163 trading networks 163 unemployment 6 unrest in 66 urbanisation 172–3 and US consumerism 109 Chinese Central Bank 4, 173 Chinese Communist Party 180, 200, 256 chlorofluoral carbons (CFCs) 74, 76, 187 chronometer 91, 156 Church, the 249 CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) 169 circular and cumulative causation 196 Citibank 19 City Bank 261 city centres, Disneyfication of 131 City of London 20, 35, 45, 162, 219 class consciousness 232, 242, 244 class inequalities 240–41 class organisation 62 class politics 62 class power 10, 11, 12, 61, 130, 180 class relations, radical reconstitution of 98 class struggle 56, 63, 65, 96, 102, 127, 134, 193, 242, 258 Clausewitz, Carl von 213 Cleveland, foreclosure crisis in 2 Cleveland, foreclosures on housing in 1 Clinton, Bill 11, 12, 17, 44, 45 co-evolution 132, 136, 138, 168, 185, 186, 195, 197, 228, 232 in three cases 149–53 coal reserves 79, 188 coercive laws of competition see under competition Cold War 31, 34, 92 Collateralised Bond Obligations (CBOs) 262 Collateralised Debt Obligations (CDOs) 36, 142, 261, 262 Collateralised Mortgage Obligations (CMOs) 262 colonialism 212 communications, innovations in 42, 93 communism 228, 233, 242, 249 collapse of 16, 58, 63 compared with socialism 224 as a loaded term 259–60 orthodox communists 253 revolutionary 136 traditional institutionalised 259 companies joint stock 49 limited 49 comparative advantage 92 competition 15, 26, 43, 70 between financial centres 20 coercive laws of 43, 71, 90, 95, 158, 159, 161 and expansion of production 113 and falling prices 29, 116 fostering 52 global economic 92, 131 and innovation 90, 91 inter-capitalist 31 inter-state 209, 256 internalised 210 interterritorial 202 spatial 164 and the workforce 61 competitive advantage 109 computerised trading 262 computers 41, 99, 158–9 consortia 50, 220 consumerism 95, 109, 168, 175, 240 consumerist excess 176 credit-fuelled 118 niche 131 suburban 171 containerisation 16 Continental Illinois Bank 261 cooperatives 234, 242 corporate fraud 245 corruption 43, 69 cotton industry 67, 144, 162 credit cards fees vii, 245 rise of the industry 17 credit crunch 140 Credit Default swaps 262 Crédit Immobilièr 54 Crédit Mobilier 54 Crédit Mobilier and Immobilier 168 credit swaps 21 credit system and austerity programmes 246 crisis within 52 and the current crisis 118 and effective demand problem 112 an inadequate configuration of 52 predatory practices 245 role of 115 social and economic power in 115 crises crises of disproportionality 70 crisis of underconsumption 107, 111 east Asia (1997–8) 6, 8, 35, 49, 246 financial crisis of 1997–8 198, 206 financial crisis of 2008 34, 108, 114, 115 general 45–6 inevitable 71 language of crisis 27 legitimation 217 necessary 71 property market 8 role of 246–7 savings and loan crisis (US, 1984–92) 8 short sharp 8, 10 south-east Asia (1997–8) 6, 8, 35, 49, 246 cross-border leasing 142–3 cultural choice 238 ‘cultural industries’ 21 cultural preferences 73–4 Cultural Revolution 137 currency currency swaps 262 futures market 24, 32 global 32–3, 34 options markets on 262 customs barriers 42, 43 cyberspace 190 D Darwin, Charles 120 DDT 74, 187 de-leveraging 30 debt-financing 17, 131, 141, 169 decentralisation 165, 201 decolonisation 31, 208, 212 deficit financing 35, 111 deforestation 74, 143 deindustrialisation 33, 43, 88, 131, 150, 157, 243 Deleuze, Gilles 128 demand consumer 107, 109 effective 107, 110–14, 116, 118, 221, 222 lack of 47 worker 108 Democratic Party (US) 11 Deng Xiaoping 159 deregulation 11, 16, 54, 131 derivatives 8 currency 21 heavy losses in (US) 261 derivatives markets creation of 29, 85 unregulated 99, 100, 219 Descartes, René 156 desertification 74 Detroit auto industry 5, 15, 16, 91, 108, 195, 216 foreclosures on housing in 1 Deutsches Bank 20 devaluation 32, 47, 116 of bank capital 30 of prior investments 93 developing countries: transformation of daily lives 94–5 Developing Countries Debt Crisis 19, 261 development path building alliances 230 common objectives 230–31 development not the same as growth 229–30 impacts and feedbacks from other spaces in the global economy 230 Diamond, Jared: Guns, Germs and Steel 132–3, 154 diasporas 147, 155, 163 Dickens, Charles: Bleak House 90 disease 75, 85 dispossession anti-communist insurgent movements against 250–51 of arbitrary feudal institutions 249 of the capital class 260 China 179–80 first category 242–4 India 178–9, 180 movements against 247–52 second category 242, 244–5 Seoul 179 types of 247 under socialism and communism 250 Domar, Evsey 71 Dongguan, China 36 dot-com bubble 29, 261 Dow 35,000 prediction 21 drug trade 45, 49 Dubai: over-investment 10 Dubai World 174, 222 Durban conference on anti-racism (2009) 258 E ‘earth days’ 72, 171 east Asia crash of 1997–8 6, 8, 35, 49, 246 labour reserves 64 movement of production to 43 proletarianisation 62 state-centric economies 226 wage rates 62 eastern European countries 37 eBay 190 economic crisis (1848) 167 economists, and the current financial crisis 235–6 ecosystems 74, 75, 76 Ecuador, and remittances 38 education 59, 63, 127, 128, 221, 224, 257 electronics industry 68 Elizabeth II, Queen vi-vii, 235, 236, 238–9 employment casual part-time low-paid female 150 chronic job insecurity 93 culture of the workplace 104 deskilling 93 reskilling 93 services 149 Engels, Friedrich 89, 98, 115, 157, 237 The Housing Question 176–7, 178 Enron 8, 24, 52, 53, 100, 261 entertainment industries 41 environment: modified by human action 84–5 environmental movement 78 environmental sciences 186–7 equipment 58, 66–7 equity futures 262 equity index swaps 262 equity values 262 ethanol plants 80 ethnic cleansings 247 ethnicity issues 104 Eurodollars 262 Europe negative population growth in western Europe 146 reconstruction of economy after Second World War 202 rsouevolutions of 1848 243 European Union 200, 226 eastern European countries 37 elections (June 2009) 143 unemployment 140 evolution punctuated equilibrium theory of natural evolution 130 social 133 theory of 120, 129 exchange rates 24, 32, 198 exports, falling 141 external economies 162 F Factory Act (1848) 127 factory inspectors 127 ‘failed states’ 69 Fannie Mae (US government-chartered mortgage institution) 4, 17, 173, 223 fascism 169, 203, 233 Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) 8 rescue of Continental Illinois Bank 261 Federal Reserve System (the Fed) 2, 17, 54, 116, 219, 236, 248 and asset values 6 cuts interest rates 5, 261 massive liquidity injections in stock markets 261 rescue of Continental Illinois Bank 261 feminists, and colonisation of urban neighbourhoods 248 fertilisers 186 feudalism 135, 138, 228 finance capitalists 40 financial institutions awash with credit 17 bankruptcies 261 control of supply and demand for housing 17 nationalisations 261 financial services 99 Financial Times 12 financialisation 30, 35, 98, 245 Finland: Nordic cris (1992) 8 Flint strike, Michigan (1936–7) 243 Florida, foreclosure wave in 1, 2 Forbes magazine 29, 223 Ford, Henry 64, 98, 160, 161, 188, 189 Ford foundation 44, 186 Fordism 136 Fordlandia 188, 189 foreclosed businesses 245 foreclosed properties 220 fossil fuels 78 Foucault, Michel 134 Fourierists 168 France acceptance of state interventions 200 financial crisis (1868) 168 French banks nationalised 198 immigration 14 Paris Commune 168 pro-natal policies 59 strikes in 38 train network 28 Franco-Prussian War (1870) 168 fraud 43, 49 Freddie Mac (US government-chartered mortgage institution) 4, 17, 173, 223 free trade 10, 33, 90, 131 agreements 42 French Communist Party 52 French Revolution 61 Friedman, Thomas L.: The World is Flat 132 futures, energy 24 futures markets 21 Certificates of Deposit 262 currency 24 Eurodollars 262 Treasury instruments 262 G G7/G8/G20 51, 200 Galileo Galilei 89 Gates, Bill 98, 173, 221 Gates foundation 44 gays, and colonisation of urban neighbourhoods 247, 248 GDP growth (1950–2030) 27 Gehry, Frank 203 Geithner, Tim 11 gender issues 104, 151 General Motors 5 General Motors Acceptance Corporation 23 genetic engineering 84, 98 genetic modification 186 genetically modified organisms (GMOs) 186 gentrification 131, 256, 257 geographical determinism 210 geopolitics 209, 210, 213, 256 Germany acceptance of state interventions 199–200 cross-border leasing 142–3 an export-dominated economy 6 falling exports 141 invasion of US auto market 15 Nazi expansionism 209 neoliberal orthodoxies 141 Turkish immigrants 14 Weimar inflation 141 Glass-Steagall act (1933) 20 Global Crossing 100 global warming 73, 77, 121, 122, 187 globalisation 157 Glyn, Andrew et al: ‘British Capitalism, Workers and the Profits Squeeze’ 65 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von 156 gold reserves 108, 112, 116 Goldman Sachs 5, 11, 20, 163, 173, 219 Google Earth 156 Gould, Stephen Jay 98, 130 governance 151, 197, 198, 199, 201, 208, 220 governmentality 134 GPS systems 156 Gramsci, Antonio 257 Grandin, Greg: Fordlandia 188, 189 grassroots organisations (GROS) 254 Great Depression (1920s) 46, 170 ‘Great Leap Forward’ 137, 138, 250 ‘Great Society’ anti-poverty programmes 32 Greater London Council 197 Greece sovereign debt 222 student unrest in 38 ‘green communes’ 130 Green Party (Germany) 256 ‘green revolution’ 185–6 Greenspan, Alan 44 Greider, William: Secrets of the Temple 54 growth balanced 71 compound 27, 28, 48, 50, 54, 70, 75, 78, 86 economic 70–71, 83, 138 negative 6 stop in 45 Guggenheim Museu, Bilbao 203 Gulf States collapse of oil-revenue based building boom 38 oil production 6 surplus petrodollars 19, 28 Gulf wars 210 gun trade 44 H habitat loss 74, 251 Haiti, and remittances 38 Hanseatic League 163 Harrison, John 91 Harrod, Roy 70–71 Harvey, David: A Brief History of Neoliberalism 130 Harvey, William vii Haushofer, Karl 209 Haussmann, Baron 49, 167–8, 169, 171, 176 Hawken, Paul: Blessed Unrest 133 Hayek, Friedrich 233 health care 28–9, 59, 63, 220, 221, 224 reneging on obligations 49 Health Care Bill 220 hedge funds 8, 21, 49, 261 managers 44 hedging 24, 36 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich 133 hegemony 35–6, 212, 213, 216 Heidegger, Martin 234 Helú, Carlos Slim 29 heterogeneity 214 Hitler, Adolf 141 HIV/AIDS pandemic 1 Holloway, John: Change the World without Taking Power 133 homogeneity 214 Hong Kong excessive urban development 8 rise of (1970s) 35 sweatshops 16 horizontal networking 254 household debt 17 housing 146–7, 149, 150, 221, 224 asset value crisis 1, 174 foreclosure crises 1–2, 166 mortgage finance 170 values 1–2 HSBC 20, 163 Hubbert, M.

pages: 333 words: 86,662

Zeitgeist by Bruce Sterling

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, Grace Hopper, informal economy, invisible hand, Iridium satellite, jitney, market bubble, Maui Hawaii, new economy, offshore financial centre, rolodex, sexual politics, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Ted Kaczynski, the scientific method, undersea cable, upwardly mobile, urban decay, Y2K

Altimbasak’s head—well, his head had several bullets in it, so his head is in a bucket of cement.” Starlitz said nothing. “Have you ever heard of the ‘Turkish Gray Wolves’?” “They shot the pope,” Starlitz recited by reflex. “Yes, Mehmet Ali Ağca. That business was about banks. The Vatican’s Banco Ambrosiano. A very holy bank. They were laundering money for the Polish anti-Communists, while they also brokered arms for the anti-Communist Turks. They got very excited about Poland, and neglected to pay the Gray Wolves. So, the pope was punished for defaulting.” Starlitz grunted. “Ozbey gave Ağca the pistol that shot the pope. He didn’t call himself ‘Ozbey’ then. Ozbey has at least six official identities. I know for a fact that he has six Turkish diplomatic passports. He also commonly uses special passports from intelligence agencies in Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan.

Noam Chomsky: A Life of Dissent by Robert F. Barsky

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, centre right, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, information retrieval, means of production, Norman Mailer, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, strong AI, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, theory of mind, Yom Kippur War

They were in the ILGWU (International Ladies Garment Workers Union), which was then finally getting people out of sweatshops (when they had work, that is; they were usually unemployed). Others were involved in everything from ordinary labo[r] to petty commerce to school teaching (for those who managed to work their way through school themselves)" (13 Feb. 1996). Many were involved in the radical political movements that thrived during the Depression. Chomsky explains: "Some were in the Communist Party, some militantly anti-Communist Party (from the left), some Roosevelt Democrats, and everything else from left-liberal to anti-Bolshevik left (whether the Communist Party fits in that spectrum is not obvious, in my opinion)" (31 Mar. 1995). That such diversity of political affiliation should exist within a single family was not unusual among Russian emigrés of the file:///D|/export2/ [4/16/2007 3:04:44 PM] Document Page 15 time, and Noam and David undoubtedly benefited from being exposed to a wide range of opinion.

Typically, these views are based on values such as social responsibility, academic integrity, and commitment to a truthful and undistorted representation of facts. They lead Chomsky to confrontations with groups and individuals who are concerned only with serving the interests of power, who promote the cause of one group while turning a blind eye to the larger principles at stake. By the mid- to late 1970s, Chomsky had already experienced such clashes on numerous fronts. He had faced pro-Israeli groups, anti-Communist groups, pro-Cold War groups, just as, during the Second World War, people such as Dwight Macdonald had faced anti-Nazi groups who denounced the refusal of Macdonald and the others to support the Allied side. Chomsky adamantly rejected the assumption that a given group might have an intrinsic right to act aggressively simply file:///D|/export3/ [4/16/2007 3:21:11 PM] Document Page 166 Figure 17 Chomsky listening attentively to a talk given in Nanaimo, British Columbia, 1989.

America in the World by Robert B. Zoellick

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Corn Laws, coronavirus, cuban missile crisis, defense in depth, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, energy security, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, hypertext link, illegal immigration, immigration reform, imperial preference, Isaac Newton, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, Norbert Wiener, Paul Samuelson, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transcontinental railway, undersea cable, Vannevar Bush, War on Poverty

But the evening discussion drifted to the dangers of Soviet expansionism. A few days later, Herter wrote Clayton: “I find the economic arguments in favor of the loan much less convincing to this group than the feeling that the loan may serve us in good stead in holding up the hand of a nation we may need badly as a friend because of impending Russian troubles.” Clayton took the hint. As the debate moved into the summer, the anti-Communist argument became louder. On the afternoon of July 13, 1946, the House approved the British loan 219–155. As Gregory Fossedal summarized in his book Our Finest Hour, on Clayton and the Marshall Plan, “The core idea of the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan—U.S. aid as a lever both to win economic reforms and to thwart communist imperialism—had met its first test in Congress and the country.”25 General Lucius Clay and Germany Conditions in Germany also required a reassessment of initial U.S. plans.

The shock of the Korean War in 1950, and the frustrations of the Korean campaign and stalemate, left Americans unhappy. The U.S. military, the pride of a victorious nation in 1945, looked unprepared just five years later. The country also recognized that it needed quality conventional forces as well as nuclear weapons.67 Bush’s message about the importance of rational planning and the inevitability of human progress was drowned out by a political search for internal enemies. In late 1953, the anti-Communist Red Scare turned on Robert Oppenheimer, the scientific chief of the Manhattan Project. Bush was a political conservative, and he understood the need for security against subversion. Yet he viewed the witch hunt against Oppenheimer as settling scores because of the scientist’s opposition to the hydrogen bomb. Bush recognized McCarthyism’s danger to his efforts to build a partnership between researchers of independent minds and the government.

The old capitals of Europe were conceding the independence of former colonies. In 1960 alone, eighteen new states—including sixteen in Africa—joined the United Nations. Wars of national liberation assailed regimes that tried to hold back the new wave. Vice President Nixon’s visit to Latin America prompted violence, demonstrating vividly that the United States was falling behind even in its home hemisphere. A recent revolution turned Cuba Communist. Guided by anti-Communist economic thinkers such as Walt Rostow, the can-do Kennedy men embraced a modernization theory that mapped enterprising courses for both nation building and counterinsurgency.13 When Kennedy accepted the nomination at the Democratic Convention in 1960, he rallied Americans toward a “New Frontier.” Like Vannevar Bush, JFK embraced the frontiers of science and added the exploration of space. He wanted to revive America’s revolutionary spirit and, drawing from Rostow, “get the country moving again.”14 Crisis Managers In contrast with the supposed complacency of the Eisenhower years, Kennedy stoked a sense of crisis.

pages: 522 words: 162,310

Fantasyland: How America Went Haywire: A 500-Year History by Kurt Andersen

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, animal electricity, anti-communist, Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, augmented reality, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, Burning Man, California gold rush, Celebration, Florida, centre right, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, delayed gratification, dematerialisation, disintermediation, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Donner party, Downton Abbey, Edward Snowden, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, failed state, Ferguson, Missouri, God and Mammon, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, high net worth, illegal immigration, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, John von Neumann, Kickstarter, large denomination, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, McMansion, Mikhail Gorbachev, Minecraft, moral panic, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, placebo effect, pre–internet, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, smart meter, Snapchat, South Sea Bubble, Steve Jobs, Ted Kaczynski, the scientific method, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, trade route, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks, Y2K, young professional

Nearly one in ten Americans was a German immigrant or the child of one. There were riots, a lynching, and between 1910 and 1920, the miraculous disappearance of almost a million German-born Americans from the census rolls. But the sheer number of German-Americans also made it harder to indulge the panic fully, and the United States was officially at war for only nineteen months. The first big anti-Communist panic, in the 1910s and ’20s after the Soviet Union was established, promptly edged into anti-Semitism and vice versa. And by the way, weren’t a lot of those German-Americans who worried us during the war also Jewish? Fear of Jewish influence had its American moment as soon as the Jewish population hit 2 percent—about the same threshold at which American anti-Catholic hysteria kicked in a century earlier.

In short, each of us contains a thetan, one of the ethereal beings who created the universe but each of whom, after being shipped to Earth and hit with nuclear bombs by the evil dictator of the Galactic Confederacy, was brainwashed to forget its godlike origins and believe in the false reality most people consider real. I could devote an entire chapter to L. Ron Hubbard. — IN THE SPRING of 1957, a few months before Wilhelm Reich died in prison, another persecuted, angry, reckless, middle-aged anti-Communist zealot died in a different federal facility, Bethesda Naval Hospital—Senator Joseph McCarthy, the man who had proudly given his name to McCarthyism. Almost immediately after World War II, our most important ally, the Soviet Union, became our most serious adversary-cum-enemy. For Americans in 1950, it was not delusional to worry about international Communist aggression or Soviet espionage in the United States.

An influential pamphlet called Red Channels listed 151 show business subversives, people responsible for “commercially sponsored dramatic series…used as sounding boards, particularly with reference to current issues in which the [Communist] Party is critically interested: ‘academic freedom,’ ‘civil rights,’ ‘peace.’ ” Various blacklists eventually included more than three hundred names. The Soviets tested their first atomic bomb. The anti-Communist hysteria quickened and spread. “Loyalty boards” were set up in every federal department, and thousands of U.S. government employees were fired or forced out. In 1950, after just three years in office, the junior senator from Wisconsin made the Communist conspiracy his issue. “Karl Marx dismissed God as a hoax,” McCarthy explained in a speech. “Today we are engaged in a final, all-out battle between communistic atheism and Christianity.”

pages: 351 words: 96,780

Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, Doomsday Clock, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, invisible hand, liberation theology, long peace, market fundamentalism, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, uranium enrichment

Abrams is joined by Otto Reich, who was charged with running an illegal covert domestic propaganda campaign against Nicaragua, appointed temporary assistant secretary for Latin American affairs under Bush II, then designated special envoy for Western Hemisphere affairs. To replace Reich as assistant secretary, the administration nominated Roger Noriega, who “served in the State Department during the Reagan administration, helping forge fiercely anti-Communist policies toward Latin America”; in translation, terrorist atrocities.75 Secretary of State Powell, now cast as administration moderate, served as national security adviser during the final stage of the terror, atrocities, and undermining of diplomacy in the 1980s in Central America, and the support for the apartheid regime in South Africa. His predecessor, John Poindexter, was in charge of the Iran-contra crimes and was convicted in 1990 of five felony counts (overturned mostly on technicalities).

At mid-twentieth century, the main threat to US security—then only a potential threat—was Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs). Russia might have accepted a treaty banning these delivery systems, knowing that it was far behind. In his authoritative history of the arms race, McGeorge Bundy reports that he could find no record of any interest in pursuing this possibility.16 Recently released Russian archives yield some new understanding of these matters, though also leaving “unresolved mysteries,” the bitterly anti-Communist Soviet scholar Adam Ulam observed. One such mystery is whether Stalin was serious in a March 1952 proposal that appeared to allow unification of Germany, as long as Germany did not join a military alliance directed against the Soviet Union—hardly an extreme condition a few years after Germany had, once again, virtually destroyed Russia. Washington “wasted little effort in flatly rejecting Moscow’s initiative,” Ulam commented, on grounds that “were embarrassingly unconvincing,” leaving open “the basic question”: “Was Stalin genuinely ready to sacrifice the newly created German Democratic Republic (GDR) on the altar of real democracy,” with consequences for world peace that could have been enormous?

pages: 319 words: 95,854

You Are What You Speak: Grammar Grouches, Language Laws, and the Politics of Identity by Robert Lane Greene

anti-communist, British Empire, centre right, discovery of DNA, European colonialism, facts on the ground, haute couture, illegal immigration, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, Parag Khanna, Ronald Reagan, Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, Steven Pinker, Yogi Berra, zero-sum game

There are two versions of pop Whorfianism out there, both misguided and both political. The first is, alas, represented best by one of the finest writers in twentieth-century English letters, George Orwell. Orwell, born Eric Blair, called himself a “democratic Socialist” (always capitalized thus in his writing). Though a man of the left who volunteered with the Republicans in Spain, he was stridently anti-Soviet and anti-Communist, modeling his most famous character, Big Brother, after Stalin. Left or right, he hated any kind of totalitarianism. At the end of his 1948 novel Nineteen Eighty-four, Orwell added an appendix on “Newspeak,” the propaganda-laced language designed by the totalitarian state of Oceania. Newspeak was to gradually replace English (Oldspeak), and it was described as the only language that shrank in vocabulary and expressiveness every year.

After all, if nationalism has caused so many wars, and if language has been a touchstone of nationalism, shouldn’t we get rid of the idea of standard languages so that this bloody thing called nationalism can stop plaguing the planet? This is one question where I have more sympathy with traditionalists and less with linguists, who tend toward the antinationalist Left. Writers such as Eric Hobsbawm, the Marxist historian famous for coining the “invention of tradition,” and Ernest Gellner (an anti-communist, incidentally), whose industrialist theories of nationalism we saw earlier, may have come up with utilitarian explanations of nationalism. (In Hobsbawm’s case, conscious manipulation by the ruling classes; in Gellner’s case, the demands of industrial society.) They may even have found some kernel of truth. But they, like other social scientists and many linguists as well, are too quick to dismiss nationalism (and the language-building that is part of it) as a cynical tool of manipulative leaders.

pages: 323 words: 100,772

Prisoner's Dilemma: John Von Neumann, Game Theory, and the Puzzle of the Bomb by William Poundstone

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, cuban missile crisis, Douglas Hofstadter, Frank Gehry, From Mathematics to the Technologies of Life and Death, Jacquard loom, John Nash: game theory, John von Neumann, Kenneth Arrow, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, Nash equilibrium, Norbert Wiener, RAND corporation, Richard Feynman, statistical model, the market place, zero-sum game

It is characteristic, that we willingly pay at the rate of 30,000–40,000 additional fatalities per year—about 2% of our total death rate!—for the advantages of individual transportation by automobile.... The really relevant point is: Is the price worth paying? For the U.S. it is. For another country, with no nuclear industry and a neutralistic attitude in world politics it may not be. As intense as was von Neumann’s dislike of communism, he had no use for Senator Joseph McCarthy’s anti-Communist campaigns. One of the charges brought against Oppenheimer was that he had opposed the hydrogen bomb program, a project close to von Neumann’s heart. It says a good deal for von Neumann’s integrity that he defended Oppenheimer so vigorously. He testified that Oppenheimer was both loyal and trustworthy, and got in a few bright comebacks at the expense of the prosecutors. At one point the prosecutors described a highly hypothetical situation, insinuating that it was similar to Oppenheimer’s actions, and asked von Neumann if he would have behaved differently.

An editorial in the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette called the appointment “a strange one.... there is nothing in his record to show that Dr. von Neumann has ever had any executive experience …” The Post-Gazette writer theorized that von Neumann had been selected either to placate Oppenheimer supporters or to swing some votes to the Republicans in New York State. (The White House described von Neumann as a political independent.) Von Neumann’s Senate confirmation hearings began January 10, 1955. He described himself candidly as “violently anti-Communist, and a good deal more militaristic than most.” He mentioned that his closest relatives in socialist Hungary were “only cousins.” His appointment was confirmed on March 14, 1955. Von Neumann and family moved to Washington. They lived in a comfortable yellow house at 1529 Twenty-ninth Street N.W. in fashionable Georgetown. There they continued a brisk entertaining schedule in a huge living room with two fireplaces.

Europe: A History by Norman Davies

agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, centre right, charter city, clean water, Columbian Exchange, conceptual framework, continuation of politics by other means, Corn Laws, cuban missile crisis, Defenestration of Prague, discovery of DNA, double entry bookkeeping, Edmond Halley, Edward Lloyd's coffeehouse, equal pay for equal work, Eratosthenes, Etonian, European colonialism, experimental economics, financial independence, finite state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, global village, Honoré de Balzac, Index librorum prohibitorum, interchangeable parts, invention of agriculture, invention of movable type, Isaac Newton, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Johannes Kepler, John Harrison: Longitude, joint-stock company, Joseph-Marie Jacquard, land reform, liberation theology, long peace, Louis Blériot, Louis Daguerre, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Murano, Venice glass, music of the spheres, New Urbanism, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, Peace of Westphalia, popular capitalism, Potemkin village, purchasing power parity, Ralph Waldo Emerson, road to serfdom, sceptred isle, Scramble for Africa, spinning jenny, Thales of Miletus, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, Transnistria, urban planning, urban sprawl

In 1920 Horthy was declared Regent, and instituted a dictatorship that lasted for 24 years. Two attempts by the ex-Emperor Charles to. recover his Hungarian throne were rebuffed, as were attempts by the parliament to shake off military control. Although the ‘Fascist’ label was not yet used, and may not be entirely appropriate, Admiral Horthy is sometimes counted as ‘Europe’s first Fascist’. Not for the last time, however, an extreme communist adventure had provoked a strong anti-communist reaction (see Appendix III, p. 1318).11 The Polish-Soviet War of 1919–20 had implications for the whole of Europe. Contrary to the Bolshevik version of events, it was not organized by the Entente; it was not part of Allied intervention in Russia; and it did not begin with Piłsudski’s attack on Kiev in April 1920. Of course, a territorial dispute did exist. But the main source of conflict lay in the Bolsheviks’ declared intention of linking their Revolution in Russia with the expected revolution in Germany, and hence of marching through Poland.

Totalitarian utopias and totalitarian realities were two different things. Grand totalitarian schemes were often grandly inefficient. Totalitarianism refers not to the achievements of regimes but to their ambitions. What is more, the totalitarian disease generated its own antibodies. Gross oppression often inspired heroic resistance. Exposure to bogus philosophy could sometimes breed people of high moral principle. The most determined ‘anti-communists’ were ex-communists. The finest ‘anti-Fascists’ were sincere German, Italian, or Spanish patriots. From the historical point of view, one of the most interesting questions is how far communism and fascism fed off each other. Before 1914, the main ingredients of the two movements—socialism, Marxism, nationalism, racism, and autocracy—were washing around in various combinations all over Europe.

In September 1930, in the interests of democracy, one minority Chancellor persuaded President Hindenburg to activate Article 48 of the Weimar Constitution. Henceforth, the German president could ‘use armed force to restore order and safety and suspend ‘the fundamental rights of the citizen’. It was an instrument which others could exploit to overthrow democracy. The sequence of events was crucial. The storm raged for three years: deepening recession, growing cohorts of unemployed, communists fighting anti-communists on the streets, indecisive elections, and endless Cabinet crises. In June 1932 another minority Chancellor, Franz von Papen, gained the support of the Reichstag by working with the Nazi deputies. Six months later, he cooked up another combination: he decided to make Hitler Chancellor, with himself as Vice-Chancellor, and to put three Nazi ministers out of twelve into the Cabinet. President Hindenburg, and the German right in general, thought it a clever idea: they thought they were using Hitler against the Communists.

pages: 267 words: 106,340

Europe old and new: transnationalism, belonging, xenophobia by Ray Taras

affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, carbon footprint, centre right, collective bargaining, energy security, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Kickstarter, low skilled workers, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Naomi Klein, North Sea oil, open economy, postnationalism / post nation state, Potemkin village, Ronald Reagan, World Values Survey

At the same time, the Russian Federation could not be allowed to gain politically from western Europe’s willingness to be more conciliatory towards it. The tension between new Europe and Russia had to be relaxed if CFSP was to take hold. But it was to persist for years, as eastern Europeans could not comprehend why the west did not seem very Russophobic. CONFLICT OVER A CONSTITUTION EU enlargement was set for May 1, 2004. Some of new Europe’s more radical Eurosceptics and anti-communists—the two often were the same people, nationalists hostile to any type of external interference in their countries—pounced on the May Day accession. Eastern Europe, they claimed, was trading in domination by Moscow for domination by Brussels. Their suspicions were further raised by the start of discussions about an EU constitution. These talks began even before the EU was formally enlarged. In 2002–2003 the European Convention, headed by former French president Valéry Giscard d’Éstaing, began to review a number of different constitutional drafts.

In a speech in the European Parliament, a politician from one of the coalition parties praised the dictatorships of António Salazar of Portugal and Francisco Franco of Spain; he also published an openly anti-Semitic booklet. During a dry summer, a group of coalition legislators called upon the Parliament to pray for rain. A similar group proposed that the Parliament vote to declare Jesus Christ the King of Poland.” Michnik attacked the anti-communist witch hunt launched under the Kaczyńskis: “The latest idea of the Polish governing coalition is ‘lustration,’ which means looking for and eventually barring from public life all people found to have been secret collaborators with the security services between 1944 and 1990. The search will last as long as 17 years and will affect approximately 700,000 people.”90 For Michnik, then, Poland’s “governing coalition employs a peculiar mix of the conservative rhetoric of George W.

pages: 410 words: 106,931

Age of Anger: A History of the Present by Pankaj Mishra

anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, continuation of politics by other means, creative destruction, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Fellow of the Royal Society, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Santayana, global village, Gunnar Myrdal, informal economy, invisible hand, liberal capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Marshall McLuhan, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Nelson Mandela, Peter Thiel, Philip Mirowski, planetary scale, plutocrats, Plutocrats, precariat, Republic of Letters, Scientific racism, Silicon Valley, smart cities, Snapchat, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, traveling salesman, urban planning, Vilfredo Pareto, wage slave, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

The collapse of communist regimes in 1989 further emboldened the bland fanatics, who had been intellectually nurtured during the Cold War in a ‘paradise’, as Niebuhr called it, albeit one ‘suspended in a hell of global insecurity’. The old Hegelian-Marxist teleology was retrofitted rather than discarded in Fukuyama’s influential end-of-history hypothesis. * * * Writing during the heyday of Modernization Theory, the French critic Raymond Aron, though resolutely anti-communist, termed American-style individualism the product of a short history of unrepeatable national success, which ‘spreads unlimited optimism, denigrates the past, and encourages the adoption of institutions which are in themselves destructive of the collective unity’. By the late 1980s, however, there were very few voices warning against the triumphalist faith that history had resolved its contradictions and ended its struggles in the universal regime of free-market individualism.

Tocqueville summed up the ‘modernization’ efforts of Frederick of Prussia in the eighteenth century: Beneath this completely modern head we will see a totally gothic body appear; Frederick had only eliminated from it whatever could hinder the action of his own power; and the whole forms a monstrous being which seems to be in transition between one shape and another. Nevertheless, starting in the 1950s, the yearning among many Western intellectuals to play Voltaire to the new, postcolonial modernizing leaders in the East made the latter seem like versions of Peter the Great and Catherine. These bookish proponents of modernization counselling their anti-communist clients – immortalized in Graham Greene’s The Quiet American (1955) – were far more influential than the liberal internationalists of our own time who helped package imperialist ventures as moral crusades for freedom and democracy. For their clients wore Western-style suits, if not military uniforms, spoke Western languages, relied on Western theories, and routinely called upon Western writers and intellectuals for advice about how to break open the window to the West.

pages: 618 words: 180,430

The Making of Modern Britain by Andrew Marr

anti-communist, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, business climate, Corn Laws, Etonian, garden city movement, illegal immigration, imperial preference, Kickstarter, lateral thinking, New Journalism, New Urbanism, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Red Clydeside, rent control, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, V2 rocket, wage slave, women in the workforce

The rise of the Nazis, and the rise of anti-Jewish right-wing parties in France and other continental countries, has put inter-war Britain in a benign light. This was the country to which persecuted or worried Jews fled, after all. But the picture is too simple. For Britain had some ferociously anti-Semitic groups too. The British fascist groups were mostly small and inclined to fight one another. They emerged out of the Great War alongside anti-communist organizations – the Middle Classes Union, for instance, and the British Empire Union – and angry groups such as the Silver Badge Party of ex-servicemen, run by the eccentric aviator Pemberton Billings, who during the Great War had caused a sensation by claiming the Germans had a ‘Black Book’ containing the names of 47,000 highly placed perverts, and that the Kaiser’s men were undermining Britain by luring her men into homosexual acts.

When the main church leaders signed a joint letter to The Times in 1940, top of their list of demands for a better future was that ‘extreme inequality in wealth and possessions should be abolished’. A few months later a large gathering of clergy and Christian intellectuals at Malvern concluded that private ownership of industry might itself be wrong. Left-wing Penguin books sold spectacularly well. As soon as the Soviet Union was drawn into the war, Churchill elegantly pirouetting from his famous anti-communist beliefs to a gracious welcome for the new ally, the wind of change started to feel like a hurricane. The Asiatic monster Stalin was lauded as an efficient tough-guy who got things done. At Earls Court a celebration of the new alliance, organized by communists, featured the Bishop of Chelmsford and the band of the Coldstream Guards. A few months later, in February 1943, another event in the Albert Hall included music by composers such as William Walton, a poem by Louis MacNeice called ‘Salute to the Red Army’ and fanfares for Stalin by the Brigade of Guards.

Index abdication crisis (1936) ref1, ref2 Abyssinia ref1 Addison Act (1919) ref1 Addison, Christopher ref1 adultery ref1 advertising ref1 air races ref1 air travel ref1 arguments over airspace ref1, ref2 early passenger services ref1 establishment of Imperial Airways and routes ref1 and flying boats ref1 air-raid protection (ARP) wardens ref1 aircraft production ref1 and Second World War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Aitken, Sir Max see Beaverbrook, Lord Alexander, Sir Harold ref1, ref2 Alexandra, Queen ref1, ref2 Allenby, General ref1, ref2 Amritsar massacre (1919) ref1 Anglo-Persian Oil Company ref1 anti-communist organizations ref1 anti-Semitism ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Anti-Slavery Society ref1 appeasement ref1, ref2 arguments for ref1 Chamberlain’s meeting with Hitler ref1 and Halifax’s visit to Germany ref1 and Munich ref1 public support for ref1, ref2 Arab revolt (1917) ref1, ref2 architecture ref1, ref2, ref3 aristocracy ref1, ref2 defending of position against House of Lords reform ref1 in economic retreat ref1 and far-right politics ref1 Lloyd George’s attacks on ref1, ref2 post-war ref1 selling of estates ref1, ref2 Armistice Day ref1 Armour, G.D. ref1 Arnim, Elizabeth von ref1 art: Edwardian ref1 inter-war ref1, ref2 Artists’ Rifles ref1 Asquith, Helen (first wife) ref1 Asquith, Herbert ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 downfall ref1, ref2 and First World War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 and Home Rule ref1 and House of Lords reform ref1, ref2 loses seat in 1918 election ref1 and loss of son ref1 marriages ref1, ref2 and press ref1 relationship with Venetia Stanley ref1 succession as prime minister ref1 and tariff reform ref1, ref2 and women’s suffrage ref1, ref2 Asquith, Margot (second wife) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Asquith, Raymond (son) ref1 Asquith, Violet (daughter) ref1 Ataturk, Kemal ref1 Atlantic Charter ref1 Attlee, Clement ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Auchinleck, General Claude ref1, ref2 Audemars, Edmond ref1 Australia and First World War ref1 Automobile Association ref1 Automobile Club ref1 Aveling, Edward ref1 back-to-nature movement ref1 Baden-Powell, Sir Robert ref1, ref2 Balcon, Michael ref1 Baldwin, Stanley ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 and abdication crisis ref1, ref2, ref3 and broadcasting ref1 characteristics ref1 and Churchill ref1 conflict with Rothermere and Beaverbrook ref1, ref2 and General Strike ref1, ref2 and India ref1 and Lloyd George ref1 and protectionism ref1 resignation ref1 succession as prime minister ref1 Balfour, A.J. ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Balfour, Betty ref1 Balfour Declaration (1917) ref1 Bank of England ref1, ref2, ref3 banks ref1 Barnes, Fred ref1 Barry, Sir John Wolfe ref1 Basset Hound Club Rules and Studbook ref1, ref2 Battle of the Atlantic ref1, ref2 Battle of Britain ref1 Battle of the Somme (film) ref1 battleships ref1 see also Dreadnoughts Bauhaus movement ref1 Bax, Arnold ref1 BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation) ref1, ref2 and abdication crisis ref1 creation ref1 development under Reith ref1, ref2 early announcers and tone of voice ref1 and General Strike (1926) ref1 receives first Royal Charter (1927) ref1 and Second World War ref1 ‘BBC English’ ref1 beach holidays ref1 Beamish, Henry Hamilton ref1 Beatty, Admiral David ref1, ref2, ref3 Beaufort, Duke of ref1 Beaverbrook, Lord (Max Aitken) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8, ref9 Beck, Harry ref1 Beckwith-Smith, Brigadier ref1 BEF (British Expeditionary Force) and First World War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 and Second World War ref1, ref2, ref3 Belgian Congo ref1 Bell, Bishop ref1 Belloc, Hilaire ref1 Benn, Tony ref1 Bennett, Arnold ref1 Whom God Hath Joined ref1 Benz, Karl ref1 Beresford, Lord Charles ref1 Besant, Annie ref1 Bethmann-Hollweg, Chancellor ref1, ref2 Bevan, Nye ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Beveridge, William ref1, ref2 Bevin, Ernie ref1, ref2 Billings, Pemberton ref1 ‘bird flu’ ref1 birth control see contraception Bismarck ref1 black Americans arrival in Britain during Second World War ref1 Black and Tans ref1 Blackshirts ref1, ref2, ref3 Blake, Robert ref1 Bland, Hubert ref1, ref2 Bland, Rosamund ref1 Blast (magazine) ref1 Blatchford, Robert ref1, ref2 Bletchley Park ref1 Bluebird Garage ref1 Blunt, Wilfred Scawen ref1, ref2 ‘Bob’s your uncle’ phrase ref1 Boer War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 Boggart Hole riot (Manchester) (1906) ref1, ref2 Bolsheviks ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8 Bomber Command ref1, ref2 ‘Bomber Harris’ see Harris, Sir Arthur Bonar Law, Andrew ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8, ref9 Booth, Charles ref1, ref2 Boothby, Bob ref1 Bottomley, Horatio ref1 Bowser, Charlie ref1 Boy Scouts see scouting movement Boys Brigade ref1 Bradlaugh, Charles ref1 Braithwaite, W.J. ref1 Brest-Litovsk, Treaty of (1918) ref1 Bristol Hippodrome ref1 British Broadcasting Corporation see BBC British Empire ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8 British Empire Exhibition (1924) ref1 British Empire Union ref1 British Eugenics Education Society ref1 British Expeditionary Force see BEF British Gazette ref1, ref1 British Grand Prix ref1 British Legion ref1 British Union of Fascists see BUF Britons, The ref1 Brittain, Vera ref1 Britten, Benjamin ref1 broadcasting ref1 see also BBC Brooke, Sir Alan ref1, ref2, ref3 Brooke, Raymond ref1 Brooke, Rupert ref1 Brown, Gordon ref1 Brownshirts ref1 Buchan, John Prestor John ref1 BUF (British Union of Fascists) ref1, ref2, ref3 Burma ref1 Butler, R.A. ref1, ref2 Cable Street, Battle of (1936) ref1, ref2 Cadogan, Sir Alexander ref1 Cambrai, Battle of (1917) ref1 Campbell, Donald ref1 Campbell, Malcolm ref1 Campbell-Bannerman, Sir Henry ref1, ref2 camping and caravanning ref1 Camping Club of Great Britain and Ireland ref1 Canterbury, Archbishop of ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Carnarvon, Lord ref1 cars ref1, ref2, ref3 benefits of ref1 developments in ref1, ref2 first accident involving a pedestrian and ref1 Fordist mass-production ref1 motorists’ clothing ref1 rise in number of during Edwardian era ref1 Carson, Edward ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 Casement, Sir Roger ref1, ref2 Cat and Mouse Act ref1 cavity magnetron ref1 Cecil, Hugh ref1 CEMA ref1 censorship Second World War ref1, ref2 Chamberlain, Arthur ref1 Chamberlain, Joe ref1 background and early political career ref1 and Boer War ref1 breaks away from Liberals ref1 characteristics ref1 fame of ref1 sets up Liberal Unionist organization ref1 stroke ref1, ref2 and tariff reform debate ref1, ref2, ref3 Chamberlain, Neville ref1, ref2, ref3 and appeasement ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 as Chancellor ref1 and Churchill ref1 downfall and resignation ref1, ref2 failure of diplomacy towards Hitler ref1 and Munich ref1 and Second World War ref1, ref2 Channel Islands ref1 Channon, Sir Henry (‘Chips’) ref1 Chaplin, Charlie ref1, ref2 Chatsworth ref1 Chequers ref1 Cherwell, Lord (Frederick Lindemann) ref1 Cheshire, Leonard ref1 Chesterton, G.K. ref1, ref2 Childers, Erskine execution of by IRA ref1 The Riddle of the Sands ref1 Chindits ref1 Christie, Agatha ref1, ref2 Churchill, Clementine ref1 Churchill, Randolph ref1, ref2 Churchill, Winston ref1, ref2 and abdication crisis ref1 as air minister ref1 anti-aristocracy rhetoric ref1 at Board of Trade ref1 and Boer War ref1 and Bolsheviks ref1 and bombing of German cities during Second World War ref1 and Chamberlain ref1 as Chancellor of the Exchequer under Baldwin ref1 and Empire theatre protest ref1 and eugenics ref1, ref2 as First Lord of the Admiralty and build-up of navy ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 and First World War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 and Gallipoli campaign ref1 and General Strike ref1, ref2 and George V ref1 and German invasion threat prior to First World War ref1 and Hitler ref1, ref2 and Home Rule ref1, ref2, ref3 and India ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 and Lloyd George ref1, ref2, ref3 loses seat in 1922 election ref1 political views and belief in social reform ref1 public calls for return to government ref1 rejoins Tory Party ref1 relationship with Fisher ref1 relationship with United States during Second World War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 resignation over India (1931) ref1 and return to gold standard ref1, ref2 and Rowntree’s book on poverty ref1 and Second World War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8, ref9, ref10, ref11, ref12, ref13 and Sidney Street siege ref1 speeches during Second World War ref1, ref2 steps to becoming Prime Minister ref1 suffragette attack on ref1 and tariff reform ref1, ref2 threatening of European peace by Hitler warning and calls for rearmament ref1, ref2, ref3 and Tonypandy miners’ strike (1910) ref1 cinema ref1 Citizens’ Army ref1 City of London Imperial Volunteers ref1 civil service ref1 Clark, Alan The Donkeys ref1 Clark, Sir Kenneth ref1, ref2 Clarke, Tom ref1 class distinctions in Edwardian Britain ref1 divisions within army during First World War ref1 impact of Second World War on ref1, ref2 and politics in twenties ref1 clothing motorists’ ref1 and Second World War ref1 and status in Edwardian Britain ref1 in twenties ref1 Clydebank, bombing of ref1 Clydeside ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 coal miners strike (1912) ref1 Coliseum (London) ref1 Collins, Michael ref1, ref2, ref3 Colville, Jock ref1, ref2, ref3 Common Wealth ref1, ref2 Communist Party of Great Britain ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 communist revolution, fear of ref1 communists ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Conan Doyle, Arthur ref1, ref2 The Hound of the Baskervilles ref1 Concorde ref1, ref2, ref3 Congo Reform Association ref1 Connolly, James ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Connor, William (‘Cassandra’) ref1 Conrad, Joseph ref1, ref2 Heart of Darkness ref1 The Secret Agent ref1 conscientious objectors First World War ref1 Second World War ref1 Conservatives ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8, ref9, ref10, ref11, ref12 contraception ref1, ref2, ref3 Coolidge, President Calvin ref1, ref2 Cooper, Duff ref1, ref2, ref3 Corrigan, Gordon ref1 Coventry, bombing of ref1, ref2 Coward, Nöel ref1 crash (1929) ref1, ref2 Cripps, Sir Stafford ref1, ref2 Crookes, Sir William ref1 Crooks, Will ref1 Crystal Palace fire (1936) ref1 Curzon, Lord ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Czechoslovakia ref1, ref2 Dacre, Harry ref1 Daily Express ref1, ref2, ref3 Daily Mail ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Ideal Home Exhibition ref1 Northcliffe’s article on shells crisis during war ref1 Daily Mirror ref1, ref2 Daimler, Gottfried ref1 ‘Daisy, Daisy, Give Me Your Answer Do’ ref1, ref2 Darwin, Charles ref1 Darwin, Erasmus ref1 Darwin, Major Leonard ref1 Davidson, J.C.C. ref1, ref2 Davison, Emily Wilding ref1 Davos Ski Club ref1 De Havilland ref1 De La Warr Seaside Pavilion (Bexhill) ref1 de Nyevelt, Baron de Zuylen ref1 de Valera, Eamon ref1, ref2, ref3 Debrett’s Peerage ref1 Defence of the Realm Act see DORA Dickens, Charles ref1 Dimond, Phyllis ref1 distributism ref1 Distributist League ref1 ditchers ref1, ref2 divorce ref1 Divorce Law Reform Association ref1 Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Labourers’ Union ref1 dockers’ strikes ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Doenitz, Admiral ref1 DORA (Defence of the Realm Act) ref1, ref2, ref3 Douglas, Clifford ref1 Dowding, Sir Hugh ‘Stuffy’ ref1, ref2 Dreadnoughts ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Dresden, bombing of (1945) ref1 drug taking, in twenties ref1 Dunkirk ref1, ref2, ref3 Dunlop, John Boyd ref1 Dyer, General ref1 Easter Rising (1916) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Eckersley, Peter ref1, ref2, ref3 economy and gold standard ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 impact of crash (1929) ref1 post-First World War ref1, ref2 Eden, Anthony ref1, ref2, ref3 Edinburgh Castle pub (London) ref1 Edmunds, Henry ref1 education Edwardian era ref1 inter-war years ref1, ref2 Education Act (1902) ref1 Edward VII, King ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Edward VIII, King ref1 abdication ref1, ref2 affair with Mrs Dudley Ward ref1 enthusiasm for Nazi Germany ref1 love for Wallis Simpson ref1, ref2 and social reform ref1 Egypt ref1, ref2, ref3 Eighth Army ref1, ref2 Eisenhower, General ref1 El-Alamein, Battle of ref1, ref2 elections (1906) ref1 (1910) ref1, ref2 (1918) ref1 (1922) ref1, ref2 (1923) ref1 (1924) ref1 (1931) ref1 (1935) ref1 Elgar, Sir Edward ref1 Eliot, T.S. ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 ‘Burnt Norton’ ref1 The Wasteland ref1 Ellis, Havelock ref1 emigration Edwardian era ref1 inter-war years ref1 Empire Day ref1 Empire theatre (London) ref1 Enigma ref1, ref2 ENSA (Entertainments National Service Association) ref1 eugenics ref1 evolution ref1 explorers ref1 Fabian Society ref1, ref2, ref3 Fairey Battle bombers ref1, ref2 fascism ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 see also BUF Fawcett, Millicent Garrett ref1, ref2 Feisal, Emir ref1, ref2 Fenians ref1 film industry see cinema Film Society ref1 finger prints ref1 Finland ref1 First World War (1914) ref1, ref2 aftermath ref1 and alcohol ref1 Balkans campaign ref1 Baltic plan ref1 and Battle of Jutland ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 and BEF ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 British blockade of Germany ref1, ref2, ref3 and burial of the Unknown Soldier ref1 class divisions in army ref1 collapse of German army ref1 comparison with Second World War ref1 conscription ref1; criticism of by UDC ref2 Dardanelles campaign ref1, ref2, ref3 death toll and casualties ref1, ref2, ref3 early military failures ref1 and film industry ref1 and Fisher ref1 food shortages and rationing ref1 formation of coalition government ref1, ref2 French campaign ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Gallipoli campaign ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 German raids ref1 and Haig ref1 impact of on British people ref1 and Middle East ref1 munitions factories ref1 Orpen’s paintings of ref1 and Passchendaele ref1 post-war attack on military chiefs ref1 post-war impact of ref1 preparations for ref1 and press/journalists ref1 public support for ref1 recruitment ref1, ref2 revisionists and ref1 Sassoon’s protest at ref1 scenario if Germany had won ref1 at sea ref1 seeking alternative strategies to Flanders campaign ref1 shells crisis and Daily Mail article ref1 sinking of German battleships by Germany at end of ref1 sinking of Lusitania ref1 slaughter in ref1 steps leading to and reasons for Britain’s declaration of war on Germany ref1 struggle to comprehend meaning of ref1 surrender of Germany ref1; trench warfare ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 U-boat campaign ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 and United States ref1, ref2, ref3 use of convoys ref1 use of horses ref1 and women ref1, ref2 Fisher, First Sea Lord ‘Jackie’ ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Fleming, Sir Alexander ref1 Fleury ref1 flying boats ref1 flying circuses ref1 folk dancing ref1 food imports ref1 Foot, Michael ref1 Ford, Ford Madox ref1 Ford, Henry ref1, ref2 Forde, Florrie ref1 Formby, George ref1 ref2 43 (nightclub) ref1, ref2 France and First World War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 and Second World War ref1, ref2, ref3 franchise ref1 and women ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 free trade ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 French, Sir John ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8 Fyfe, Hamilton ref1, ref2 gaiety, in twenties ref1 Gallacher, William ref1 Gallipoli crisis ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Galsworthy, John ref1 Galton, Francis ref1, ref2 gambling ref1 Gandhi, Mohandas ref1, ref2 garages ref1 garden cities ref1, ref2 Gardiner, Rolf ref1 Garnett, Theresa ref1 Garsington Manor ref1 Gaumont Palaces ref1 Gawthorpe, Nellie ref1 General Strike (1926) ref1, ref2, ref3 and BBC ref1 gentlemen’s clubs ref1 George III, King ref1 George IV, King ref1, ref2 George V, King ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8, ref9, ref10 George VI, King ref1 German Naval Law (1912) ref1 Germany ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 of (1914) ref1 building of battleships ref1 early state-welfare system ref1 and eugenics ref1 fear of invasion by in Edwardian Britain ref1 and First World War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 national welfare system ref1 navy ref1 and planned Irish uprising ref1 and Versailles Treaty ref1 Wandervogel youth groups ref1 see also Second World War ‘GI brides’ ref1 Gibbon, Lewis Grassic ref1, ref2 Gibbs, Philip ref1, ref2, ref3 Gibson, Guy ref1 Gifford, Grace ref1 Gill, Eric ref1 GIs ref1 Gladstone, William ref1, ref2 Glasgow ‘forty hours strike’ (1919) ref1 Goering, Hermann Wilhelm ref1, ref2 gold standard ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Gort, Field Marshal ref1 Gough, General Hubert ref1, ref2 Graf Spee ref1 Graves, Robert ref1 Goodbye to All That ref1 Grayson, Victor ref1, ref2 Great Depression ref1, ref2 Great War see First World War Greece and Second World War ref1 Greenshirts (Social Credit) ref1, ref2, ref3 Gregory, Maundy ref1, ref2, ref3 Gresley, Sir Nigel ref1 Grey, Sir Edward ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Grieve, Christopher Murray see McDiarmid, Hugh Grigg, John ref1 Guest, Freddy ref1, ref2 Guilty Men ref1 Gunn, Neil ref1 guns and Edwardian Britain ref1 Haggard, Sir Rider ref1 Haig, Sir Douglas ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Halifax, Lord (Irwin) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Handley Page, Frederick ref1, ref2 Hanfstaengel, Ernst ‘Putzi’ ref1 Hankey, Maurice ref1 Hannington, Wal ref1 Hardie, Keir ref1, ref2, ref3 Hardy, Thomas ref1 Hargrave, John ref1, ref2, ref3 Harmsworth, Alfred see Northcliffe, Lord Harmsworth, Harold see Rothermere, Lord Harris, Sir Arthur (‘Bomber Harris’) ref1, ref2 Harrisson, Tom ref1 Hart, Basil Liddell ref1 Hastings, Max ref1 headwear ref1 hedgers ref1, ref2 Henderson, Arthur ref1 Henderson, Sir Nevile ref1 Hepworth, Cecil ref1 Hindenburg, General ref1 Hipper, Admiral ref1, ref2 Hippodrome (London) ref1 Hitchcock, Alfred ref1 Hitler, Adolf ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 appeasement towards ref1 and Churchill ref1, ref2 and Edward VIII ref1 and Halifax visit ref1 and Lloyd George ref1 and Munich meeting ref1 and Second World War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 suicide of ref1 support of by ‘Cliveden set’ ref1 and Unity Mitford ref1, ref2 Ho Chi Minh ref1 Hobhouse, Emily ref1 Hoesch, Leopold von ref1 Holden, Charles ref1 Hollywood ref1 Holtzendorff, Admiral Henning von ref1 Home Guard ref1, ref2, ref3 Home Rule (Ireland) ref1, ref2 honours selling for cash by Lloyd George ref1 Honours (Prevention of Abuses) Act (1925) ref1 Hood (battleship) ref1 Hoover Building ref1 Hore-Belisha, Leslie ref1 Houdini, Harry ref1 House of Lords ref1 reform of by Liberals ref1, ref2 housing ref1, ref2, ref3 Housing Manual (1919) ref1 Howard, Ebenezer ref1 Howard, Peter ref1 Hughes, Billy ref1 hunger marches ref1 Hurricanes ref1, ref2 ‘Hymn of Hate’ ref1 Hyndman, Henry ref1 Ibn Saud ref1 illegitimacy ref1 Illustrated London News ref1, ref2, ref3 immigration Edwardian Britain ref1 inter-war years ref1 Immigration Act (1924) (US) ref1 Imperial Airways ref1 income tax ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Independent Labour Party (ILP) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 India ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Indian National Congress ref1 industry Second World War ref1 Victorian Britain ref1 Inskip, Sir Thomas ref1 Instone ref1 International Brigade ref1 International Congress of Eugenics ref1 International Fascist League ref1 ‘ Invasion of 1910, The’ ref1 invasion fear of in Edwardian Britain ref1 IRA (Irish Republican Army) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Iraq ref1, ref2, ref3 Ireland ref1 civil war (1922) ref1 a nd Easter Rising (1916) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 and First World War ref1 formation of independent Da´il in southern ref1 and Home Rule ref1, ref2 and Second World War ref1 war against British and negotiation of peace treaty (1921) ref1 Irish nationalists ref1, ref2, ref3 Irish Republican Army see IRA Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Irish Volunteers ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Ironside, Lord ref1 Irwin, Lord see Halifax, Lord Islam ref1 Ismay, General ref1 Italian futurists ref1 Italians interment of during Second World War ref1 ‘ It’s a Long Way to Tipperary’ ref1 Jackson, Derek ref1 James, Henry ref1, ref2 Japanese and Second World War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Jarrow Crusade (1936) ref1 jazz ref1 Jellicoe, John ref1, ref2, ref3 Jerusalem ref1 Jewish People’s Council Against Fascism ref1 Jews ref1, ref2 see also anti-Semitism ‘ jingo’ ref1 Johnston, Edward ref1 Johnston, Tom ref1 journalism ref1 see also press Joyce, James ref1 Joynson-Hicks, Sir William ref1, ref2 Jutland, Battle of ref1, ref2, ref3 Kandahar Ski Club ref1 Karno, Fred ref1 Keating, Sean ref1 Kemal, Mustapha ref1 Kendall, Mary ref1 Kennedy, Joseph ref1 Kenney, Annie ref1 Kent, Duke of ref1 Keppel, Alice ref1 Key, Edith ref1 Keynes, John Maynard ref1, ref2, ref3 Kibbo Kift ref1, ref2, ref3 Kinship in Husbandry ref1 Kipling, Rudyard ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Kitchener, Lord ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8, ref9, ref10, ref11 Knight, John ref1 Krupskaya, Nadezhda ref1 Labour Party ref1, ref1, ref1, ref1, ref1, ref1, ref1, ref1 Labour Representation Committee ref1, ref2 Lancastria, bombing of ref1 Land Army girls ref1 land speed records ref1 Landsdowne House ref1 Landsdowne, Lord ref1, ref2 Lane, Allen ref1 Lansbury, George ref1 Larkin, James ref1 Laszlo, Philip de ref1 Lauder, Harry ref1, ref2, ref3 Lawrence, D.H. ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Lawrence, Katie ref1 Lawrence, T.E. ref1, ref2, ref3 Le Queux, William ref1 League of Isis ref1 League of Nations ref1, ref2 Lebanon ref1 Lee, Arthur ref1 Leeper, Reginald ref1 Leese, Arnold ref1 Left Book Club ref1 Leigh-Mallory, Air Vice Marshal ref1 Lenin, Vladimir ref1, ref2, ref3 Lenton, Lilian ref1 Leopold, King of Belgium ref1 Letchworth ref1, ref2 Lewis, Rosa ref1 Liberal Party ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Liberal Unionist organization ref1 Liddell-Hart, Basil ref1 Lissauer, Ernst ref1 literature ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Little Tich ref1 Liverpool strikes ref1 Liverpool Mersey Tunnel ref1 Llanfrothen Burial Case ref1 Lloyd George, David ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 anti-landlord rhetoric ref1, ref2 and Boer War ref1, ref2 as Chancellor of the Exchequer ref1 in charge of munitions ref1, ref2 and Churchill ref1, ref2, ref3 downfall ref1, ref2 and First World War ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 and Hitler ref1 hostility towards Haig ref1 and Ireland ref1 Orange Book ref1 and People’s Budget ref1, ref2 personal life ref1 political career ref1 as prime minister and wartime regime under ref1, ref2, ref3 rise to power ref1, ref2 and Second World War ref1 selling of honours for cash ref1 share dealing ref1 and tariff reform debate ref1 vision of welfare system ref1 visit to Germany ref1 wins 1918 election ref1, ref2 and women’s vote ref1 Lloyd, Marie ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Lockyer, Sir Norman ref1 London ref1 fog in Edwardian era ref1 music halls ref1 as refuge for revolutionaries abroad in Edwardian era ref1 London Blitz ref1 London Pavilion theatre ref1 London Transport ref1 London Underground map ref1 Loos, Battle of ref1 Lubetkin, Berthold ref1 Ludendorff ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Luftwaffe ref1, ref2, ref3 Lunn, Arnold ref1, ref2 Lunn, Sir Henry ref1 Lusitania ref1 Lynn, Vera ref1 MacColl, Ewan ref1 MacCormick, John ref1, ref2 McDiarmid, Hugh (Grieve) ref1 MacDonagh, Michael ref1 MacDonald, Ramsay ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 background ref1 and formation of National Government ref1, ref2 and Mosley ref1 vilification of ref1, ref2 MacInnes, Colin ref1 McKenna, Reginald ref1 Mackenzie, Compton ref1, ref2 Maclean, John ref1, ref2 Macmillan, Harold ref1 McNabb, Father Vincent ref1 McShane, Harry ref1 Madoff, Bernard ref1 ‘mafficking’ ref1 Major, John ref1 Malins, Geoffrey ref1 Mallard locomotive ref1 ‘Manchester Rambler, The’ ref1 Manners, Lady Diana ref1, ref2 marching ref1 Marconi, Guglielmo ref1 Marconi scandal (1911) ref1 Markiewicz, Countess ref1, ref2 Marlborough, Duke of ref1 Martin, Captain D.L. ref1 Marx, Eleanor ref1 Marx, Karl ref1 Mass Observation system ref1, ref2 Matcham, Frank ref1 Maude, Aylmer ref1 Maurice, Sir Frederick ref1 Maxse, Leo ref1, ref2 Maxton, Jimmy ref1, ref2 May, Phil ref1 medical science ref1 Melba, Dame Nellie ref1 Melbourne, Lord ref1 memorials ref1 Mendelsohn, Erich ref1 metro-land ref1 Meyrick, Kate ref1, ref2, ref3 Middle Classes Union ref1 Middle East ref1, ref2 Mill, John Stuart ref1 Millais, Sir John Everett ref1 Milner, Lord ref1, ref2, ref3 miners dispute (1926) ref1, ref2 Mitchell, Hannah ref1 The Hard Way Up ref1 Mitchell, Reginald ref1, ref2, ref3 Mitford, Deborah ref1 Mitford, Diana see Mosley, Diana Mitford girls ref1 Mitford, Jessica ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Mitford, Nancy ref1, ref2 Wigs on the Green ref1 Mitford, Pamela ref1 Mitford, Tom ref1 Mitford, Unity ref1, ref2, ref3 modernism ref1, ref2, ref3 Montacute House (Somerset) ref1 Montagu, Edwin ref1, ref2, ref3 Montgomery, General Bernard ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Morel, Edmund ref1, ref2 Morrel, Ottoline ref1, ref2 Morris, William (car maker) ref1, ref2 Morris, William (craftsman) ref1 Morrison, Herbert ref1, ref2 Morton, Desmond ref1 Morton, E.V. ref1 Mosley, Cimmie (first wife) ref1, ref2 Mosley, Diana (née Mitford) (second wife) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Mosley, Oswald ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8, ref9 and anti-Semitism ref1 background and early life ref1 and Battle of Cable Street ref1 and fascism ref1 funding from Mussolini ref1 imprisonment ref1 launching of British Union of Fascists ref1 and MacDonald ref1 marriage to Diana Mitford ref1 and New Party ref1 and Olympia riot (1934) ref1 plans and ideas ref1 resignation from Labour ref1 and Rothermere ref1 Muir, Edwin ref1, ref2 Munich ref1 Munnings, Alfred ref1 Murdoch, Rupert ref1 Murray, Lord ref1 music ref1, ref2 music hall ref1 Mussolini, Benito ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 national debt, post-war ref1 National Government ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 National Insurance Bill (1911) ref1 National Party of Scotland ref1 National Unemployed Workers Movement (NUWM) ref1 National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) ref1 navy see Royal Navy Navy League ref1 Nazi Germany ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 see also Hitler, Adolf Nehru, Jawaharlal ref1 Nesbit, Edith (Daisy) ref1, ref2, ref3 The Amulet ref1 Five Children and It ref1 The Railway Children ref1 Nevill, Captain ref1 New Party ref1, ref2 newspapers see press Nicholson, William ref1, ref2 nightclubs ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 1922 committee ref1 Nivelle, General ref1, ref2 No-Conscription Fellowship ref1 Nordics ref1 Norman, Sir Montagu ref1, ref2, ref3 Northcliffe, Lord (Alfred Harmsworth) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 background ref1 and Daily Mail ref1 Daily Mail article on shells shortage ref1 and downfall of Asquith ref1 last days and death ref1 Motor Cars and Driving ref1 northern industrial cities, decline of ref1 Northern Ireland ref1 see also Ireland Norway and Second World War ref1, ref2 nostalgia ref1 nuclear bomb ref1, ref2 nudism ref1 O’Connor, General ref1, ref2 Ogilvie-Grant, Mark ref1 Olympia Garage ref1 organic food movement ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Orpen, William ref1, ref2 Orwell, George ref1, ref2, ref3 Homage to Catalonia ref1 The Road to Wigan Pier ref1 Ottoman Empire ref1, ref2, ref3 outdoors ref1 Owen, Frank ref1 Owen, Wilfred ref1, ref2, ref3 Oxford Automobile Company ref1 Oxford Union debate (1933) ref1, ref2 Paget, Lieutenant-General Sir Arthur ref1, ref2 Palace Theatre (London) ref1 Palestine ref1 Panahards ref1, ref2 Pankhurst, Adela ref1 Pankhurst, Christabel ref1, ref2, ref3 Pankhurst, Emmeline ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Pankhurst, Sylvia ref1 paperbacks ref1 Paris peace conference ref1, ref2 Park, Keith ref1 Parliament during Second World War ref1 Passchendaele ref1 Patton, General ref1, ref2 Peace Pledge Union ref1, ref2 Pearl Harbor ref1, ref2, ref3 Pearse, Padraig ref1, ref2 Pearson, George ref1 peerages ref1 selling for cash ref1 peers ref1 Penguin Books ref1 pensions ref1 People’s Budget (1909) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Pétain, Marshal ref1 pianos ref1 Pick, Frank ref1 Piper, John ref1 Pistols Act (1903) ref1 Plunkett, Joseph ref1, ref2 Plymouth, bombing of ref1 political extremism ref1 Ponzi, Charles ref1 Poor Law Guardians ref1, ref2 poor/poverty ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Rowntree’s investigation and book on conditions in York ref1 Pound, Ezra ref1, ref2, ref3 Cantos ref1 Powell, Enoch ref1 Powys, John Cowper ref1, ref2 Preece, Sir W.H. ref1 press ref1, ref2 and abdication crisis ref1 and Daily Mail ref1 destruction of Liberal government by ref1 and First World War ref1 see also Beaverbrook, Lord; Northcliffe, Lord; Rothermere, Lord Price, G.

pages: 572 words: 179,024

Area 51: An Uncensored History of America's Top Secret Military Base by Annie Jacobsen

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, data acquisition, drone strike, Maui Hawaii, mutually assured destruction, operation paperclip, orbital mechanics / astrodynamics, Project Plowshare, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, uranium enrichment, urban sprawl, zero day

As innocuous as it sounded, DDP was in fact a euphemism for chief of covert operations for the CIA. This meant Bissell was in charge of the Agency’s clandestine service, its paramilitary operations. The office had previously been known as the Office of Policy Coordination, or OPC. As deputy director of plans, Richard Bissell would be doing a lot more than playing a gentleman’s spy game from the air. The CIA’s paramilitary operations spilled blood. During these covert anti-Communist operations, men were dying in droves from Hungary to Greece to Iran, and all of these operations had to be planned, staged, and approved by the deputy director of plans. In such a position there was writing on the wall, script that Richard Bissell did not, or chose not to, see. The man he was replacing was Frank Wisner, his old friend and the man who first introduced Bissell to the CIA. It was Frank Wisner who’d knocked on Bissell’s door unannounced and then spent a fireside evening in Bissell’s Washington, DC, parlor eleven years before.

On the night of October 4, 1957, the then senator was entertaining a group of fellow hunting enthusiasts at his rural retreat, in the dining room of his forty-foot-tall, glass-enclosed, air-conditioned hunting blind that Johnson called his “deer tower.” All around the edge of the lair were powerful spotlights that could be turned on with the flip of a switch, blinding unsuspecting deer that had come to graze and making it easier to kill them. It was an important night for Johnson, one that would set the rest of his life on a certain path. October 4, 1957, was the night the Russians launched Sputnik, and the senator began an exuberant anti-Communist crusade. That very night, once the guests had gone home and the staff of black waiters had cleaned up, Johnson retired to his bedroom with newfound conviction. “I’ll be dammed if I sleep by the light of a Red Moon,” he told his wife, Lady Bird. At the time, Lyndon Johnson was not just any senator. He was the Democratic majority leader, which made him the most powerful legislator in the United States.

The White House and the Pentagon fought back with propaganda and erroneous facts. “We are beginning to win this struggle,” Vice President Hubert Humphrey boasted on NBC’s Today show in November of 1967. While closed-door hearings for the Senate Armed Services Committee revealed that U.S. bombing campaigns were having little to no effect on winning the war, Humphrey told America that more Communists were laying down arms than picking them up. That our anti-Communist “purification” programs in Vietnam were going well. Later that same month, America’s top commander, General Westmoreland, dug his own grave. He told the National Press Club that the Communists were “unable to mount a major offensive.” That America might have been losing the war in 1965, but now America was winning in Vietnam. In an interview with Time magazine, Westmoreland taunted the Communists by calling them weak.

pages: 603 words: 182,826

Owning the Earth: The Transforming History of Land Ownership by Andro Linklater

agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, Anton Chekhov, Ayatollah Khomeini, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, British Empire, business cycle, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, facts on the ground, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Google Earth, income inequality, invisible hand, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kibera, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, light touch regulation, market clearing, means of production, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monkeys Reject Unequal Pay, mortgage debt, Northern Rock, Peace of Westphalia, Pearl River Delta, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, profit motive, quantitative easing, Ralph Waldo Emerson, refrigerator car, Right to Buy, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, spinning jenny, The Chicago School, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, ultimatum game, wage slave, WikiLeaks, wikimedia commons, working poor

The indictment was motivated by his Ukrainian upbringing, endemic anti-Semitism—the report of the Agricultural Department’s security expert noted that “Jews who turned into Reds or fellow travelers were the worst kind of traitors”—and most damagingly by the charge in the Chicago Tribune, that Ladejinsky had pushed through a program “to take property from its owners and redistribute it in the name of social justice.” No doubt to Benson’s surprise, his action provoked furious protests from an unexpected quarter, right-wing, anti-Communist Republicans, including the hawkish secretary of state, John Foster Dulles. A Congressional investigation excoriated Benson and his department’s unconstitutional security procedures, and Eisenhower himself complained, “Why doesn’t Benson just admit he made a mistake and apologize?” Under pressure, the agriculture secretary withdrew the allegations, but they had exposed to public attention a contradiction at the heart of Ladejinky’s program—redistribution betrayed the principle that a basic purpose of government was to protect property.

“The real revolution,” the foundation concluded, “is one that has happened not to farming but to farmers.” Quite simply, taking advantage of the Green Revolution was so expensive due to the cost of mechanization, fertilizers, pesticides, and irrigation, (unless a river could be diverted, access to piped water or a well was essential), a peasant had to think like a capitalist, aiming to maximize profits from a parcel of land whose use belonged to his family. A string of anti-Communist governments, including those of Thailand, Indonesia, and the Philippines, favored the Green Revolution for that very reason. “Even if it wasn’t such a spectacular producer,” said Rafael Salas, the minister in charge of introducing IR 8 to the Philippines, “one would advocate pushing the miracle rice culture if only to train the Filipino farmer into thinking in terms of techniques, machines, fertilizers, schedules and experiments.”

a direct comparison with North Korea: The differences between South Korea’s development path and those of Japan and Taiwan are explored in “Contesting Models of East Asian Development and Financial Liberalization: A Case Study of South Korea” by Amiya Kumar Bagchi. Social Scientist 36, no. 9–10 (Sep.–Oct., 2008), 4–23. The prize in the competition: Ladejinsky’s supporters claimed his program was “the only successful anti-communist step we have taken in Asia,” quoted in The Hungry World: America’s Cold War Battle Against Poverty in Asia by Nick Cullather (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 95. “Small-scale production”: Lenin’s interest in agriculture surfaced in ch. 2 of The Development of Capitalism in Russia (1899), expressing his belief that rich peasants had become capitalist. The Bolshevik nationalization of land in 1918 was the necessary first step toward making agriculture socialist.

pages: 604 words: 177,329

The Looming Tower: Al-Qaeda and the Road to 9/11 by Lawrence Wright

airport security, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Fall of the Berlin Wall, invisible hand, Khyber Pass, lone genius, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, rolodex, Silicon Valley, uranium enrichment, urban planning, Y2K, Yom Kippur War

His literary and social criticism had made him one of his country’s most popular writers. It had also earned the fury of King Farouk, Egypt’s dissolute monarch, who had signed an order for his arrest. Powerful and sympathetic friends hastily arranged his departure. At the time, Qutb (his name is pronounced kuh-tub) held a comfortable post as a supervisor in the Ministry of Education. Politically, he was a fervent Egyptian nationalist and anti-communist, a stance that placed him in the mainstream of the vast bureaucratic middle class. The ideas that would give birth to what would be called Islamic fundamentalism were not yet completely formed in his mind; indeed, he would later say that he was not even a very religious man before he began this journey, although he had memorized the Quran by the age of ten, and his writing had recently taken a turn toward more conservative themes.

“Godlessness” was an essential feature of the communist menace, and the country reacted viscerally to the sense that Christianity was under attack. “Either Communism must die, or Christianity must die, because it is actually a battle between Christ and the anti-Christ,” Billy Graham would write a few years later—a sentiment that was very much a part of the mainstream Christian American consensus at the time. Qutb took note of the obsession that was beginning to dominate American politics. He was himself a resolute anti-communist for similar reasons; indeed, the communists were far more active and influential in Egypt than in America. “Either we shall walk the path of Islam or we shall walk the path of Communism,” Qutb wrote the year before he came to America, anticipating the same stark formulation as Billy Graham. At the same time, he saw in the party of Lenin a template for the Islamic politics of the future—the politics that he would invent.

There were remarkably few among the members of al-Qaeda who had any extensive religious training. Despite their zealotry, they were essentially theological amateurs. Abu Hajer had the greatest spiritual authority, by virtue of having memorized the Quran, but he was an electrical engineer, not a cleric. Nonetheless, bin Laden made him head of al-Qaeda’s fatwa committee—a fateful choice. It was on Abu Hajer’s authority that al-Qaeda turned from being the anti-communist Islamic army that bin Laden originally envisioned into a terrorist organization bent on attacking the United States, the last remaining superpower and the force that bin Laden and Abu Hajer believed represented the greatest threat to Islam. Why did these men turn against America, a highly religious country that so recently had been their ally in Afghanistan? In large part, it was because they saw America as the locus of Christian power.

pages: 956 words: 267,746

Command and Control: Nuclear Weapons, the Damascus Accident, and the Illusion ofSafety by Eric Schlosser

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Haight Ashbury, impulse control, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, life extension, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, nuclear winter, packet switching, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Stanislav Petrov, Stewart Brand, too big to fail, uranium enrichment, William Langewiesche

“A far better protection,” Arnold concluded, “lies in developing controls and safeguards that are strong enough to prevent their use on all sides.” General Carl A. Spaatz, who replaced Arnold as the Army Air Forces commander, was an outspoken supporter of world government. General George C. Kenney, the head of the recently created Strategic Air Command, spent most of his time working on the military staff of the United Nations. General Leslie Groves—the military director of the Manhattan Project, who was staunchly anti-Communist and anti-Soviet—argued that the atomic bomb’s “very existence should make war unthinkable.” He favored international control of nuclear weapons and tough punishments for nations that tried to make them. Without such a system, he saw only one alternative for the United States. “If there are to be atomic bombs in the world,” Groves argued, “we must have the best, the biggest, and the most.” • • • AT A CABINET MEETING on September 21, 1945, members of the Truman administration had debated what to do with this powerful new weapon.

In February 1948 the Communist overthrow of Czechoslovakia’s freely elected government shocked the American public. The Soviet-backed coup revived memories of the Nazi assault on the Czechs in 1938, the timidity of the European response, and the world war that soon followed. President Truman’s tough words were not backed, however, by a military strategy that could defend Western Europe. During the early months of 1947, as Truman formulated his anti-Communist doctrine, the Pentagon did not have a war plan for fighting the Soviet Union. And the rapid demobilization of the American military seemed to have given the Soviets a tremendous advantage on the ground. The U.S. Army had only one division stationed in Germany, along with ten police regiments, for a total of perhaps 100,000 troops. The British army had one division there, as well. According to U.S. intelligence reports, the Soviet army had about one hundred divisions, with about 1.2 million troops, capable of invading Western Europe—and could mobilize more than 150 additional divisions within a month.

Amid the deepening Watergate scandal, Secretary of Defense Schlesinger told the head of the Joint Chiefs to seek his approval before acting on “any emergency order coming from the president.” Although Schlesinger’s order raised questions about who was actually in command, it seemed like a good idea at the time. The Wrong Tape One month after the inauguration of President Jimmy Carter, a member of his national security staff, General William E. Odom, attended briefings on the SIOP at the headquarters of the Strategic Air Command in Omaha. Odom was considered a staunch anti-Communist, one of the hard-liners in the new administration. He was a Soviet expert, fluent in Russian, who’d attended West Point and trained as a tactical nuclear targeting officer for the Army. His visit to SAC headquarters occurred in February 1977. Eight years had passed since Henry Kissinger began to push for more flexibility in the SIOP. Secretary of Defense Schlesinger had announced in 1974 that America’s war plans were being revised, that they would soon include “Limited Nuclear Options” and “Regional Nuclear Options” using fewer weapons.

pages: 453 words: 114,250

The Great Firewall of China by James Griffiths;

A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, bitcoin, borderless world, call centre, Chelsea Manning, Deng Xiaoping, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, gig economy, jimmy wales, Mark Zuckerberg, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mitch Kapor, mobile money, Occupy movement,, profit motive, QR code, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, Snapchat, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, Stuxnet, technoutopianism, undersea cable, WikiLeaks, zero day

If you think the government staged the incident and has everyone convinced that it was your fault, restraint and a commitment to absolute truth probably aren’t your top priorities. Despite the public protests in Hong Kong and elsewhere, Falun Gong’s main role in fighting the Party and the Firewall is largely unknown, even to those who benefit from it. For years, Falun Gong practitioners have been among the most active in undermining the Firewall and working to reverse the censorship it carries out. To do so, they have relied on an alliance of conservative anti-Communist US lawmakers, internet freedom advocates and software engineers. One group of allies they could not enlist – indeed, who often worked against them, hand in hand with the censors – was Silicon Valley’s biggest companies. Chapter 5 Searching for an opening Google, Yahoo and Silicon Valley’s moral failing in China The small crowd wore heavy coats, hats and scarves to guard against the bitter cold of the Beijing winter.

When I visited in mid-2018, there was a long line of visa applicants stretching up the block, while opposite them across the busy road a small group of Falun Gong practitioners held banners and performed exercises. On important dates, larger protests are staged outside China’s embassy in Washington DC and consulates in other major cities across the US. In private, Falun Gong practitioners have formed an effective lobby in Washington, where they have found a ready audience for their pro-religious freedom, anti-Communist message. This audience has included many neoconservative politicians, who advocate for internet freedom policies and have embraced Falun Gong as a victim of the Great Firewall. Censorship circumvention was a natural fit for Falun Gong. Following the crackdown, Falun Gong became one of the most sensitive and most censored topics on the Chinese internet, outdoing Tiananmen Square and Tibet. Leaked documentation for the ‘Green Dam Youth Escort’ – software developed as part of an abandoned plan to install active censorship tools on every computer in China – contained hundreds of Falun Gong-related terms, including ‘Zhuan Falun’, ‘Epoch Times’, ‘6.10 Office’ (an alleged Chinese government bureau tasked with crushing Falun Gong), ‘Jiang Zemin’, and the faith’s key tenets of ‘truthfulness, compassion and forbearance’.17 The blocking of Falun Gong is granular and near absolute, with the censors going so far as to ban the Cyrillic character used in mathematics to represent a multiplier of 1 million because of its similarity to a Falun Gong symbol.18 Beginning in the early to mid-2000s, as censorship ramped up, knocking Da Cankao and others offline, groups of Falun Gong engineers in the US began developing software to punch through the Great Firewall and allow practitioners inside the country – and potential converts – access to Falun Gong materials.

Betrayal of Trust: The Collapse of Global Public Health by Laurie Garrett

accounting loophole / creative accounting, airport security, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, biofilm, clean water, collective bargaining, desegregation, discovery of DNA, discovery of penicillin, Drosophila, employer provided health coverage, Fall of the Berlin Wall, germ theory of disease, global pandemic, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, Induced demand, John Snow's cholera map, Jones Act, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, mass incarceration, Maui Hawaii, means of production, Menlo Park, Mikhail Gorbachev, mouse model, Nelson Mandela, new economy, nuclear winter, phenotype, profit motive, Project Plowshare, RAND corporation, randomized controlled trial, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, stem cell, the scientific method, urban decay, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration, yellow journalism

There, with CIA assistance, Mobutu’s troops surrounded and murdered unarmed Lumumba on January 13, 1961, placing his body in the trunk of a car, much as a gang of Mafiosi might dispose of their enemies in a gangster hit. Mobutu seized power but was immediately opposed in armed insurrections in the Katanga and Shaba provinces. To ensure the political survival of the Mobutu regime during the tempestuous years of 1961 to 1967 the CIA flew in Cuban anti-Communist mercenaries, trained an elite corps of 243 Zaïrois soldiers in Israel, and occasionally dropped top units of the U.S. Special Forces into hotly contested areas. Belgium also bolstered Mobutu’s climb to power, deploying commando units to lead his troops in combat in rebellious Katanga. From the beginning Mobutu proved a wily leader. Outwardly he donned all the appearances of classic African nationalism.

The pioneering works of Freud and his followers were ignored, as was the striking 1970–1980s revolution in the understanding of the chemistry of the brain and the development of drugs that could adjust specific chemical imbalances. Most psychiatric disorders were simply classified in one of five boxes: psychoses, senile dementia, schizophrenia, neuroses, and mental retardation. Notably absent was the world’s most common psychiatric disorder, depression. It was assumed that the only individuals who could be depressed under communism must be anti-Communists, not depressed. Throughout the former USSR and Eastern Europe psychiatry and psychology suffered similar fates in the past and were proving woefully inadequate to meet the tasks of the post-Soviet era.165 Dr. Toma Tomov of the Medical University in Sofia, Bulgaria, said that the real question was, “How does the Self gain esteem if the social organism is sick? That requires facilitation—it means coming to terms with reality.”

And both the United States and USSR began development of an even more lethal weapon—the hydrogen bomb.203 Then the Cold War turned hot in Korea, where Communist North Korean forces and the United States fought between 1950 and 1953. America’s government and many of its citizens became deeply paranoid—as, unbeknownst to most people in the United States at the time, did their counterparts in the USSR. A terrible so-called Red Scare affected every aspect of life in the United States during the later 1940s and the 1950s, whipped up by such noted anti-Communists as Senator Joseph McCarthy, Congressman Richard Nixon, the House Un-American Activities Committee, and columnists Drew Pearson and Walter Winchell. By the time World War II hero General Dwight D. Eisenhower moved into the White House in 1953, suspected “Communists” across the nation were being purged from their jobs and service in government at every tier. In such an atmosphere most overseas programs run by the U.S. government were, by necessity, caught up in Cold War politics.

pages: 159 words: 42,401

Snowden's Box: Trust in the Age of Surveillance by Jessica Bruder, Dale Maharidge

anti-communist, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Berlin Wall, blockchain, Broken windows theory, Burning Man, cashless society, Chelsea Manning, citizen journalism, computer vision, crowdsourcing, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, Ferguson, Missouri, Filter Bubble, Firefox, Internet of things, Jeff Bezos, Julian Assange, license plate recognition, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, medical malpractice, Occupy movement, off grid, pattern recognition, Peter Thiel, Robert Bork, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, Skype, social graph, Steven Levy, Tim Cook: Apple, web of trust, WikiLeaks

As their report explained: Part of what makes self-censorship so troubling is the impossibility of knowing precisely what is lost to society because of it. We will never know what books or articles may have been written that would have shaped the world’s thinking on a particular topic if they are not written because potential authors are afraid that their work would invite retribution. This idea isn’t new. The so-called “chilling effects doctrine” emerged through legal decisions in cases related to anti-communist state measures in the 1950s and 60s. It urged the courts to exercise “suspicion” over any practices that “might deter” citizens from exercising their First Amendment rights freely. After the Snowden revelations, there was a sudden drop in online traffic to terrorism-related Wikipedia articles, according to research published by the Berkeley Technology Law Journal. The articles included entries titled “dirty bomb,” “Al Qaeda,” “improvised explosive device,” “nuclear enrichment,” “extremism,” and “suicide attack.”

pages: 497 words: 124,144

Red Moon Rising by Matthew Brzezinski

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Columbine, cuban missile crisis, Kitchen Debate, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, skunkworks, trade route, Vanguard fund, walking around money, white picket fence

The reality check, Korolev well knew, was not likely to sit well with the impatient Presidium. Fortunately for the Chief Designer, Khrushchev and the Central Committee were preoccupied with other, far more urgent matters. • • • On the morning of June 28, 1956, workers in the western Polish city of Poznan declared a general strike. It was the first labor unrest in the Soviet bloc, and by early afternoon the walkout had turned into the largest anti-Communist rally since the war. One hundred thousand people, a third of Poznan’s population, crammed Adam Mickiewicz Square, waving banners that read DOWN WITH DICTATORSHIP and, in a play on Lenin’s most famous revolutionary slogan, WE WANT BREAD, FREEDOM, AND TRUTH. As Kaganovich and Molotov had feared, the ill winds of liberalization let loose by Khrushchev’s de-Stalinization decree had blown westward from the snowcapped Caucasus to the plains of Poland.

Behind the scenes, however, theirs was a strained relationship. (AP/Wide World Photos) Walt Disney (far left) visits Wernher von Braun at the Redstone Arsenal before hiring him as a scientific adviser and host for the Tomorrowland segments of his new Disneyland television program. In these broadcasts, many Americans learned about satellite technology for the first time. (NASA Marshall Space Flight Center) The powerful and staunchly anti-Communist Dulles brothers. Allen Dulles (left), the director of Central Intelligence, and John Foster Dulles, the secretary of state, set the tone for the Eisenhower administration’s aggressive containment policies toward Moscow. (© Bettmann/CORBIS) Richard Bissell was the man behind the CIA’s top-secret U-2 and satellite reconnaissance programs. (Central Intelligence Agency) The U-2 was used in reconnaissance missions over the Soviet Union, taking aerial photographs from as high as 70,000 feet.

From the Ruins of Empire: The Intellectuals Who Remade Asia by Pankaj Mishra

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, British Empire, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, financial innovation, invention of the telegraph, joint-stock company, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Monroe Doctrine, New Urbanism, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Scramble for Africa, the scientific method, upwardly mobile, urban planning, Washington Consensus, young professional

It’s no accident that militants from Morocco to Sumatra and Xinjiang to Mozambique found a hospitable home in Afghanistan, another country where Westernized elites violently imposed their ways on a large majority. In the 1970s a communist regime in Afghanistan, propped up by the Soviet Union, tried to modernize hastily and brutally what it saw as a feudal and backward society, uprooting people from their traditional cultures and forcing them into Western-style cities and occupations. There were many who resisted, and within just a few months, 12,000 people considered anti-communist, many of them members of the country’s educated elite, were killed in Kabul alone; many thousands more were murdered in the countryside. The rest of this appalling story of Afghanistan’s destruction is better known. The subsequent backlash from radical Islamists was supported by the United States, and turned, with the help of Pakistan’s Islamist dictator General Zia-ul-Haq and Saudi Arabia, into the first global jihad in Islam’s long history.

By its own reckoning, Turkey has resoundingly answered the question that haunted the Tanzimatists: can a Muslim country modernize itself enough to be counted as a member of Western civilization? The isolationist nationalism of Atatürk reflected this determination to enlist Turkey into the only club that mattered. While secluding itself from its Muslim neighbourhood, Turkey went on to propose itself as a reliable partner to NATO. Joining other anti-communist Cold War alliances it also befriended Israel, the outcast state for Muslims around the world. But Turkey, like Meiji Japan before it, may have finally come up against an explicitly racially motivated disinclination in the West against granting it full membership to their club. As its efforts to join the European Union are rebuffed, and anti-Muslim-immigrant sentiment rises in Europe, Turks have begun to wonder whether, although a modernized Islam seems to have adjusted itself to the West, the West may still be reluctant to include Islam in its self-perceptions.

pages: 378 words: 121,495

The Abandonment of the West by Michael Kimmage

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, City Beautiful movement, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, European colonialism, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global pandemic, global supply chain, Gunnar Myrdal, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, Peace of Westphalia, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, Thomas L Friedman, transatlantic slave trade, urban planning, Washington Consensus

For the government and the university, Rostow looked intently for Soviet economic vulnerabilities, doing what he could to inform the makers of American foreign policy about them. For much of the 1950s, Rostow taught at MIT. For a while, he was a visiting professor of American history at both Oxford and Cambridge.32 Rostow celebrated the rise of the economic West in The Stages of Economic Growth: An Anti-Communist Manifesto, which he published in 1960. (The book began as lectures to Cambridge undergraduates in 1958.) Rostow was not only rewriting Marx’s legendary Communist Manifesto of 1848 but also turning it inside out, outlining a response to Soviet foreign policy in the Third World in 1960. Since the rise of Chinese communism in 1949, the Soviet Union had been making strides in Asia, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America.

On the history of the Aspen Institute, see “A Brief History of the Aspen Institute,” 31. Henry Kissinger, “embodiment of mankind’s hopes,” quoted in Hunt, Ideology and US Foreign Policy, 183. 32. W. W. Rostow and Max Millikan, A Proposal: Keys to an Effective Foreign Policy (New York: Harper, 1957), 8. 33. W. W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: An Anti-Communist Manifesto (Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1959), 167. 34. On Herbert Hoover and civilization, see Melvyn P. Leffler, “Expansionist Impulses and Domestic Constraints, 1921–1923,” in William H. Becker and Samuel F. Wells Jr., eds., Economics and World Power: An Assessment of American Diplomacy Since 1789 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), 232–233. W. W. Rostow, Stages of Economic Growth, 144. 35.

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The Defence of the Realm by Christopher Andrew

active measures, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Clive Stafford Smith, collective bargaining, credit crunch, cuban missile crisis, Desert Island Discs, Etonian, Fall of the Berlin Wall, G4S, glass ceiling, illegal immigration, job satisfaction, large denomination, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, North Sea oil, post-work, Red Clydeside, Robert Hanssen: Double agent, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, strikebreaker, Torches of Freedom, traveling salesman, union organizing, uranium enrichment, Vladimir Vetrov: Farewell Dossier, Winter of Discontent

Ewer, Communist and Anti-Communist’, Historical Journal, vol. 49 (2006) Campbell, Alastair, The Blair Years: Extracts from the Alastair Campbell Diaries (London: Hutchinson, 2007) Campbell, John, Edward Heath: A Biography, paperback edn (London: Pimlico, 1994) Carr, E. H., Foundations of a Planned Economy 1926–1929, 3 vols (London: Macmillan, 1982) Carr, E. H., The Twilight of Comintern 1930–1935 (London: Macmillan, 1982) Carsten, F. L., War against War (London: Batsford Academic, 1982) Carter, Miranda, Anthony Blunt: His Lives (London: Macmillan, 2001) Castle, Barbara, The Castle Diaries 1964–70 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1984) Catterall, Peter (ed.), The Macmillan Diaries: The Cabinet Years 1950–57 (London: Macmillan, 2003) Caute, David, The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge under Truman and Eisenhower (London: Secker & Warburg, 1978) Cecil, Robert, ‘The Cambridge Comintern’, in Christopher Andrew and David Dilks (eds), The Missing Dimension: Governments and Intelligence Communities in the Twentieth Century (London: Macmillan, 1984) Cecil, Robert, A Divided Life: Donald Maclean (London: Bodley Head, 1988) Cesarani, David, Major Farran’s Hat: Murder, Scandal and Britain’s War against Jewish Terrorism 1945–1948 (London: Heinemann, 2009) Chamberlain, Phil, ‘Mr Mills’ Circus’, History Today, vol. 54 (2004) Chapple, Frank, Sparks Fly!

Intelligence on one of its members, Albert Allen, suggested that he ‘may have quarrelled with his former employers, a fact which might be disclosed from his correspondence, and should this be discovered, it is obvious that we might be able, by careful approach, to get valuable information from him’. Allen, whose real name was Arthur Lakey, was a former Special Branch sergeant who had been dismissed after the police strike of 1919. On 25 June 1928 he was approached by John Ottaway of the Observation section who introduced himself as ‘G. Stewart of the Anti-Communist Union’ and claimed that the Union had sent him to ask Allen about his involvement with the FPA. Allen agreed to provide information on the FPA, ARCOS and other Russian ‘intrigues’. Ottaway reported after the meeting that, as Harker had suspected, Allen’s ‘late masters evidently have let him down, and he seems embittered in consequence.’ As evidence of the importance of the information he could provide, he revealed that he knew of leaks from both the Foreign Office and the Special Branch.87 In July 1928 Harker decided to meet Allen himself, introducing himself as someone who ‘came from Colonel Kell’: I very quickly found . . . that we were on quite good terms, and, by treating him rather as my opposite number, found that he was quite ready to talk up to a point.

The main thrust of the Service’s advice was that ‘full-time security officers with authority to follow up security instructions are a necessity in any Government Department which has a substantial amount of classified material to protect.’75 The part of government least interested in Security Service advice was the Houses of Parliament, whose security remained woeful until the beginning of the twenty-first century.76 In November 1954 the Security Service informed the Whitehall Personnel Security Committee that they had ‘moved somewhat from their original position’ on positive vetting and ‘now appreciated more fully the advantage to be derived’ from it.77 ‘At the risk of being smug,’ wrote Sir John Winnifrith in a memorandum on vetting to the Security Conference of Privy Counsellors in 1955, ‘I would like to say in the first place that, particularly given the speed with which it has been evolved, the present system is a pretty good one.’78 Eleven thousand working in the atomic field had so far been positively vetted, with 3,000 PVs still to be completed. In other sensitive posts, 7,000 had been PV’d, with another 6,000 to follow.79 There was no anti-Communist witch-hunt in Britain comparable to that led by Senator Joseph McCarthy in the United States. Two years after his election defeat, Attlee gave a withering response in an American journal to McCarthy’s criticism of the Purge Procedure he had introduced: ‘The Labour Party has had nearly 40 years of fighting Communism in Britain, and despite war and economic depression, the Communists have utterly failed.

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Strategy: A History by Lawrence Freedman

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Anton Chekhov, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, battle of ideas, Black Swan, British Empire, business process, butterfly effect, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, circulation of elites, cognitive dissonance, coherent worldview, collective bargaining, complexity theory, conceptual framework, corporate raider, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, defense in depth, desegregation, Edward Lorenz: Chaos theory,, endogenous growth, endowment effect, Ford paid five dollars a day, framing effect, Frederick Winslow Taylor, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, information retrieval, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, John Nash: game theory, John von Neumann, Kenneth Arrow, lateral thinking, linear programming, loose coupling, loss aversion, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, mental accounting, Murray Gell-Mann, mutually assured destruction, Nash equilibrium, Nelson Mandela, Norbert Wiener, Norman Mailer, oil shock, Pareto efficiency, performance metric, Philip Mirowski, prisoner's dilemma, profit maximization, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, social intelligence, Steven Pinker, strikebreaker, The Chicago School, The Myth of the Rational Market, the scientific method, theory of mind, Thomas Davenport, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Torches of Freedom, Toyota Production System, transaction costs, ultimatum game, unemployed young men, Upton Sinclair, urban sprawl, Vilfredo Pareto, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, Yogi Berra, zero-sum game

Mao was fighting an enemy with whom there might be a stalemate, but never a compromise. So the third stage demanded regular forces. Until these could be developed, guerrilla units would be crucial. In the third stage they would play no more than a supporting role. The most assiduous follower of Mao after his revolution was General Vo Nguyen Giap, a schoolteacher from Vietnam who fought against colonial France and then the U.S.-supported anti-communist government in the south. He immersed himself in Maoist theory and practice in China in 1940 and then returned to Vietnam to lead the fight against the Japanese and later the French. He is also reported to have described Lawrence’s Seven Pillars of Wisdom as his “fighting gospel” that he was “never without.” Giap took Mao’s three stages seriously, but his major innovation was his readiness to move between the different stages according to circumstances, whereas Mao had seen these as sequential steps.

Like other counterinsurgent specialists, Galula found that his theory fitted neither the local political structures nor army culture.27 The main effect of the attempt by the French officer class to develop a counterinsurgency doctrine that matched the communists in its political intensity and ruthlessness was that they began to turn their ire on Paris for not supporting their efforts with sufficient vigor—even attempting a coup.28 An awareness of the need to give the anti-communist South Vietnamese government more legitimacy and turn its forces into agents of democracy and development reflected a theoretical objective that was far removed from the realities on the ground. It was understood that any fighting should be done by indigenous forces, but that left open the question of what should be done when these forces could no longer cope. It was one thing if the insurgency was a response to local conditions cloaked in the rhetoric of international communism; if it truly was being pushed from outside by communists, that was another.

It had been marginalized by affluence, its rhetoric seen as an echo of old struggles long lost and won, with its internal politics still marked by in-fighting between communists, Trotskyites, and social democrats. The young activists fresh from the freedom rides in the South, where they had often been in jail or suffered beatings, had little time for those who had spent their time trading theoretical blueprints for socialism. Although SDS was intended initially to be the student branch of the League for Industrial Democracy, another of John Dewey’s causes which now represented the pro-union, anti-communist strand in American socialism, it took off on its own trajectory. So the revolt was against not only the complacent liberalism and social conservatism of mainstream America but also the social democratic tradition. This tradition of mass parties organized to fight parliamentary elections on the basis of an agreed program reflecting a more or less coherent ideology had never really taken root in America.

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A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East by David Fromkin

anti-communist, British Empire, colonial rule, Khartoum Gordon, Khyber Pass, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Monroe Doctrine, trade route

Although the invitation to the congress had been phrased in the communist language of world revolution, Zinoviev, once at the congress, seemed to be calling on the assembled delegates for aid in a national struggle between Russia and Britain. In his opening address he cried out "Brothers, we summon you to a holy war, in the first place against English imperialism!"7 Since many of those who were called upon to join in the crusade were non-communist or even anti-communist, the Comintern felt obliged to defend itself against the accusation that it was cynically using them as instruments of Soviet foreign policy. Karl Radek told the congress that "The eastern policy of the Soviet Government is thus no diplomatic manoeuvre, no pushing forward of the peoples of the east into the firing-line in order, by betraying them, to win advantages for the Soviet republic . . .

The working arrangement that the Kremlin arrived at with Mustapha Kemal's Turkish Nationalist government allowed Soviet Russia to crush Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. Kemal's overt anti-communism—on 28 January 1921 Kemalists killed seventeen Turkish communist leaders by drowning them in the Black Sea—was not allowed by Lenin or Stalin to stand in the way of agreement. In entering into a series of interlocking pacts with the anti-communist nationalist Moslem leaders of Turkey, Persia, and Afghanistan, Moscow seemed to be traveling along the path marked out at the Baku congress: abandoning revolutionary goals in favor of pursuing traditional Russian objectives in the Great Game. The Soviets encouraged revolutionary Kemalist Turkey to enter into a pact of her own, in Moscow, with traditionalist Afghanistan, the purpose of which (as indicated in Article Two) was to join hands in opposing aggression and exploitation by the British Empire.

Enver's mission was contrary to everything for which he had stood in politics: his goal had been to liberate the Turkish-speaking peoples from Russian rule. The mission also ran contrary to what the Bolsheviks had preached before coming to power: they had claimed that they were in favor of allowing the non-Russian peoples of the Russian Empire freely to go their own way. Coming after the Russian reconquest of Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, and after the un-veiling of Moscow's alliance with anti-communist leaders of Islam, the Soviet instructions to Enver raised the question of whether the Bolsheviks had subordinated, postponed, or even abandoned altogether the revolutionary ideals they had once espoused. Enver undoubtedly had his own views about this, but he hid them from his Bolshevik hosts as he set out for Bukhara in Central Asia. iii By the summer of 1920—a year before Enver was sent there— Bukhara was the last remaining bastion of Turkic independence in Central Asia.

Understanding Power by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Burning Man, business climate, business cycle, cognitive dissonance, continuous integration, Corn Laws, cuban missile crisis, dark matter, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, global reserve currency, Howard Zinn, liberation theology, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mortgage tax deduction, Paul Samuelson, Ralph Nader, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, school choice, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, wage slave, women in the workforce

This was never talked about in the press, but if you look at the records, you’ll see the funding was still going through until that time. 9 The Reagan administration had to stop sending it altogether—and in fact, what they did was turn to mercenary states. See, one of the interesting features of the 1980s is that to a large extent the United States had to carry out its foreign interventions through the medium of mercenary states. There’s a whole network of U.S. mercenary states. Israel is the major one, but it also includes Taiwan, South Africa, South Korea, the states that are involved in the World Anti-Communist League and the various military groups that unite the Western Hemisphere, Saudi Arabia to fund it, Panama—Noriega was right in the center of the thing. We caught a glimpse of it in things like the Oliver North trial and the Iran-contra hearings [Oliver North was tried in 1989 for his role in “Iran-contra,” the U.S. government’s illegal scheme to fund the Nicaraguan “contra” militias in their war against Nicaragua’s left-wing government by covertly selling weapons to Iran]—they’re international terrorist networks of mercenary states.

At the time the British navy was in the way, and they were a real deterrent, so the plan, in Adams’s words, was to wait until Cuba falls into our hands like a ripe fruit, by the laws of political gravitation. 28 Well, finally it did, and the U.S. ran it—with the usual effects—all the way up until 1959. In January 1959, Cuba had a popular nationalist revolution. We now know from declassified U.S. government documents that the formal decision to overthrow Castro was made by the American government in March 1960—that’s very important, because at that point there were no Russians around, and Castro was in fact considered anti-Communist by the U.S. [Castro did not align with the Soviet Union until May 1961, after the U.S. had severed diplomatic relations with Cuba in January and had sponsored an invasion attempt in April.] 29 So the reason for deciding to overthrow the Castro government can’t have had anything to do with Cuba being a Russian outpost in the Cold War—Cuba was just taking an independent path, which has always been unacceptable to powerful interests in the United States.

They in fact said in their publications things like, “We have about five or six years to save the private enterprise system.” 74 Well, one thing they did was to launch a huge propaganda program in the United States, aimed at reversing these attitudes. 75 It was actually called at the time part of “the everlasting battle for the minds of men,” who have to be “indoctrinated in the capitalist story”; that’s a standard straight quote from the P.R. literature. 76 So in the early 1950s, the Advertising Council [an organization begun during World War II and funded by the business community to assist the government with propaganda services at home] was spending huge amounts of money to propagandize for what they called “the American way.” 77 The public relations budget for the National Association of Manufacturers I think went up by about a factor of twenty. 78 About a third of the textbooks in schools were simply provided by business. 79 They had 20 million people a week watching propaganda films about worker-management unity, after the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 allowed propaganda to be shown to basically captive audiences in companies. 80 They continued on with the “scientific methods of strikebreaking” that had been developed in the late 1930s: devoting huge resources into propaganda instead of goon-squads and breaking knees. 81 And it was all tied up with the “anti-Communist” crusade at the time—that’s the true meaning of what’s referred to as “McCarthyism,” which started well before Joseph McCarthy got involved and was really launched by business and liberal members of the Democratic Party and so on. 82 It was a way of using fear and jingoism to try to undermine labor rights and functioning democracy. And the point is, the leadership of the U.S. labor movement was right in the center of the whole post-war destruction of unions, internationally.

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The Crying of Lot 49 by Thomas Pynchon

anti-communist, Golden Gate Park, jitney, job automation, Peace of Westphalia

After the confrontation, appalled at what had to be some military alliance between abolitionist Russia (Nicholas having freed the serfs in 1861) and a Union that paid lip-​service to abolition while it kept its own industrial laborers in a kind of wage-​slavery, Peter Pinguid stayed in his cabin for weeks, brooding. “But that sounds,” objected Metzger, “like he was against industrial capitalism. Wouldn't that disqualify him as any kind of anti-​Communist figure?” “You think like a Bircher,” Fallopian said. “Good guys and bad guys. You never get to any of the underlying truth. Sure he was against industrial capitalism. So are we. Didn't it lead, inevitably, to Marxism? Underneath, both are part of the same creeping horror.” “Industrial anything,” hazarded Metzger. “There you go,” nodded Fallopian. “What happened to Peter Pinguid?” Oedipa wanted to know.

pages: 142 words: 45,733

Utopia or Bust: A Guide to the Present Crisis by Benjamin Kunkel

anti-communist, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, creative destruction, David Graeber, declining real wages, full employment, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, liquidity trap, means of production, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, mortgage debt, Occupy movement, peak oil, price stability, profit motive, savings glut, Slavoj Žižek, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transatlantic slave trade, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, women in the workforce, Works Progress Administration, zero-sum game

Groys never discusses Adorno, a striking omission in light of his temper and range: Introduction to Antiphilosophy, Groys’s latest book in English, contains essays on Kierkegaard, Heidegger, Kojève, Derrida, and Walter Benjamin. Groys, like Adorno, possesses firm if abstract radical commitments and is a writer of relentlessly dialectical sentences in German. Otherwise they represent two poles of radical aesthetics. Adorno’s approach was historical materialist or Marxist yet anti-communist (at least where official Communist parties were concerned). Groys, by contrast, is more idealist in his belief that the radical artist can consciously understand and deliberately convey the meaning of his work—one reason, perhaps, why Groys has said he isn’t a Marxist—and yet more philo-communist. His recent Communist Postscript (2009) joins the efforts of other contemporary thinkers, notably Slavoj Žižek and Alain Badiou, to revive communism as the rallying cry of the left.

pages: 400 words: 129,841

Capitalism: the unknown ideal by Ayn Rand

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business cycle, East Village, Ford paid five dollars a day, full employment, Isaac Newton, laissez-faire capitalism, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, profit motive, the market place, trade route, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, War on Poverty, yellow journalism

If a man hears the term “isolationists” applied to a number of individuals, he will observe that the essential characteristic distinguishing them from other individuals is patriotism—and he will conclude that “isolationism” means “patriotism” and that patriotism is evil. Thus the real meaning of the term will automatically replace the alleged meaning. If a man hears the term “McCarthyism,” he will observe that the best-known characteristic distinguishing Senator McCarthy from other public figures is an anti-communist stand, and he will conclude that anti-communism is evil. If a man hears the term “extremism” and is offered the innocuous figure of the John Birch Society as an example, he will observe that its best-known characteristic is “conservatism,” and he will conclude that “conservatism” is evil—as evil as the Communist Party and the Ku Klux Klan. (“Conservatism” is itself a loose, undefined, badly misleading term—but in today’s popular usage it is taken to mean “pro-capitalism.”)

None of us knows why we are in that war, how we got in, or what will take us out. Whenever our public leaders attempt to explain it to us, they make the mystery greater. They tell us simultaneously that we are fighting for the interests of the United States—and that the United States has no “selfish” interests in that war. They tell us that communism is the enemy—and they attack, denounce, and smear any anti-communists in this country. They tell us that the spread of communism must be contained in Asia—but not in Africa. They tell us that communist aggression must be resisted in Vietnam—but not in Europe. They tell us that we must defend the freedom of South Vietnam—but not the freedom of East Germany, Poland, Hungary, Latvia, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Katanga, etc. They tell us that North Vietnam is a threat to our national security—but Cuba is not.

The Rough Guide to Prague by Humphreys, Rob

active transport: walking or cycling, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, clean water, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, Johannes Kepler, land reform, Live Aid, Mikhail Gorbachev, Peace of Westphalia, sexual politics, sustainable-tourism, trade route, upwardly mobile

The trickle of East Germans fleeing to the West turned into a mass exodus, with thousands besieging the The pink tank Until 1991, Tank 23 sat proudly on its plinth in Prague’s náměstí Sovětských tankistů (Soviet Tank Drivers’ Square), one of a number of obsolete tanks generously donated by the Soviets after World War II to serve as monuments to the 1945 liberation. Tank 23 was special, however, as it was supposedly the first tank to arrive to liberate Prague, on May 9, hotfoot from Berlin. The real story of the liberation of Prague was rather different, however. When the Prague uprising began on May 5, the first offer of assistance actually came from a division of the anti-Communist Russian National Liberation Army (KONR), under the overall command of Andrei Vlasov, a high-ranking former Red Army officer who was instrumental in pushing the Germans back from the gates of Moscow, but who switched sides after being captured by the Nazis in 1942. The Germans were (rightly, as it turned out) highly suspicious of the KONR, and, for the most part, the renegade Russians were kept well away from the real action.

The author is not to be confused with the Chilean Pablo Neruda (who took his name from the Czech writer). Karel Poláček What Ownership’s All About. A darkly comic novel set in a Prague tenement block, dealing with Fascism and appeasement, by a JewishCzech Praguer who died in the camps in 1944. Peter Sís The Three Golden Keys. Short, hauntingly illustrated children’s book set in Prague, by Czech-born American Sís. Josef Škvorecký A relentless anti-Communist, Škvorecký is typically Bohemian in his bawdy sense of humour and irreverence for all high moralizing. The Cowards (which briefly saw the light of day in 1958) is the tale of a group of irresponsible young men in the last days of the war, an antidote to the lofty prose from official authors at the time, but hampered by its dated Americanized translation. The Miracle Game enjoys a better translation and is set against the two ”miracles” of 1948 and 1968.

pages: 489 words: 136,195

Underland: A Deep Time Journey by Robert Macfarlane

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, cuban missile crisis, dark matter, demand response, Google Earth, megacity, Minecraft, oil rush, out of africa, planetary scale, precariat, sovereign wealth fund, supervolcano, the built environment, The Spirit Level, uranium enrichment

The ubiquity of natural caves, and the readiness of the limestone to be enlarged into tunnels and chambers by blasting and excavation, made it the ideal geology for a guerrilla war. Weapons stores, sleeping places, even field hospitals were established in the rock, with sly systems of tunnels used to disperse woodsmoke from underground fires, so that the smoke did not rise in a column and betray a position. From the summer of 1942, seeking to counteract the growing partisan threat, Italian authorities started to create their own ‘anti-Communist’ militia among ethnic Slovenes, named first the ‘White Guard’ and then – under Nazi command – the ‘Slovene Home Guard’. A brutal civil war developed in the forests and the villages of the karst, aligned chiefly along Fascist-Communist divisions, but also inflaming hostilities between the partisans and Catholic activists in Slovenia. Nationalism, religion and revenge tangled terribly together.

abseiling 11, 166, 195, 357–9 Acheron, river 177, 178 Adige, river 180 Aeneas 16, 177 Aeschylus: Agamemnon 363 Africa gold mining 5–6 South see South Africa Aggy cave system, Wales 159–60 albedo 330 Albrecht, Glenn 104, 113, 317 Alcestis 191 alluvium 353 Alpine glaciers 14 Altamira, cave art 255 Alvarez, Al 155 Amsterdam 171 Andenes, Andøya 290, 298, 302 lighthouse 300, 314 Anderson, John 71 Andøya, Norway 286, 289–323 Andenes see Andenes, Andøya beach litter 319–20 the Edge 294–5, 298–306 fishing 291–2, 300–301, 303, 305, 306, 312–16 and the oil industry 295–8, 301–6, 317, 322 western mountains 318–19 animacy 112 annihilation products 68 scattered electrons 59 Antarctica British Antarctic Survey 346 glaciers 357 ice cap 340 Mulvaney and 346, 350–51, 352 search for oldest ice 352 West Antarctic Ice Sheet 379–80 anthrax 14, 329 Anthropocene/Holocene epoch 13–14, 75–8, 113, 310, 320–21, 338, 350, 362, 363–4, 394, 407 Anthropocene Working Group of the Subcommission on Quaternary Stratigraphy 75–6, 394 Antigone 191–2 Apusiajik glacier 341, 342–3, 346, 353, 355–62 365–6, 393 aquifers 178, 239 Arctic burial sites 329 heatwave (2016) 330–31 methane deposits 14 sea ice 330, 331, 334–5, 336, 339–40, 354, 358, 362, 372, 379–80, 394 see also Andøya, Norway; Baffin Island; Greenland; Lofoten islands Arctic Ocean 331, 360 Ariadne 191 ‘Ariadne’s thread’ 48, 49, 358 Ario System, Spain 195–6 Aristaeus 28 Artemis 191 Athapaskan oral traditions 380 Attout, Jacques 194–5 aurora borealis 122–3, 255, 346, 354, 365–6, 392 Auschwitz death camp 282–3 Australia Brisbane underland explorer 154 Nullarbor Plain 179 uranium mining 399 Austria 32 Aveline’s Hole, Mendips 25–6, 37, 417 Aymé, Marcel 143 bacteria 100 Baffin Island 335 Bailey, June 43 Ballinger, Pamela 225 Barents Sea 296–7 Barro Colorado Island 106–8 barrows 3, 27 Bronze Age 30, 33–4, 51–2, 80 Iron Age 80 Neolithic 30, 80 Priddy Nine Barrows 50–51, 52 Barton, Hazel 192 baryonic matter 57 Basovizza/Bazovica 226 Bataille, Georges 283 batin (occult forces of underland) 247 bears brown 26 polar 307, 344–5, 359 in rock art 26, 280, 282 bedding planes 11, 49, 417 Bede: The Reckoning of Time 81 beetle, Anophthalmus hitleri 185 Behar, Alberto 357–8 Bélanger, Pierre 149 Belgium, HADES facility 401 Benford, Gregory 412 Benjamin, Walter 132, 134, 135, 137 The Arcades Project 133–6, 150–51 Berger, John 279 Berkner Island 350–51 Bey, Hakim 142 biodiversity 76 biomass, global 100 Bjerck, Hein 254, 264, 266, 275–6 Blackwater 150 Blautopf, Germany 197 blindness 28 Bloubank dolomites 192 Blue Hole, Red Sea 198 Boesmansgat system 197 Bohr, Niels 337 Bohuslän, Sweden 265–6 boracite 60 Borges, Jorge Luis: ‘On Exactitude in Science’ 413 Borodale, Jane 27, 34 Borodale, Louis 34, 44 Borodale, Orlando 34 Borodale, Sean 27, 28, 29, 30, 34–40, 43–4, 45–52 Boulby, Yorkshire dark-matter detection laboratory 55, 60, 63–7, 73, 403 mine 60–63, 69–74, 78–80 Bradley, Richard: An Archaeology of Natural Places 265 Brisbane underland 154 Britain heatwaves revealing imprints of ancient structures 14 karst landscapes 179 see also Boulby, Yorkshire; Epping Forest; London; Mendip Hills, Somerset; Nine Wells Wood; Peak Cavern, Derbyshire; Pennine valley miners; Scotland; Somerset Levels; Wales; Yorkshire Dales British Antarctic Survey 346 Browne, Thomas: Urne-Buriall 31, 351 Brunel, Eliette 279–80 Budapest labyrinth 199–200 Bukkhammar Cave 264 bunkers 141, 170, 309 burial 4–5, 25–52 in Austria 32 barrows see barrows cairns 31, 265 catacombs see catacombs cemeteries 25–7, 30, 80, 139–40, 265 contamination from melting Arctic burial sites 329 Egyptian 5, 65–6 in Israel 32–3 marks of 5, 80 in Mendips 25–7, 30, 33–4 mounds see barrows and mummification 5 as an onwards journey 33–4, 265–6 ossuaries 140–41, 142 Parisian 136–7, 138, 139–43 see also catacombs: Paris and preservation 5, 27, 31 Rising Star cave, South Africa 30–31 in Thessaly (wall painting) 245–6 urns 31, 33, 51 of votive objects 26 waste disposal through see waste disposal Bushman’s Hole, South Africa 197 Cairngorms 209, 235, 345 cairns, burial 31, 265 calcite 4, 25, 37, 44, 417 flowstone 38 calcium carbonate 29, 32, 255 calcite see calcite see also limestone Calvino, Italo: Invisible Cities 148 Camp Century, Greenland 329–30, 348 Camus, Albert 381 Canada, surge pipe network 154–5 Canin 235, 240, 241 carbide lamps 136 carbon dioxide 42, 320 carbonic acid 28 Carroll, Lewis: Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland 309 Carslake, Bill 332, 345, 354, 358, 377, 387–8, 390, 391, 392 Carso, Italy 179–93, 200–210 Carter, Howard 411 casket, bronze, for deep disposal 19 Casteret, Norbert 193, 194 Castleton, Peak Cavern 40–43 catacombs 171 Odessa 158–9 Paris 136–7, 138, 140–43, 148–9, 151, 158, 166–9, 418 police (‘cataflics’/‘catacops’) 137, 142, 143 cataphilia 141–3 caves/caving abseiling into 11, 195 Aggy cave system, Wales 159–60 Ario System, Spain 195–6 Aveline’s Hole 25–6, 37, 417 Bukkhammar Cave 264 of the Canin 235, 240 in the Carso 184–5, 188–9, 201–8 cave diving 196–200 cave art see petroglyphs; rock art; wall paintings caving suits 27 China 11 Dark Star, Uzbekistan 192 difficulties/casualties 38–9, 41–3, 193–5, 196–8 expedition-style caving 195–6 and experiences of serenity/transcendence 198–200 extreme cavers 196–8 female cavers 192 with flood waters 7–8 Kollhellaren 257, 258–9, 264, 266–7, 269, 271, 273–9, 284 labyrinths see labyrinths in Mendips 25–6, 35–40 natural-gas cavern, Karakum Desert 246–7 Nidderdale system 121–2 Peak Cavern, Derbyshire 40–43 Pierre Saint-Martin chasm 193–5 proving through-flow and join-up 196 in Pyrenees 193–5 rescue missions 7–8, 41–3 Rising Star, South Africa 30–31, 192 Roman cave temples 184 Slovenian glacier-cave system 215, 218–21 Solsem Cave 264 spelea of Mithraism 191 submerged systems 196–7, 199–200 Thai football team in cave 7–8, 17 Wind Cave system, South Dakota 68, 192 cemeteries 25–7, 30, 80, 139–40, 265 Chambliss, Wayne 149 Charon (mythical ferryman) 177, 178 Chauvet, Jean-Marie 281–2 Chauvet Cave 255, 279–82, 418 Cherenkov radiation 59 Chernobyl radiation, fungi in 102–3 China cave network, Chongqing province 11 karst landscapes 179 Chinese-box structures 65–6 Christina (Kulusuk schoolteacher) 335–6 cities, underground 124, 129–71 Brisbane 154 and Calvino’s Eusapia 148 Derinkuyu 123–4 Las Vegas 150 London 149 Madrid 155 Minneapolis 155 Naples 149 Odessa 158–9 Paris see Paris, invisible city of subterranean town planning 139 urban exploration 154–7 and the verticality of cities 148–50, 160 Clare, John 317 clathrate 339–40 claustrophobia 12, 167 climate change 103, 336 global warming 336, 352, 379–80 coal mining 30 Cocytus, river 177 cod 254, 271, 291–2, 297, 301, 303, 313–14, 315, 321 coins 5 Communism 222 ‘anti-Communist’ militia among ethnic Slovenes 223 foibe massacres by Communist partisans, alleged 224–9, 417 Comoy, Lucian 180–81, 182–5, 189–90, 192–3, 201, 208–10, 214, 215, 216–18, 219–22, 226–7, 228–9, 231, 233–6, 240–41 Comoy, Maria Carmen 180, 181–3, 210, 216 conger eels 122 Connemara, Ireland 122 Crack the Surface 161 Creon 191–2 Cruikshank, Julie 380 Crutzen, Paul 75 cryo-hydrologic warming 357 cryosphere 329, 362 Cygnus constellation, the Swan 55, 66, 81 Czech Republic 14 D’Agata, John 401 Dambrosi, Sergio 200–208 Dante Alighieri 28, 30 dark matter 55–60 detection experiment, DRIFT 55, 60, 63–7, 73 halo 57 and WIMPs 58, 60, 65, 66, 81 Dark Star expeditions, Uzbekistan 192 ‘Darmon’ 165–6 de Bernières, Louis 99 death camps 282–3 Debord, Guy 155 Décure, Beauséjour 148–9 deep-mapping 17–18, 195 see also seismic mapping deep time 15–16, 77–8, 341–2, 353, 362, 377 Deepwater Horizon catastrophe 310–11 deforestation 76 Delhi 171 DeLillo, Don 154 Underworld 320 Demeter 28, 192 Denmark, ‘Northern Danes’ project 333 Derbyshire, Peak Cavern 40–43 Derinkuyu 123–4 Detroit 154 diesel 330 disposal 6, 8 casket for 19 and the ‘empire of things’ 320 of waste see nuclear/radioactive waste; waste disposal diver, red-throated 341 Doberdò, lake 216 Dolomites 185, 234 doomsday vault, Arctic 122–3 Douglas, Mary 380 Doyle, Sir Arthur Conan 28 Dreyer, Deon 197–8 drift 61–2, 78 DRIFT (directional recoil identification from tracks) 55, 60, 63–7 Dsankt 154 Duino castle 181 Earle, John 222 Eemian 349–50 Egypt burial practice 5, 65–6 mummification 5 Einstein, Albert 57 Onkalo model of 404, 419 Ekofisk oilfield 295 electrons 57, 59, 60, 65 Elson, Rebecca 58 Enceladus 340 Enki 16 Eocene epoch 137–8 Epping Forest 91–6, 99–101, 104–6, 109, 114–16 Eurydice 16, 28, 191 Farr, Martyn: The Darkness Beckons 196 Fascism 225 anti-Fascist activities of ‘heroes of Bazovica’ 226 ‘woodchopper’ anti-Fascist resistance groups 222 and Yugoslavia and the foibe massacres 185, 222–9, 417 see also Nazism fertilizers, nitrogen-rich 76 Fingal’s Cave, Norway 264 Finland folk epic, Kalevala 404–7, 416, 417 Olkiluoto Island see Olkiluoto Island, Finland Finstad, Roy 258, 259 firn 338 First World War 184–5, 217 conflict infrastructure 236 White War 209–10, 215, 237–8, 239 fishing in Andøya 291–2, 300–301, 303, 305, 306, 312–16 Norway’s industry of 291–2, 297, 300–301, 305 Fleet, river 164 flood waters 7–8, 71–2 Florida 179 flowstone 38 fluorspar 80, 82 foibe massacres 185, 222–9, 417 Forest of Dean 179 fossil-fuel burning 76 fossils 26, 30–31, 76, 192, 210 future fossils 78, 79, 401 trace fossils 79 France Chauvet cave art 255, 279–82, 418 French Resistance, Second World War 141, 170 Lascaux cave art 255, 282, 283 Paris see Paris, invisible city of Frederick (Greenlander) 335–6 Freud, Sigmund 188 The Interpretation of Dreams 178 Friedrich, Caspar David: Wanderer above a Sea of Fog 156 Frost, Robert: ‘Birches’ 87 fuel diesel 330 fossil-fuel burning 76 nuclear see nuclear fuel fungi 94, 95, 96, 103, 106, 110–11, 115 Armillaria solidipes (honey fungus) 102 fungal networks 11, 89–91, 93, 96, 97–8, 99–101, 103–5, 107–8, 109–10, 113, 116, 381 global biomass proportion 100 mushroom farming 141 radiation-resistant 102–3 as superheroes 94 tree–fungi mutualism 89–91, 97–8, 109–10 galaxy rotation 56–7 galena 81–2 Garner, Alan: The Weirdstone of Brisingamen 12 –13 Garrett, Bradley 160–66 Gautier, Théophile 193 Gaza 238 gender, and the underland 191–2 Germany Blautopf system 197 Nazi 222 see also Nazism Ghost Dance fault 7, 401 ‘ghost particles’ 58–60 Gilgamesh 16 glaciers/glaciation 26, 234, 255, 265, 316, 339, 352, 355–6, 380–81, 383 and alluvium 353 Alpine 14 Antarctica 357 Apusiajik glacier 341, 342–3, 346, 353, 355–62, 365–6, 393, 394 blue light in glaciers 356, 358, 385 calving 327, 331, 338, 342–3, 346, 357, 361, 373–5, 376–7, 381, 382, 383, 384–5, 416 fictional accounts of falling through ice and resurfacing 380–81 fracturing of compressed ice 339 Greenland 327, 330–31, 338, 341, 342–3, 344, 346, 353, 355–63, 365–6, 370–78, 382–91, 393, 394 Helheim glacier 375 Himalayan 14, 379 indigenous stories about 380 Karale glacier 372, 383 Knud Rasmussen 366, 370–78, 382–91 of malign reputation 374 meltwater see meltwater moulins 356–8, 366, 369, 375, 386–7, 388–91 Siachen glacier 329 Slovenian glacier-cave system 215, 218–21 sounds 339, 343, 346, 358, 366, 370, 373, 376–7, 386 speleo-glaciology 357–8 subglacial reservoirs 340 zones, ‘dry’ and ‘wet’ 355–6 Global Seed Vault, Spitsbergen 314, 409 global warming 336, 352, 379–80 see also climate change glow-worms 179 gneiss chamber, Japan 59 gold mining 5–6 Golden Bough 16 graffiti 143, 144, 147, 180 Graham, Stephen: Vertical 13, 149 Grail 180 graveyards see cemeteries gravity 63 and dark matter 56–7 gravitational lensing 57 Greenland 327–66, 369–94 Camp Century 14, 329–30, 348 glaciers 327, 330–31, 338, 341, 342–3, 344, 346, 353, 355–63, 365–6, 370–78, 382–91, 393, 394 ice cap 14, 328, 329–30, 332, 337, 338, 341, 350, 360, 362, 366, 375 icebergs see icebergs: Greenland Kulusuk 327–9, 331–7, 343, 393–4 mineral wealth 336 mining 336–7 NEEM project 349–50 grief 12, 31, 197, 364 grottisti 187 gruffy ground 46 Guadarrama mountains 230–31 Guillaumot, Charles-Axel 139 Guizhou, China 179 Gulf of Mexico, Deepwater Horizon catastrophe 310–11 Gulf Stream 256, 296, 317 Hades 16, 178, 184, 192 HADES facility, Belgium 401 halite 55, 60, 61, 63, 65, 70, 71, 74–5, 78, 79, 80, 403 Hamas 238 Hardy, Thomas: Under the Greenwood Tree 104–5 Harrison, Robert Pogue: The Dominion of the Dead 30, 44 heatwaves 3, 14 Arctic (2016) 330–31 Helheim glacier 375 hell 178, 375 ‘Door to Hell’/‘Hell’s Gate’ 247 see also Hades Henderson Island 320 Henry II 95 Heracles 191 hermit crabs 320 hiding 7, 100, 119, 120–22, 124, 184, 238 hidden cities see cities, underground Onkalo, the ‘hiding place’ for nuclear waste 398–404, 407–10, 415–19 Himalayas 6, 309 glaciers 14, 379 Hinkley Point nuclear power station 46 Hiroshima radiation, fungi in 102 Hitler, Adolf 309 ‘holobionts’ (Margulis) 104 Holocene epoch see Anthropocene/Holocene epoch Homo naledi 30–31 honey fungus, Armillaria solidipes 102 Horticultural Society of Paris, subterranean 141 Hugo, Victor: Les Misérables 139 hunger stones 14 hunter-gatherers 26–7 hyphae 89–91, 93, 97, 99, 100, 101, 106, 116 ice 337–40, 378–9 air bubbles in 338, 339–40, 351, 378, 379 ambiguous indigenous attitudes towards 380 Antarctic ice cap 340 bergs see icebergs black pyramid of 377–8, 381 blue colour of 338–9, 356, 358, 370, 373, 377, 385 compressed air in 339–40 core-drilling into 348–51, 352, 362–3 cryo-hydrologic warming 357 cryosphere 329, 362 crystals 298, 338, 370, 379, 385, 386 fictional accounts of falling through ice and resurfacing 380–81 glacial see glaciers/glaciation Greenland ice cap see Greenland: ice cap houses 352 ice-core science 348–51, 352, 362–3 language beached by 381 memory of 337–40 search for oldest ice 352 icebergs 327, 331, 355, 378, 379, 392, 393 Greenland 328, 329, 338, 344, 345, 346, 353, 360, 361, 362, 363, 365, 371, 372, 373, 374, 376, 378, 383, 392, 393 ilira (sense of fear and awe) 362 India 150 see also Himalayas inertia 15 inosculation 92 Internet 142 Inuit 335, 361 Inuktitut people 335 Isonzo, river 180, 217, 234, 241–2 Israel 32–3 Palestinian conflict 238–9 Istria 224 Italy 11, 222 the Carso 179–93, 200–210 ‘good-neighbour’ policy with Yugoslavia 224 Naples underland 149 Second World War 222–4 Japan, gneiss chamber 59 Java, mud volcano 247 ‘Jay’ (caver in Parisian catacombs) 136, 144, 145, 153, 157, 159–60, 170 Julian Alps 185, 215, 217–24, 229, 230–42 Kalevala (Finnish folk epic) 404–7, 416, 417 Kamilo Beach, Hawaii 320 Karakoram, Siachen glacier 329 Karakum Desert, Turkmenistan 246–7 Karale glacier 372, 383 Karoon 310 karst 178–9, 180, 182, 195 as an ‘occulting’ landscape 230 Slovenian 215, 217, 222–4, 230, 241 katabasis 16, 17, 177 kayaking 393–4 Keld Head 196 Kiefer, Anselm 229 Kimmerer, Robin Wall 103, 104–5, 111, 112, 380 Kingsdale Master Cave 196 Kircher, Athanasius 306 kists 19, 33, 51, 52 Knud Rasmussen 366, 370–78, 382–91 Kollhellaren 257, 258–9, 264, 266–7, 269, 271, 273–9, 284 Koop, Wera 181 Koyukon people 104 Kulusuk 327–9, 331–7, 343, 393–4 Kuusi, Matti 405 laboratories, deep-sunk 58–60 Boulby, Yorkshire 55, 60, 63–7, 68–9, 403 Camp Century, Greenland 330 Japan 59 South Dakota 59–60 labyrinths 4–5, 119–20, 178, 191, 245, 386 under Budapest 199–200 flooded 196–7, 199–200 Odessa 158–9 of Paris see Paris, invisible city of Lakota Sioux people 68 language and animacy of natural world 110 –12, 380 as an Anthropocene force 113 aversion to underland reflected in 13 decay chain of 414–15 ice’s beaching of 381 and karst topography 179 ‘mammal language’ (Prynne) 112 need for new underland language 111–13 and nominalism 113 nuclear semiotics 410–15 Potawatomi 111–12 speaking the Anthropocene 363–4 ‘thick speech’ 364 Larkin, Philip 77 Las Vegas underland 150 Lascaux, cave art 255, 282, 283 Le Guin, Ursula 105 lead 207 isotope 77 mining 30, 80 Leél-Őssy, Szabolcs 199–200 Leigh, Egbert Giles Jr 106 Lethe, river 177 lichen 94, 95, 277, 345, 359, 371, 408 limestone 5, 11, 25, 28–9, 31–3, 35–6, 80–81, 121–2, 158, 162 of the Carso 179, 180, 181, 184–5, 186, 208 and earth tides 185 and karst landscape 179, 181, 184, 186, 208, 215, 217, 224, 232, 234 Lutetian/Parisian 137–8, 143–4, 148–9, 152 pebbles 180 Slovenian 215, 217, 224, 232, 234 of southern central Europe during Second World War 222 and wall paintings 255, 280 West Bank 239 ‘Lina’ (explorer in Parisian catacombs) 136–7, 144–5, 146, 147, 151–2, 153, 157, 158, 159, 160, 167, 168, 170, 171–2 Lofoten islands 253–86 and oil 296, 297–8, 317 Lofoten Wall 257, 258 London City of London Corporation 95, 114 exploration 156–7, 160–61, 163–5 Mithraism 190 underland 149, 150, 156–7, 158, 163–4 London Bridge 160–61 London Consolidation Crew 163 Lönnrot, Elias 404–5 Lopez, Barry 354–5 Loubens, Marcel 193–5 Louis XVI 139 Lovelock, James 193 lumpfish 315–16 Macaulay, Thomas, ‘New Zealander’ 78 McBurney, Simon 281 McCarthy, Cormac 12 Maclean, Fitzroy 222 Madrid underland 155 Mallory, George 196 manholes 137, 142, 150, 153, 160, 163–4, 171 mantras 6, 262 Mantua, Grail 180 Margulis, Lynn 104 meditation 6 meltwater 221, 241, 330, 343, 350, 355, 356–7, 362 moulins 356–8, 366, 369, 375, 386–7, 388–91 memory-sites 226 Mendip Hills, Somerset 25–30, 33–40, 43–52 Aveline’s Hole 25–6, 37, 417 burial 25–7, 30, 33–4 karst landscape 179 methane deposits 14 Mexico City, Holocene conference 75 Mexico underland 162 and karst landscape 179 Meyers, Kent 57–8 mineralization 37 mines/mining Basovizza/Bazovica mineshaft 226 Boulby’s potash mine, Yorkshire 60–63, 69–74, 78–80 coal 30 copper, American open-pit toxic mine 247–8 creatureliness of mining operation 73 gneiss chamber in abandoned Japanese mine 59 gold, southern Africa 5–6 gold-mine laboratory, South Dakota 59–60 in Greenland 336–7 lead mining 30, 80 marks of mining 80 in Mendips 30 mining machines 73–4, 78, 81 Pennine valley miners 81–2 pit ponies 74 Roman mining 30, 46 slate 166 uranium 337, 399 Minneapolis underland 155 Minotaur 5 Mithraism 189–91 Mithras 184, 190, 205 Molchanova, Natalia 198–9 monoculture production 76 Mort, Helen 332, 359, 365, 382, 387, 390, 392 Morton, Timothy 320 Moscow 171 Moskenes, Norway 254, 257, 272, 371 Moskstraumen Maelstrom 257, 266, 271, 277, 279, 306–8, 309–10, 311–12 Moss, Eric 42, 43 Moss, Neil 40–43, 417 moulins 356–8, 366, 369, 375, 386–7, 388–91 mountain quarry vault, Wales 120–21 mud volcano, Java 247 Mulvaney, Robert 346–53, 362–3 mummification 5 Munch, Edvard: The Scream 412 muons 59, 64 muon tomography 64 Murray, W.

pages: 525 words: 146,126

Ayn Rand Cult by Jeff Walker

affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, buy and hold, credit crunch, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, Doomsday Book, Elliott wave, George Gilder, Jane Jacobs, laissez-faire capitalism, market fundamentalism, Mont Pelerin Society, price stability, Ralph Waldo Emerson, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, school vouchers, Torches of Freedom

On his first published piece of writing, a letter-to-the-editor in his student newspaper, he scrawled, “To my father—Ayn Rand,” but he would later deny that he’d chosen ‘Branden’ because it anagrams ‘ben Rand’ (ben = ‘son of father named . . .’). Among personal associates he continued to be known familiarly as Nathan. Despite his self-depiction as swimming against the political tide at that time, he was actually beginning his university career and alliance with Rand in unison with a deafening crescendo of anti-Communist sentiment in the culture around him. In 1949 his own University of California imposed a loyalty oath on faculty—26 members then being dismissed, 37 others resigning in protest, and 47 scholars turning down academic appointments there. Two decades later Rand would be imposing an anti-Branden loyalty oath on the movement he had created around her. Branden as Cult Leader By the 1960s, Branden was beating the drums for Rand’s fighting creed of ‘reason’, ‘egoism’, ‘individual rights’, ‘capitalism’, and ‘heroism’ in their purest, if eccentrically Ayn Randian, versions.

And in contrast to older cousin Barbara Branden’s experience at UCLA, Leonard Peikoff encountered no persecution from Rand-hating philosophy professors. “I spoke in college very loudly for my views at the beginning, and got thoroughly known,” he explains. “Therefore I sailed through with high grades, sometimes undeserved.” Professors “were standing on their heads trying to prove how fair they were.” One was philosopher Sidney Hook, a dedicated anti-Communist but equally as dedicated a social democrat, for whom Leonard became a favorite student. An Objectivist student once asked Peikoff what he had learned from his graduate school marathon. “It’s hard to put in ten years and gain nothing,” he replied, “but it’s minimal relative to the time and the money involved. I learned, you know . . . something.” In 1995 he took a harder line still, declaring that “A Ph.D. today, and in the last half-century, is a means of destroying the minds of the students.”

pages: 464 words: 127,283

Smart Cities: Big Data, Civic Hackers, and the Quest for a New Utopia by Anthony M. Townsend

1960s counterculture, 4chan, A Pattern Language, Airbnb, Amazon Web Services, anti-communist, Apple II, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Burning Man, business process, call centre, carbon footprint, charter city, chief data officer, clean water, cleantech, cloud computing, computer age, congestion charging, connected car, crack epidemic, crowdsourcing, DARPA: Urban Challenge, data acquisition, Deng Xiaoping, digital map, Donald Davies, East Village, Edward Glaeser, game design, garden city movement, Geoffrey West, Santa Fe Institute, George Gilder, ghettoisation, global supply chain, Grace Hopper, Haight Ashbury, Hedy Lamarr / George Antheil, hive mind, Howard Rheingold, interchangeable parts, Internet Archive, Internet of things, Jacquard loom, Jane Jacobs, jitney, John Snow's cholera map, Joi Ito, Khan Academy, Kibera, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, load shedding, M-Pesa, Mark Zuckerberg, megacity, mobile money, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, Norbert Wiener, Occupy movement, off grid, openstreetmap, packet switching, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Parag Khanna, patent troll, Pearl River Delta, place-making, planetary scale, popular electronics, RFC: Request For Comment, RFID, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Gordon, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart cities, smart grid, smart meter, social graph, social software, social web, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Stuxnet, supply-chain management, technoutopianism, Ted Kaczynski, telepresence, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, too big to fail, trade route, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, undersea cable, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, Vannevar Bush, working poor, working-age population, X Prize, Y2K, zero day, Zipcar

After the Communists narrowly won the April 2009 election in a suspiciously strong showing, outrage turned to violence in the streets. Rallied by investigative journalist Natalia Morar and a handful of social-media mavens, Moldova’s “Twitter Revolution” followed the SMS-powered one in neighboring Ukraine a few years earlier.1 Protestors lit bonfires and waged angry demonstrations in the city center. That June, unable to elect a president, the parliament was dissolved. In the ensuing snap election a coalition of anti-Communist parties snatched a close victory. Within months, they had reached out to the West for help reforming and reinvigorating the economy. At the invitation of the World Bank, I was there to help the new government kick off “e-Transformation,” a project intent on leveraging smart technology to modernize the country’s archaic bureaucracy. With their uprising, its flames fanned by social media, the Moldovans had already launched their own digital transformation.

South Korea, Taiwan, China, and India have all created home-grown tech bubbles by turning the brain drain into “brain circulation,” according to AnnaLee Saxenian, who studies immigrant engineers in Silicon Valley.3 Moldova needs its expats to come home and plug themselves and their social networks back into the local economy. It also doesn’t hurt that overseas Moldovans are the country’s most strident anti-Communists, and participate actively in the civic life of the country on social sites like Facebook. While they are permitted to vote, they have to go to the embassy in their country of residence to do it. If e-Transformation can bring the polling booth to them directly, the revolution will be secured forever. And, as has happened in India, China, and other countries where emigrants have come home to build businesses, it might just set the stage for their eventual, triumphant return.

pages: 518 words: 143,914

God Is Back: How the Global Revival of Faith Is Changing the World by John Micklethwait, Adrian Wooldridge

affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, battle of ideas, Bonfire of the Vanities, Boris Johnson, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, David Brooks, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, ghettoisation, global supply chain, God and Mammon, hiring and firing, industrial cluster, intangible asset, invisible hand, Iridium satellite, Jane Jacobs, joint-stock company, knowledge economy, liberation theology, low skilled workers, mass immigration, McMansion, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, new economy, oil shock, Peace of Westphalia, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Silicon Valley, stem cell, supply-chain management, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, upwardly mobile, Washington Consensus

In the same year a Hindu nationalist party won 9.4 percent of the vote in India. Faith gathered pace in politics in the 1970s. By the end of that decade, America had elected its first proudly born-again Christian, Jimmy Carter; Jerry Falwell had founded the Moral Majority; Iran had replaced the worldly shah with Ayatollah Khomeini; Zia-ul-Haq was busy Islamizing Pakistan; Buddhism had been formally granted the foremost place in Sri Lanka’s constitution; and an anti-Communist Pole had become head of the Catholic Church. What caused this shift in the 1970s? Believers see a populist revolt against the overreach of elitist secularism—be it America’s Supreme Court legalizing abortion or Indira Gandhi harrying Hindus. From a more secular viewpoint, John Lewis Gaddis, a Yale historian, points out that the religious revival in the 1970s coincided with the collapse of secular “isms.”

Paul Blanshard’s polemic American Freedom and Catholic Power (1949), which argued that “neither Rome nor Moscow knows what tolerance means,” remained on the best-seller list for six months; in 1951 Harry Truman was forced to abandon his attempt to appoint an ambassador to the Vatican. But the Pope seemed an ever less convincing target. After all, Catholics had proved their patriotism in the Second World War, and proved it again in the Cold War, sometimes going a little over the top, as with the McCarthy crusades. (Daniel Patrick Moynihan quipped that during the Cold War Fordham men checked the anti-Communist and patriotic credentials of Harvard men.) Catholics also moved into the American mainstream. The new universities turned “shanty Irish” into “lace-curtain Irish.” Meanwhile, the local Catholic church became more determinedly American, adopting American views on both the separation of church and state and religious pluralism. The growing prominence of American Jews also encouraged tolerance.

pages: 190 words: 50,133

Lonely Planet's 2016 Best in Travel by Lonely Planet

Airbnb, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, British Empire, David Attenborough, haute cuisine, Maui Hawaii, sharing economy, South China Sea, Stanford marshmallow experiment, sustainable-tourism, urban planning, walkable city

Some of Poland’s heaviest artists have risen to global acclaim, in particular Behemoth, who loudly protest Poland’s religious majority in between bouts of imperious black metal. To some, they are champions of a new, more secular Poland; to many, they’re the terror of the nation. Wherever you fall in the debate, you’ll never associate Poland with folk dancing again. Most bizarre sight Wrocław’s gnomes commemorate the 1980s thanks to Orange Alternative movement, an anti-Communist group known for its absurdist style of protest – including dwarf graffiti and gnome-hat demonstrations. Today more than 300 gnome statues wave from street corners and twirl their beards beneath window panes. Gnomes with canes and wheelchairs have been added to the elfin army, to draw attention to the challenges faced by people in Wrocław with disabilities. • By Anita Isalska European Bison Hulk through białowieża forest Mark Read © LONELY PLANET IMAGES 8 Uruguay This small country packs a big punch.

pages: 177 words: 50,167

The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics by John B. Judis

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, mass immigration, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent

Jean-Marie Le Pen, the founder of the National Front, got his start in French bookstore owner Pierre Poujade’s anti-tax movement of the 1950s. The National Front, which Le Pen founded in 1972, combined remnants of Poujade’s shopkeepers’ movement with critics of France’s decolonization, some of whom, like Le Pen, looked back favorably on Vichy France and downplayed the evils of Hitler’s Germany. During the 1970s, the FN, which was militantly anti-communist and anti-tax, barely counted in the polls. The FN got 0.76 percent in the 1974 presidential election. The Danish People’s Party was a spin-off from the Progress Party, which tax lawyer Mogens Glistrup founded in 1973. Glistrup, who eventually went to jail for tax evasion, called for abolishing the income tax. The party did surprisingly well in the 1970s, but less so in the 1980s when the Liberals and Conservatives coopted its anti-tax message.

pages: 1,123 words: 328,357

Post Wall: Rebuilding the World After 1989 by Kristina Spohr

American Legislative Exchange Council, Andrei Shleifer, anti-communist, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, central bank independence, colonial exploitation, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Doomsday Clock, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, G4S, Kickstarter, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, open economy, price stability, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, software patent, South China Sea, special economic zone, Thomas L Friedman, Transnistria, uranium enrichment, zero-coupon bond

This meant reducing US hostility (disengaging from the arms race) and making compromises in the Third World (including ideological recognition of the right to self-determination). So domestic policy was inextricably bound up with foreign policy. Seeking a less confrontational relationship with the United States, Gorbachev was keen to talk with his American opposite number.[9] At first glance, however, US president Ronald Reagan seemed an unlikely partner. Born in 1911, and so the same age as the man Gorbachev had just replaced, Reagan was a vehement anti-communist who had intensified the arms race once he came to power in 1981. He was notorious for his denunciation of the USSR as an ‘evil empire’ and for his prediction that the ‘march of freedom and democracy’ would ‘leave Marxism–Leninism on the ash heap of history’.[10] This all-out ideological competition, he believed, justified the military build-up of his early years. But there was another side to Reagan – the would-be peacemaker, who saw military power as a basis for diplomacy to secure ‘peace through strength’.

The drive for economic modernisation would align China with the capitalist order and make it a more robust bulwark against the Soviet Union. In this vein, the Reagan administration offered Deng in 1981 a ‘strategic association’ with the USA – effectively a de facto alliance. So at a time when Cold War tensions ratcheted up, Sino-American security cooperation expanded. Beijing got US weapons technology, while coordinating with the American anti-communist campaigns in Afghanistan, Angola and Cambodia.[57] Although Reagan himself visited China in 1984, he was happy to make as much use as possible of his vice president’s old-friend status with the Chinese. Bush paid two week-long visits to Beijing in May 1982 and October 1985. On the second occasion he was particularly bullish about Sino-American trade: ‘The sky’s the limit, the door’s wide open,’ he told a news conference, adding that he found ‘much more openness’ now than three years before.

Soviet control of these territories had developed incrementally – rapidly in the Polish case, more slowly, for instance, in Czechoslovakia – but single-party communist regimes tied to Moscow were essentially imposed by force. In 1955 that iron fist was covered with a thin velvet glove in the form of an international alliance among independent states, ostensibly mirroring NATO and colloquially known in the West as the Warsaw Pact, but this was in fact a convenient cover for Soviet dominance. In 1956 the pact backed up the Red Army when it put down the anti-communist protests in Budapest; in 1968 it did the same to crush the Prague Spring. Ultimately the bloc was held together by fear of the tank. Of course, the United States was the unquestioned hegemon of NATO, essential provider of nuclear security and using bases on Allied soil. But, if Western Europe was part of an American ‘empire’, this was empire both by ‘invitation’ and by ‘integration’. In Eastern Europe, however, the Soviet bloc was always ‘empire by imposition’.[10] What also held the satellite states together (under the umbrella of Comecon, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, founded in 1949) was common adherence to concepts of economic planning that emanated from Moscow.

I You We Them by Dan Gretton

agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, British Empire, clean water, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, conceptual framework, corporate social responsibility, Desert Island Discs, drone strike, European colonialism, financial independence, friendly fire, ghettoisation, Honoré de Balzac, IBM and the Holocaust, illegal immigration, invisible hand, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, laissez-faire capitalism, liberation theology, Mikhail Gorbachev, Milgram experiment, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, New Journalism, place-making, pre–internet, Stanford prison experiment, University of East Anglia, wikimedia commons

Deterding’s support for Hitler and the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP) began to grow in the early 1920s, primarily out of a shared, and extreme, hatred of communism. Shell had had substantial oil interests in Russia, Grosni, Miakop and Baku, all of which were nationalised by the Soviet Union following the Russian Revolution of 1917. This led Deterding to form common cause with all those who were anti-communist, so he followed the progress of Hitler and his burgeoning National Socialist movement in Germany with great enthusiasm, as well as creating alliances with White Russian organisations. In 1924 he married Lydia Pavlovna Koudoyaroff, the daughter of a czarist Tashkent general, herself a staunch anti-communist and activist for the White Russian cause. Deterding also supported uprisings against the communists, such as the Georgian rebellion of 1924, which revolt, the New York Times noted in September 1924, was ‘being financed by … former proprietors of Baku oil wells’.

We know that there was a further meeting between Deterding and Rosenberg in April 1934 to negotiate a new oil deal, with discussions continuing into May. Rosenberg wrote in his diaries that he had ‘made a deal with Deterding in May 1934’ – the deal was that the Shell Group would ‘stock one million tons of oil products’ in underground tanks which the company would build across the Reich. But Deterding wasn’t satisfied with this; he saw Germany not only as an ally in the anti-communist cause, but as a huge potential market, and wasn’t remotely put off by increasing evidence of the Nazis’ brutality in dealing with their political opponents. He considered Hitler’s bloody purge of June 1934 (‘the Night of the Long Knives’) as a necessary step, and expressed that it had only ‘increased his respect and veneration for the Nazi leader’. There were more American consular reports the following year stating that Shell were aiming ‘to obtain a monopoly in Germany’ and that Deterding had agreed a major oil loan to the German government, to facilitate this agreement – reports which Mowrer, at the Foreign Press Association, confirmed: ‘In 1935 [Deterding] agreed to give Germany one year’s oil supply on credit.’fn7 By 1935 Germany was increasing its rearmament programme, so when these deals became public knowledge there was understandable nervousness in the British government.

Over time I’ve been able to gain a clearer picture of why each of these men would have been invited to the meeting in Wannsee in January 1942 – what their particular expertise was in the field of solving the ‘Jewish question’. This is Dr Georg Leibbrandt. He was born into a German émigré family near Odessa in 1899, and became skilled in several languages. In 1919, in the wake of the Russian Revolution, he fled to Germany, and this experience, together with later Stalinist purges which claimed several relatives still in Ukraine, contributed to his extreme anti-communist views. From 1920 he studied theology, philosophy, history and national economy in Tübingen and Leipzig. He gained his doctorate in 1927 (on the history of Swabian emigration to Russia), and then travelled widely to the USA, Canada, Switzerland, Britain and France on research trips. He began to publish work on how ethnic Germans had successfully settled in Russia and America, praising their colonising skills.

pages: 184 words: 54,833

Why Orwell Matters by Christopher Hitchens

anti-communist, British Empire, colonial rule, deindustrialization, Etonian, hiring and firing, land reform, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, nuclear winter, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, sensible shoes

The British authorities, Labour and Tory, declined to acknowledge the Soviets’ guilt in the matter until July 1988, for fear of ‘heating up the Cold War’. The Russian Federation officially accepted responsibility in 1990 ... But the essential difference between Orwell and the evolution of the Cold War as a Western political orthodoxy can easily be illustrated by means of his marked disagreement with three leading anti-Communists: T. S. Eliot, James Burnham and — at a posthumous remove — Norman Podhoretz. I personally cannot read the Orwell-Eliot correspondence without experiencing a deep feeling of contempt. On one side — Orwell’s — it consists of a series of friendly and generous invitations: that Eliot should broadcast to India, or read his own work to an Indian audience; that he should join Orwell for lunch in the Fitzroy neighbourhood; that he should come to dinner at Orwell’s new family home and (if blitz conditions made this preferable) stay the night there as well.

pages: 171 words: 53,428

On Anarchism by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, crowdsourcing, feminist movement, land reform, means of production, Occupy movement, post-industrial society, profit motive, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith

What the Russian autocrats and their supporters fear most is that the success of libertarian Socialism in Spain might prove to their blind followers that the much vaunted “necessity of a dictatorship” is nothing but one vast fraud which in Russia has led to the despotism of Stalin and is to serve today in Spain to help the counter-revolution to a victory over the revolution of the workers and peasants.27 After decades of anti-Communist indoctrination, it is difficult to achieve a perspective that makes possible a serious evaluation of the extent to which Bolshevism and Western liberalism have been united in their opposition to popular revolution. However, I do not think that one can comprehend the events in Spain without attaining this perspective. With this brief sketch—partisan, but I think accurate—for background, I would like to turn to Jackson’s account of this aspect of the Spanish Civil War (see note 8).

The New Class War: Saving Democracy From the Metropolitan Elite by Michael Lind

affirmative action, anti-communist, basic income, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, collective bargaining, commoditize, corporate governance, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, future of work, global supply chain, guest worker program, Haight Ashbury, illegal immigration, immigration reform, invisible hand, knowledge economy, liberal world order, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, means of production, moral panic, Nate Silver, new economy, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, purchasing power parity, Ralph Nader, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, union organizing, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, WikiLeaks, Wolfgang Streeck, working poor

In The New American Right (1955), Daniel Bell, Nathan Glazer, Peter Viereck, and others explained McCarthyism as an anti-intellectual revolt of working-class Americans afflicted by status anxiety.32 One of the contributors to The New American Right was the historian Richard Hofstadter, who adopted the term “pseudo-conservative” from the Adorno school.33 In several influential books and essays, Hofstadter tried to rewrite the history of the New Deal by downplaying the importance of organized farmers and organized industrial workers in order to make college-educated professional reformers the heroes of twentieth-century American history. To put it another way, Hofstadter sought to define the New Deal as a system based not on democratic pluralism under a broker state, but on top-down technocracy. Nils Gilman observes: “If populism as a general political phenomenon was a byword for the wrong sort of politics, anti-Communist liberals at the apogee of their mid-century technocratic self-confidence believed that ‘the right kind of revolution’ would be elite-led and technocratic—precisely what Hofstadter believed he saw foreshadowed in the Progressive movement, with its commitment to scientific management, evidence-based public policy, credentialing and professionalization, education as a mode of social control, and the idea of best practices (then called ‘one best system’).”34 As part of his project of rewriting America as a story of rational technocratic reform threatened by dangerous democracy, Hofstadter misled a generation of readers into thinking that the American agrarian populist crusade of the 1890s had been an essentially anti-Semitic and protofascist movement.35 Jon Wiener writes that Hofstadter “saw Joe McCarthy as a potential American Hitler and believed he had found the roots of American fascism among rural Protestants in the Midwest.

pages: 717 words: 150,288

Cities Under Siege: The New Military Urbanism by Stephen Graham

addicted to oil, airport security, anti-communist, autonomous vehicles, Berlin Wall, call centre, carbon footprint, clean water, congestion charging, creative destruction, credit crunch, DARPA: Urban Challenge, defense in depth, deindustrialization, digital map, edge city, energy security, European colonialism, failed state, Food sovereignty, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, Google Earth, illegal immigration, income inequality, knowledge economy, late capitalism, loose coupling, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, McMansion, megacity, moral panic, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, one-state solution, pattern recognition, peak oil, planetary scale, private military company, Project for a New American Century, RAND corporation, RFID, Richard Florida, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, smart transportation, surplus humans, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, white flight, white picket fence

Johnson administrations.26 Rostow’s incessant lobbying in that latter role was crucial to the gradually extension and increase of the systematic bombing of North Vietnamese civilian infrastructure, in the campaign called Rolling Thunder. As well as ‘bombing … countries back through several “stages of growth”’27 within his development model, this was seen as a means of undermining the Communist challenge to US power.28 Rostow, a rabid anti-Communist, regarded the eradication of Communism as necessary because he saw it as a repellent form of modernization. Rostow argued that ‘communism is best understood as a disease of the transition to modernization’.29 This wider notion–that bombing, as a form of punitive demodernization, can inaugurate a straightforward reversal of conventional, liberal economic models of linear economic and technological progress–is now so wide-spread as to be a cliché.

See urban warfare, training cities urban warfare, xvi, xxv-xxvi, 11–12, 18–19, 23, 58, 85–86, 125, 140, 153–54, 156, 239, 244, 246–47, 249; civil unrest as, 78, 218; conference on, 227; and domestic urban space, 23, 98; economy of, 252–54; great challenge of century, 19; Israel’s lessons on, 228–30, 233–34; training cities, 183–200 passim: Baladia, 191, 192, 193–95, 246, Baumholder, 186–87, early examples of, 185–86, mock cities needed, 184–85, new purpose of, 186, Playas, 196, 197, 198, RAND on, 187, 195–98, Urban Terrain Module, 199–200, Wired on, 190–91, Yodaville, 187, 188, 189, Zussman, 189–90; and urban culture, 33; video games for, 200–225 passim: Urban Resolve, 201–3. See also city, and war urbicide, 83–88 passim, 227, 267 US: airport security, 136, 137; anti-communist efforts, 13; army advert, 34; army bases as gated communities, 211–14; army recruits, 206, 207, 208; banned images of war dead, 72; and Canada border, 139–40, 250, 330; car culture, 302; CCTV in, 114 n.102; citizen soldiers of, xxv; city-destruction, 153; city as double target, 52; city-driven economy, 47, 49–50; cultural awareness, 34; data mining centres, 127; defense budget, 65, 75; defense industry flourishes, 196; defense overhauled by video game, 202; and de-modernization, xxiv; Department of Homeland Security, 80, 135, 196, 250, 258, 299; detainees worldwide, 112; energy policy, 311, 334; Enhanced Border Security and Visa Act, 136; ethnic cleansing of Iraq, 35; financial meltdown, 312; foreign-domestic convergence, 22, 24, 45, 52–53, 82; gated communities, xix, 106–7, 129, 144, 315; ‘giver’ vs ‘taker’ states, 49 n.60; grain production, 341; health care, 142; hegemony, 29, 59; undermined by urban warfare, 154, 157, 159, 163; waning of, 35; highway construction, 327 n.116; highway system, 14; Identity dominance, 126; info-psych-military concern, 71; infrastructural war champ, 271, 274, 276–78, 280, 286, 297; intolerance of, 178; vs Iraqi civilians, 30; Iraq war, 275–84, ‘bomb now die later’, 279–80; and Israel, 184, 193–95, 228–62 passim, 285: assassination raids, 248–50, catalyze Islamic extremism, 262, different threats to, 262, economic aid to, 230–31, helps invade Iraq, 229–30, 232, 238–41, 243, 248, new geometry of occupation, 251–52, non-lethal weapons, 244–46, urban warfare lessons, 228–30, 233–34, 246; Israel Homeland Security Foundation Act, 256; and Mexico border, xxiii, 22, 217 n.109, 250, 258, 372; military and Hollywood, 69; military police, 98–99; national identity threats, xx; NSA, 141–42; policing of protest, 123; Posse Comitas act, 21 n.88; prison population, 7, 109–10, 111; RESTORE Act, 141; rural soldiers of, 61; security precedent of, 134; social polarization, 7; suburban nation, 79–80; superpower no longer, 313; SUV and imperialism, 304, 306, 318; SUV popularity, 315; SWAT, 23; trade vs security, 134–35; urban archipelago, 50, 51, 52; urban military focus, 20–22; urban warfare training, xvi.

pages: 391 words: 22,799

To Serve God and Wal-Mart: The Making of Christian Free Enterprise by Bethany Moreton

affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, big-box store, Bretton Woods, Buckminster Fuller, collective bargaining, corporate personhood, creative destruction, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frederick Winslow Taylor, George Gilder, global village, informal economy, invisible hand, liberation theology, longitudinal study, market fundamentalism, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage tax deduction, Naomi Klein, new economy, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, prediction markets, price anchoring, Ralph Nader, RFID, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, walkable city, Washington Consensus, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog, Works Progress Administration

.; Appendix A, “List of Speakers,” pp.€20, 22, 24. 83. Harding University, “The Dream Continues,” promotional pamphlet, file “Publicity—Harding,” HU (1992). 84. Duke, Jr., “American Studies,” 22–23. 85. Gazette Press Services, “Harding Program Called Big Factory of Radical Right Propaganda in U.S,” AG, September 20, 1964, 1A–2A. 86. Newsweek, December 4, 1961, 20; quoted in Donald P. Garner, “George S. Benson: Conservative, Anti-Communist, Pro-Americanism Speaker” (Ph.D. diss., Wayne State University, 1963), 5 n2. 87. NYT, May 9, 1961; quoted in Garner, “George S. Benson,” 23 n. 88. This is a principal argument of both Royce Money, “Church-State Relations in the Churches of Christ since 1945: A Study in Religion and Politics” (Ph.D. diss., Baylor University, 1975) and Richard T. Hughes, Reviving the Ancient Faith: The Story of Churches of Christ in America (Grand Rapids, MI: William B.

See Clerks Catholics, 3, 11, 22, 107, 119, 222, 229, 232–235 Center for Entrepreneurship, 157–158, 160 Central Intelligence Agency, 152, 224, 227, 249 Chain stores, 125, 137, 187–188; characteristics of, 18, 22, 26, 52–53, 56, 78; antichain movement, 16, 18–26, 29–30, 51–52, 143, 160; Wal-Mart as, 19, 23–25, 27–28, 47; voluntary, 26–29 Chemical industry, 182, 193, 202, 205–208, 213–214, 232, 331n60 China, 6, 65, 164, 249, 251, 253, 343n21 Christ for the Cities, 229 Christian American Heritage Seminar, 162 Christian Anti-Communist Crusade, 166 Christian Booksellers Association, 87, 91 Christian broadcasting, 7, 20, 87, 95, 101, 131, 215, 235, 237–238, 331n58 Christian Broadcasting Network, 121, 224, 250 Christian Businessmen’s Association (Guatemala), 244 Christian Business Men’s Committee, 87, 110 Christian capÂ�italism, 86, 110 Christian conservatism, 1, 3, 32, 87, 90, 92, 95, 111–116, 119–121, 131, 215, 223, 239 Christian consumerism, 89–90, 107 Christian Coalition, 1, 90 Christian education, 131–132, 136, 154–155, 163, 171, 187, 222, 225, 234–235 Christian entrepreneurship, 179, 250, 262 Christian Financial Concepts, 331n58 Christian free enterprise, 5, 33, 110, 125, 153, 161, 174, 224, 269–271 Christianity: and commerce, 86–92, 99, 112, 165, 211, 223, 232, 250, 262, 270–271, 331n58; and Wal-Mart stores, 89–94, 99, 101–106, 117–1 18; attack on communism, 162, 164, 166–167, 223–224 Christianity Today, 87, 119, 121, 233 Christian managers, 33, 47 Christian publishing, 90–91 Christian serÂ�vice, 85, 89, 93, 101, 103, 106, 110–111, 113, 122, 125, 251, 270 Church of Christ, 92, 101, 163, 171, 228, 235, 338n50 Cities.

pages: 486 words: 148,485

Being Wrong: Adventures in the Margin of Error by Kathryn Schulz

affirmative action, anti-communist, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, car-free, Cass Sunstein, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, conceptual framework, cosmological constant, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, desegregation, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, lake wobegon effect, longitudinal study, mandatory minimum, Pierre-Simon Laplace, Ronald Reagan, six sigma, stem cell, Steven Pinker, Tenerife airport disaster, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, trade route

Consider the case of Whittaker Chambers. In 1925, Chambers, then a promising young undergraduate at Columbia University, dropped out of college and joined the Communist Party. For the remainder of his twenties and most of his thirties, Chambers was a committed atheist, an impassioned Communist—and, for five years, a Soviet spy. Then, in 1938, he broke with the party, found God, and turned virulently anti-Communist. Ten years later, he testified before the House Un-American Activities Committee and, subsequently, in one of the most famous trials of the twentieth century: the federal case against Alger Hiss, Chambers’s former friend and alleged fellow spy. If Chambers’s faith in Communism was so profound that it led him to betray his country and risk his life, his break with it was equally absolute. He didn’t turn away from the Party so much as turn on it, denouncing it as “evil, absolute evil.”

Writing about his decision to testify against Alger Hiss, Whittaker Chambers declared that, “it was for this that my whole life had been lived. For this I had been a Communist, for this I had ceased to be a Communist. For this the tranquil strengthening years had been granted to me. This challenge was the terrible meaning of my whole life.” In this narrative, even Chambers’s false self—the devoted Communist—had to exist for a while in order to serve the greater purpose of his true self, the crusading anti-Communist. This narrative is appealing for the same reason that it is problematic: within it, we can do no wrong. Our false beliefs were foreordained, our apparent errors occurred strictly in the service of a larger truth. This idea is made explicit in the religious affirmation that “God makes no mistakes”: even the seeming trials and blunders of our lives are part of a larger plan.* As that implies, stories starring a true self are teleological; we end up exactly where we are meant to be.

The Old Patagonian Express by Paul Theroux

anti-communist, Atahualpa, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Francisco Pizarro, Khyber Pass, Mahatma Gandhi, Maui Hawaii, place-making, Ralph Waldo Emerson, transcontinental railway

'Echeverría was a bandit Paul Theroux The Old Patagonian Express, By Train Through the Americas Page 51 and a hypocrite,' one man told me; 'Lopez Portillo is just the same - give him time.' Guatemalans were more circumspect: they shrugged, they spat, they rolled their eyes; they did not utter their political preferences. But who could blame them? For twelve years the country had been governed by a party of fanatical anti-communists - a party greatly fancied by America's Central Intelligence Agency, which has yet to perceive that fanatical anti-communists are almost invariably fanatical anti-democrats. In the late 1960's and early 1970's there was a wave of guerrilla activity - kidnappings, murders and bombings; but the army proved ineffectual against the guerrillas and in Guatemala due process of law had always been notoriously slow. The answer was simple. Using the advice of the United States Embassy's military attaché (later found murdered), a number of vigilante groups were set up.

pages: 608 words: 150,324

Life's Greatest Secret: The Race to Crack the Genetic Code by Matthew Cobb

a long time ago in a galaxy far, far away, anti-communist, Asilomar, Asilomar Conference on Recombinant DNA, Benoit Mandelbrot, Berlin Wall, bioinformatics, Claude Shannon: information theory, conceptual framework, Copley Medal, dark matter, discovery of DNA, double helix, Drosophila, epigenetics, factory automation, From Mathematics to the Technologies of Life and Death, James Watt: steam engine, John von Neumann, Kickstarter, New Journalism, Norbert Wiener, phenotype, post-materialism, Stephen Hawking

Furthermore, it soon became apparent that the Germans had not been close to success. All except the most naive or unworldly scientists came to recognise that the development and deployment of the atomic bomb showed that the Allies had something else in mind – the bomb was used to threaten the USSR. Von Neumann was quite comfortable with this. He had helped decide which two Japanese cities were to be smashed; as a committed anti-communist he accepted that the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombs were primarily warnings to the USSR, and considered that the attendant death and destruction were quite justified.22 Wiener took a very different attitude. He was concerned about the moral issues raised by the use of the bomb against Japan, and by the potential for infinitely greater destruction in the future, to the extent that he considered abandoning science altogether.

But then some of its principal proponents were thrown into turmoil by personal and political events. The backdrop to the developments in cybernetics, and indeed the source of much of its funding, was the Cold War. In February 1949, the US lost its monopoly on nuclear weapons when the USSR exploded its first atom bomb. In 1950, the Cold War began to heat up as the Korean War broke out and the US fought a proxy war against the Russians and the Chinese. Shocked by these developments, the anti-communist John von Neumann pressed the US government to focus all its research effort on building a hydrogen bomb. Thanks in part to his lobbying, a major development programme began in which he was heavily involved, leaving little time for his other interests. The project culminated in the explosion of the first H-bomb in November 1952, with a yield that was nearly 1,000 times more destructive than that of Hiroshima.

pages: 479 words: 144,453

Homo Deus: A Brief History of Tomorrow by Yuval Noah Harari

23andMe, agricultural Revolution, algorithmic trading, Anne Wojcicki, anti-communist, Anton Chekhov, autonomous vehicles, Berlin Wall, call centre, Chris Urmson, cognitive dissonance, Columbian Exchange, computer age, Deng Xiaoping, don't be evil, drone strike, European colonialism, experimental subject, falling living standards, Flash crash, Frank Levy and Richard Murnane: The New Division of Labor, glass ceiling, global village, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of writing, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, job automation, John Markoff, Kevin Kelly, lifelogging, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Minecraft, Moneyball by Michael Lewis explains big data, Monkeys Reject Unequal Pay, mutually assured destruction, new economy, pattern recognition, Peter Thiel, placebo effect, Ray Kurzweil, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, stem cell, Steven Pinker, telemarketer, The Future of Employment, too big to fail, trade route, Turing machine, Turing test, ultimatum game, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, zero-sum game

Ceauşescu and his cronies dominated 20 million Romanians for four decades because they ensured three vital conditions. First, they placed loyal communist apparatchiks in control of all networks of cooperation, such as the army, trade unions and even sports associations. Second, they prevented the creation of any rival organisations – whether political, economic or social – which might serve as a basis for anti-communist cooperation. Third, they relied on the support of sister communist parties in the Soviet Union and eastern Europe. Despite occasional tensions, these parties helped each other in times of need, or at least guaranteed that no outsider poked his nose into the socialist paradise. Under such conditions, despite all the hardship and suffering inflicted on them by the ruling elite, the 20 million Romanians were unable to organise any effective opposition.

And at least in the short term, communism was also the great beneficiary of the war. The Soviet Union entered the war as an isolated communist pariah. It emerged as one of the two global superpowers, and the leader of an expanding international bloc. By 1949 eastern Europe became a Soviet satellite, the Chinese Communist Party won the Chinese Civil War, and the United States was gripped by anti-communist hysteria. Revolutionary and anti-colonial movements throughout the world looked longingly towards Moscow and Beijing, while liberalism became identified with the racist European empires. As these empires collapsed, they were usually replaced by either military dictatorships or socialist regimes, not liberal democracies. In 1956 the Soviet premier, Nikita Khrushchev, confidently told the liberal West that ‘Whether you like it or not, history is on our side.

pages: 524 words: 155,947

More: The 10,000-Year Rise of the World Economy by Philip Coggan

"Robert Solow", accounting loophole / creative accounting, Ada Lovelace, agricultural Revolution, Airbnb, airline deregulation, Andrei Shleifer, anti-communist, assortative mating, autonomous vehicles, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bob Noyce, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, carbon footprint, Carmen Reinhart, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, Charles Lindbergh, clean water, collective bargaining, Columbian Exchange, Columbine, Corn Laws, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, currency peg, debt deflation, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, Donald Trump, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, financial innovation, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, Fractional reserve banking, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, germ theory of disease, German hyperinflation, gig economy, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, global value chain, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, Haber-Bosch Process, Hans Rosling, Hernando de Soto, hydraulic fracturing, Ignaz Semmelweis: hand washing, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, industrial robot, inflation targeting, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, job automation, John Snow's cholera map, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Kenneth Arrow, Kula ring, labour market flexibility, land reform, land tenure, Lao Tzu, large denomination, liquidity trap, Long Term Capital Management, Louis Blériot, low cost airline, low skilled workers, lump of labour, M-Pesa, Malcom McLean invented shipping containers, manufacturing employment, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, McJob, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mittelstand, moral hazard, Murano, Venice glass, Myron Scholes, Nelson Mandela, Network effects, Northern Rock, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, popular capitalism, popular electronics, price stability, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, railway mania, Ralph Nader, regulatory arbitrage, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, Scramble for Africa, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, special drawing rights, spice trade, spinning jenny, Steven Pinker, TaskRabbit, Thales and the olive presses, Thales of Miletus, The Great Moderation, The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, trade route, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, universal basic income, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, V2 rocket, Veblen good, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, women in the workforce, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

The economic crisis deteriorated, with urban prices more than doubling between March and October 1917.41 The provisional government proved to be a leadership without followers and the Bolsheviks were able to seize power with relative ease in November.42 In his eagerness to consolidate power, Lenin, the leader of the Bolsheviks, accepted a harsh peace at the hands of the Germans. Under the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in March 1918, Russia lost territory that supplied half its grain, coal and iron. A civil war with anti-communist forces followed, in which diseases and malnutrition killed 8 million people. By 1921, even after some of the territory lost to the Germans had been restored, Russian factory output was an eighth of its pre-war level. The Bolsheviks implemented their programme by nationalising industry, banking and transport.43 But in 1921, in the face of a naval mutiny, Lenin retreated from communist purity and agreed to a “new economic plan”.

Without that shift, China would not be the second-largest economy in the world today. In January 1979, the shah of Iran fled into exile. The subsequent revolution saw the rise to power of an Islamist regime. Not only did this start a long clash between the Islamic world and the West, but it also, along with the hostage crisis that followed, doomed the presidency of Jimmy Carter and helped ensure the election of Ronald Reagan, a strong advocate of free markets and a fierce anti-communist. In May 1979, Margaret Thatcher, a politician with similar convictions, became British prime minister. Ronald Reagan’s electoral prospects were given another boost by the anti-inflationary policies of Paul Volcker. As mentioned in the last chapter, he became chairman of the Federal Reserve in August 1979 and swiftly pushed up interest rates to eye-watering levels. Mr Volcker was the first modern example of the powerful central banker.

pages: 186 words: 57,798

Nonviolence: The History of a Dangerous Idea by Mark Kurlansky

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, continuation of politics by other means, desegregation, European colonialism, Khyber Pass, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, polynesian navigation, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, working poor

In 1939, when Stalin signed a nonaggression pact with Hitler in an attempt to keep the Nazis expanding westward rather than eastward, the preponderance of Western thinking started turning anti-fascist. Antifascism was a temporary condition that only lasted through World War II. After the war, the Allies administered Germany with a policy called de-Nazification that was discontinued in the late 1940s because as the Cold War intensified, the Allies wanted to make use of the strong anti-Communist leanings of Nazis. Numerous former high-ranking Nazis were left to assume important roles in the rebuilding of what became West Germany. A 1935 poll indicated that 75 percent of Americans were in favor of requiring a national referendum before going to war. When the same question was asked in 1939, only 59 percent were in favor of the referendum. In 1940, the officers at Fort Lewis, California, nicknamed General Dwight Eisenhower “Alarmist Ike” for insisting that the United States was going to war.

pages: 203 words: 63,257