land reform

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pages: 868 words: 147,152

How Asia Works by Joe Studwell

affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, collective bargaining, crony capitalism, cross-subsidies, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, financial deregulation, financial repression, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, land reform, land tenure, large denomination, liberal capitalism, market fragmentation, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open economy, passive investing, purchasing power parity, rent control, rent-seeking, Right to Buy, Ronald Coase, South China Sea, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, working-age population

In January 1986, a month before Marcos fled, in an act of desperation the government began handing out thousands of land reform ‘Emancipation Patents’ – titles to plots of land – to farmers who had not even completed the land reform application process. Just as when the United States formed the JCRR to support land reform in Nationalist China in the winter of 1948–9, or when Washington finally backed land reform in South Vietnam under Nguyen Van Thieu in 1969, it was far, far too late. By one calculation, the cumulative achievement of land reform in the Philippines between 1900 and 1986 was the redistribution of 315,000 hectares, or about 4 per cent of the cultivated area.62 The revolution that wasn’t If Ferdy failed land reformers, his successor Cory Aquino – brought to power by ‘people power’ – did little better. To be fair, she was the wife of an assassinated political leader (Ninoy, shot by Marcos’s agents at Manila airport in 1983) and more used to making small talk with her husband’s guests than dealing with the snake-pit of Philippine politics.

It was during the early rise of the NPA that Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law, in September 1972. He repeatedly justified military rule on the basis that authoritarian government was the only means by which land reform could be achieved. In a speech on the first anniversary of martial law in which he talked about his promise of a ‘New Society’ (Chiang Kai-shek had promised the Chinese something similar in the 1930s with his New Life Movement), Marcos opined: ‘Land reform is the only gauge for the success or failure of the New Society … If land reform fails, there is no New Society.’ As with Chiang in China, there was very little land reform and there was no new society. The land reform that Marcos did pursue remained limited to corn and rice land, involved a high, 7-hectare retention limit, and was largely targeted at property belonging to his political enemies.61 By the time of Marcos’s fall in 1986, he had achieved less than a quarter of his own, very limited targets.

(Chosen is an old name for Korea.) 44. Putzel, A Captive Land, p. 80, highlights this point. 45. John P. Powelson and Richard Stock, The Peasant Betrayed: Agriculture and Land Reform in the Third World (Washington DC: Cato Institute, 1990), p. 179. 46. See Anthony Y. C. Koo, The Role of Land Reform in Economic Development (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 8. 47. Koo, The Role of Land Reform in Economic Development, p. 44. 48. Koo, The Role of Land Reform in Economic Development, p. 38. There were 195,000 separate transactions under land to the tiller in Taiwan. See ‘Table 12: The Rise of Ownership – Taiwan Before and After Land Reform’. 49. Kuo, Ranis and Fei, The Taiwan Success Story, p. 53. 50. Kuo, Ranis and Fei, The Taiwan Success Story, chapter 5. Data from various income surveys in Taiwan are consolidated in a table on p. 45.


pages: 505 words: 133,661

Who Owns England?: How We Lost Our Green and Pleasant Land, and How to Take It Back by Guy Shrubsole

back-to-the-land, Beeching cuts, Boris Johnson, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, congestion charging, deindustrialization, digital map, do-ocracy, Downton Abbey, financial deregulation, fixed income, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Google Earth, housing crisis, James Dyson, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, land value tax, linked data, loadsamoney, mega-rich, mutually assured destruction, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, openstreetmap, place-making, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, rent-seeking, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, sceptred isle, Stewart Brand, the built environment, the map is not the territory, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trickle-down economics, urban sprawl, web of trust, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

Land is a common good and ought to be treated as such – used carefully, for the good of everyone, and protected for the long term. If we’re going to make better use of our land, however, we have to grapple with ownership. And to do that, England needs a programme of land reform. An agenda for English land reform It’s time for a serious political debate about land reform in England. We face a housing crisis of generational significance; a collapse in species and natural habitats; a farming sector facing huge challenges over Brexit; and spiralling inequality. Land reform is central to all of these challenges. There’s a huge amount we can learn from other countries who have undergone successful land reform programmes – not least Scotland, whose land movement has flowered in the last twenty years. In Scotland, access to the land has been opened up to the public; island communities have revived themselves for the first time since the Clearances as a result of community buy-out legislation; and steps are being taken towards addressing the sky-high land values that are driving the housing crisis.

But we can also look to England’s own history of land reform and land reform movements – a radical past that’s often forgotten, or conveniently buried. And we can look to the nascent movement for land reform that exists in England today: the housing activists, land workers, community food growers, ramblers, cyclists, environmentalists, students, homelessness charities and many others, of all political stripes, who have seen that the route to a better future lies in uniting around the common issue of land. What follows is a suggested agenda for land reform in England: a set of ten demands that, I propose, would help fix many of the problems with how land is owned, used and abused in this country. Most of these proposals have been inspired by conversations with other campaigners in England’s growing land-reform movement, or are ideas that already have common currency.

Is it possible to construct a progressive English identity that isn’t based on xenophobia, nostalgia and grabbing land off Wales, Scotland, Ireland and the rest of the world? I’d argue that it is, but that land reform in England is a central part of doing so. Uncovering the extraordinary story of how England has come to be owned by so few has, at times, made my blood boil. I hope it does the same for you, too. But I also hope that it inspires you to take action to make things better. In an old, conservative country like England it can often feel like things never change. But the example of successful land reform programmes in other countries, like Scotland, should give us hope – as should our own, forgotten history of land reform movements. Get land reform right, and we can go a long way towards ending the housing crisis, restoring nature and making our society more equal. When discussing the size of estates, I’ve opted throughout to use acres as the unit of measurement.


pages: 775 words: 208,604

The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality From the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century by Walter Scheidel

agricultural Revolution, assortative mating, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, collective bargaining, colonial rule, Columbian Exchange, conceptual framework, corporate governance, cosmological principle, crony capitalism, dark matter, declining real wages, demographic transition, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Downton Abbey, Edward Glaeser, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, fixed income, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, Gini coefficient, global pandemic, hiring and firing, income inequality, John Markoff, knowledge worker, land reform, land tenure, low skilled workers, means of production, mega-rich, Network effects, nuclear winter, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, race to the bottom, recommendation engine, rent control, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Second Machine Age, Simon Kuznets, The Future of Employment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, universal basic income, very high income, working-age population, zero-sum game

According to the most recent survey, no fewer than 87 percent of all major land reforms undertaken outside Latin America between 1900 and 2010 took place in the wake of a world war, decolonization, communist takeover, or the threat of communist agitation.19 Peaceful reform might benefit the rich, as in Hawai’i and Venezuela, or be implemented at arm’s length, as in Ireland and Puerto Rico. Evidence for autonomous land reform that unfolded peacefully and resulted in significant leveling is in short supply. This finding is not surprising: in societies at a level of development that made land reform a desideratum, elite resistance was always likely to block or water down redistributive policies unless violent shocks or the threat of violence encouraged more substantive concessions. This helps explain the apparent lack of nonviolent land reforms characterized by high “floors” (the size of new smallholdings) and low “ceilings” (the caps placed on landlord properties).20 This picture does not change if we look farther back into the more distant past.

Frequent living wage adjustments to keep pace with inflation reduced the initially wide income gaps between white- and blue-collar workers.22 Finally, land reform was another major goal of the occupation authorities: in rare agreement with the Maoists who were taking over China at the time, they regarded landlordism as a great evil that was to be eradicated. A government memo held that land redistribution was essential in moving Japan in a peaceful direction, noting that the Japanese army had persuaded poor farmers that overseas aggression was their only way out of poverty: in the absence of land reform, the countryside might remain a hotbed of militarism. Once again, the underlying rationale for intervention was closely related to the war. A land reform bill designed by the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture and passed at the very end of 1945 was rejected by the United States as too moderate, and a revised scheme became law in October 1946.

Has violence always been the source of leveling in the same way that war, according to Democritus, is the “father of all and king of all”? Are there peaceful alternatives that have produced similar results? In this and the next chapter, I review a wide variety of potential candidates, most notably land reform, economic crises, democratization, and economic development. I conclude by considering counterfactual alternatives: in the absence of massive violent shocks, how would inequality have developed over the course of the twentieth century?1 ”UNTIL IT BECAME A TEMPEST UPROOTING EVERYTHING?” LAND REFORM Land reform deserves pride of place for the simple reason that for most of the past, most people lived on the land, and cultivated land generally represented the bulk of private wealth. In France 300 years ago, land accounted for two-thirds of all capital; it represented about 60 percent in Britain.


pages: 603 words: 182,826

Owning the Earth: The Transforming History of Land Ownership by Andro Linklater

agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, Anton Chekhov, Ayatollah Khomeini, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, British Empire, business cycle, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, facts on the ground, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Google Earth, income inequality, invisible hand, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kibera, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, light touch regulation, market clearing, means of production, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monkeys Reject Unequal Pay, mortgage debt, Northern Rock, Peace of Westphalia, Pearl River Delta, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, profit motive, quantitative easing, Ralph Waldo Emerson, refrigerator car, Right to Buy, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, spinning jenny, The Chicago School, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, ultimatum game, wage slave, WikiLeaks, wikimedia commons, working poor

“the democratization of the villages”: Dore’s comments on change in social attitudes after land reform are in Land Reform in Japan by R. P. Dore (London: Oxford University Press, 1959), “end of hallowed hierarchy” (ibid., 161); “sense of equality” (ibid., 218); the number of peasants involved (ibid., 149). Wider economic impact, see “Agricultural Land Reform in Postwar Japan” by Toshihiko Kawagoe. Policy Research Working Paper 2111; World Bank Development Research Group, 1999. its role was essential: For the role of land reform in Taiwan’s economic success, see “Agriculture as the Foundation for Development: the Taiwanese Story” by Tsu-tan and Shun-yi Shei, in Taiwan’s Development Experience: lessons on the roles of government and market, eds. Erik Thorbecke and Henry Wan (Boston: Kluwer, 1999); for the increase in productivity, see “Economic Consequences of Land Reform in Taiwan” by Anthony Y.

In South Vietnam, Wolf Ladejinsky discovered for the first time the difficulty of putting into practice a policy of land redistribution without the backing of draconian powers to enforce it. The mandate from the State Department to introduce land reform in South Vietnam required him to work through the existing political system run by President Ngo Dinh Diem, whose main source of support came from country’s great landholding families. Ladejinsky’s new role reflected the sea change that was beginning to affect Cold War attitudes within Washington. In 1950, Dean Acheson, as secretary of state, had explicitly committed the United States to a policy of supporting “world-wide land reform” as the best way of “strengthening the system of free enterprise by diffusion of private property and reinforcing the economic foundation of the State.” As late as 1961, the Kennedy administration’s call at Punta del Este for “an equitable system of property” in Latin America showed that the old strategy was not entirely dead.

The specific issue was Guatemala’s expropriation of four hundred thousand acres of unused land from the United Fruit Company, but it was a pointer to the future. Land reform was becoming less important as a Cold War strategy. When Ladejinsky was appointed personal advisor to President Diem in 1955, a post he would hold for the next six years, it was on the clear understanding that he would have to act with the agreement of the regime. Nevertheless, in a country that was primarily divided between the basin of the Mekong River in the south, source of most of the region’s rice, and the immense rubber plantations and mountainous, untouched forest in the north, the disparity of ownership was so gross that even Diem had promised land reform when he took power in 1954 following the collapse of French colonial rule. One in three of South Vietnam’s seven million peasants owned no land at all and most of the remainder worked plots of less than three acres that they did not own, while more than half the cultivated land belonged to an elite 3 percent of landlords with holdings that extended to thousands of acres containing several villages, each with twenty or thirty families paying as much as 60 percent of the value of their crops to rent the land.


The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, business climate, colonial rule, declining real wages, deliberate practice, European colonialism, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, income inequality, income per capita, land reform, land tenure, new economy, RAND corporation, strikebreaker, union organizing

Bernard Fall was taken in by Chi, and Frances FitzGerald in her influential Fire in the Lake followed Fall in giving a “conservative estimate” that “some fifty thousand people of all economic stations were killed” in the course of the land reform.167 Because of their reputations as opponents of the war, Fall and FitzGerald played an especially important role in the perpetration of a myth that still flourishes in its third decade of life.168 On the basis of an analysis of official figures and credible documents, plus an estimate made by the Diem government itself in 1959, Porter concluded that a realistic range of executions taking place during the land reform would be between 800 and 2500.169 The North Vietnamese land reform has been subjected to a more recent and exhaustive study by Edwin E. Moise.170 To Porter’s “negative” argument, based largely on his demonstration that “the documentary evidence for the bloodbath theory seems to have been a fabrication almost in its entirety,” Moise adds “some positive evidence”: namely, he points out that Saigon propaganda contained little about land reform until Saigon had learned from international press agency dispatches in 1956 of the North Vietnamese discussions of errors and failures.

Moise.170 To Porter’s “negative” argument, based largely on his demonstration that “the documentary evidence for the bloodbath theory seems to have been a fabrication almost in its entirety,” Moise adds “some positive evidence”: namely, he points out that Saigon propaganda contained little about land reform until Saigon had learned from international press agency dispatches in 1956 of the North Vietnamese discussions of errors and failures. Even Hoang Van Chi, in 1955 interviews, did not make any accusations about atrocities; “It was only in later years that his memories began to alter,” that is after the United States and the Saigon regime learned about the land reform problems from the discussion in the Hanoi press, which, Moise writes, was “extremely informative” and “sometimes extraordinarily candid in discussing errors and failures.” After a detailed discussion of sources, Moise concludes that “allowing for these uncertainties, it seems reasonable to estimate that the total number of people executed during the land reform was probably in the vicinity of 5,000, and almost certainly between 3,000 and 15,000, and that the slaughter of tens of thousands of innocent victims, often described in anti-Communist propaganda, never took place.”

By 1973 foreign interests controlled 59% of the capital invested in forestry, 96% in mining, 35% in industry, 47% in hotels and tourism, and 33% in agriculture and fisheries.26 The lifting of restrictions on imports and encouragement of foreign investment also led to substantial denationalization in sectors traditionally dominated by local enterprise—batik, textiles, beverages, foodstuffs, and cigarettes—a process hastened by the lack of capital access of local entrepreneurs in a system of privileged credit and restrictive credit policies.27 New agricultural technologies, the monopolization of rural credit by large individual and corporate farmers, and the rise in price of agricultural land also resulted in massive dispossession of peasants and a greater redundancy of agricultural laborers, a fall in agricultural wage rates, widespread hunger, and a widening gap between village rich and poor. Anderson notes that ...in the wake of the destruction of the PKI, the modest land-reform and crop-sharing legislation of the Sukarno years had become a dead letter. Much of the land redistributed in the early 1960s had reverted to its earlier owners by the early 1970s. Although the law provided for 50-50 shares in the crop between tenant and landlord, in many areas the actual ratio ran as high as 70-30 or even 80-20 in the landlords’ favor. It was only too easy to brand any attempts to enforce the land-reform and sharecropping statutes as “communist”. With the memory of the massacres of 1965-66—which took place largely in the villages—still only too vivid, few poor farmers dared to try to organize to defend their legal rights.28 Foreign capital has had to pay a steep price for the privilege of entry and in “protection money” demanded by the generals.


The New Enclosure: The Appropriation of Public Land in Neoliberal Britain by Brett Christophers

Boris Johnson, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Corn Laws, credit crunch, cross-subsidies, Diane Coyle, estate planning, ghettoisation, Hernando de Soto, housing crisis, income inequality, invisible hand, land reform, land tenure, land value tax, late capitalism, market clearing, Martin Wolf, New Journalism, New Urbanism, off grid, offshore financial centre, performance metric, Philip Mirowski, price mechanism, price stability, profit motive, Right to Buy, Skype, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, the built environment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, urban sprawl, wealth creators

Catalano, Capital and Land: Private Landownership by Capital in Great Britain (London: Edward Arnold, 1978), p. 12. 3 L. Kirkaldy, ‘Land Reform and Inequality: What Does the Debate Tell Us about Scotland?’, Holyrood, 10 July 2015, at holyrood.com. 1 J. Hunter, P. Peacock, A. Wightman and M. Foxley, ‘432:50 – Towards a Comprehensive Land Reform Agenda for Scotland’, Briefing Paper for the House of Commons Scottish Affairs Committee, 11 July 2013 – pdf available at publications. parliament.uk. 2 In the Global South, of course, as well as the Global North. One of the most striking things about the widespread attempts in Asia and Africa between 1950 and 1980 to create more egalitarian rural societies precisely through land reform – collectivization in China, Vietnam and Ethiopia, for example, and landlord abolition in Egypt and India – is that, in this regard, they failed.

In doing so it put the politics of land and landownership exactly where the Lords, then Britain’s leading landowners, did not want it: in the political spotlight. This was not the first time that the ‘land question’ had featured prominently in British political debate. A groundswell of agitation for agrarian land reform had accumulated, notably, in the 1840s. This agitation was spearheaded by the Chartist movement and one of its leaders, Feargus O’Connor, whose (failed) Land Plan envisioned the provision of smallholdings for the working classes.1 In the same period, land reform was also promoted by the more establishment-friendly Anti-Corn Law League, and especially one of its founders, Richard Cobden.2 But this agitation, too, ultimately dissipated in the face of staunch government resistance. These agitating currents in the 1840s had been very much England-centric.

First, they argued that landlordism in the countryside, underpinned by centuries of enclosure, had ‘driven people off the land and into overcrowded and unsanitary slums’.1 Second, they spied growing signs of landlordism in the city itself, and saw a progressive land-focused politics of a Polanyian ilk as the answer to urban social problems, just as it was their preferred solution to rural social problems. So, while the Liberals’ land-reform proposals may have originated in the countryside, they took on a distinctive urban hue as, writes Packer, radicals came to see ‘the land’ as the solution for subjects as disparate as the crisis in local government finance, unemployment and housing shortages. What these topics had in common was a conviction in the Liberal Party that landlords must be responsible for many of the ills of urban society, just as they were for the difficulties of rural England.2 But if, as Peter Weiler says, early-twentieth-century land reform in Britain traditionally ‘has been seen as essentially a Liberal policy’ – and it has – Labour was definitely not indifferent; and the more urban the issue, the more of a distinctively Labour issue it often became.3 (The Tories, as the landowners’ party then and now, were invariably on the other side.)


pages: 934 words: 232,651

Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 1945-1956 by Anne Applebaum

active measures, affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, Internet Archive, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, land reform, language of flowers, means of production, New Urbanism, Potemkin village, price mechanism, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, scientific worldview, Slavoj Žižek, stakhanovite, strikebreaker, union organizing, urban planning

The Silesians were homesick and wanted to go back to their own farms.3 Because there were many similarly ambivalent situations, communist party membership in the countryside did not rise as rapidly as expected.4 Land reform was greeted with even greater suspicion in Poland, where “collectivization” carried particularly negative connotations. In the eastern part of the country, many people had family and friends across the border in Soviet Ukraine, whose peasants had experienced first land reform, then collectivization, then famine. So strong was their fear of this scenario that many Polish peasants opposed partial land redistribution—even knowing they might personally benefit—on the grounds that the reform might be a prelude to the collectivization of all land (which in many places it proved to be). Even as a theoretical idea, land reform had never been as popular in Poland as elsewhere. A few attempts at land reform in the 1920s and 1930s had foundered in part because the larger estates were generally well managed, and many reformers thought that small farms were less productive.5 Most of the country’s very largest estates had in any case been in eastern Poland, which was now part of the Soviet Union.

In Poland, both communists and noncommunists expected the slogan “land reform” to be popular, which is why the communists had included it in the referendum, though they hardly uttered the taboo word “collectivization” at all. Far from heralding profound economic change, the first land reforms were a naked bid for support from the poorer peasantry, as they had been in the USSR, where the Bolshevik Revolution’s first slogan had been “Peace, Land, and Bread!” From the moment they arrived, Red Army troops vigorously tried to enforce the same policy, confiscating land from richer owners and redistributing it to poorer peasants.1 But in Eastern Europe, this simple formula did not have the impact that Soviet officers expected or that their communist colleagues hoped. Although it would eventually affect everybody, land reform in Germany initially focused on the large estates owned by the Junkers, the former Prussian aristocrats.

“We haven’t got such a situation,” Gomułka replied.8 Land reform had a greater chance of being popular in Hungary, where the rural economy was still very nearly feudal. About 0.1 percent of all landowners still controlled some 30 percent of all Hungarian agricultural land in 1939, many of them living in ancient castles on vast latifundia. At the same time most peasant farms were tiny and most peasant farmers very poor. Populist land reformers had been thick on the ground in interwar Hungary, although they usually opposed Soviet-style collectivization and called for the creation of private cooperatives to replace the vast aristocratic estates.9 After the war, most Hungarian politicians had reached an uneasy consensus about the necessity of land reform, but they had come to no agreement about scale or timing.


The Chomsky Reader by Noam Chomsky

American ideology, anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, British Empire, business climate, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, interchangeable parts, land reform, land tenure, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, theory of mind, Thomas L Friedman, union organizing, War on Poverty, zero-sum game, éminence grise

“The Army is in control, according to Gómez, and the US is giving military aid to a ‘killer government.’ ” Gómez, who comes from a landowning family and is quite critical of the civilians who resigned from the junta in January 1980 after a major outbreak of state terror, has had various things to say, in interviews and press conferences, about the land reform program for which he was a top adviser. He states that while the land reform program has seized large amounts of land from wealthy families, it “has distributed plots only to a relatively few peasants.” The greatest success of the Salvadoran institute in charge of land reform (ISTA), of which he was a deputy, was in investigating the military: “We found huge amounts of corruption.” “We were finding that ISTA was buying land already in government hands. They were buying land nobody wanted as a favor to rich friends. All of this piles up a debt that has to be paid by the peasants.”

Key Salvadoran officials regard its major component (Decree 207, the Land to the Tiller program) as a “misguided and U.S. imposed initiative” (in their own words). The land reform program “aggravates the most serious agrarian problems of El Salvador,” the report concludes. The authors also observe that the regions affected by Decree 207 “coincide almost identically with the areas of greatest repression against peasants by government security forces.” Other reports strongly support their conclusion that the land reform had the effect of providing hard-line military with “the context in which they could pursue a counterinsurgency war,” in the style already indicated. The major repression against the peasantry was launched under the state of siege announced along with the land reform program. As noted, the Reagan administration basically pursued and extended the Carter program of support for repression and massacre in El Salvador, while attempting to exploit the tragedy, in the manner of earlier years, for the purposes of their domestic programs of militarization and alms for the wealthy.

He also observes, with reason, that what is happening now in El Salvador is Matanza, Part II, a replay of the vast slaughter of peasants in 1932 when privilege had once before been seriously threatened by the poor, that time without our assistance, hence without the need to invoke the “Soviet drive for world domination.” Something else that we are supposed to believe is that the land reform is marching from strength to strength in accordance with the plans of the “reformist junta,” undermining the appeal of the guerrillas, as reported by Edward Schumacher in the Times while the army was massacring fleeing peasants at the Lempa River (see above, p. 342). One way to assess the success of the land reform would be to ask the opinion of the director of the agrarian reform program, José Rodolfo Viera. That possibility is excluded, however, because he was assassinated by right-wing elements on January 4, 1981. One can, however, inquire of his “former top assistant,” Leonel Gómez, who “fled El Salvador after Mr.


pages: 299 words: 87,059

The Burning Land by George Alagiah

fear of failure, land reform, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Nelson Mandela, out of africa, pre–internet, urban decay, white flight, éminence grise

I was just … we were just wondering if you’d like to come in and talk to the High Commissioner about your concerns.’ ‘No, I wouldn’t like to come in.’ ‘It’s just that Lesedi Motlantshe’s death has shocked us all and we, the government, we’re obviously as keen as anybody to find the culprit and you seemed to suggest there was a link with the government’s land-reform programme.’ ‘Is that what it’s called?’ ‘Excuse me?’ ‘Selling land to foreigners, that’s land reform, is it?’ ‘Getting back to your interview. We were just wondering whether you had any thoughts on who might be responsible for Lesedi Motlantshe’s murder.’ ‘I have plenty of thoughts, my friend, but I’ll keep them to myself. As you know, we’re a neutral organisation.’ ‘You didn’t sound very neutral this morning. Anyhow, if you do have second thoughts, maybe you’ll come to us first.’

He thinks he can frighten me.’ ‘Frighten you, how?’ ‘They’re trying to pin this thing on somebody.’ Kagiso waved his hand towards the church. ‘Anybody.’ ‘But you? Hang on, let me get this straight. From what Maude said you work for a charity, right?’ ‘Right.’ ‘I looked it up, Soil of Africa. It campaigns for land reform.’ ‘Right,’ he replied abruptly. ‘Christ! Kagiso! I’m not reading out a checklist.’ ‘What do you want to know? You’ve seen the website. We campaign for land reform, not the kind that people like Willemse want. We oppose foreign ownership, we oppose our own corporations squeezing out the people who actually live on the land, and we find lawyers to defend people forced off what they thought was their land. Last time I looked, it didn’t say anything about murdering people.’ ‘For God’s sake!

‘Over a hundred journalists follow us,’ she whispered, ‘so, no, quite a few of these faces are new to me. I think the business press are here in force, though – that’s the woman from the FT by the aisle in the front row. There’s bound to be questions about land reform so just stick to the bullet points we discussed earlier.’ She handed him a sheaf of papers. ‘That’s a reporter from the Today programme. You spoke to them a few days ago so he’s bound to ask you how you could have known days ago that the murder was linked to agitation over land reform.’ Was that just six days earlier? It felt like a lifetime to Anton. He didn’t know whether to stay sitting or stand up. There was a lectern next to the table. He decided to stay where he was. ‘Another thing,’ the woman said, wrapping her hand around the microphone.


pages: 334 words: 82,041

How Did We Get Into This Mess?: Politics, Equality, Nature by George Monbiot

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Alfred Russel Wallace, bank run, bilateral investment treaty, Branko Milanovic, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, collective bargaining, Corn Laws, creative destruction, credit crunch, David Attenborough, dematerialisation, demographic transition, drone strike, en.wikipedia.org, first-past-the-post, full employment, Gini coefficient, hedonic treadmill, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), investor state dispute settlement, invisible hand, land reform, land value tax, market fundamentalism, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mont Pelerin Society, moral panic, Naomi Klein, Northern Rock, obamacare, oil shale / tar sands, old-boy network, peak oil, place-making, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, rent-seeking, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, urban sprawl, wealth creators, World Values Survey

At the 2008 global Food Summit in Rome, he was the only leader to speak of ‘the importance … of land in agricultural production and food security’.1 Countries should follow Zimbabwe’s lead, he said, in democratising ownership. Of course the old bastard has done just the opposite. He has evicted his opponents and given land to his supporters. He has failed to support the new settlements with credit or expertise, with the result that farming in Zimbabwe has collapsed. The country was in desperate need of land reform when Mugabe became president. It remains in desperate need of land reform today. But he is right in theory. Though the rich world’s governments won’t hear it, the issue of whether or not the world will be fed is partly a function of ownership. This reflects an unexpected discovery. It was first made in 1962 by the Nobel economist Amartya Sen, and has since been confirmed by dozens of further studies.2 There is an inverse relationship between the size of farms and the amount of crops they produce per hectare.

The Child Inside 1Jay Griffiths, 2013, Kith: The Riddle of the Childscape, Penguin Books, London. 2Stephen Moss, 2012, Natural Childhood, nationaltrust.org.uk. 3Department for Communities and Local Government, 27 March 2012, National Planning Policy Framework, gov.uk. 4Communities and Local Government Committee, 9 December 2014, Fourth Report, parliament.uk. 5Please see the 1997 report Child’s Play: Facilitating Play on Housing Estates by the Chartered Institute of Housing and the Joseph Rowntree Foundation for an excellent summary of what child-centred design might involve, at jrf.org.uk. 6Scottish Government, December 2014, A Consultation on the Future of Land Reform in Scotland: Annex A, gov.scot; Land Reform Review Group, 2014, ‘The Land of Scotland and the Common Good’, scotland.gov.uk. 7Department for Communities and Local Government, 8 May 2015, 2010 to 2015 Government Policy: Localism, gov.scot. 8See Stuart Gulliver and Steven Tolson, 2013, Delivering Great Places to Live: 10 Propositions Aimed at Transforming Placemaking in Scotland, University of Glasgow, RICS, lanscapeinstitute.org. 9.

You Should Be’, theguardian.com. 14Robert Booth et al., 3 July 2004, ‘Tory Summer Party Drew Super-Rich Supporters with Total Wealth of £11bn’, theguardian.com. 15For more on this, see Ramsay, 42 Reasons to Support Scottish Independence. 49. Highland Spring 1James Hunter et al., July 2013, 432:50: Towards a Comprehensive Land Reform Agenda for Scotland, House of Commons Scottish Affairs Committee, parliament.uk. 2Simon Johnson, 30 November 2014, ‘“Future bleak” for Grouse Shooting and Deer Stalking’, telegraph.co.uk. 3Andy Wightman, 26 November 2014, ‘Land Reform; The Wait Is Over’ andywightman.com. 4Defra has tried to pass this off as payments for ‘moorland farmers’, but all owners of grazed or managed moorlands, of which grouse moors are a major component, are eligible: see ‘CAP Boost for Moorland’, 25 April 2014, gov.uk. 5Rajeev Syal, 22 April 2014, ‘David Cameron Blasted over Shotgun Licence Fees Veto’, theguardian.com. 6This assumes that a house in Blackburn valued at £69,000 in 1991 would cost around £200,000 today; see Blackburn with Daren Council, ‘Council Tax Charges for 2015–16’, blackburn.gov.uk; see also Ian Jack, 29 March 2014, ‘Why Do We Pay More Tax than Oligarch in Knightsbridge Palaces?’


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The Land Grabbers: The New Fight Over Who Owns the Earth by Fred Pearce

activist lawyer, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, big-box store, blood diamonds, British Empire, Buy land – they’re not making it any more, Cape to Cairo, carbon footprint, clean water, corporate raider, credit crunch, Deng Xiaoping, Elliott wave, en.wikipedia.org, energy security, farmers can use mobile phones to check market prices, index fund, Jeff Bezos, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, Mahatma Gandhi, market fundamentalism, megacity, Mohammed Bouazizi, Nelson Mandela, Nikolai Kondratiev, offshore financial centre, out of africa, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, smart cities, structural adjustment programs, too big to fail, undersea cable, urban planning, urban sprawl, WikiLeaks

But, after the Second World War, rumblings of discontent and demands for land reform grew across Uncle Sam’s backyard. In Guatemala, a reformist president, Jacobo Arbenz decided to take on the landed elite, including United Fruit. His reforms began by expropriating 150,000 acres of unused land that the company held along the Atlantic coast. Zemurray was having none of it. United Fruit lobbied against Arbenz, particularly in the United States, where it branded him a Communist fifth columnist. The lobbying was so successful that this time the company didn’t need to hire mercenaries. Instead, in 1954, in one of the more notorious cold war episodes, the CIA sponsored a coup to get rid of Arbenz. And, no doubt coincidentally, to stifle land reforms. One of the coup’s chief architects was Howard Hunt, later famous for his involvement in both the abortive Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961 and the Watergate scandal under Richard Nixon.

But they regarded themselves as completing that war by taking over land still occupied by whites. The chaotic and often violent land reform—much of which was ruled illegal by the country’s supreme court—was played out in graphic detail on TV a decade ago. Many of the outcomes have been disastrous. Many of the new settlers had neither the know-how nor the means to maintain productivity on the land. Agricultural output from large farms collapsed. There followed an economic crisis, growing poverty, and hunger. But, says Ian Scoones of the Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex in England, it was not all bad. Scoones and a team of Zimbabwean colleagues have pieced together what happened in the southeast of the country, Masvingo province, in the decade after the reforms. The resulting book, Zimbabwe’s Land Reforms: Myths and Realities, is a remarkable piece of sustained on-the-ground research, conducted under often difficult conditions.

One of the coup’s chief architects was Howard Hunt, later famous for his involvement in both the abortive Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961 and the Watergate scandal under Richard Nixon. There followed four decades of civil war, during which Guatemala nurtured state terror, right-wing death squads, and what amounted to genocide against Mayan indigenous groups. A U.S.-brokered peace finally broke out in 1996. The peace accords promised land reforms. But the entrenched power of the major landowners has ensured that the reforms have never happened. Less than 2 percent of the population still own 70 percent of the land—bad even by Latin American standards. The world of Keith and Zemurray persists. Today, Guatemala’s fast-growing population of 16 million, half of it Mayan, is mostly penned onto ever smaller plots of land in the southern highlands, while agribusiness dominates the fertile northern lowlands.


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The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program That Shaped Our World by Vincent Bevins

Albert Einstein, American ideology, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, centre right, colonial rule, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Gini coefficient, income inequality, land reform, market fundamentalism, megacity, Nelson Mandela, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, South China Sea, structural adjustment programs, union organizing

Finally and above all, it might spread through the disposition the Latin Americans would have to identify themselves with little Guatemala if the issue should be drawn for them (as it is being drawn for them), not as that of their own security but as a contest between David Guatemala and Uncle Sam Goliath. This latter, I think, is the danger we have most to fear and to guard against.41 The question of land reform was an exemplary and recurring case of “Do as I say, not as I do.” When General MacArthur was running Japan immediately after World War II, he pushed through an ambitious land reform program, and US authorities oversaw redistribution in South Korea in these years as well. In strategic, US-controlled nations, they saw the necessity of breaking up feudal land control in order to build dynamic capitalist economies. But when carried out by leftists or perceived geopolitical rivals—or when threatening US economic interests—land reform was more often than not treated as communist infiltration or dangerous radicalism. The Dulles brothers had worked on Wall Street, and both had actually done work for the United Fruit Company.

A polyglot social campaigner shocked by inequality, she rejected Central American high society, read intensely and widely, and formed links with leftist figures from around Latin America. Árbenz accepted the small but well-organized PGT as a part of his ruling coalition. But Guatemala voted against the Soviet Union’s actions at the UN, and the new president made it clear in his inaugural speech that his goal was to “convert Guatemala with a predominantly feudal economy into a modern capitalist state.”26 This was no small task. When his government passed a 1952 land reform, this effort ran up against very powerful interests. The government began to buy back large, unused land holdings and distribute them to indigenous people and peasants. Processes of these kind were seen by economists around the world as not only a way of benefiting regular people, but of putting the whole country to productive use and unleashing the forces of market enterprise. But the law stipulated that Guatemala would make payments based on the land’s official value, and the United Fruit Company—a US firm that basically controlled the country’s economy for decades—had been criminally undervaluing its holdings to avoid paying taxes.

Short and solidly built with twinkling eyes, Sakono was the kind of guy who rattles off facts and quotes and phrases from foreign languages, smiling the whole time, so excited he may not notice when others may want to talk about something else. He read The People’s Daily, or Harian Rakyat to him, and he started an extracurricular study group under a young member of the PKI, which was engaged in constant outreach in his town. The most important of the PKI programs in his region was carried out by the Indonesian Farmers Alliance (BTI), which sought to enforce peasants’ rights within the existing legal framework and push for land reform. BTI members told Sakono and his family that “the land belongs to those who work it, and it can’t be taken away,” and even more importantly, they surveyed and recorded holdings, made sure laws were enforced, and helped improve agricultural efficiency. Twice a week, Sakono and two of his friends got together for three hours with a man named Sutrisno, a tall, happy-go-lucky party member with brown curly hair, to study basic politics in the Marxist tradition.


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Finance and the Good Society by Robert J. Shiller

Alvin Roth, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Bernie Madoff, buy and hold, capital asset pricing model, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, computer age, corporate governance, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Deng Xiaoping, diversification, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, eurozone crisis, experimental economics, financial innovation, financial thriller, fixed income, full employment, fundamental attribution error, George Akerlof, income inequality, information asymmetry, invisible hand, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, loss aversion, Louis Bachelier, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, market design, means of production, microcredit, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, Nelson Mandela, Occupy movement, passive investing, Ponzi scheme, prediction markets, profit maximization, quantitative easing, random walk, regulatory arbitrage, Richard Thaler, Right to Buy, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, selection bias, self-driving car, shareholder value, Sharpe ratio, short selling, Simon Kuznets, Skype, Steven Pinker, telemarketer, Thales and the olive presses, Thales of Miletus, The Market for Lemons, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, Vanguard fund, young professional, zero-sum game, Zipcar

Bush; he popularized the term in his 2004 reelection campaign. It is an expression of the desirability of the democratization of finance. But the idea goes back much further in history than that. Land Reform In centuries past, when agriculture constituted the bulk of national product, policies to disperse ownership of capital were concentrated on land. Land reforms that encouraged (or forced) landlords to give up their holdings and that distributed farmland took their impetus from the French Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century, which transferred ownership of land from the ancien régime to individual family farms.4 Following this example, there were numerous land reforms in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in Albania, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, China, Colombia, Croatia, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Egypt, El Salvador, Estonia, Ethiopia, Finland, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Hungary, India, Iran, Ireland, Japan, Kenya, Lithuania, Mexico, Namibia, Nicaragua, Peru, the Philippines, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, South Africa, South Korea, Syria, Taiwan, Venezuela, Vietnam, and Zimbabwe.

Land reforms that encouraged (or forced) landlords to give up their holdings and that distributed farmland took their impetus from the French Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century, which transferred ownership of land from the ancien régime to individual family farms.4 Following this example, there were numerous land reforms in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in Albania, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, China, Colombia, Croatia, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Egypt, El Salvador, Estonia, Ethiopia, Finland, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Hungary, India, Iran, Ireland, Japan, Kenya, Lithuania, Mexico, Namibia, Nicaragua, Peru, the Philippines, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, South Africa, South Korea, Syria, Taiwan, Venezuela, Vietnam, and Zimbabwe. These land reforms, while sometimes imposed harshly, did usually represent real social progress, and they helped economic growth. For example, the South Korean postwar economic growth miracle has been attributed to that country’s land reform and the resulting lessening of income inequality after the Japanese occupiers were expelled with the end of World War II. The South Korean Agricultural Land Reform Amendment Act (ALRAA) of 1950 speci ed that anyone could own agricultural land but only if he or she actually farmed it, set at three hectares the maximum amount of agricultural land that any one individual could own, and prohibited tenancy arrangements and landrenting.

The landlords’ position in Korean society was growing untenable because they were generally viewed as having been complicit with the Japanese occupiers, and many even began to fear for their personal safety. The end result was that wealth was extracted from the South Korean landlords (in a more peaceful way than in China or North Korea after the communist revolutions there) to lower inequality, e ect a modernization of Korean society, and launch that country’s economic miracle.5 The United States has a long and unusual history of land reform since it had available vast undeveloped public lands. Andrew Johnson, Horace Greeley, and others argued that ownership of one’s own farm was healthy for democracy. Their e orts led to the passage of the Homestead Act of 1862, which divided up public lands and sold small farms to individual families. The act was passed during the U.S. Civil War, after southern votes representing the plantation system had been removed from Congress.


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Home: Why Public Housing Is the Answer by Eoin Ó Broin

Airbnb, carbon footprint, Celtic Tiger, financial deregulation, housing crisis, Kickstarter, land reform, mortgage debt, negative equity, open economy, passive investing, quantitative easing, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, the built environment

This core demand became the focus of a four-year campaign during which the Land League opposed evictions and rent increases while attempting to secure legislative reform in Westminster. Concerned by the rising levels of political and social agitation, the British Government eventually responded with a series of land reforms which over the next decades redistributed huge tracts of rural Ireland from landlords to tenant farmers. The Kilmainham Treaty settlement between Parnell and Gladstone may have demobilised the movement and angered the radicals, Davitt included, but its outcome was to prove as important to the development of Irish society in the twentieth century as many of the better known historical events. Land Reform and Rural Housing While the 1870 Landlord and Tenant (Ireland) Act sought to quell the rising tide of rural protest, its measures were weak and outpaced by events. It was not until the 1881 Land Act that real reform got underway.

Typeset in Classical Garamond BT 11/15 pt Cover front and back: Architect: 24H-architecture, Rotterdam; Boris Zeisser and Maartje Lammers. Copyright images: Boris Zeisser. Back-cover photo of the author by Mark Nixon, www.marknixon.com. All royalties from this book will be donated to Inner City Helping Homeless. Contents Acknowledgements Deficiencies and Terminology Preface Overture Inadequate Language Real People A Dysfunctional System MOVEMENT ONE The State Gets Involved Modern Housing Land Reform and Rural Housing Urban Housing Free State – The First Decade New Government, Similar Policy A Reforming Coalition Social Housing’s High Point Conclusion MOVEMENT TWO The State Walks Away Recession and Retrenchment Reduction and Residualisation The End of Asset-Based Welfare Letting Private Finance In A New Consensus House Prices Explode Ignoring Good Advice The Housing Bubble Bursts Social Housing Strategy 2020 The Dáil Housing and Homeless Committee New Minister, New Department, New Plan Minister Coveney’s Record – July 2016 to June 2017 Minister Murphy’s Record – June 2017 to December 2018 Conclusion MOVEMENT THREE The Return of the State?

Padraic Kenna notes that prior to the enactment of this raft of legislation ‘13,000 landlords owned and controlled the whole rural area of Ireland’ while by 1920 ‘316,000 holdings were purchased by tenants on some 11.5 million acres … Some 750,000 acres were also distributed to 35,000 allottees, and 10,000 holdings were created from intermixed or rundale lands, mainly through the Congested Districts Board.’5 Alongside land reform, political pressure from the Land League and Irish Parliamentary Party in Westminster forced the Government to introduce a series of Labourers Acts in 1883, 1885, 1891 and 1896. These provided loans for the provision of rural cottages for farmers. There were 16,000 such cottages constructed by 1900 with a total of 36,000 provided for by 1914. In many instances the State subsidised the loans used by labourers to purchase these dwellings by as much as 36 percent.6 The legacy of the Land League was to transform land ownership in Ireland to such an extent that half a million rural families became private land- and homeowners.


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The Atlantic and Its Enemies: A History of the Cold War by Norman Stone

affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, central bank independence, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, illegal immigration, income per capita, interchangeable parts, Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, labour mobility, land reform, long peace, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mitch Kapor, new economy, Norman Mailer, North Sea oil, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, Ponzi scheme, popular capitalism, price mechanism, price stability, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, V2 rocket, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Yom Kippur War, éminence grise

Kennedy, as part of a campaign to limit the appeal of Castro, promoted an ‘Alliance for Progress’, with grants of money for ‘structural reforms’ in Latin America, and the Chilean Christian Democrats promoted land reform, though they did so prudently: carried out too quickly it could damage production. There was a problem for Chile, in that half of the population lived in the central valleys, not in the immense areas to north and south: vast estates on endless tracts of valueless land hardly made any difference, one way or the other, and some of them worked efficiently enough. They would have worked more efficiently, as experience was to show, had Chilean produce been freely bought and sold in the richer markets. But these protected their own agriculture: no-one knew Chilean wines until much later. Over the pace of land reform, the Christian Democrats split three ways, and their alliance with the Right disintegrated, which was the background to the election of Allende.

He sent weaponry to the Republicans when they seemed likely to collapse, and stopped deliveries when they were winning. He also used Catalan nationalism, which the POUM opposed. It was a cunningly played game, and had lessons for the men and women who emerged from the Party schools to take over central Europe. That sophistication was not needed in the Balkans, where there was not much between lord and peasant. There, the choreography was simple, brutal, and short: terrorize any opposition, offer land reform and grant property to new Party members. They were easy enough to recruit: disgruntled peasants (the village bad-hats) and the local minorities, including gypsies. In Romania some of the Hungarian minority were mobilized, and there were always Jews, though not of course the religious Jews, who suffered as much persecution as did other religious. However, even with religion, there were hatreds that could be exploited.

All along there had been friction in the German capital. Almost as soon as they occupied the city, the Russians had flown in old German Communists from Moscow, with an idea of controlling their zone through apparently democratic methods. To start with, the Communists announced that they would co-operate with other anti-Fascist parties and not insist on a full-scale Communist programme. They would, for instance, have a land reform, but one designed to break up the estates of the ‘reactionaries’ and grant land to small farmers (who were expected, as in Poland or the Czech lands, then to support the Communists). But elections did not go their way - hardly surprisingly, since at the time the Red Army had acquired a terrible reputation for looting and raping, and a quarter of the industrial installations of the zone were being dismantled.


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Strange Rebels: 1979 and the Birth of the 21st Century by Christian Caryl

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, financial deregulation, financial independence, friendly fire, full employment, income inequality, industrial robot, Internet Archive, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, liberal capitalism, liberation theology, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Mont Pelerin Society, Neil Kinnock, new economy, New Urbanism, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Pearl River Delta, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special economic zone, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, Yom Kippur War

The shah had already announced the first stage of a national land reform—the early stages of the White Revolution—and the clerics were worried that the measure could threaten the financial independence of the religious endowments that owned large amounts of land around the country. The shah’s plans to introduce a Soviet-style “Literacy Corps” also instilled anxiety in the clerics, who wondered whether this was a covert secularization measure designed to undercut the traditionally dominant role of religious scholars as village teachers.11 In reaction to the storm of protest, the prime minister ultimately rescinded the local councils law—at least for the time being. But land reform went ahead. In January 1963 the shah put land reform and five other measures on the ballot in a nationwide referendum.

What particularly inflamed the locals was the newcomers’ insistence that women should take part in the courses, in classrooms that mingled both sexes. Mobs drove the arrogant outsiders away. In some cases the do-gooders then returned with escorts of government troops, and literacy classes then proceeded at bayonet point. The land-reform program similarly ignored the complex skeins of social relations that bound Afghans together in the countryside in a million site-specific ways. Given its extreme topography, hybrid civilizations, and ethnic and social pluralism, Afghanistan has never been a country about which useful generalizations can be made. But this is precisely what the land reform of 1978 entailed. It attempted to impose a one-size-fits-all template on a messy array of situations. It is true that Afghan landlords acted as exploiters—but they were also important organizational centers of society who played religious or social roles as well as economic ones.

Thousands of their activists vanished behind bars, and the party never quite regained its former strength. The White Revolution represented the other major component of the shah’s response to the communist challenge. Having crushed their organization, he would now selectively steal their ideas. On paper, at least, the shah’s program sounded as though it had been lifted from a Marxist-Leninist manifesto: sweeping land reform, state-sponsored literacy campaigns, nationalization of forests, the awarding of company shares to the workers. In practice, of course, many of these positive-sounding measures were undermined by corruption, nepotism, and bad planning—in other words, by the very nature of the regime they were supposed to be changing for the better. Yet the White Revolution, fueled by rising oil revenues, did succeed on many fronts.


Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy by Daron Acemoğlu, James A. Robinson

Andrei Shleifer, British Empire, business cycle, colonial rule, conceptual framework, constrained optimization, Corn Laws, declining real wages, Edward Glaeser, European colonialism, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, Jean Tirole, John Markoff, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, minimum wage unemployment, Nash equilibrium, Nelson Mandela, oil shock, open economy, Pareto efficiency, rent-seeking, strikebreaker, total factor productivity, transaction costs, Washington Consensus, William of Occam, women in the workforce

When land is taken from big landowners and redistributed to agrarian workers, the loss of efficiency may not be significant and, in fact, according to some estimates, there might even be a gain in efficiency because many of the big farms are owned by 304 Economic Structure and Democracy major landowners who farm more land than is efficient (Binswanger, Deininger, and Feder 1995 discuss evidence that land reforms may have efficiency gains; Besley and Burgess 2000 show that land reforms in India have had little adverse effect on aggregate economic performance). This suggests that land reform is often an attractive policy tool for democracies to achieve their fiscal objectives without creating major distortions. Naturally, this implies a greater burden of democracy on landowners than on capital owners. This consideration implies that when land is a more important asset of the rich, they have more to fear from democracy and typically they expect greater redistribution away from them and a greater burden. p p This could be captured by our result that τ K < τ L .

Nevertheless, the First Duma had a left majority consisting of Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, Bolsheviks, Octobrists, and members of the Constitutional Democrat Party. At their first meeting in May 1906, members of the Duma put forward a series of demands, including the release of political prisoners, trade-union rights, and land reform. Nicholas II rejected all these proposals and dissolved the Duma in July 1906. In April 1906, Nicholas II had forced Witte to resign and replaced him with the more conservative Peter Stolypin. Stolypin attempted to provide a balance between the introduction of much needed social reforms, such as land reform, and the suppression of the radicals. Elections for the Second Duma took place in 1907. Stolypin made changes to the electoral law and used his powers to exclude large numbers from voting. The new electoral law also gave better representation to the nobility and greater power to large landowners to the detriment of the peasants.

He quotes a senior Communist official as saying . . . the system [private property] is far from perfect. . . . However, we have been obliged to stick to it because our entire political action among the peasants is based upon the right of each to individual property. We would have risked losing their support had we stopped breaking up landholdings. (p. 241) The fact that one goal of the revolution was radical land reform and that land could be redistributed to those who took part and withheld from those who did not allowed the Viet Minh to use the strategy of exclusion to encourage people to take part in collective action. Part of the strategy of the Viet Minh for solving the collective-action problem was also to exploit existing social networks and community institutions: “The Communists were forming small self-help fraternal organizations, one-fourth of whose members had been political prisoners.


From Peoples into Nations by John Connelly

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, Cass Sunstein, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, German hyperinflation, Gini coefficient, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, joint-stock company, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, liberal capitalism, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, oil shock, old-boy network, open borders, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Peace of Westphalia, profit motive, purchasing power parity, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Chicago School, trade liberalization, Transnistria, union organizing, upwardly mobile, wikimedia commons, women in the workforce

By contrast, Wyzwolenie was revolutionary, reflecting the desperate conditions of political life in tsarist Russia. Piast, under former Austrian Reichsrat deputy Wincenty Witos, became a center-right machine party that brokered most of the coalitions of the six years of Polish parliamentary rule. Because of the many Ukrainians in its home base of Galicia, the party did not support land reform that might weaken the “Polish element.” Wyzwolenie by contrast favored radical land reform and sympathized with the interests of ethnic minorities. Until the Polish economic situation became dire in the 1930s, the two peasant parties did not cooperate. These divisions among Poles, aggravated by ethnic complexity, resulted in political chaos. Though Poles made up almost 70 percent of the population (in contrast to Czechs, who were just half of the Czechoslovak population), they failed to cooperate across political divides, and from 1921 to 1926, Poland endured fourteen cabinets.

The recipients amounted to three-quarters of those who had requested plots. 57. One thousand had a quarter of all land, and the Catholic Church had 500,000 hectares. 58. Hoensch, History, 169–170; N. G. Papp, “The Political Context of the Hungarian Land Reform of 1945: A Reassessment,” Historian 46:3 (May 1984), 385–387, 395. 59. Kenez, Hungary, 107. 60. Papp, “Political Context,” 392. Retroactive to January 1, 1946. That is, there could be no appeals on lands distributed before that date. 61. Kenez, Hungary, 112; Papp, “Political Context,” 388. 62. Papp, “Political Context,” 388–389. 63. In the fall of 1945, the Smallholders campaigned against abuses of land reform, especially by Communist-dominated land-distribution committees. Papp, “Political Context,” 391. 64. See the images in Andrzej Paczkowski, Zdobycie władzy: 1945–1947 (Warsaw, 1993), 30. 65.

Anti-Semitism was a lazy habit that had started as a choice, but the group doing the choosing was so vast, its understandings so unquestioned, that it eluded simple objections that would have been logically devastating. For example, liberal politicians claimed that they had to stem a flood of Jewish immigration to avoid becoming “helots” in their own land, tied to Jewish creditors.73 Yet in fact, liberals owned little agricultural land and were not dependent on loans. Had the elite really wanted to strengthen Romania as a society, the simplest path would have been land reform, making mostly landless peasants into farmers with an interest in profit and productivity. But it was easier to ascribe Romania’s socioeconomic backwardness to the supposedly harmful Jewish middlemen—tax collectors, merchants, money-changers—positions projected as exploitative, not productive, and allegedly proving that Jews could only “live from the fruits of labor of other peoples.” By definition, the only “productive” class was the peasantry, while city populations consisted of mixed elements, some Romanian, some inassimilable “Yids.”


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Two Nations, Indivisible: A History of Inequality in America: A History of Inequality in America by Jamie Bronstein

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, back-to-the-land, barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, blue-collar work, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate personhood, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gini coefficient, income inequality, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, labor-force participation, land reform, land tenure, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, moral panic, mortgage debt, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, obamacare, occupational segregation, Occupy movement, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price discrimination, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, Scientific racism, Simon Kuznets, single-payer health, strikebreaker, too big to fail, trade route, transcontinental railway, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, trickle-down economics, universal basic income, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, wage slave, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, Works Progress Administration

Corruption of morals in the mass of cultivators is a phenomenon of which no age nor nation has furnished an example.”68 Farmers could always depend on the soil to support themselves and their families without slavish dependence on wages. Mentally surveying the North American continent, and familiar with the farming capabilities of the average eighteenth-century family, Jefferson expected that the United States would have little to worry about in this regard for thousands of generations.69 Jefferson even drafted legislation to grant each Virginia resident 75 acres of free land upon marriage.70 The working-class land reformers described in Chapter 2 quoted Jefferson avidly; they loved his notion of “the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God.”71 But ironically, Jefferson’s agrarianism did not really imply equality. To make his worldview at all consistent, Jefferson had to exclude people of African heritage from “the mass of mankind.”

A “free homestead” is perfectly consistent with the Jeffersonian vision of small independent producers, but it requires (obviously unjust) redistribution from Native Americans who own the land to landless workers, and a massive government “welfare” program to implement.67 James Huston has divided antebellum American political economists into “free traders,” who thought abundant free land could create equal opportunity without government intervention, and protectionists, who called for government intervention like protective tariffs. The movement to obtain free land for actual settlers sits uncomfortably in the space in between. The land reformers called for large-scale government intervention in order to distribute the land. Then, the land would provide enough independence so that homesteaders could resist government control.68 The long history of squatting in the American West also shows that individuals eagerly asserted claims to resources. Settlers moved onto land past the surveyed boundary of the states and asserted moral claims by tilling the soil and building shelters.

Organizations like the Knights of Labor and the Populist movement exerted ideological pressure for social change and greater equality of condition, but they were fragmented by racial and ethnic tensions. RECONSTRUCTION The new inequality of the late nineteenth century converged on the United States from several different directions, one of which was the handling of the postwar southern economy. The Civil War left approximately 4 million enslaved African Americans nominally free but able to make very few social or economic choices. As the American land reformers had predicted, freed African Americans equated independence with landownership, and during the Civil War, the Union experimented with redistributing Confederate land to freed slaves. Radical Republicans in Congress proposed a program of dividing confiscated Confederate lands from 70,000 rebel leaders into small farms. Each family would receive up to 40 acres of land and seed money from the federal government.


Killing Hope: Us Military and Cia Interventions Since World War 2 by William Blum

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bolshevik threat, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, kremlinology, land reform, liberation theology, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, nuremberg principles, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, trickle-down economics, union organizing

"With half the wealth of the nation 'up for grabs', demoralization was rapid."24 While the Russians did a thorough house-cleaning of Koreans in the North who had collaborated with the Japanese, the American military government in the South allowed many collaborators, and at first even the Japanese themselves, to retain positions of administration and authority, much to the consternation of those Koreans who had fought against the Japanese occupation of their country. To some extent, these people may have been retained in office because they were the most experienced at keeping the country running. Another reason has been suggested: to prevent the Korean People's Republic from assuming a measure of power.25 And while the North soon implemented widespread and effective land reform and at least formal equality for women, the Rhee regime remained hostile to these ideals. Two years later, it enacted a land reform measure, but this applied only to former Japanese property. A 1949 law to covet other holdings was not enforced at all, and the abuse of land tenants continued in both old and new forms.26 Public resentment against the US/Rhee administration was aroused because of these policies as well as because of the suppression of the KPR and some very questionable elections.

They failed to do so, thus revealing where the basis of their criticism lay.12 The party formed by the Communists, the Guatemalan Labor Party, held four seats in Congress, the smallest component of Arbenz's ruling coalition which commanded a total of 51 seats in the 1953-54 legislature.13 Communists held several important sub-cabinet posts but none was ever appointed to the cabinet. In addition, there were Communists employed in the bureaucracy, particularly in the administration of land reform.14 Lacking anything of substance they could accuse the Guatemalan left of, Washington officials were reduced to condemnation by semantics. Thus, communists, unlike normal human beings, did not take jobs in the government—they "infiltrated" the government. Communists did not support a particular program—they "exploited" it. Communists did not back Arbenz—they "used" him. Moreover, communists "controlled" the labor movement and land reform—but what type of person is it who devotes himself in an under-developed country to furthering the welfare of workers and peasants? None other than the type that Washington calls "communist".

Amongst American policy makers, there were those who came to the routine conclusion that the Huks were thus no more than a tool of the International Communist Conspiracy, to be opposed as all such groups were to be opposed. Others in Washington and Manila, whose reflexes were less knee-jerk, but mote cynical, recognized that the Huk movement, if its growing influence was not checked, would lead to sweeping reforms of Philippine society. The centerpiece of the Huk political program was land reform, a crying need in this largely agricultural society. (On occasion, US officials would pay lip-service to the concept, but during SO years of American occupation, nothing of the sort had been carried out.) The other side of the Huk coin was industrialization, which the United States had long thwarted in order to provide American industries with a veritable playground in the Philippines. From the Huks' point of view, such changes were but prologue to raising the islanders from their state of backwardness, from illiteracy, grinding poverty, and the diseases of poverty like tuberculosis and beri-beri.


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The Divide: A Brief Guide to Global Inequality and Its Solutions by Jason Hickel

Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, Atahualpa, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Sanders, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Cape to Cairo, capital controls, carbon footprint, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, David Attenborough, David Graeber, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, dematerialisation, Doha Development Round, Elon Musk, European colonialism, falling living standards, financial deregulation, Fractional reserve banking, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, Hans Rosling, happiness index / gross national happiness, Howard Zinn, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), investor state dispute settlement, James Watt: steam engine, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land value tax, liberal capitalism, Live Aid, Mahatma Gandhi, Monroe Doctrine, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, out of africa, plutocrats, Plutocrats, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, The Spirit Level, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transfer pricing, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce, Works Progress Administration

East Asia was busy doing something similar, using infant industry subsidies to build strong businesses in a protected economy, grooming them to the point where they were capable of competing and succeeding against their Western counterparts. All of these strategies relied on relatively high trade tariffs on foreign goods, restrictions on foreign capital flows and limits on foreign ownership of national assets. Land reform was often a central part of the package. And in many cases, governments sought to nationalise natural resources and key industries in order to ensure that their citizens benefited from them as much as possible. These developmentalist policies mimicked the very same measures that the United States and Europe used to such good effect during their own periods of economic consolidation.14 And they worked equally well in the global South, delivering high per capita income growth rates of 3.2 per cent during the 1960s and 1970s – double or triple what the West achieved during the Industrial Revolution, and more than six times the growth rate under colonial rule.15 It was a postcolonial miracle.

Three years later, they formed the G77 to advance their interests and vision at the United Nations, and founded the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), which would develop the principles for a fairer global economy. The South was rising, and leading the way to a better world for the planet’s majority. * One might think that Europe and the United States would be thrilled to watch this success unfold; after all, the new policies that global South countries were rolling out – tariffs, nationalisation, land reform, capital controls – were bringing about real development, and Western governments, in the spirit of Truman, claimed to be in favour of development. But they were not amused. Western states had become accustomed to having easy access to cheap labour, raw materials and consumer markets in global South countries, and the rise of developmentalism was beginning to restrict this access. Import substitution policies meant that Western exporters of consumer goods had to pay high tariffs to sell their products to global South markets.20 Sometimes they found that their products were blocked at customs altogether by nationalist governments intent on protecting local industries.

He introduced a number of pro-poor policies, including new minimum wage laws, as a way of reversing the mass impoverishment that the Ubico regime had produced during the land grabs. After his six-year term, which was marked by unprecedented political freedom and stability, Arévalo stepped down to allow for new elections, which brought one of his ministers, Jacobo Árbenz, to power. Árbenz – known for his Swiss ancestry and nicknamed the Big Blonde – continued the progressive policies of his predecessor, adding a new land reform programme called the Agrarian Reform Act. At the time, fewer than 3 per cent of Guatemalans owned 70 per cent of the land. Árbenz’s plan was to nationalise large tracts of unused private land and redistribute it to landless peasants who had been victims of debt slavery during the Ubico years, to allow them to farm their way out of starvation. Incidentally, some 450,000 acres of the earmarked land belonged to the United Fruit Company.


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Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader: North Korea and the Kim Dynasty by Bradley K. Martin

anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, four colour theorem, illegal immigration, informal economy, kremlinology, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Potemkin village, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, special economic zone, stakhanovite, UNCLOS, upwardly mobile, uranium enrichment, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

Some of the violence came perilously close to Kim. Four days before the land reform decree of March 5, 1946, a would-be assassin threw a grenade at the platform where Kim, with other North Korean officials and Soviet officers, watched a celebration of the anniversary of 1919’s March 1 uprising. A Russian security guard who caught the grenade was seriously injured. A few days later, assassins struck the home of Kim’s relative and former teacher, Methodist pastor Kang Ryang-uk, chief secretary of the provisional government. Kang’s son and daughter and a visiting cleric died in the attack. Soon, however, the authorities captured most of the conspirators and put down other rebellious Northerners.42 Mean-while, a great many disgruntled citizens voted with their feet. Land reform and nationalization of industry drove away a very large percentage of wealthy and educated people who resented the communist program and who could have been expected to put up further resistance if they had stayed.

According to an official biography, “none of the poets and composers assembled there had thought of this until he pointed it out.”56 At celebrations staged all across the country, Kim received direct, personal credit and thanks for the land reform.57 A letter supposedly written by villagers in North Hamgyong Province praised him for liberating the country from the Japanese and then, without even stopping to rest, solving the country’s land problems. “Give us whatever are your orders without hesitation,” the villagers said. “We will never fail to achieve what you order us to do.” Stories the regime disseminated included one about a visit to a village, at the time of land reform, when Kim peeled hot, boiled potatoes and offered one to an old man. “Old Pak Jang-ban, given the first potato, held it in his hands, sobbing, and bo-wed his white-haired head deeply.

“There is evidence that people in the North genuinely feared that they might be hit” with atomic weapons, they write—and “anyone who has seen pictures of the North as it was in the winter of 1950–51 and the destruction of Hungnam (or Inchon), with temperatures falling to minus forty degrees centigrade, with food stocks burned, animals slaughtered and entire villages razed to the ground, might reconsider why people moved.”84 Halliday and Cumings also say that no “important” Workers’ Party officials defected to the South.85 The South had already passed the legislation for a land reform of its own before the invasion. Redistribution, limiting any family to three chongbo or about 7.5 acres, was supposed to take place after the 1950 autumn rice harvest. Once he regained control of the South, Rhee sought to postpone the reform, but he ended up carrying it out. Halliday and Cumings believe that the Northern occupiers’ brief land-reform effort, whatever its shortcomings, had been enough of a success to pressure the Rhee regime into going ahead despite the objections of the landlord class.86 Still, one key to the intensity of Southern anti-communism in succeeding years no doubt is the fact that Southerners with obvious leanings toward the North had either gone north or died.


Turning the Tide by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, British Empire, collective bargaining, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, failed state, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, land reform, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Paul Samuelson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

When Arévalo’s term ended in 1951, “the political rift between [the US and Guatemala] was almost complete.” As he left the presidency, Arévalo, recalling his belief in the noble words of President Roosevelt, commented sadly that “Roosevelt lost the war. The real winner was Hitler.”178 The US soon moved to prove the accuracy of these words. Arévalo’s successor, Jacobo Arbenz, attempted to carry Arévalo’s reforms forward, including a successful land reform that led to a rise in exports and a favorable balance of payments by 1954. The land reform not only increased productivity, but “also provided campesinos with their own food, even cash from sales, while involving them in the political system for the first time in 400 years.” But this was not to be. Arbenz attempted to expropriate unused lands held by the United Fruit Company and to hand them over to landless peasants, offering compensation based on the company’s fraudulent tax valuation.

Martínez maintained his rule until1944 with bloody repression and corruption while openly siding with European and Japanese fascism through the 1930s—and, in limited ways, introducing some social reforms in the style of his fascist models. Thus a government housing program constructed 3000 houses from 1932 to 1942 while the population of San Salvador alone increased by 80,000, and 0.25% of the population received land (including squatters, required to pay for the land on which they lived or be expelled) in a land reform program. There was little support for the 1944 coup attempt by labor, the peasantry or the urban poor, who had been traumatized by the Matanza.2 All of this was during the peak years of the Good Neighbor policy, which was to replace the earlier rampant US military interventionism. Its exalted rhetoric concealed something rather different. The lessons taught once again by these events have been learned and relearned throughout Central America, and not only there, for many years.

“José Napoleón Duarte, however, joined the junta and, in December 1980, became its president—exercising little influence but providing the armed forces, which were slaughtering Salvadoran civilians by the tens of thousands in 1980 and 1981, with an effective public relations spokesman,” the role he has continued to play since, to mounting applause in the US as the slaughter seemed to be achieving some results.40 By early 1980, the stage was set for outright war against the population. The Archbishop was assassinated in March; the war against the peasantry began in full force in May with major massacres, under the guise of “land reform”; the university was destroyed in June; the leadership of the political opposition was murdered in November; the independent media were terrorized and eliminated; and in general the popular organizations were crushed with large-scale killings and torture (accompanied by the silence of the US press). The threat of democracy was aborted, so that soon it became possible to contemplate “elections.”


pages: 91 words: 26,009

Capitalism: A Ghost Story by Arundhati Roy

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Bretton Woods, corporate governance, feminist movement, Frank Gehry, ghettoisation, Howard Zinn, informal economy, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, megacity, microcredit, Nelson Mandela, neoliberal agenda, Occupy movement, RAND corporation, reserve currency, special economic zone, spectrum auction, stem cell, The Chicago School, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks

As always, local people are promised that their displacement from their land and the expropriation of everything they ever had is actually part of employment generation. But by now we know that the connection between GDP growth and jobs is a myth. After twenty years of “growth,” 60 percent of India’s workforce is self-employed, and 90 percent of India’s labor force works in the unorganized sector.11 Post-Independence, right up to the 1980s, people’s movements, ranging from the Naxalites to Jayaprakash Narayan’s Sampoorna Kranti, were fighting for land reforms, for the redistribution of land from feudal landlords to landless peasants. Today any talk of redistribution of land or wealth would be considered not just undemocratic but lunatic. Even the most militant movements have been reduced to a fight to hold on to what little land people still have. The millions of landless people, the majority of them Dalits and Adivasis, driven from their villages, living in slums and shanty colonies in small towns and megacities, do not figure even in the radical discourse.

The ANC soon turned on the more radical organizations like Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness movement and more or less eliminated it. When Nelson Mandela took over as South Africa’s first Black president, he was canonized as a living saint, not just because he is a freedom fighter who spent twenty-seven years in prison but also because he deferred completely to the Washington Consensus. Socialism disappeared from the ANC’s agenda. South Africa’s great “peaceful transition,” so praised and lauded, meant no land reforms, no demands for reparation, no nationalization of South Africa’s mines. Instead there was privatization and structural adjustment. Mandela gave South Africa’s highest civilian award—the Order of Good Hope—to his old friend and supporter General Suharto, the killer of communists in Indonesia. Today in South Africa, a clutch of Mercedes-driving former radicals and trade unionists rule the country.

Sakthivel and Pinaki Joddar, “Unorganised Sector Workforce in India: Trends, Patterns and Social Security Coverage,” Economic and Political Weekly, May 27, 2006, 2107–14. 12. “India Approves Increase in Royalties on Mineral Mining,” Wall Street Journal, August 12, 2009, http://online.wsj.com/article/ SB125006823591525437.html. 13. From a 2009 Ministry of Rural Development report titled “State Agrarian Relations and Unfinished Task of Land Reforms,” commissioned by the Government of India: “The new approach came about with the Salwa Judum. . . . [Its] first financiers . . were Tata and the Essar. . . . 640 villages as per official statistics were laid bare, burnt to the ground and emptied with the force of the gun and the blessings of the state. 350,000 tribals, half the total population of Dantewada district are displaced, their womenfolk raped, their daughters killed, and their youth maimed.


The China Mission: George Marshall's Unfinished War, 1945-1947 by Daniel Kurtz-Phelan

anti-communist, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, clean water, Deng Xiaoping, facts on the ground, failed state, haute couture, land reform, long peace, South China Sea

He put in place pieces of a modern state: common currency, updated laws, expanded education. There were problems, to be sure. Unity rested on deals with opportunistic warlords and regional leaders, and was held together with corruption, cajoling, and violence. Control required playing faction against faction, maintaining constant suspicion, and frequently privileging loyalty over effectiveness. Supposed commitments to measures such as land reform—the foremost demand of the rural masses—were blocked by reactionary supporters. But whatever the unstable and unsavory alliances, whatever Chiang’s autocratic tendencies, the achievements were real. “After a long waiting and desperate search,” admitted a former opponent, “we, to our great joy, have at long last found our Leader.” Chiang had also found a partner in his cause. After years of infatuation, he persuaded Soong Mei-ling, a sister of Sun Yat-sen’s widow, to become his third wife.

“He must be or he wouldn’t be alive.” Chiang sidelined effective generals or governors who grew too strong, and protected venal or incompetent ones. He made deals with warlords. He tolerated conspicuous corruption, though few observers thought him personally corrupt—his love of power, one said, did not extend to its trappings. He ignored abuses by supportive landlords, despite recognizing the need for land reform as “the most fundamental problem of China.” He prized loyalty, trusted few, stayed always suspicious. Before World War II, an envoy from Nazi Germany had registered Chiang’s interest in “how our party leadership succeeds to maintain such strict discipline among its followers and takes harsh measures against dissidents or opponents.” Wedemeyer, a defender, wrote an assessment before Marshall’s arrival.

Sulzberger consented, and in mid-May Durdin joined Marshall’s staff, his paychecks still coming from the newspaper. Shortly after, a message arrived from Eisenhower, now back in Washington. “I sent you a letter on the Pinehurst proposition,” Eisenhower’s note read. “Courier was more than pleased to have my report.” As Marshall thought about his future, Mao was initiating a new step on the way to his revolution. A directive went to Communist cadres: they were to adopt a more aggressive approach to land reform in areas they controlled. Until now, the tactically agile Mao had focused on reducing rural rent and debt. (While rural China was technically not “feudal,” the term often used to describe it, most farmers spent their lives struggling to get by, cruelly beholden to landlords, lenders, and tax collectors.) His new approach was more radical: take land from those who have it and give it to those who do not.


pages: 371 words: 98,534

Red Flags: Why Xi's China Is in Jeopardy by George Magnus

3D printing, 9 dash line, Admiral Zheng, Asian financial crisis, autonomous vehicles, balance sheet recession, banking crisis, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business process, capital controls, carbon footprint, Carmen Reinhart, cloud computing, colonial exploitation, corporate governance, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, demographic dividend, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial repression, fixed income, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, high net worth, hiring and firing, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, industrial robot, Internet of things, invention of movable type, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, land reform, Malacca Straits, means of production, megacity, money market fund, moral hazard, non-tariff barriers, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, old age dependency ratio, open economy, peer-to-peer lending, pension reform, price mechanism, purchasing power parity, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, reserve currency, rising living standards, risk tolerance, smart cities, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, special economic zone, speech recognition, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, trade route, urban planning, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce, working-age population, zero-sum game

This does not bode well for the future of SOE reform, and suggests that they will become bigger and more focused on political strategy than on commercial efficiency. Land and Hukou Rural land reform has been an ongoing feature of Chinese economic development going back to Mao but its significance continues to rise in a country where urbanisation is growing quickly. Although the rural population amounts to just 44 per cent of the total, compared with 64 per cent in 2000, and 82 per cent in 1978, over 600 million people are still classified as comprising the rural population. Their significance in Chinese society and in the economy remains considerable. Land reform is not only about efficiency in the countryside on farms and in rural enterprises, but is an essential component of China’s urbanisation strategy. In recent years, land reform and urbanisation strategies have been rolled out slowly and in pilot form.

Less than two years after the third plenum, China launched Made in China 2025, an industrial policy strategy that sets the country on a path to speed up and realise major changes in modern and advanced manufacturing with a strong emphasis on Chinese prowess and origination.11 We will look at Chinese industrial policy a little more in Chapter 7 when considering options to avoid the middle-income trap. The goal of financial liberalisation has been pursued by and large, though with some setbacks since 2015. Yet in other areas, reform progress has been disappointing, or actually gone into reverse. These include SOE reform, land reform, hukou reform, social security reform and a slew of proposals to change policies affecting investment, competition and the central–local government division of fiscal responsibilities and new forms of raising revenue. Water scarcity, which is increasingly pressing, is hardly aired as a matter of urgency. Some of these issues are examined below. One reform that was announced with great fanfare and which was fairly simple to implement was the decision to formally abandon the one-child policy, introduced in 1979.

There are still over 600 million people classified as rural inhabitants, and United Nations Population Division estimates suggest that as urbanisation proceeds, their numbers will fall to 500 million by 2025 and 335 million by 2050. Look a little more deeply, though, and it appears that China may be a lot closer to running out of productive workers than meets the eye. The slow or limited progress in relaxing urban hukou eligibility in large cities, to which rural migrants want to go, is one constraint. The shortcomings of land reforms and other measures that might give farmers and rural migrants greater financial security when they left the countryside is another. Demographic factors constitute still further reasons for caution. According to the IMF, the core of the WAP, men and women aged twenty to thirty-nine, has already started to shrink, very likely depriving China of most of its supply of low-cost workers quite soon, probably between 2020 and 2025.13 Moreover, the labour market in the countryside is in flux because the main characteristics of the population are changing.


Crisis and Dollarization in Ecuador: Stability, Growth, and Social Equity by Paul Ely Beckerman, Andrés Solimano

banking crisis, banks create money, barriers to entry, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, carried interest, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, currency peg, declining real wages, disintermediation, financial intermediation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Gini coefficient, income inequality, income per capita, labor-force participation, land reform, London Interbank Offered Rate, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, open economy, pension reform, price stability, rent-seeking, school vouchers, seigniorage, trade liberalization, women in the workforce

Ecuador’s agrarian structure was fundamentally altered by the land reforms of the 1960s and 1970s, with important implications for gender-specific property rights and agricultural production. In the case of the Sierra, prior to the enactment of the Agrarian Reform Law of 1964, land and labor relations were dominated by the huasipungo system, in which large, privately owned farms retained semi-tied labor to engage in generally low-technology crop and livestock production. Under the 1964 law, huasipungueros who had occupied the same plot for at least 10 years became entitled to ownership, and haciendas larger than 800 hectares (plus 1,000 hectares of pasture) were subject to expropriation. Land was adjudicated to household heads only, and although gender-disaggregated data on land reform beneficiaries do not exist, it is clear that the vast majority who received land—in both individual (parcela) and collective (comuna/cooperativa) forms—were men. 35.

In 1960 Velasco was elected to his fourth term as president, promising to confront the economic downturn. Declining government revenue made it impossible for him to make good on his electoral promises, however, and he was forced to resign just over halfway through his term. Soon afterwards the military took power themselves, announcing that this time they intended to retain power long enough to carry out modernizing reforms. In 1964 this government enacted a land reform that significantly changed land tenancy in the Sierra, although it preserved commercial holdings in the Costa. Persisting low commodity-export prices, however, made it no less difficult for the military government to manage the economy and the fiscal accounts effectively. Unable to agree on a policy program to confront the economic malaise, and increasingly unpopular because of political repression, the military decided to step down in 1966.

Gender patterns of land ownership in Ecuador vary by region, with land ownership being much more egalitarian in the Sierra than in the Costa (see table 5.6). In the case of the former, despite an initial male bias in land distribution, evidence suggests that traditional forms of equal male and female inheritance—especially among the indigenous Quichuaspeaking population—have begun to equalize ownership of land-reform properties, which are now being passed on to a second generation (Doss 1996).34 A detailed study of Cantón Salcedo in the northern Sierra found that women were as likely as men to own land, either via inheritance or purchase. Moreover, men’s and women’s parcels were roughly equal in size (about two hectares on average) and deeds of purchase were generally jointly registered in the names of both husband and wife (Doss 1996).


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The Divided Nation: A History of Germany, 1918-1990 by Mary Fulbrook

Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, centre right, coherent worldview, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, joint-stock company, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, Peace of Westphalia, Sinatra Doctrine, union organizing, unorthodox policies

As Grosser has pointed out, this transformed Berlin overnight from being perceived as a bastion of Nazism and Prussian militarism to being the symbolic last outpost of freedom and democracy in the western sense, to be protected at all costs. 22 The end of the airlift which amounted to 277,000 flights came when the political division of Germany was effectively accomplished, as will be seen below. It is notable that, in contrast to the Soviet zone, there were no radical transformations in economic structure in the western zones of occupation. In the case of land reform, the argument could be made that there were in any event few large estates to be divided in the west. The Soviets had in their zone the main areas of the Junker estates. Nevertheless, what land reform there might have been in the west was deflected, partly by the representations of interested German land-owners, partly because of lack of clarity and forcefulness in Allied policy-making in this area. In some areas, there were moves for a serious restructuring of the German economy moves which were often met with considerable German resistance, and which did not always achieve lasting changes.

Important, too, were the practical problems of implementation, the unintended effects, and the other considerations which arose to alter the subsequent course of denazification. In no zone did denazification present a simple, clear, consistent story. In the Soviet zone, given the primarily structural and socio-economic interpretation of Nazism which prevailed, major efforts were devoted to the radical transformation of social and economic organization. Apart from the land reform which served to abolish the Junker class, the resources of certain Nazi industrialists were expropriated, and there were reforms of industry and finance which had not merely reparations as their aim. The Soviets were concerned also to oust individual Nazis from important positions. They carried out purges not only in the political and administrative spheres, but also in the teaching profession and the judiciary.

There are many possible relevant aspects, including such topics as the importance of regionalism; here, we shall consider only two: class and religion. There was a radical divergence in the class structure of the two Germanies in a variety of respects, as we have seen above. In relation to East German political culture, of key importance was the early abolition of the old Prussian Junker class, with the Soviet land reform of 1945, and of capitalist industrialists and financiers. While differences of status and privilege were still noticeable in East Germany-based usually on political criteria one consequence of a general levelling of class structure was the development of what has been classified as a predominantly petty bourgeois (kleinbürgerlich) class culture. (As Gaus calls it, the 'society of the small man'.)


pages: 740 words: 217,139

The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution by Francis Fukuyama

Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, California gold rush, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, conceptual framework, correlation does not imply causation, currency manipulation / currency intervention, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, double entry bookkeeping, endogenous growth, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, Hernando de Soto, hiring and firing, invention of agriculture, invention of the printing press, Khyber Pass, land reform, land tenure, means of production, offshore financial centre, out of africa, Peace of Westphalia, principal–agent problem, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Right to Buy, Scramble for Africa, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), spice trade, Stephen Hawking, Steven Pinker, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transaction costs, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game

., a proposal was put forward to limit estates to three thousand mou (a unit of land of approximately 0.165 acre). The proposal died because of opposition by large landowners. Wang Mang, the court official who usurped the throne from the Liu family and brought the Former Han to a close, also tried to implement land reform by nationalizing large estates. But he too faced tremendous opposition and eventually exhausted himself dealing with a peasant uprising known as Red Eyebrows (for the color they painted their brows).9 The failure of Wang Mang’s land reform enabled the patrimonial aristocracy to extend its holdings and consolidate its power when the Later Han was restored. Owners of large estates succeeded in controlling hundreds or thousands of retainers, tenants, and kinsmen; they often commanded private armies as well. They secured tax exemptions for themselves and their dependents, reducing the empire’s tax base and rural population available for corvée labor and military conscription.

They established standing armies that were capable of enforcing rules throughout a defined territory; they created bureaucracies to collect taxes and administer laws; they mandated uniform weights and measures; and they created public infrastructure in the form of roads, canals, and irrigation systems. One state in particular, the kingdom of Qin, embarked on a remarkable modernizing project whose direct target was the kinship-based, patrimonial social order of the early Zhou. It democratized the army by bypassing the warrior aristocrats and directly conscripting masses of peasants, it engaged in large-scale land reform by dispossessing patrimonial landowners and giving land directly to peasant families, and it promoted social mobility by undermining the power and prestige of the hereditary nobility. As “democratic” as these reforms sound, their only purpose was to increase the power of the Qin state and thus create a remorseless dictatorship. The strength of these modern political institutions allowed Qin to defeat all of the other contending states and unify China.

Every one of the institutional innovations undertaken in China during the Eastern Zhou can be linked directly to the requirements of war. The expansion of military service to the general male population, the rise of first a military and then a civilian permanent bureaucracy, the decline of patrimonial officeholders and their replacement by newcomers chosen on the basis of merit, population registration, land reform and the reshuffling of property rights away from patrimonial elites, the growth of better communications and infrastructure, the imposition of a new, impersonal hierarchy of administrative offices, and uniform weights and measures all had their origins in military requirements. While war was not the only engine of state formation in China, it certainly was the major force behind the growth of the first modern states in China.


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The Coffee Book: Anatomy of an Industry From Crop to the Last Drop by Gregory Dicum, Nina Luttinger

California gold rush, clean water, corporate social responsibility, cuban missile crisis, Edward Lloyd's coffeehouse, European colonialism, Honoré de Balzac, illegal immigration, land reform, land tenure, open economy, price stability, Ray Oldenburg, The Great Good Place

All the grand notions of “fair wages, higher living standards, and better working conditions” are nothing more than words when black workers on Portuguese-owned plantations in Angola work with guns at their backs. None of these words will be realized until there is massive land reform throughout the producing countries, but the United States, the most influential importing Member of the ICO, has done its utmost in the past to prevent any such land reform from taking place in Latin America. The large landowners of Africa and Latin America who try to block land reform programmes irrespective of their radical or mildly reformist nature are precisely the owners of the large coffee plantations.11 If the ICA served to prolong the golden moment when huge producers and huge roasters stood shoulder-to-shoulder in the warm glow of virtuous anticommunist prosperity, by the 1980s this ossified arrangement was showing new strains as the world order fundamentally changed around it.

In those countries that endured colonialism, traditional indigenous land-tenure systems were supplanted by top-down structures that gave land rights to the government or to rich, often absentee—and often foreign—landlords. This state of affairs means that small farmers must pay for the use of their own land or be shut out from working their land entirely and serving instead as laborers for others. Land reform has been a recurrent goal of development and workers’ groups throughout the tropics, but the vested interests in these nations are unafraid to enforce their primacy by physically repressive means. Indeed, land inequity has been at the heart of many of the world’s modern conflicts. In one of the most egregious of many such coffee-related conflicts, during the 1932 uprising in El Salvador—a time when 90 percent of the nation’s economy rested on coffee—exploited laborers rose up against the coffee barons and their military henchmen, only to be brutally suppressed.


pages: 188 words: 40,950

The Case for Universal Basic Income by Louise Haagh

back-to-the-land, basic income, battle of ideas, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, bitcoin, blockchain, cryptocurrency, delayed gratification, Diane Coyle, full employment, future of work, housing crisis, income inequality, job-hopping, land reform, low skilled workers, Mark Zuckerberg, mini-job, moral hazard, new economy, offshore financial centre, precariat, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart contracts, trickle-down economics, universal basic income

In Brazil, reliance on six-month contracts forced many training providers, encouraged to forge deep linkages with employer networks, to go bust.47 Hence, today, the costs of means-testing and franchising the public sector are two sides of the same coin, highlighting how short-termism linked with modern austerity tends against building individual and social capability and cost-coherent policy. Economy and Democracy History has shown us that the economic foundations for political democracy shape the scope for inclusive development. The incidence of early land reform in democratization foreshadows the key role in political inclusion basic income can play today. In Nordic states, prior to parliamentary democracy, kings had pursued land redistribution to circumvent aristocratic power, in the process instituting the basis for effective taxation.48 In turn, this reduced elites’ reasons or ability to oppose developmental policies and protections.49 Similarly, land reform and mass literacy preceded political democratization in Japan and South Korea.50 Contrastingly, in the case of India, it is claimed franchise extension at the point of independence in 1947 was required to enable governance of a hierarchical society, subsequently cementing social inequality.51 In Chile, supporting the introduction of democracy after neoliberal reforms required sacrificing the reinstatement of economic rights.52 Similarly, going back to the early formation of capitalism in Britain, it is argued caution ruled against economic democratization at key junctures.

Andrea 186n46 Cory, Giselle 167 cost: basic income 14, 21 public goods 115 Council Tax Benefit 32–3 Coyle, Diane 118, 188n66 credit: repackaged 96 criminalization 76, 79 crowdfunding 107 Cruddas, Jon 165n30 crypto-currencies 108, 184–5n39, 185n42 cumulative advantage 145 D D’Arcy, Marina 186n48 Dahrendorf, Ralf 103, 183n27 Davala, Sarath 187n60, 190n88 debt 58, 65, 78 cumulative 105 and suicide 176n38 democracy 2, 12, 41 direct 93 franchise 52 humanist principles 53, 79 infrastructure of 135 parliamentary 112 and property in 15 reconstruction 3 secret ballot 52 democratic development 16, 38, 93 institutional aspects 16 of money institutions 113 perspective 38, 42 Denmark 2, 6 Department for Work and Pensions, UK 169n73 dependent relations 76 deregulation, policies 7 destitution: material 4 moral 4 see also poverty development: collective 38 democratic 16 developmental commitments 41, 43 inclusive 111, 113 low-skill path 113 marketized 24 planning of 24 policies 7, 38, 112, 120, 122, 133, 136 developmental freedom 59, 62 developmental institutions 59–60, 67, 75, 142, 146 developmental commitments 140 moral logic of 146 systems of 20, 49 developmental integrity, rights 63 developmental security 37, 43 and public policy 82 and rights 92 devil’s deal 115 direct transaction 8, 36 disability 16 disqualifications 27, 70 distribution: basic income 42 democratic 144 fair 36 public 16, 41 diversity: of life style 15 see also choice dividend 1, 47–9, 93, 99, 119 Dorling, Danny 178n59 Durkheim, Emile 103, 183n28 Dutrey, Alexander P. 185n45 Dworkin, Ronald 172n92 E earned income 43, 46 and basic income 15 economic development 36, 39, 137 and institutions 36 economic security: architectural 45 composite, multiple sources 50 structures 80 surveys 5 see also security economics: free market school 3 of human life 37 market equilibrium economics 57 economy: cooperative 2, 67 humanist design 34, 59 low-wage 49, 82 low skills 29 see also governance education: ability sets 82 attainment 90 civic form of 147 class sizes 141 competition in 8, 85 developmental design 141 and employment opportunities 101, 137 equality in 5, 42, 61, 75 examination 54 finance 82 inequality 115 and inequality within gender 75 inferior 64 and labour market inequality 101 and labour market returns 99–100 and poverty 12 and competition processes 64, 84, 103 public investment 42, 144–5 public spending on 157 selection processes 88 shelter from competition 141 stability in 5 see also training 49 efficiency 8, 36 egalitarianism 34, 41 egalitarian norms 124 and social provision 34 strict 41 employability policies 26 employment: and benefit length 26 contract 3 formal 13 insecurity in 78 instability 97 low skill 131 low wage 49 and occupational values 73 precarious 3 rights 86 stability in 97 temporary 149 tribunals 86 vulnerability in 76 and work morale 70 zero-hours contracts 22, 71 see also jobs; occupation England 1, 139 Enlightenment 19 Epidemiology 163n11 and economic security 5, 46, 50, 73, 82, 88–9, 122, 134 equality: civic 137 democratic 3, 93 social 2, 15, 39, 45, 102, 136 in social relations 5, 60, 75–6, 85, 90 strict 43, 45, 171n78 see also civil rights, egalitarianism, inequality Esping-Andersen, Gøsta 21, 121, 166n47, 189n76 European states 19 European Social Survey 11, 117, 165n26, 165n27 eviction 56, 72 existential need 60, 68–9 exit 26, 75, 132, 168n67, 178n53, 188n66 experiments 93, 108–9, 124, 129–30, 151, 152, 167n57 exploitation: in capitalism 137 of employees 85 F family life: planning of 22 services 64, 75 see also care Fichte, Johann G. 104, 184n31 financial crisis, of 21, 25–6, 94, 101, 116, 163n10 financial risk, personification 105 financialization 115–16 Finland 47–8, 81 flexibilization, of work 119 food charities 104 food subsidies 139 Ford, Martin 165n29, 189n75 Forget, Evelyn 175n32, 187n58 France 2, 47–8 franchise 52, 112, 131 Fredrickson, Barbara 177n48 free speech 64 freedom: as alternative life style 41 and autonomy and choice 41 constitutive plurality 63 of contract 86 and control of time 80, 82 and cooperation 59 cooperative 59 developmental 59 developmental equality 15 human development freedom 17, 51, 59, 65 life-long security 37, 44, 148 relational 59 in working life 46 see also human development; liberty Friedman, Milton, 11, 13, 24, 162n3 Fromm, Erich 54, 173n2, 173n3 Functionings 65 G gender equality: and civil war 75 gender relations 75 generational justice 105 Germany 22, 83 getting-stuck syndrome 51, 131 gifts 36 globalization 34, 94, 121, 147–8 global market model 35 globalized competition 116 justifiability of BI 38 Góes, Carlos 182n15, 182n18 Golchert, Johannes 175n31 Goodin, Robert E. 179n62 governance: accounting management 71 and basic income 13, 49 and capabilities 9, 49 cooperative 144 of development 60 of human activities 17 humanist 52–3 inclusive 111 of institutions 60 punitive 67 reactionary 87 and technology 40 H Hayek, Friedrich van 11, 55, 164n21, 173n7 health: conditionality and depression 27 health equality 163n14 impact of status assessment 6 and insecurity 43 mental health 69, 163n11 proving ill health 70 rationing 44, 139 and social security administration 70 universal 52 and universality 49 universality of outcome 42 health equality 163n14 Marmot review into 6 Hebinck, Paul 190n83 Heino, P. 163n10 High Court 89, 180n77 in Britain 89 and stable income security 89 see also Supreme Court Hirsch, Donald 182n23 Hirschman Albert O. 75, 173n6, 178n53 exit and voice 75 loyalty 178n53 Høj, Anne-Kristine 183n24 Høj, Bjørn 190n89–90 homelessness 27, 104, 184n30 Homestead Act 123 see also settlement Hood, Bruce 177n51 Household 18, 31, 33, 81, 89 housing 20 affordable 20 private rental market 27 public subsidy 133 rent regulation 76 repossessions 27 unconditional tier 57, 61 housing benefit 150, 181 Hrushschka, Joachim 183n25 Hudson, Valerie 178n52 human activities 17, 36, 65, 160–1 pattern of 158 human capabilities 63 capacities 15, 144 lists 52, 78, 147 human development: capabilities 63 civic foundation 27 core human activities 65 definition 17 and developmental processes 59 developmental trajectories 13, 16 function 68–9 and human activities 17, 36 human development approach 9, 16, 53, 58, 61 human development freedom 17, 51 and human limits 140 and humanist governance and norms 52 and humanist standards 57, 61 institutions of 9, 145 investment 117 life course 5 modalities 59–60 in Nordic states 98 opportunities to flourish 16 processes 59, 60 sheltering of 74 protective institutions 37 and public goods 45 and public services 8, 16, 23, 64, 122 public spending on and trends 101 and regulation 42 services 7 and social development 68 stable positions 35, 170 and well-being 16 see also human development justice human development approach 58, 61 and choice 16 human development freedom: definition 17 rights constitutive of 65 human development justice 61, 82 and regularity principle 96 human ecology 60, 68 life course 5 human economy 60, 62, 77 systems of 60 human economy justice 67 human functioning 68–9 developmental underpinnings 68 human learning 73, 117 sequence-based 73 human limits 140 human security 50, 68, 148 fiscal public 50 humanist governance 52, 60–1, 68, 90 humanist justice 61, 65, 137 everyday 87 humanist norms 44, 54, 57 Huynh Chao 176n33 hybrid property 7 I idleness 12 see also laziness IMF 29, 40, 96–7, 109 incentives: and occupational motivation 150 means-testing 111, 131, 171n86 structure of 83 inclusive growth 142 income benefits: access 6 case-load reduction 25, 55 and incentives 46 and inequality 5–7 and justice 76 levels across countries 92 means-testing 38 and owning 46, 121 taper rates 46 targeting of, see also sanctions and benefits income distribution 164n20 income inequality 98, 102 income security: administration of 40 conditions 2 divisive, epidemiological 6 external 158 publicness of 85 punitive, 88 status 11 unstable 4 incorporation: incorporation project 61 and basic income 90 crisis of 7 and human development justice 61 in society 103 mechanisms of 103 and developmental incentives structures 102 independence: basic independence 5 dependent relation 5, 76 of self 5 independence respect 17, 34 independent status 11 of persons 90, 178n57 of self 5, 44 India 108, 111–12, 115, 124 individual trajectory 3, 120 opportunity 113 inequality 7, 14 cumulative 76 and cumulative causation 105 gender inequality 75 of income 102 of income 29 insecurity 78 and justice 37 of power 86 unequal exchanges 76 see also civil rights; employment; equality; human development informalization 67, 129 of society 7, 70 insecurity 75 see economic security institutions: cooperative institutions 82, 120, 142 democratically constituted 46 developmental 59 good institutions 143 governing of 59 human development protective 37 humanist institutions 88 inherited 65 institution-building 3, 145 just 65 stable institutions 51 and Sustainable Development Goals 106 interests: human 62 in existential security 3–4 in-work benefits 29, 32–3 Ireland 25 Italy 25 J James, David 104 Japan 47–8 Jayadev, Arjun 175n28 Jhabvala Renata 190n88 jobs: creation 47–8, 97 good jobs 4 graduates chasing 22 irregular hours 27 joblessness 97 low-skill 22 mass pool 22 protected jobs 82 scarcity of 36 unstable contracts 22 see also employment Jobseeker’s Allowance 25 Joseph Rowntree Foundation 102, 183n23 junk jobs 121 justice: check on government 23, 87 and deterrence 87 process of attaining 87 employment and equal shares 41, 43 everyday justice 88 humanist 60 and inequality 14 institutions to support justice 88 and market contractual norms 90 to prevail 87–8 publicness of 85 reason for 90 remote 90 and stability 89 strict egalitarianism 41 and wealth 85 K Kahneman, Daniel 175n31, 176n36–7 Kalleberg Arne L. 167n52 Kananen, Johannes 186n49 Kant, Emmanuel 103, 183n25 Karpowicz, Izabela 182n15, 182n18 Keynesianism 66 Kibasi, Tom 165n30 Knotz, Carlo M. 168n64 Kohli, Atul 186n50 Korpi, Walter 117, 188n62 L Labonté, Ronald 176 labour: class barriers 18 fragmentation 102, 105 and inequality 76 labour relations 20, 66, 76, 97 and law 23 and standards 87 see also unions labour markets 19, 22, 50, 73, 77, 82, 99–102, 119, 124–8, 170, 182n22 inequality in 76 returns to education 99–101 urban 77 labour relations 20, 66, 76, 97 and public justice 86 labour unions 55, 88, 123, 132 land reform 112 Latin America 97 Lavinas, Lena 174n18 laws: humanist 87 labour law 23 laziness 54 Le Roux, Pieter 111, 185n44 learning, as process 74 left 11, 35–6, 41, 171n81 see also liberalism; libertarianism legality, legal structures and basic income 106 Legido-Quigley, H. 163n10 leisure, and freedom, and work 80 leisure–work trade-off 55 liberalism 20 see also liberty libertarianism 36, 171n81 and direct transaction 8, 36 and humanist governance 52, 60–1, 68, 90 of left and right 35 liberty: and public empathy 44 and security 64 see freedom Life histories 5 see also Human development limited liability law 73 literacy 112 Littlewood, M. 182n23 lock-in effect 51 Loopstra, Rachel 163n11, 168n67, 178n59 M Macpherson 15, 166n37 Crawford B. 165n29 democratic property 15 Main, Thomas J. 174n11 malnutrition 121 man in the house rules 79 Margulies, Daniel S. 175n31 market economics 13 market justification 36, 53–4, 146 fatalism 134 justice 53–4 Marmot, Michael 6, 163n14 Marshall, Alfred 138 Marshall, Thomas Humphrey, 54, 138–9, 173n1, 175, Martínez, Rodrigo 178n5 Matfess, Hilary 178n52 McKee, Martin 163n10, 168n67, 178n59 McKinsey Global Institute 182n14 Mead, Lawrence M. 173n8, 174n11 Meade, James 5 means-test: justifiability of 38 and property 19 means-tested benefits: justifiability 29 and property 10 and savings 18 Mehta, Soumya K. 190n88 Mexico 47–48, 84 migration, economic 104 Milanovic, Branko 167n48 minimum standard 19 modernity 63 choice in 63, 77 and endless striving 103 money 17–18, 28, 39, 41 and choice 17 civilization 17 developmental structure of 38 and leisure 80, ‘new’ money 28 scramble for 17 Moore, Charity 173n5 morality 14, 145 moralism 55–6 of individuals 2–3 mothers, single mothers 78 motivation: human motivation to learn 58, 109 work motivation 150 Murray, Charles 11, 164n22, 171n79 municipalities 2, 129 N National Audit Office 27 National Health Service 102, 110, 114 nationalization, of money 134, 136 Natrass, Nicoli 176n39 Nayyar, Deepak 186n51 negative income tax 8, 24, 114 Netherlands 2, 47–8 neo-liberalism 129 neuroscience 74 NGOs, and crowdfunding 107 Nistotskaya, Michelle 186n48 nomadic existence 104 Nordic states 49, 82, 84, 98, 112, 117, 133, 141 see states North, Douglass C. 73, 177n45 Norway 6 Nussbaum, Martha 61, 63 O occupation: business development 20 care–occupation trade-offs 77 planning 23 public sector 14 and stability 5 stability of 122 as value 73, 77 occupational citizenship 101, 116, 135, 182n22 occupational institutions 74, 83 inclusion 82 membership of 83 occupational insurance 124 and benefit ceilings and floors 133, and economic security structures 134 and public subsidy of 133 occupational structures, policies 122 OECD 26, 117, 126 Offe, Claus 11 opportunities, formal, 64 individual 16 out-of-work benefits 32–33 ownership: hybrid 15 traps 46 see also property Oxfam 95, 181n4, 182n16 P Pagano, Ugo 189n78 Paine, Thomas 1, 10, 19, 93–4, 162n2, 181n2 Palme, Joakim 117, 188n62 para-states 105 parenting, authority in 71 paternalism 174n11 Pedersen, Ove 8 Pempel, T.


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In Spite of the Gods: The Rise of Modern India by Edward Luce

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Bretton Woods, call centre, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, demographic dividend, energy security, financial independence, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, Haight Ashbury, informal economy, job-hopping, Kickstarter, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, megacity, new economy, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, purchasing power parity, Silicon Valley, trade liberalization, upwardly mobile, uranium enrichment, urban planning, women in the workforce, working-age population, Y2K

Yet even at the time there were skeptical voices who questioned whether higher education should receive the same budgetary allocation as elementary education, in a country where 84 percent of people were illiterate.2 There were also a few critics who wondered whether the amount New Delhi spent on agriculture should be as low as a third of the total spending in India’s first five-year plan, which was launched in 1952, plummeting to less than a fifth of spending in the second plan in 1957, when more than four-fifths of people depended on farming to survive.3 But their voices were drowned in a sea of utopian rectitude. The disparity between the Indian policy elite’s dreams for tomorrow and what most Indians needed at the time was stark. To be fair, Nehru had tried land reform and to some extent succeeded in getting rid of the most feudal end of the spectrum. The notorious zamindari system that had been set up by the British in most of northern India, under which large landholders, the zamindars, were responsible for collecting taxes for the British from a penurious peasantry, had virtually been abolished by the end of the 1950s. But in most parts of India, Nehru’s land reforms were either watered down or sabotaged altogether by the local Congress Party elites, who, to Nehru’s growing frustration, were drawn disproportionately from the ranks of upper-caste landowners and notables.

Nehru’s Edwardian stamp is also visible in the continued cult of the omnipresent state, which he shared with many left-wing upper-class Englishmen of that era—notably the Fabians, who believed that socialism could be implemented peacefully through the state by a qualified class of “Platonic” technocrats. That Nehru was more influenced by the Fabians than by the Russian Bolsheviks, Indians can be thankful. But traces of Nehru’s economic model, in which the state would lead the country’s drive to industrialize at the expense of both consumption, which he saw as frivolous, and effective land reform, which he felt unable fully to accomplish in a democracy, are still visible in spite of the decision in 1991 to begin dismantling his notorious “License Raj” of extensive state regulation of the economy. There are still strong echoes today of the distaste Nehru felt for private business and the pursuit of moneymaking, although they have grown fainter since 1991. Although he was a Brahmin, who, in spite of his sincere aversion to the caste system, was still known as Pandit Nehru (an honorific indicating his caste origin), traces of Nehru’s personal complexities are easy to recognize in the attitudes of many modern upper-caste Indians.

Average life expectancy was just thirty-two years, an extraordinary but credible figure that gives a fair picture of the abysmal quality of life for most of India’s villagers. Common descriptions at the time talked of emaciated peasants with visible rib cages, “coolies” half bent from a (short) lifetime of manual labor, and children with potbellies from protein deficiency. India at independence was a country desperately in need of rural land reform and measures that would drastically boost crop yields so it could feed its people and build a launch pad for future growth. What it got instead was public steel plants and aluminum smelters, which not only were, for the most part, heavily loss-making but also ate up India’s precious foreign exchange resources. The Indian farmer needed local irrigation projects to help insulate him against the vagaries of India’s wildly erratic annual monsoon.


Nation-Building: Beyond Afghanistan and Iraq by Francis Fukuyama

Berlin Wall, business climate, colonial rule, conceptual framework, en.wikipedia.org, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Gunnar Myrdal, informal economy, land reform, microcredit, open economy, unemployed young men

The impressive triumph of Mao’s adherents in winning over China’s peasant population spurred India and other countries across Asia and beyond to tackle the development of rural areas as well as the urban centers more noisily pressing on government. Governments unaccustomed to solicitous concerns for distant “little people” found themselves barraged with proposals for land reform and other benefits for peasants. By the 1950s, governments were trying to reverse long-held habits and were seeking international help from the Ford Foundation and others to improve the lives of their villagers. During the 1950s, the Ford Foundation attempted to engage broadly with several of the ambitions for rural development of Near Eastern governments, including land reforms. Ford was substantially involved in efforts by the Iranian government at rural development from 1953, which lasted in varying forms until the foundation left Iran in 1964. But by 1958, community development in India was in serious trouble.

Certainly, in this country, there is remarkable evidence that we continue to be ready to undertake brave ventures to bring democracy—and its necessary condition, hope for prosperity—to distant and troubled places. Whatever the declared mistrust of nation-building and the common pessimism that we do not know how to do it, we find our government committed to formidable ventures in it. An example of this tendency can be seen in as sober a body as a study group from the Council on Foreign Relations, which has recently espoused the radicalism of land reform in the Andes.18 This vocation to universal progress, if one may so describe it, is not new. I have been reminded by the new Library of America collection of John Greenleaf Whittier’s poetry that the hopeful, egalitarian vision that drove us after World War II was alive in this country in 1866, when he published his Snowbound. Whittier foresaw how seemingly “careless boys”: Shall Freedom’s young apostles be, Shall every lingering wrong assail; The cruel lie of caste refute, Old forms remould, and substitute For Slavery’s lash, and freeman’s will, For blind routine, wide-handed skill; A school-house plant on every hill, Stretching in radiate nerve-lines thence The quick wires of intelligence; Till North and South together brought Shall own the same electric thought.

Even when laborers organized strikes, they were largely targeted at the Japanese bureaucracy, not SCAP. Nevertheless, SCAP constantly disappointed some Japanese constituencies. The resignation of the prime minister’s cabinet in protesting the freeing of leftist political dissidents exemplifies such a disappointment. Labor unrest following the American “reverse course” on labor policy is a similar example from the polar • 79 • • Minxin Pei, Samia Amin, and Seth Garz opposite constituency. Land reform, military purges, industrial decentralization, and other reform efforts marginalized some groups, and the gloss with which history paints such reforms should not misconstrue the reality that the Japanese political process was highly contentious. For all the effort expended by SCAP in choreographing Japan’s revolution from above, economic instability threatened to undercut social and political achievements.


pages: 363 words: 107,817

Modernising Money: Why Our Monetary System Is Broken and How It Can Be Fixed by Andrew Jackson (economist), Ben Dyson (economist)

bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, Basel III, Bretton Woods, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, cashless society, central bank independence, credit crunch, David Graeber, debt deflation, double entry bookkeeping, eurozone crisis, financial exclusion, financial innovation, Financial Instability Hypothesis, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, Hyman Minsky, inflation targeting, informal economy, information asymmetry, intangible asset, land reform, London Interbank Offered Rate, market bubble, market clearing, Martin Wolf, means of production, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, moral hazard, mortgage debt, negative equity, Northern Rock, price stability, profit motive, quantitative easing, Real Time Gross Settlement, regulatory arbitrage, risk-adjusted returns, seigniorage, shareholder value, short selling, South Sea Bubble, The Great Moderation, the payments system, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, total factor productivity, unorthodox policies

Combined with the increase in spending, the government’s budget came under severe pressure. This was exacerbated in 2001 when the government defaulted on the servicing of its loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In response, the IMF refused to make any concessions (such as refinancing or loan forgiveness) to punish the government for its policies, most significantly the land reform measures. With reduced food production due to the land reforms, the government had to buy food from abroad to try to prevent mass starvation. But, because of the default on the IMF loan, Zimbabwe’s creditworthiness was effectively ruined, making it impossible to get loans elsewhere. As a result, the Zimbabwe government started to issue its own national currency and used the money to buy U.S. dollars on the foreign-exchange market.

The memo predicted that going forward with farmland seizures would result in a pullout of foreign investment, defaults on farm bank loans, and a massive decline in agricultural production.” 4. Although there is no reliable data displaying the financial costs of land reform, economists have estimated the aggregated agricultural industry’s output falling from 4.3 million tons in 2000 (worth, at today’s prices US$3.35 billion) to just 1.4 million tons in 2009 (worth some US$1 billion), a decline of more than two thirds in overall volume and value. Smallholder farmers’ production suffered similar losses, with output decreasing some 73 percent in the same period. 5. In response both the opposition and the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) took legal action. Although initially approved by the Supreme Court, which challenged the legality of the land reform programme, the Chief Justice Antony Gubbay was subsequently threatened with physical violence and forced to resign.

Zimbabwe’s president, Robert Mugabe, and other members of the leading party ZANU-PF, have been eager to blame the continuous years of drought and the targeted sanctions of Western countries as the main reasons for the economic decay. Yet these claims are easily refuted - sanctions on top government officials only came into effect in 2002. Empirical research questions the claim that drought is to blame: “The historically close relationship between rainfall and GDP growth ended in 2000 – the first years after the land reforms.” (Coltart, 2008, p. 10) So what were the real reasons for Zimbabwe’s decline? In the mid 90s, about 4,500 white families owned most of the commercial farms, employing 350,000 black workers and often providing financial support for local infrastructure, hospitals and schools. Simultaneously about 8,500 black farmers ran small-scale commercial farms that were able to access credit from Zimbabwean banks and vitally contributed to the agricultural production (Richardson, 2005).


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The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty by Daron Acemoglu, James A. Robinson

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, AltaVista, Andrei Shleifer, bank run, Berlin Wall, British Empire, California gold rush, central bank independence, centre right, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, colonial rule, Computer Numeric Control, conceptual framework, Corn Laws, corporate governance, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, Dava Sobel, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Snowden, en.wikipedia.org, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, information asymmetry, interest rate swap, invention of movable type, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, John Harrison: Longitude, joint-stock company, Kula ring, labor-force participation, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, manufacturing employment, mass incarceration, Maui Hawaii, means of production, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, obamacare, openstreetmap, out of africa, PageRank, pattern recognition, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Skype, spinning jenny, Steven Pinker, the market place, transcontinental railway, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks

(Another response was launched a month after Kennedy’s speech, in the Bay of Pigs, Cuba.) The Alliance argued that land reform would transform Latin America. As Kennedy put it, the Alliance planned “to satisfy the basic needs of the American people for homes, work and land, health and schools—techo, trabajo y tierra, salud y escuela.” Unsurprisingly, tierra (land) was on the minds of a lot of newly politically enfranchised inquilinos. This, plus the fact it was now promoted by the U.S., put land reform on the policy agenda in 1964. In 1967 Frei launched an agrarian reform program aimed at redistributing land and expropriating all farms that were over the equivalent of 80 hectares in the Maipo Valley. (This meant that farms could be larger in places where land was of lower quality.) In anticipation of the land reform, some 200 rural unions, which were then illegal, had organized.

There was to be no more pawning. At a stroke Solon broke Athenians free from this part of their cage of norms. But banning debt peonage wasn’t enough when people were economically subservient to the elite. Greater liberty was necessary to make Athenians more active citizens so that they could get even more liberty. To this end, Solon sought to improve their access to economic opportunities. He implemented a land reform by uprooting the boundary markers of fields. These markers recorded the obligation of the tenants farming the land to pay a sixth of their produce. By eliminating them Solon in effect freed the tenants from the landowners, giving them the land they owned, and turning Attica, the region surrounding Athens, into a land of small farmers. Solon also eliminated restrictions on movement within Attica.

In anticipation of the land reform, some 200 rural unions, which were then illegal, had organized. They were legalized by the same piece of legislation. By 1970 there were close to 500 such unions. There was a surge in labor strikes, which went from 88,000 in 1960 to 275,000 in the year 1969. Illustrating once again the Red Queen in action, in response to this societal mobilization Frei didn’t just initiate land reform; he also increased the state’s capacity. In particular, Frei attempted to reduce the ability of politicians to use clientelistic policies to buy support without doing much for the population they were supposed to serve. He did this in various ways, for example, using a line-item veto to eliminate “pork barrel” expenditures from bills, and also by reducing the ability of congresspeople to influence public works projects and salaries. The jurisdiction of Congress and the Senate with respect to the budget was also curtailed.


pages: 324 words: 86,056

The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality by Bhaskar Sunkara

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, collective bargaining, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Donald Trump, equal pay for equal work, feminist movement, Ferguson, Missouri, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, gig economy, Gunnar Myrdal, happiness index / gross national happiness, Honoré de Balzac, income inequality, inventory management, labor-force participation, land reform, land value tax, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, new economy, Occupy movement, postindustrial economy, precariat, race to the bottom, Ralph Waldo Emerson, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, telemarketer, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, urban renewal, We are the 99%

Attempts to mend the divide between Bolsheviks and Mensheviks would fail, but both factions had a sense that they had entered a new era and that the tsar would soon fall. But no one came as close as Trotsky to accurately guessing what would happen next. Grasping the implications of 1905, Trotsky refined a novel theory of “permanent revolution.” Marxists had traditionally thought that revolution would occur in stages. The first would be “bourgeois-democratic,” paving the way for peasant land reform and further urban industrialization, and creating a capitalist republic with freedom of speech and assembly. The new situation would allow social democrats to patiently organize for a second, socialist revolution. The Bolsheviks and Mensheviks agreed on theory but argued over the role liberal capitalists would play. Mensheviks thought they would be at the heart of a bourgeois-democratic revolution, while Lenin believed workers could reconcile their interests with those of peasants and drive the process themselves.

Liberals established a provisional committee to fill the void, but it had little popular support. On March 1, the day of the tsar’s flight, soviet and liberal leaders came to an agreement for the creation of a new Provisional Government that would implement a wide range of reforms. Russia would have full civil liberties, with political prisoners released and the police and state apparatus transformed. Important questions about the war, land reform, and elections remained unresolved, but the February Revolution was among the most sweeping the world had ever seen. Yet tensions quickly appeared. Sovereign authority could now be claimed by the worker and soldier soviets and by the Provisional Government. Moderate socialists struggled to bridge the gap, believing they had to keep the bourgeoisie within the February consensus. Russia, after all, seemed far from ready for socialism.

Even Martov denounced the Bolshevik “coup d’état,” though he also put forth a resolution calling for an interim all-Soviet government and plans for a constituent assembly. Many Bolsheviks supported the motion, and it carried unanimously. Martov’s plan would have created the broad socialist government that many had sought in September—only now, in a more radical moment, it would be pressured into ending the war and bringing about land reform. But as in September, the Right SRs and the majority of Mensheviks refused to go along. They walked out of the Congress, ceding the revolution’s future to the Bolsheviks. Martov still wanted a compromise and tried to start negotiations for the creation of a coalition socialist government. But just two hours later, with the moderates no longer in the hall, the Bolshevik mood hardened. “The rising of the masses of the people requires no justification,” Trotsky lectured his former comrade bitingly from the floor.


pages: 489 words: 111,305

How the World Works by Noam Chomsky, Arthur Naiman, David Barsamian

affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, capital controls, clean water, corporate governance, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, glass ceiling, Howard Zinn, income inequality, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, land reform, liberation theology, Monroe Doctrine, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, transfer pricing, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor

The government was proceeding “to mobilize the hitherto politically inert peasantry” while undermining the power of large landholders. Furthermore, the 1944 revolution had aroused “a strong national movement to free Guatemala from the military dictatorship, social backwardness, and ‘economic colonialism’ which had been the pattern of the past,” and “inspired the loyalty and conformed to the self-interest of most politically conscious Guatemalans.” Things became still worse after a successful land reform began to threaten “stability” in neighboring countries where suffering people did not fail to take notice. In short, the situation was pretty awful. So the CIA carried out a successful coup. Guatemala was turned into the slaughterhouse it remains today, with regular US intervention whenever things threaten to get out of line. By the late 1970s, atrocities were again mounting beyond the terrible norm, eliciting verbal protests.

Madison feared that a growing part of the population, suffering from the serious inequities of the society, would “secretly sigh for a more equal distribution of [life’s] blessings.” If they had democratic power, there’d be a danger they’d do something more than sigh. He discussed this quite explicitly at the Constitutional Convention, expressing his concern that the poor majority would use its power to bring about what we would now call land reform. So he designed a system that made sure democracy couldn’t function. He placed power in the hands of the “more capable set of men,” those who hold “the wealth of the nation.” Other citizens were to be marginalized and factionalized in various ways, which have taken a variety of forms over the years: fractured political constituencies, barriers against unified working-class action and cooperation, exploitation of ethnic and racial conflicts, etc.

The composition of the committee was interesting. It was strikingly obvious that caste and tribal distinctions (tribal are usually worse) have been pretty much overcome. The governing committee was half women, one of them tribal. The guy who was more or less in charge of the committee was a peasant who had a little piece of land. Some of the people who spoke up were landless laborers who’d been given small plots. They had an extensive land reform program and the literacy level has gone up. We went to a school that had a library of maybe thirty books, of which they were very proud. Simple tube wells have been designed (with government support) that can be sunk by a group of families. Women, who’ve been trained to install and maintain them, seemed to be in charge. They took a tube well out for us and put it back in—also with lots of obvious pride.


Masters of Mankind by Noam Chomsky

affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, Berlin Wall, failed state, God and Mammon, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), land reform, Martin Wolf, means of production, Nelson Mandela, nuremberg principles, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit maximization, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, union organizing, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Westphalian system

One certainly hopes so, but the advance euphoria seems questionable: The new high-yielding varieties, developed partly by Ford- and Rockefeller-financed organizations, require scientific management, two to three times the cash inputs previously needed, and extensive water control. . . . [If self-sufficiency is reached], the market price of the commodity will drop considerably in the Philippines. This means that only the most efficient farming units will lie with the large, mechanized, tenantless, agro-business farms. This technological fact, coupled with a loophole in the Land Reform Code that allows a landlord to throw his tenants off the land and retain it himself if he farms the area, might destroy whatever attempts are made at land reform in the Philippines. . . . [President Marcos] is very much aware of a little-publicized report issued in 1965, which clearly proves the feudal, and therefore explosive, nature of Philippine rural society. The report reveals that only eighteen years ago, less than half of 1 percent of the population owned 42 percent of the agricultural land.

In 1958, nearly 50 percent of the farmers were tenants and an additional 20 percent of the farmers were tenants and an additional 20 percent were farm laborers. Thus 70 percent of those employed in agriculture were landless. . . . In 1903, the tenancy rate for the entire country was 18 percent excluding farm laborers. By 1948 this figure had climbed to 37 percent. In 1961, it was over 50 percent. There is no evidence that this trend has at all changed in the last eight years. It may even be outpacing the minuscule efforts at land reform. . . . Will the Congress in Manila, composed of the very same rural banking elite, ever vote the necessary funds to finance the Agricultural Credit Administration, the Land Bank and Cooperatives?44 The report may have gone on to indicate that this situation is, largely, a consequence of American colonial policy, and it also might have ventured a prediction as to the fate of those driven off the land under “rationalization” in a country that has been described as an American vegetable garden.


pages: 419 words: 125,977

Factory Girls: From Village to City in a Changing China by Leslie T. Chang

anti-communist, Deng Xiaoping, estate planning, financial independence, index card, invention of writing, job-hopping, land reform, Mason jar, mass immigration, new economy, Pearl River Delta, risk tolerance, special economic zone

Millions of people rejoiced at the liberation. In the next room, a title stretched across one wall: “A Vision Made Real: From Agricultural County to IT City.” A light board showed photos of the Communist Party meeting at which Deng Xiaoping set forth his program for economic reform and opening to the West. That was in 1978. From one room to the next, the exhibit had jumped thirty years, skipping over the founding of Communist China, the land reform and the execution of counterrevolutionaries, the attacks against “class enemies” and the establishment of the communes, the Great Leap Forward and the famine that killed at least twenty million people, and the decade of the Cultural Revolution. I had exited History and entered Economy, and now the exhibit came to life. A vast diorama showed the Taiping Handbag Factory with four women bent over a table sewing shoes.

Over the years, the people in Shenyang who knew its story moved away or passed on. City residents came to refer to the tomb as wuming bei: the stele with no name. * * * The Communist revolution swept into Liutai in the summer of 1946. Party organizers fanned out to villages across Manchuria, evaluating every family’s “class status” and confiscating land and livestock from rich households to distribute to the poorest ones. A second wave of land reform, the “Dig Out the Cellars” movement in the fall of 1947, sought to root out additional property that families had hidden away. Party activists taught villagers to denounce landowners in public meetings that were known as “struggle sessions”; their chosen targets were cursed, humiliated, and beaten. The third wave, in the winter of 1948, was the most extreme and ended in the deaths of countless “enemies of the revolution.”

the boys asked eagerly, but only out of their mother’s hearing. “No, only my father had many concubines,” the old man answered with a touch of regret. The coming of the revolution to rural villages like Liutai set the pattern for the mass movements of the Communist era. Political campaigns would come in waves, each one more extreme than the last; acts of violence were applauded as proof of revolutionary purity. History does not say much about the 1940s land reform and the lives it ruined, perhaps because later movements played out in the cities and claimed more prominent victims. And historians have not paid attention to people like my great-uncle, who was forced to flee his home and live out his days as a guest in someone else’s house. His wife fared worse. When her husband escaped to Beijing, she stayed behind in the village. That was as it should be: A woman should not travel.


pages: 413 words: 128,093

On the Grand Trunk Road: A Journey Into South Asia by Steve Coll

affirmative action, airport security, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, back-to-the-land, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, global village, income inequality, income per capita, Indoor air pollution, Khyber Pass, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, market bubble, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, Ponzi scheme, Ronald Reagan, upwardly mobile, urban sprawl, yellow journalism

The short version of this long and complex struggle is that while the founders of the Nehruvian state permitted and sometimes encouraged gradual change in the countryside—and in a few regions threw out upper-caste landlords to replace them with middle-caste peasant farmers—by and large they promised much more land reform than they actually delivered. In places like Maharashtra and Gujarat, middle castes prevailed, sometimes on their own and sometimes with help from the state. But in the northern heartland, as the land reform specialist Arvind Das put it to me one afternoon in New Delhi during a helpful tutorial, “a lot of legislation was enacted and very little was implemented.” In part this was because when the government passed reform laws, it provided long waiting periods before the laws took effect. In this interregnum, landlords juggled land records, allocating plots to fictious names, dead relatives, dogs, cats, and actual sharecroppers while retaining firm control themselves.

For the socially privileged leaders of the independence movements, the conversion was convenient because it left in power much of the elite colonial class the British had used for several centuries to control their territory and earn their riches. The variously nationalist, leftist, and Gandhian rhetoric of South Asia’s several independence movements suggested that the colonial structure would be torn down and replaced with an egalitarian model. Attempts of this sort were indeed made after independence and some of them succeeded, but in such crucial areas as land reform, higher education, caste, and access to English—the language of power—not enough changed, compared with what was promised. In India, this was in part because of the evolutionary, tolerant, democratic character of the Nehruvian ideal, which rejected purges. It was also because the indigenous elites used for centuries by the British had the wisdom to switch sides during the independence struggle and then claimed the mantle of victory when independence arrived.

Singh to initiate for these other backward classes a new, sweeping affirmative action plan in public employment that sparked the caste riots of 1990, including the upper-caste self-immolations that brought the fire-extinguisher salesman to my door. For decades now, South Asian politicians and activists have been attempting sporadically to untie the hierarchical binds of history, religion, and culture through land reform legislation, speeches, symbolic acts, marches, electoral campaigns, industrialization plans, welfare programs, and government hiring schemes. Many of these efforts reflect the noblest aspirations of the Nehruvian state: social mobility and an end to caste distinctions through universal education, full employment, widespread health care, and a benevolent, leveling bureaucracy. That Indian society continues to honor these ideals is evident in the way it can still be shocked by dramatic instances of their breach.


On Power and Ideology by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, feminist movement, imperial preference, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Stanislav Petrov, union organizing

The early successes of the Sandinistas quite rightly caused fear, indeed virtual hysteria among U.S. elites, as we see from the fact that the government can declare a “national emergency” in the face of this grave threat to the existence of the United States without evoking ridicule, indeed, with the expressed support of respectable opinion. If peasants starving to death in Honduras can look across the borders and see health clinics, land reform, literacy programs, improvement in subsistence agriculture and the like in a country no better endowed than their own, the rot may spread; and it may spread still farther, perhaps even to the United States, where the many people suffering from malnutrition or the homeless in the streets in the world’s richest country may begin to ask some questions. It is necessary to destroy the rotten apple before the rot spreads through the barrel.

President Carter therefore sent the military aid with a message to Congress saying that it was intended “to strengthen the army’s key role in reforms”—a phrase that would have made Orwell gasp. The consequences were exactly as the Archbishop had predicted. In March, Archbishop Romero was assassinated, as the death squads went into action. A State of Siege was instituted, renewed monthly since, and in May the war against the peasantry was launched in full force under the guise of land reform. Peasants were the main victims of the Carter-Duarte war in 1980—not surprisingly, since “the masses were with the guerrillas” when this exercise began, Duarte later conceded. The first major atrocity was the Río Sumpul massacre, when 600 fleeing peasants were slaughtered in a joint operation of the Salvadoran and Honduran armies. Eyewitnesses described how babies were thrown into the air for target practice, children decapitated, women tortured and drowned.

The latter point is nowhere mentioned, reflecting a general tendency to dismiss atrocities in our domains as defects of little significance. As for the first point, apart from an oblique reference by Abraham Brumberg (former director of the State Department journal Problems of Communism, who has given nuanced and, in my view, quite plausible assessments of the Sandinista government elsewhere), there is only one phrase referring to the Sandinista programs in the areas of health, literacy, land reform and development: by Tad Sculz (NYT, March 16), in the course of a denunciation of the “generally appalling leadership” in this “repressive society” and “its failures.” These programs are crucial to understanding the U.S. attack against Nicaragua, as we have seen; correspondingly, no mention of the basic reasons for the U.S. war was permitted in these opinion columns. Exactly the same is true of editorial opinion.


pages: 565 words: 160,402

A Better War: The Unexamined Victories and Final Tragedy of America's Last Years in Vietnam by Lewis Sorley

currency manipulation / currency intervention, defense in depth, friendly fire, land reform, RAND corporation, South China Sea

Admitting that the summer and fall offensives of 1968 “did not achieve the military and political goals which they were assigned,” the Communist historians nevertheless concluded that they had paid off in another realm because “they rained new blows on the already shaky will of the American imperialists.”42 The top Americans recognized President Thieu’s importance to all of this, Abrams observing that “he knows more about pacification than any other Vietnamese” and Colby calling him “the number one pacification officer.” On a number of occasions Thieu invited Ambassador Bunker to go along on visits to the countryside, where Bunker heard him emphasize restoring local government, holding village and hamlet elections, training local government officials, and land reform. At Vung Tau 1,400 village chiefs, representing about three-quarters of all the villages in South Vietnam, went through training during the first nine months of 1969. President Thieu visited every one of those classes, giving the village chiefs the incomparable cachet of being able to go back home and speak about “what President Thieu said to me—.” Hamlet and village chiefs going through that training got essentially two messages, said Colby.

Acknowledging that the enemy nevertheless retained “a viable military and political apparatus throughout the Republic,” the assessment cited as current enemy objectives “withdrawal of U.S. troops, establishment of a neutralist coalition government, and an ultimate communist political victory,” all now to be achieved by protracted warfare rather than an all-out general military offensive.1 Then came the central point of the changed nature of the war. “For the first time in the war,” said the briefer, “the enemy’s traditional bases of power are being directly challenged—his political organization and his control of the population. While this task has only just begun, it appears that the outcome of the war will be decided here. Presently, at least, both sides are finally fighting the same war.” LAND REFORM WAS an extremely important part of the government’s appeal to the people. During 1969 it distributed more land to the peasantry than in the previous seven years combined, and that was just the start of it. In March 1970 President Thieu introduced a far-reaching “Land to the Tiller” program involving some one million acres, a third of all the land currently under cultivation. About 500,000 families were about to become owners of the land they had been renting for 50 percent of their crops.

That’s why I’ve always maintained that the war was won in the sense that, by the end of 1972 and the beginning of 1973, we had achieved the objective of enabling the South Vietnamese to defend themselves.”10 Bunker was asked about the remarkable contrast between the situation in the period 1965–1968, during which, “as the level of American troops increased, while there was some progress, there was always a sense of frustration,” and the years 1968–1972, when, “as American troops decreased, there seemed to be the considerable sense of momentum and real progress and even elan.” Bunker attributed that to the cumulative effect of a lot of things, the complex of actions and programs they had brought together under the rubric of “one war.” He cited improvements in South Vietnamese military capability, a more effective civil administration and establishment of the constitutional process, land reform, increases in agricultural production. Over time, then, “one could see noticeable changes in the countryside, the economic condition of the people, of their ability to buy sophisticated equipment for their farms, tractors, increased modes of transportation, in so many different ways. This nation-building process was evident.”11 And Bunker acknowledged the beneficial effects of a harmonious team approach on the American side.


pages: 891 words: 253,901

The Devil's Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America's Secret Government by David Talbot

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, drone strike, information retrieval, Internet Archive, land reform, means of production, Naomi Klein, Norman Mailer, operation paperclip, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation

He consulted with Maria’s brother, Tonio, who was an agricultural expert, with a progressive Mexican economist, and with young leaders of the Guatemalan Communist Party whom he had come to respect as some of the most dedicated and intelligent agents of change in the country. Together, they formulated a plan for sweeping land reform and social progress in Guatemala. After her husband’s presidential victory, Maria Arbenz came under fire from his enemies as an evil influence over the newly elected Guatemalan president—a beguiling, Communist-leaning sorceress. But Arbenz ignored the poisonous political chatter and allowed his well-informed wife to participate in cabinet meetings. She soon established herself as one of his top advisers. The land reform bill that the new president hammered out and then ushered through the legislature two years later was relatively moderate—Arbenz’s government only expropriated acreage from United Fruit’s huge holdings that was not under cultivation, and it offered the multinational corporation fair compensation for the seized land.

The couple’s Tudor-style home on Long Island’s North Shore was adorned with colorful native fabrics and rugs they brought back from their trips to the banana colony, giving their otherwise ordinary residence a surprisingly exotic touch. But Dulles’s interest in Guatemalan artifacts did not extend to the people who had produced them. United Fruit’s cries of alarm about Arbenz’s land reform soon produced the same results that Anglo-Iranian Oil’s protestations did in Iran. The Eisenhower-Dulles administration moved swiftly to isolate Guatemala, labeling it a Soviet “beachhead” in the hemisphere. The Arbenz government, Foster charged, was imposing a “Communist-type reign of terror” on the Guatemalan people. Ambassador John Peurifoy, the Dulles brothers’ handpicked man in Guatemala, tried to bribe Arbenz to fall in line, offering him $2 million to abort his land reforms. When that tried-and-true tactic of winning over Latin dictators did not succeed, Arbenz was physically threatened. And when that, too, failed to persuade the resolute leader, the Dulles brothers began arranging for his removal.

What had Jacobo Arbenz done to deserve such a heartbreaking journey through life—a tale of grief and lament out of a Gabriel García Márquez novel? Simply put, he had tried to uplift his people. In doing so, he defied the gods of his country, the almighty United Fruit Company and its powerful friends in Washington, as well as Guatemala’s medieval land barons. In June 1952, Arbenz pushed a sweeping land reform bill through his nation’s legislature aimed at redistributing the heavily rural country’s farm acreage, 70 percent of which was in the hands of 2 percent of the landowners. Among the properties expropriated under the new law and handed over to poor farmers were some of the vast estates of United Fruit. Until Arbenz’s election in 1950, the giant company, whose operations sprawled throughout the Caribbean, ran Guatemala less like a banana republic than a banana colony.


Saving America's Cities: Ed Logue and the Struggle to Renew Urban America in the Suburban Age by Lizabeth Cohen

activist lawyer, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, car-free, charter city, deindustrialization, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, garden city movement, ghettoisation, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, hiring and firing, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, Jane Jacobs, land reform, megastructure, new economy, New Urbanism, Peter Eisenman, postindustrial economy, race to the bottom, rent control, Robert Gordon, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, Victor Gruen, Vilfredo Pareto, walkable city, War on Poverty, white flight, white picket fence, young professional

At the end of the trip Logue enthused in a letter to Ford’s Ensminger back in New Delhi: “This country could be the proving ground for democracy in all of Asia.”55 Later, in 1954 and again in 1956, Logue rallied to Ladejinsky’s defense when he was red-baited. First, Ladejinsky was forced to leave Japan when the Republican secretary of agriculture deemed his Russian origins a security risk. Then, two years later, when he was working on land reform in South Vietnam, the State Department dismissed him for a technical conflict of interest, as he had bought stock in a Taiwanese company that had a contract with the U.S. government. Logue was convinced that Ladejinsky was being politically targeted and was outraged. As he wrote to another associate from his India days, “Wolf is the leading democratic expert in the world on land reform. There is a certain irony in the fact that his resignation was forced because he was the only American publicly known to have invested a private dollar in private enterprise in Chiang Kai-Shek’s Formosa.”

For the Logues’ stay in Japan, see Logue to Ensminger, July 8, 1953, EJL, Series 3, Box 15, Folder 48; Logue to Bowles Family, July 8, 1953, EJL, Series 3, Box 13, Folder 10; Logue to Dyke Brown, July 18, 1953, EJL, Series 3, Box 15, Folder 36.   56. “Time of Trial for Wolf Ladejinsky, Land Reform Expert Ousted from Job,” NHR, December 31, 1954; Wolf Ladejinsky to Logue, January 14, 1955; Logue to Ladejinsky, February 6, 1956; Ladejinsky to Logue, February 15, 1956; and Logue to Ladejinsky, March 20, 1956, EJL, Series 4, Box 27, Folder 69; Logue to Ensminger, March 20, 1956, EJL, Series 4, Box 25, Folder 43; Logue to Paul Appleby, March 20, 1956, and Appleby to Logue, March 22, 1956, EJL, Series 4, Box 23, Folder 2; Logue to Chester Bowles, March 27, 1956, EJL, Series 4, Box 23, Folder 12. On Wolf Ladejinsky and his land reform work, see Bowles, Ambassador’s Report, 181, 185, 374; Wolf Isaac Ladejinsky and Louis J. Walinsky, eds., Agrarian Reform as Unfinished Business: The Selected Papers of Wolf Ladejinsky (New York: Published for the World Bank by Oxford University Press, 1977), particularly introduction, 2–22; Al McCoy, “Land Reform as Counter-Revolution: U.S.

It could not be a top-down, colonial-style American imposition, despite the reliance on expert advisers. As he warned his Republican successor as ambassador, George Allen, “Any effort by the Administration or Congress to tie political strings to Indian Aid or to force us to go out to ‘claim credit’ which really belongs to the Indians, will be disastrous.” Bowles was right to worry. For many reasons—including the Indian government’s reticence to enforce true land reform and wrest control from the landholding rural elites, and Point Four’s failure to adequately engage ordinary Indians in decision-making—community development was never as popular among villagers as Bowles had hoped.52 This Indian experience would stay with Logue for many years. By 1955, when he was working in New Haven, Point Four would provide a model for the kind of integrated physical and social reconstruction he was promoting at home.


pages: 382 words: 107,150

We Are All Fast-Food Workers Now: The Global Uprising Against Poverty Wages by Annelise Orleck

airport security, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, British Empire, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, card file, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate social responsibility, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, Food sovereignty, gig economy, global supply chain, global value chain, immigration reform, indoor plumbing, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, McJob, means of production, new economy, payday loans, precariat, race to the bottom, Rana Plaza, rent-seeking, ride hailing / ride sharing, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, Skype, special economic zone, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, union organizing, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor

“There’s not a sector in society that has not been kicked around by . . . paying a debt while the country groans under the rubble, taxing the poor . . . raising oil prices and freezing wages,” wrote newspaper columnist Conrado de Quiro in 1991. “The peasants are eating their seeds. The workers have nothing to eat and are shot like dogs by murderous guards while on strike. . . . Public school teachers are . . . selling their bras to earn enough to eat. . . . It is an order dedicated to the International Monetary Fund, the foreign banks, the oil companies . . . thug-hiring employers, and land-reform-busting landlords.”7 Deep frustration drove thousands into armed insurgencies. Still, the idea of “protracted people’s warfare” did not appeal to everyone, says Josua Mata. The idea of picking up a gun, he still feels, “was attractive only to the young and stupid,” because any attempt at armed struggle would bring terrible retribution and “guns never bring anything positive.” As a democratic socialist, Mata says he rejected violence and a rigid class analysis that saw only peasants and factory workers as potential revolutionaries.

PART IV NO RICE WITHOUT FREEDOM, NO FREEDOM WITHOUT RICE The Global Uprising of Peasants and Farmworkers CHAPTER 30 “NO LAND NO LIFE” Uprisings of the “Landless,” 2017 CHRISTMAS 2016, MINDANAO, PHILIPPINES. Armed men lounged at the entrance to a banana plantation. Nearby, a sign read “Intruders Will Be Shot. Survivors Will Be Shot Again.” Inside the gates, displaced farmers were seven months into an occupation demanding the return of lands that had once been theirs. Philippine land reform officials had ruled for the farmers. But Lapanday Foods, which ships twenty million crates of bananas annually, refused to comply. On Mindanao, home to the largest rubber, banana, and pineapple plantations in the Philippines, disputes are often solved with bullets. Lapanday guards had already shot and wounded ten occupiers. Now, as the farmers ate breakfast with their children, toxic pesticides rained down on them from crop-duster planes.1 On New Year’s Day, the occupiers were finally driven out.

On March 30, 2017, “Day of the Landless” actions took place in India, the Philippines, Bangladesh, Cambodia, Indonesia, Mongolia, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and Thailand. Led by the Asian Peasants’ Coalition and Pesticide Action Network–Asia Pacific (PAN AP), transnational farm and fishing networks mobilized to retain or regain land and water rights. “Smallholders,” unwilling to wait any longer for their governments to fulfill promises of “agrarian reform,” called for “land reform by the people.” Sarawak in Malaysia held rituals cleansing their farmlands of “foreign money power.” Sri Lankan fishermen rallied on boats to demand their rights to ancestral waters. Many of the protesters were women because women grow 80 percent of the food in Asia and Africa. Any attempt to fight world hunger must begin with women, they say. In India and Thailand, women’s farm groups argued that dispossession of small farmers is a women’s issue because governments fail to honor women’s customary title to the lands they farm.


pages: 564 words: 153,720

Uncommon Grounds: The History of Coffee and How It Transformed Our World by Mark Pendergrast

business climate, business cycle, commoditize, Edward Lloyd's coffeehouse, Honoré de Balzac, land reform, microcredit, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, open economy, out of africa, profit motive, Ray Oldenburg, Ronald Reagan, The Great Good Place, trade route, transcontinental railway, traveling salesman, women in the workforce

The United Fruit Company was the hardest-hit foreign corporation, since much of its potential banana land lay fallow.85 Its land also had been undervalued to avoid taxation, so that the company was forced to sell land far below its fair market value. In 1954 land-hungry peasants began to occupy coffee plantations illegally, with some Guatemalan Communists encouraging them. “The land reform program has practically been taken over by communist agitators who exhort peasants to ‘invade’ private property,” the Tea & Coffee Trade Journal reported. “Owners have no recourse and objections only bring threats of fines and imprisonment on the grounds that they are ‘hindering the land reform program.’” The writer concluded that “if the present trend continues, the days of large privately owned and operated coffee Fincas are numbered.” As a private lawyer, the new Secretary of State John Foster Dulles had represented the United Fruit Company.

Issues of economic inequities, forced labor, racism—and coffee—played a major role in the independence movement in countries such as Kenya, Uganda, the Ivory Coast, Angola, and the Belgian Congo. In Kenya, native laborers first sabotaged crop harvests, but in 1952 many coffee workers joined other disenchanted Africans in what came to be called the Mau Mau Rebellion, which resulted in government suppression. By the end of 1954, detention camps and prisons held 150,000 people. At the same time, however, the British instituted land reforms and opened more coffee cultivation to African producers. By 1954 some 15,000 Kenyan natives grew coffee on tiny plots, totaling only 5,000 acres. Over the next few years Africans would come to dominate the Kenyan industry, producing some of the finest arabica beans in the world. Other African countries also produced limited amounts of arabica, but the largest source remained Ethiopia, coffee’s original home.

Fearful that all of Central America would fall to Communist influence (as had Nicaragua), the United States supported the repressive governments of El Salvador and Guatemala with helicopters and anti-insurgency training while trying to nudge them toward mild reforms. The U.S. Agency for International Development (AID) dumped money into ameliorative social programs while Congress authorized millions in military aid. In 1980, under pressure from the Carter administration, a much-trumpeted land reform law was passed in El Salvador, but it barely touched the coffee oligarchy. At the same time, the reforms served as a cover for greater repression by the troops supposedly sent to enforce land division. On March 23, 1980, Archbishop Oscar Romero delivered a powerful sermon. “We should like the government to take seriously the fact that reforms dyed by so much blood are worth nothing,” he preached.


From the Ruins of Empire: The Intellectuals Who Remade Asia by Pankaj Mishra

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, British Empire, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, financial innovation, invention of the telegraph, joint-stock company, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Monroe Doctrine, New Urbanism, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Scramble for Africa, the scientific method, upwardly mobile, urban planning, Washington Consensus, young professional

At a time when the ideals of democracy and republicanism inspired masses as well as intellectuals in most postcolonial countries, Iran under the shah seemed to be actively working to depoliticize its citizenry. In lieu of a nation-building ideology, the Pahlavi regime offered a mix of Persian chauvinism, the cult of the shah, and a tarted-up version of Iran’s pre-Islamic history. But it attracted neither the traditionalist masses nor the expanding middle class. The grandiose schemes of land reform, industrialization and urbanization the shah imposed on his largely peasant population led to an ever-deeper discontent. The attempt to push Iran into the twentieth century created a small middle class, but it also uprooted millions of people from their traditional rural homes and exposed them to the degradations of urban life. Inequality increased as a small urban elite prospered and acquired the symbols of a modern consumer economy.

If we are to resist foreign oppression in the future, we must overcome individual freedom and join together as a firm unit, just as one adds water and cement to loose gravel to produce something as solid as a rock.72 The problem in China, Sun recognized, was one of mobilizing the Chinese masses into a revolutionary movement. He even allied himself with the Communists to achieve this. By 1924, Sun had also become aware that his political programme must meet the economic challenge of China – the agrarian crisis in particular. But he died too early, and his successor, Chiang Kai-shek, though a self-styled military tactician, had little interest in land reform. Allied with landlords, urban financiers and businessmen, he failed to keep up Sun’s radical initiative, which passed to Mao Zedong and the Communists. ‘Whoever wins the support of the peasants,’ Mao said, ‘will win China; whoever solves the land question will win the peasants.’73 And so it happened. Mao’s stress on rural mobilization was initially opposed by doctrinaire Marxists within his own party.

China today is colonial in the enemy-occupied areas and basically semi-colonial in the non-occupied areas, and it is predominantly feudal in both … It is precisely against these predominant political, economic, and cultural forms that our revolution is directed.74 The Japanese invasion helped Mao’s cause as much as the corruption and brutality of the Nationalists; the Communists tapped directly into the anti-imperialism of the Chinese masses, and appeared the natural leaders of the Chinese resistance even when their actual military contribution to Japan’s defeat was minor. Class struggle was another of their preferred catalysts for the reorganization of Chinese society. They pursued, often brutally, land reform and other class-based social and economic policies, even as they fought a civil war with the Nationalists after 1945. Moreover, the same organizational skills helped the CCP to rebuild a political and administrative system remarkably quickly after their victory in 1949 (which forced the Nationalists to retreat to Taiwan), and to lead their young nation-state into a major war with the United States in Korea in 1951.


After the Cataclysm by Noam Chomsky

8-hour work day, anti-communist, British Empire, facts on the ground, illegal immigration, land reform, mass immigration, RAND corporation, union organizing

Very soon, U.S. scholars took their own initiatives, as when a group of historians engaged in what one called “historical engineering, explaining the issues of the war that we might the better win it,” produced such material as The German-Bolshevik Conspiracy, a series of forged documents (as was suspected in Europe at the time) purporting to show that the Germans had materially assisted the Bolsheviks in coming to power and that Bolshevik leaders were paid agents of the German general staff.8 As intelligence services have become more sophisticated—or at least, better funded—they have learned to play upon the willingness of the more thoughtful members of the community to believe the worst about official enemies of the state to which they are devoted. One technique is to arrange for “scholarly studies,” such as the book by Hoang Van Chi which had such remarkable success in establishing the mythology concerning the bloodbaths during the North Vietnamese land reform.9 Another device is to plant stories in the foreign press, to be picked up by “witting” (or perhaps, witless) journalists and others. The CIA recognized long ago that foreign correspondents are particularly susceptible to such deception since they so often tend to rely on local contacts for their “insights.” If these locals can be enlisted in the cause, the news can properly be arranged at the source.

He does not remark that since his evidence derives primarily “from the in-depth interviewing of selected refugees,” it will obviously be negative; those who might approve of these programs are excluded from his sample. But ignoring this trivial point, Quinn states that “the evidence overwhelmingly demonstrates that the peasantry was opposed to almost all of the [Khmer Rouge] programs.” Quinn discusses programs which included land reform, establishment of cooperatives, ensuring “that all citizens have roughly the same degree of wealth,” obliterating class lines by confiscating property from the wealthy and compelling university students to plant and harvest rice, distributing excess crops “to feed other groups whose harvest was insufficient,” etc. He notes that “as a result [of collectivization], production has outstripped previous individual efforts” and that “political-­psychological [Khmer Rouge] efforts” seem to “have achieved significant results...according to all accounts” among the youth, who “were passionate in their loyalty to the state and party,” “rejected the mystical aspects of religion,” and “stopped working on their family plot of land and instead worked directly for the youth association on its land.”

The full details were again given in the International Bulletin (circulation 6,000).98 A letter of April 20 to the Washington Post correcting its story was not printed, though “the Post published a short item acknowledging the doubts, but pointing out that the pictures had been published elsewhere.”99 The “freedom of the press” assures that readers of the International Bulletin could learn the true facts of the matter concealed by the mass media. We reviewed the story thus far shortly thereafter.100 But it continued to evolve. The major newsweeklies did not want to miss the opportunity to offer their readers visual evidence of Khmer Rouge tyranny, and could not be deterred merely because the evidence was faked—repeated exposure has rarely dimmed the lustre of other familiar propaganda tales, such as the North Vietnamese land reform bloodbath of the 1950s, discussed in Volume I. On November 21, 1977, Time magazine ran the photo of the bound man. While the Washington Post had withheld judgment on whether the victim was killed in the staged photo, doubts had now been eliminated and Time assured the reader that he was executed. Several letters were sent to Time reporting the facts just reviewed and also noting that their fakery went beyond that of the Washington Post.


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The end of history and the last man by Francis Fukuyama

affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, business cycle, centre right, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, European colonialism, Exxon Valdez, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, Isaac Newton, Joan Didion, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, kremlinology, land reform, liberal world order, liberation theology, life extension, linear programming, long peace, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, New Journalism, nuclear winter, old-boy network, open economy, post-industrial society, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Socratic dialogue, strikebreaker, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, zero-sum game

The fall of the Marcos dictatorship and his replacement by Corazon Aquino in 1986 did nothing to remedy either the problem of land distribution or the insurgency, not least because Mrs. Aquino’s family was among the largest landowners in the Philippines. Since her election, efforts to implement a serious land reform program have foundered on the opposition of a legislature largely controlled by the very people who would be its targets. Democracy in this instance is constrained in bringing about the kind of egalitarian social order that would be necessary either as the ground for capitalist growth or for the long-term stability of democracy itself.26 In such circumstances, dictatorship could potentially be much more functional in bringing about a modern society, as it was when dictatorial power was used to bring about land reform during the American occupation of Japan. A similar kind of reform effort was undertaken by the left-wing military officers who ruled Peru between 1968 and 1980.

Thus, while Soviet-style communism was not necessarily a realistic choice for people in the United States or Britain, it was held to be an authentic alternative for the Russians, with their traditions of autocracy and central control, not to mention the Chinese, who allegedly turned to it to overcome a legacy of foreign domination, backwardness, and humiliation. The same was said to be true for the Cubans and Nicaraguans, who had been victimized by American imperialism, and for the Vietnamese, for whom communism was regarded as a virtual national tradition. Many on the Left shared the view that a radical socialist regime in the Third World could legitimate itself, even in the absence of free elections and open discussion, by engaging in land reform, providing free health care, and raising literacy levels. Given these views, it is not surprising that there were few people on the Left who predicted revolutionary instability in the Soviet bloc or in China. Indeed, the belief in the legitimacy and permanence of communism took on a number of bizarre forms in the waning days of the Cold War. One prominent student of the Soviet Union maintained that the Soviet system had, under Brezhnev, achieved what he called “institutional pluralism,” and that “the Soviet leadership almost seems to have made the Soviet Union closer to the spirit of the pluralist model of American political science than is the United States….”17 Soviet society, pre-Gorbachev, was “not inert and passive but participatory in almost all sense of the term,” with a greater proportion of Soviet citizens “participating” in politics than in the United States.18 The same kind of thinking characterized some scholarship on Eastern Europe, where, despite the obviously imposed nature of communism, many scholars saw a tremendous social stability.

A similar kind of reform effort was undertaken by the left-wing military officers who ruled Peru between 1968 and 1980. Before the military takeover, 50 percent of Peru’s land was held by seven hundred hacienda owners who also controlled much of Peruvian politics. The military enacted the most sweeping land reform in Latin America after Cuba’s, replacing the old agrarian obligarchs with a new, more modern elite of industrialists and technobureaucats, and facilitating the dramatic growth of a middle class through improvements in education.27 This dictatorial interlude saddled Peru with an even larger and more inefficient state sector,28 but it did eliminate some of the most glaring social inequalities and thereby improved somewhat the long-term prospects for the emergence of an economically modern sector after the military returned to their barracks in 1980. The use of dictatorial state power to break the grip of established social groups is not unique to the Leninist Left; its use by right-wing regimes can pave the way toward market economics and therefore the achievement of the most advanced levels of industrialization.


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The End of Work by Jeremy Rifkin

banking crisis, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, blue-collar work, cashless society, collective bargaining, computer age, deskilling, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, employer provided health coverage, Erik Brynjolfsson, full employment, future of work, general-purpose programming language, George Gilder, global village, hiring and firing, informal economy, interchangeable parts, invention of the telegraph, Jacques de Vaucanson, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, land reform, low skilled workers, means of production, new economy, New Urbanism, Paul Samuelson, pink-collar, post-industrial society, Productivity paradox, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, speech recognition, strikebreaker, technoutopianism, Thorstein Veblen, Toyota Production System, trade route, trickle-down economics, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

For that reason alone, Southern Hemisphere NGOs are going to feel increasing pressure to resist the biotechnology revolution in agriculture while at the same time working for land reform and more ecologically sustainable approaches to farming their land. Dr. Vandana Shiva, Director of the Research Foundation for Science, Technology and National Resource Policy, in India, worries that in her own country, upwards of 95 percent of the farm population could be displaced in the coming century by the biotechnology revolution in agriculture. If that were to happen, warns Shiva, "We will have Yugoslavia multiplied a thousand times," with separatist movements, open warfare, and the fragmentation of the Indian subcontinent. The only viable alternative to mass social upheaval and the potential collapse of the Indian State, argues Shiva, is the building up of "a new freedom movement" rooted in land reform and the practice of ecologically sound, sustainable agriculture. 38 NGOs throughout the third world are beginning to band together to fight the incursion of agricultural biotechnology.

NGOStin the third world are a relatively new phenomenon. They have accompanied the movement for human rights and democratic reforms in the postcolonial era and are now a major force in the political and cultural life of countries throughout the Southern Hemisphere. Today there are more than 35,000 voluntary organizations in the developing nations.I3 Third-world NGOs are involved in rural development and land reform, food relief, preventive health care and family planning, early-childhood-education and literacy campaigns, economic development, housing, and political advocacy, and are often the only voice of the people in countries where the governments are weak and corrupt and the market economy small or nonexistent. In many developing nations, the third sector is becoming a more effective force for dealing with local needs than either the private or public sectors.

These volunteer groups help build schools and water taps, organize garbage removal, and arrange transportation services. Parent associations have mushroomed throughout Latin America over the past decade, helping parents establish childcare centers, community vegetable gardens, and producer cooperatives. In countries where small landowning elites still own and control much of the countryside, peasant associations and unions have been formed to press for land reforms. The Mexican National Union of Autonomous Regional Peasant Organizations and the Movement of Landless Rural Workers in Brazil are among the best-known and most visible groupS.28 Africa too is experiencing a rapid growth in third-sector activity. There are more than 4,000 NCOs currently operating on the African continent, and many observers regard them as "the most significant driving force behind development" in that part of the world. 29 In Uganda, 250 local NCOs provide emergency assistance and healthcare programs to the poor.


pages: 293 words: 89,712

After Zionism: One State for Israel and Palestine by Antony Loewenstein, Ahmed Moor

Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, drone strike, facts on the ground, ghettoisation, land reform, Naomi Klein, one-state solution, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, young professional

36 The first part of the problem was easily solved. Suhad Bishara, a lawyer with Adalah, explained of the land reform: “Only Israeli citizens and anyone who can come to Israel under the Law of Return – that is, any Jew – can buy the lands on offer, so no ‘foreigner’ will be eligible.”37 There was also a safeguard ensuring that Palestinian citizens continued to be barred from these rural communities: the admissions committees. These committees, which had been used to block the Zbeidats from Rakefet, would continue to oversee property transactions. Just as the Likud’s privatisation of the economy had simply moved control from one group of Israeli Jews to another, Netanyahu’s land reform would simply refashion the exclusion and discrimination imposed on Palestinian citizens. The role of the admissions committees as a way to prevent the Palestinian minority from encroaching on “national lands” was already under threat from isolated cases such as the Zbeidats and the Kaadans.

The privatisation programme, as conceived by Likud party apparatchiks like Netanyahu, was not about opening up Israel’s economy to global market forces but shifting power and capital away from the Labour party and toward a newly emerging elite of business families in Israel that, it was correctly assumed, would work to keep Likud in power (the increasing power of the cartels led to large cost-of-living rises that fuelled an unprecedented wave of protests demanding social justice in summer 2011). But Israel’s “national lands” were a far more contentious choice for privatisation than the economy, especially among traditional Labour Zionist groups. With a strong Right-wing majority government behind him, Netanyahu finally took on the issue at the end of the 2000s. He announced a programme of what was termed “land reform” to allow Israeli Jews, almost all of whom were living in homes and on land on the basis of a long-term lease from the ILA, to buy their properties outright. The sell-off was expected to appeal most strongly to middle-class Jews living in the hundreds of rural community associations. One of the Right’s motives in pushing the measure through was to win over to the Likud party Israeli homeowners in these rural communities who had traditionally identified with Labour Zionism.34 The area of land in question was not especially large: some 800,000 hectares, or about 4 percent of Israel’s territory.


pages: 287 words: 95,152

The Dawn of Eurasia: On the Trail of the New World Order by Bruno Macaes

active measures, Berlin Wall, British Empire, computer vision, Deng Xiaoping, different worldview, digital map, Donald Trump, energy security, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global value chain, illegal immigration, intermodal, iterative process, land reform, liberal world order, Malacca Straits, mass immigration, megacity, open borders, Parag Khanna, savings glut, scientific worldview, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, speech recognition, trade liberalization, trade route, Transnistria, young professional, zero-sum game, éminence grise

There can be no land segment of the Belt and Road without Xinjiang, but at the same time it is difficult to see how China will be able to solve the contradiction between the desire to facilitate trade and movement while closing borders and subjecting everyone to permanent surveillance. You inevitably ask yourself whether the Belt and Road initiative might not be a concept far ahead of what social and political reality can deliver. A kind of utopianism, in this sense. Across the border, in Kazakhstan, the issue has similar undertones. When I visited in 2016 the government was bracing itself against growing popular protests about a recent land reform bill. While the Western media spoke of dissatisfaction with the lack of civil and political rights, it was clear to anyone familiar with the protests that the root of the unrest lay elsewhere, namely, in the widespread fear that allowing foreign companies to own land in Kazakhstan would be tantamount to granting future control over the country to China. In fact, the reform bill did no more than extend the maximum lease period to twenty-five years, up from the current ten, but it had doubtless been a response to Chinese interest in developing farmland in Kazakhstan and establishing joint ventures in the country for processing agricultural products.

Fears of growing Chinese migration to Kazakhstan are pervasive among the public, with much-exaggerated numbers swirling about, and the wage gap between local workers and Chinese migrants – especially in the oil industry – continues to provoke resentment and even open conflict and unrest. Negative stereotypes of the Chinese, as well as Sinophobia, are easily found in Kazakh newspapers.10 It was revealing that President Nazarbayev, who enjoys an almost limitless form of personal rule, was forced by the protests to place a moratorium on land reform. As a historically nomadic people, Kazakhs retain an intimate, personal relationship with what they regard as their land. Leonid Brezhnev recalled in a little booklet how during his wartime years Kazakh soldiers and officers would sing mournfully, not about the wives or girlfriends left behind but about the steppe at home, so different from the Ukrainian one. As General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Kazakh Soviet Republic ten years later, Brezhnev was put in charge of making those vast expanses agriculturally productive.

Perhaps no longer in the sense that an existing ideological system must be imported from the West, but certainly in the sense that a system capable of rivalling Western modern society must share its crucial trait: the power to manipulate nature. Here Mao was only building on the earlier May Fourth Movement, with its rejection of traditional Confucian values in favour of a modern, scientific culture. During the Cultural Revolution, Mao urged the Chinese people to ‘smash the four olds’: old customs, old culture, old ideas and old habits. As the revolution moved from the cities to the countryside, land reform eliminated the private holdings of lineage property. Ancestral halls and structures of lineage worship were converted to schools or other public places. Temples were razed or converted into the symbols of a modern state: schools, hospitals, military barracks and local administration buildings. This is still a rather visible feature of the landscape in a city like Beijing, but also in the countryside.


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Roads: An Anthropology of Infrastructure and Expertise (Expertise: Cultures and Technologies of Knowledge) by Penny Harvey, Hannah Knox

BRICs, centre right, dematerialisation, informal economy, Kickstarter, land reform, new economy, the built environment, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, trade route, urban renewal

Integration and Difference 57 A former army officer told us that the colonizers had been responsible for stealing over two thousand square miles from the generals who had first claimed the land, but that there was nothing the generals could really do about it. Ownership is weak when land is unoccupied, and along the Iquitos-Nauta road occupation appeared to trump the threat of force when it came to winning land rights. Against a background of national land reform, which was under way at the time, it is perhaps unsurprising that the associations found it relatively easy to displace the generals as individual landowners. Moreover, the 1970s and 1980s had seen an increase in labor organization in Iquitos. By the time the road was being colonized, many of the unions were powerful voices in the region, having brought a much greater sense of community activism and local rights to the roadside dwellers (Rodriguez 1991).

There was considerable press interest in the so-called no- contactados (uncontacted people) during the construction phase of the Interoceanic Highway. Helicopters scanned the forest for images of these people in what appeared as a response to the contradictory compulsions to prove that they existed, to demonstrate the threat the road posed to them, and to stimulate calls for their protection or integration, or both. 2. See Lopez Parodi 1991. 3. This was particularly striking as it was taking place as the same time as a broader process of land reform that dismantled the hacienda system of land ownership in the Andes, redistributing the land from the hacienda owners to communities (Seligman 1995). 4. Anon. 1989. 5. At the same time, from the perspective of many people living in Iquitos and Nauta, the road still stands as a place that is characterized by its lack of sociality. The agricultural associations along the road are often accused of being both impoverished and conflict ridden, with a number of charities and NGOs having come to focus on the road in recent years as a space in particular need of economic, educational, medical, and social intervention. 6.

., 97 knowledge practices: embodied experiential knowledge, 94, 96; of financial analysts, 88–89; and knowledge production, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 100, 149, 203, 206n4; LéviStrauss on, 107, 207n18; negotiations between generic and specific knowledges, 13, 17, 203; and overlapping knowledge forms, 149, 198, 199; and public secrets, 136–37; relational dynamics of, 198–203; and rumor, 136, 138, 141, 145, 167, 212n2; situated knowledge, 149; and statistical projections, 149, 159; technical knowledge, 12, 149, 197, 199, 200 Knox, Hannah, 42, 97–98, 150, 151, 155, 176 Index labor: collaborative labor, 127–28; and communities, 127, 157, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173; conscription of, 28, 33, 42, 44 laboratories: and liquid limit of soil, 95–96, 98, 210n12, 211n14; and material preparations, 90–93, 105; and material qualities, 93–101, 195, 196, 199–200; plasticity test, 94, 95, 98, 101; and plastic limit of soil, 97–98, 211n14; preprepared soil samples in, 96; and process of inscription, 97, 199; and recombining materials, 101–2; sorted materials in, 92; testing swelling property of soil samples, 93 Lakoff, Andrew, 114, 194 Lampland, M., 6 land distribution, inequalities in, 208n14 land expropriation, 170–71, 174–75, 178 land ownership: authoritarian control of, 32–33; and hacienda system, 209n3; and Interoceanic Highway, 38, 65–66, 156; investments of, 35; and Iquitos-Nauta road, 55–57, 60, 74, 75, 138, 141; and labor conscription, 28; and road-building projects, 32–33 land reform, 57, 209n3 landscape: sentient landscape, 53, 79, 127. See also Earth forces Larkin, Brian, 206n8 Latour, Bruno, 94, 97, 98, 198–99, 206n4, 210n4 Lave, Jean, 82, 211n15 Lazar, S., 212n8 Leguía, Augusto, 28, 29, 42 Leite-Ribeiro, Raul Fernando, 38, 39 Lévi-Strauss, Claude, 1, 2, 6, 107, 108, 197, 198, 206n3, 207n18 Li, Fabiana, 213n5 Lima, Peru, 24, 208n4 Llosa, Elena, 38, 39 logging industries: and Interoceanic Highway, 3, 23, 26, 31, 63, 64, 65, 156, 158, 171; and Iquitos-Nauta road, 43, 47, 49, 138, 140 Madre De Dios River, barges crossing, 37 malarial mosquitos, 48, 49, 58 Maldonado, Faustino, 26 Manu National Park, 31, 109 Marcapata, Peru, 32, 38, 72 235 marginality, 39, 50, 61, 114 material environments, instability of, 17, 79, 89, 94, 101–2, 103, 122, 187, 199, 210n1 material forms, 4, 11, 16 material practices: and health and safety measures, 121; and knowledge practices, 8; and numbers, 210–11n13; and open-ended nature of infrastructural forms, 6–7, 13, 135; political nature of, 10, 14.


pages: 777 words: 186,993

Imagining India by Nandan Nilekani

addicted to oil, affirmative action, Airbus A320, BRICs, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, clean water, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, digital map, distributed generation, farmers can use mobile phones to check market prices, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, global supply chain, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, informal economy, information asymmetry, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), joint-stock company, knowledge economy, land reform, light touch regulation, LNG terminal, load shedding, low cost airline, Mahatma Gandhi, market fragmentation, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, open economy, Parag Khanna, pension reform, Potemkin village, price mechanism, race to the bottom, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, smart grid, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, unemployed young men, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population

The lay of the land “When you talk about building highways, canals and rail in a country like India,” Vinayak Chatterjee says, “you come up against a big constraint—land.” Vinayak heads the consultancy Feedback Ventures Ltd and has years of experience working with the government and private sector on infrastructure issues. Land has been an especially charged concern in our politics. The 1950s and 1960s land reforms had failed across most of the country with the exception of Kerala and West Bengal. The landowning zamindars were politically powerful, and in most states the loopholes in the legislation had made the reforms largely impotent. At the same time, rent control policies imposed massive restrictions on urban land, taking it off the market. The 1950s controls around land markets only grew worse when Indira introduced land ceilings and limits on the height of buildings in the mid-1970s.

And through their early years such movements were often thwarted and repressed—the 1950s and 1960s were the dark ages for Indian secular rule as across states political parties shunted backward castes to the margins and limited their political power. In Bihar the state Congress took great pains in 1963 to prevent a minister of the Kurmi caste from becoming the chief minister. 8ci In Uttar Pradesh, the Congress MLA Sampurnanand stated that “opening the doors to the backward castes . . . will blow up the whole social structure.”9 And when land reforms took place in parts of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, violence surged against Dalits and backward castes who were allotted land—a trend that continued well into the 1980s and 1990s in north India. The rapid rise of such caste alliances deeply angered leaders such as Ambedkar, who felt that the government was making a mockery of political rights. He said, “People always keep on saying to me, ‘Oh you are the maker of the Constitution.’

Land has never been an easy issue in India—it has been a source of much chest-thumping and of pitched, agitated battles. The crisis of land rights and the abuse many landless workers suffered under the zamindars nearly derailed efforts by Indian leaders preindependence to unite rural communities under the freedom movement. Postindependence, land politics became even more complicated, especially the failed land reform and redistribution efforts of the 1950s and 1960s. Today the politics of land in India still has a deeply adversarial texture—it is seen primarily as a battle between the powerful and the powerless. In the 1960s and 1970s, it was the zamindars on top, but lately it is companies eager to establish special economic zones (SEZs) in partnership with state governments that are seen as new, autocratic overlords.


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Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed by James C. Scott

agricultural Revolution, business cycle, clean water, colonial rule, commoditize, deskilling, facts on the ground, germ theory of disease, informal economy, invention of writing, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Kenneth Arrow, land reform, land tenure, Louis Pasteur, new economy, New Urbanism, Potemkin village, price mechanism, profit maximization, road to serfdom, Silicon Valley, stochastic process, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method, Thorstein Veblen, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, working poor

Commoners were likely to see it as a pretext for an additional local tax. Jean-Baptiste Colbert, the great "centralizer" of absolutism, proposed to conduct a national cadastral survey of France, but he was thwarted in 1679 by the combined opposition of the aristocracy and clergy. After the Revolution more than a century later, the radical Francois-Noel Babeuf, in his "Projet de cadastre perpetuel," dreamed of a perfectly egalitarian land reform in which everyone would get an equal parcel.95 He too was thwarted. We must keep in mind not only the capacity of state simplifications to transform the world but also the capacity of the society to modify, subvert, block, and even overturn the categories imposed upon it. Here it is useful to distinguish what might be called facts on paper from facts on the ground. As Sally Falk Moore and many others have emphasized, the land-office records may serve as the basis for taxation, but they may have little to do with the actual rights to the land.

The only revolutionary party with any rural following was the Social Revolutionaries, whose populist roots tended to make them unsympathetic to Lenin's authoritarian outlook. The effects of the revolutionary process itself had rendered rural society more opaque and hence more difficult to tax. There had already been a sweeping seizure of land, dignified, retrospectively, by the inappropriate term "land reform." In fact, after the collapse of the offensive into Austria during the war and the subsequent mass desertions, much of the land of the gentry and church, as well as "crown land;' had been absorbed by the peasantry. Rich peasants cultivating independent farmsteads (the "separators" of the Stolypin reforms) were typically forced back into the village allotments, and rural society was in effect radically compressed.

From a technical point of view it was infinitely easier to plough up large units of land without regard for individual claims than it was to identify each family allotment, measure its value in the peasants' traditional terms, and then painfully transpose it from scattered strips into a consolidated farm. Then, too, a capital city administrator could not help but prefer to supervise and tax large productive units and not have to deal with separate farmers.... The collective had a dual appeal to authentic agrarian reformers. They represented a social ideal for rhetorical purposes, and at the same time they seemed to simplify the technical problems of land reform and state control.47 In the turmoil of 1917-21, not many such agrarian experiments were possible, and those that were attempted generally failed badly. They were, however, a straw in the wind for the full collectivization campaign a decade later. Unable to remake the rural landscape, the Bolsheviks turned to the same methods of forced tribute under martial law that had been used by their czarist predecessors during the war.


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Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy by Francis Fukuyama

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, Atahualpa, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, British Empire, centre right, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, colonial rule, conceptual framework, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, disruptive innovation, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Snowden, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, Home mortgage interest deduction, income inequality, information asymmetry, invention of the printing press, iterative process, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, labour management system, land reform, land tenure, life extension, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, means of production, Menlo Park, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, Nelson Mandela, new economy, open economy, out of africa, Peace of Westphalia, Port of Oakland, post-industrial society, post-materialism, price discrimination, quantitative easing, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Scramble for Africa, Second Machine Age, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, trade route, transaction costs, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Vilfredo Pareto, women in the workforce, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

Besides the democratic system embodied in the constitution itself, the durable policies included land reform that ended the system of tenancy and distributed agricultural land to individual farmers, and the strengthening of women’s legal and political rights. The vast majority of Japanese were subsequently quite grateful that these changes had been forced on them, particularly women, whose rights were secured due to the tenacity of a young woman named Beate Sirota who served on the constitutional drafting committee.31 The Japanese system had been stuck, in effect, in an equilibrium where the existing actors would never have agreed to certain changes—popular rather than imperial sovereignty, land reform, and women’s rights—on their own. The Americans did not force Japan to accept a distasteful outcome as much as help the Japanese to reach a more positive equilibrium.

The PRI would remain the dominant party controlling Mexican politics until 2000, when it lost the presidency to Vicente Fox, a candidate of the rival Partido Acción Nacional. The 1950s and ’60s, in particular, were years of strong economic growth that saw Mexico once again begin to close the gap between itself and the United States. But the fundamental problem of inequality and class had not been solved. The PRI did have some significant accomplishments to its credit: it undertook a major land reform in the 1930s that broke up Mexico’s large haciendas, and just as important, it created a strong sense of national identity by continuing the revolution’s revival of pre-Columbian symbols. But it achieved stability through the clientelistic distribution of state resources to favored political groups, which limited competition and prevented Mexico from developing a strongly competitive private sector.

There was violence as each of these rising groups sought representation, but there was plenty of violence as well in the United States and Britain at comparable periods of their industrial development. The old landowning oligarchy could feel its influence slipping away, but no one in the new political constellation that emerged by the 1920s was fundamentally challenging its position. Indeed, one social fact that distinguished Argentina from Peru and Mexico was that it had no impoverished peasantry that could organize to demand radical land reform. Whereas the Costa Rican elite made good political choices in 1948, the Argentine elite made some very bad ones, beginning with the military coup that took place in September 1930 that brought down Yrigoyen’s radical party government. The coup was the result of collaboration between the old landowning oligarchy and the military. The 1929 stock market crash in New York and the beginning of the Great Depression had reduced demand for Argentina’s exports and brought on an economic crisis.


pages: 348 words: 98,757

The Trade of Queens by Charles Stross

business intelligence, call centre, illegal immigration, index card, inflation targeting, land reform, profit motive, Project for a New American Century, seigniorage

And they won't rest with a revolutionary superpower on the other side of the world—Sir Adam Burroughs's Leveler ideology is an existential threat to any absolute monarchy, much like the Soviet Union was to the United States' capitalist system. Which leaves the economy." Miriam straightened up. "Lots of radical ministries jockeying for preeminence, a permanent emergency in foreign affairs, a big war effort. Central planning, maybe, lots of nationalization. They're going to have to industrialize properly if they're going to dig their way out of this mess. War spending is always a good way to boost an economy. And land reform, let's not forget the land reform—they'll probably expropriate the big slave plantations in South America, the duchies of the Midwest." "My—Miriam, you can't sleep here: The bedding's mildewed." "Wha—oh? Shit. There should be spare sheets in the laundry—" Miriam wound down. "Oh. No servants." "I could hire bodies easily enough, if you think it necessary?" "No." Miriam frowned. "Flashing around cash would be really dangerous right now.

I'm counting on you to reel them in and put them in a deep, padded box—and build your institute and your complex of design bureaus and all the rest of the complicated machinery. We're not going to breathe a word of this to anyone, including the rest of the commission. Not the Peace and Justice puritans—they'll just find a way to use your world-travelers as a stick to stir up trouble. Not the Radicals: I've no idea what they'd do, but it'd probably be as stupid as those land-reform proposals they keep coming up with. And Foreign Affairs: If the Bourbon gets so much as a whisper that they exist, he can make them an offer that would bankrupt our coffers to match. No. This needs to be kept secret, so secret that nobody gets a whiff of their existence. And you're just the man to see that it happens, aren't you? "These aliens must belong to us—and us alone. Make it so." The morning after the night before: Mike Fleming jolted abruptly awake to the sensation of the world falling away beneath his back.


Culture of Terrorism by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, Bretton Woods, centre right, clean water, David Brooks, failed state, Farzad Bazoft, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, risk tolerance, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

See also Clifford Krauss and Robert S. Greenberger, “Peril to Democracy,” WSJ, Sept. 14, 1987, warning that the corruption under Duarte, more “rampant” even than under his predecessors, is “threatening one of President Reagan’s few foreign-policy successes,” namely “foster[ing] democracy in this tiny Central American nation.” See p. 89. 22. Lindsey Gruson, NYT, Sept. 28, 1987. On early criticisms of the land reform by Oxfam, Salvadoran land reform specialist Leonel Gómez, and others, and sources, see Towards a New Cold War, 43ff.; reprinted in Peck, Chomsky Reader. 23. CSM, Sept. 15, 1987. The Mexican Press reports that the union leader was kidnapped “by five elements of a security body.” On the same day, the government announced the arrest of 12 union leaders. A week earlier, the leader of the agricultural workers union was murdered by members of the armed forces, one of the 46 cases of reported political violence that week.

The ranching country of central Nicaragua was a “traditional recruiting ground for the brutal National Guard that sustained the dictatorship” of Somoza, and with its moderately well-to-do private farmers, is the main center of contra support today.23 Jorge Castañeda writes that the neglect of the Sandinistas for the “poor and backward peasantry of the northern reaches” in the first years after the fall of Somoza “when linked with ties the Somoza National Guard had in remote, poverty-stricken areas— traditional recruiting grounds for most Latin American armies—made this sector of the population ideal for contra enrollment” before it was “neutralized” by land reform and resettlement from areas of conflict, thus reducing the “meager popular support” for the contras in scattered and generally remote regions.24 It comes as no surprise that “among the contras membership in the National Guard appears to hold little or no stigma,” or that many joined the contras “because they were either members of the National Guard or had relatives who were,” while others describe their service in the U.S.


Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower by William Blum

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, collective bargaining, Columbine, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

He was given the grand treatment in Washington shortly before he took office. To Washington's dismay, however, Bosch was true to his beliefs. He called for land reform; low-rent housing; modest nationalization of business; foreign investment provided it was not excessively exploitative of the country and other policies making up the program of any liberal Third World leader serious about social change. He was likewise serious about the thing called civil liberties: communists, or those labeled as such, were not to be persecuted unless they actually violated the law. A number of American officials and congressmen expressed their discomfort with Bosch's plans, as well as his stance of independence from the United States. Land reform and nationaliza-tion are always touchy issues in Washington, the stuff that "creep-ing socialism" is made of.

Later, when questioned about this by the Pike Committee, Kissinger responded: "Covert action should not be confused with missionary work."27 Portugal, 1974-76 A bloodless military coup in 1974 brought down the US-supported 48-year fascist regime that was the world's only remaining colonial power. This was followed by a program centered on nationalization of major industries, workers' control, a minimum wage, land reform and other progressive measures. Washington and multinational officials who were on the board of directors of the planet were concerned. Destabilization became the order of the day: covert actions; attacks in the US press; subverting trade unions; subsidizing opposition media; economic sabotage through international credit and commerce; heavy financing of selected candidates in elections; a US cut-off of Portugal from certain military and nuclear information commonly available to NATO members; NATO naval and air exercises off the Portuguese coast, with 19 NATO warships moored in Lisbon's harbor, regarded by most Portuguese as an attempt to intimidate the provisional government.28 The Portuguese revolution was doomed.


pages: 171 words: 53,428

On Anarchism by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, crowdsourcing, feminist movement, land reform, means of production, Occupy movement, post-industrial society, profit motive, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith

Why was this an abuse of authority? This Jackson does not explain. The choice of words indicates a reluctance on Jackson’s part to recognize the reality of the revolutionary situation, despite his account of the breakdown of Republican authority. The statement that the workers “abused their sudden authority” by carrying out collectivization rests on a moral judgment that recalls that of Ithiel Pool, when he characterizes land reform in Vietnam as a matter of “despoiling one’s neighbors,” or of Franz Borkenau, when he speaks of expropriation in the Soviet Union as “robbery,” demonstrating “a streak of moral indifference.” Within a few months, Jackson informs us, “the revolutionary tide began to ebb in Catalonia” after “accumulating food and supply problems, and the experience of administering villages, frontier posts, and public utilities, had rapidly shown the anarchists the unsuspected complexity of modern society” (pp. 313–14).

Bernstein, “Leadership and Mass Mobilisation in the Soviet and Chinese Collectivization Campaigns of 1929–30 and 1955–56: A Comparison,” China Quarterly, no. 31 (July–September 1967), pp. 1–47, for some interesting and suggestive comments and analysis. The scale of the Chinese Revolution is so great and reports in depth are so fragmentary that it would no doubt be foolhardy to attempt a general evaluation. Still, all the reports I have been able to study suggest that insofar as real successes were achieved in the several stages of land reform, mutual aid, collectivization, and formation of communes, they were traceable in large part to the complex interaction of the Communist party cadres and the gradually evolving peasant associations, a relation which seems to stray far from the Leninist model of organization. This is particularly evident in William Hinton’s magnificent study Fanshen (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1966), which is unparalleled, to my knowledge, as an analysis of a moment of profound revolutionary change.


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Behind the Berlin Wall: East Germany and the Frontiers of Power by Patrick Major

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, falling living standards, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, mittelstand, open borders, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, post-materialism, refrigerator car, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Sinatra Doctrine

See also Harrison, ‘Berlin Crisis’, 211. ¹⁴³ Leuschner, ‘Ergebnis der Beratungen über die ökonomischen Fragen’, 17 June 1959, SAPMO-BArch, DY30/JIV2/202/29. ¹⁴⁴ Staritz, Geschichte der DDR, 190. ¹⁴⁵ SED-ZK (LPO), ‘Bericht über die politische Lage . . . ’, 17 Mar. 1960, SAPMO-BArch, DY30/IV2/5/292, fos. 122–9. 50 Behind the Berlin Wall than join. The northern regions were collectivized first, perhaps because there were fewer traditional smallholdings at stake, although it is clear that many ‘new farmers’, beneficiaries of 1945’s land reform, also feared returning to the status of estate workers. Soon after the announcement of full collectivization on 14 April 1960, farmers were complaining about being tricked by broken promises. A significant minority of LPG members unilaterally resigned from collectives. A year after collectivization 17,000 ‘individual farmers’ were still counted—tiny compared with the half million new collective farmers—but still a thorn in the authorities’ side.¹⁴⁶ ‘Fire brigades’ of party officials roved the countryside for recantations.

(eds), Lebensläufe: hüben und drüben (Opladen: Leske & Budrich, 1993), 321. ¹¹ Jan Palmowski, Inventing a Socialist Nation: Heimat and the Politics of Everyday Life in the GDR, 1945–90 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). ¹² MfS-ZAIG, ‘Bericht über die Entwicklung der Republikflucht im Zeitraum 1.4.61–13.8.61 . . . ’, 3 Oct. 1961, BStU-ZA, ZAIG 412, fo. 72. ¹³ Alexander von Plato and Wolfgang Meinicke, Alte Heimat—neue Zeit: Flüchtlinge, Umgesiedelte, Vertriebene in der Sowjetischen Besatzungszone und in der DDR (Berlin: Verlags-Anstalt Union, 1991), 56–65. ¹⁴ BAK, B136/2719, fo. 181; B136/2720, fo. 25. ¹⁵ HVDVP, ‘Republikfluchten . . .’, 2 Nov. 1957, BAB, DO-1/11/964, fos. 193–201. Crossing the Line 59 Germany.’¹⁶ There was even some solidarity among expellee communities. On 13 February 1960 five farming families, originally from Latvia, then transplanted to the Ukraine by Nazi resettlement before enjoying the land reform in 1945, fled en masse from the commune of Niemberg in Halle.¹⁷ This was their third move in twenty years—just some of the wandering souls of the early GDR. Among East Germans themselves rootedness varied by region, as Figure 2 clearly demonstrates. Initially there was greater uniformity, with border regions slightly more susceptible. Later on, southern Bezirke proved more immune to Republikflucht.

With the notable exception of Dresden, the southern cities had been spared heavy bombing and ground-fighting. Whereas Magdeburg, Frankfurt, and Prenzlau in the north had been devastated, Leipzig and Karl-Marx-Stadt were only moderately damaged, and Thuringia almost unscathed. Saxony was an industrialized region and remained so, attracting an internal migration. In the north, on the other hand, there had been much greater dislocation of social networks under the land reform, ending centuries of Junker patronage.¹⁸ Here a long-established ‘flight from the land’ continued, as young country-dwellers sought work in the towns. In the rural areas of the south, on the other hand, smallholding, including workers’ cottage gardens, provided a stronger incentive to stay. Moreover, Cottbus and Dresden contained the homelands of the slavic Sorb minorities in the Ober- and Niederlausitz and witnessed consistently low losses.


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Small Wars, Big Data: The Information Revolution in Modern Conflict by Eli Berman, Joseph H. Felter, Jacob N. Shapiro, Vestal Mcintyre

basic income, call centre, centre right, clean water, crowdsourcing, demand response, drone strike, experimental economics, failed state, George Akerlof, Google Earth, HESCO bastion, income inequality, income per capita, information asymmetry, Internet of things, iterative process, land reform, mandatory minimum, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, natural language processing, RAND corporation, randomized controlled trial, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, statistical model, the scientific method, trade route, unemployed young men, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey

A clear example is service provision by U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan under the Commander’s Emergency Response Program (CERP). These development funds, which were spent on projects chosen by battalions and brigades, were disproportionately allocated to communities with the highest predicted levels of violence rather than those with the largest population or the greatest economic need.12 Land reform in Colombia provides another example, as documented by Mike Albertus and Oliver Kaplan: the government implemented it disproportionately in areas where violence posed the greatest risk to elites.13 Rebels also provide services. William Hinton, in 1966, documented land redistribution and other service provision by Maoist rebels in China in his book Fanshen.14 More recent research has repeatedly replicated that finding, showing multiple instances of service provision by various rebel groups.

In reality, careful analysis by ESOC member Steve Biddle along with his students Ryan Baker and Julia Macdonald reveals a more complex sequence: while military assistance was critical in preventing the collapse of the Salvadoran regime in the early 1980s, the United States subsequently failed to convince the local government to adopt a set of reforms that could have led to settlement, including making governance inclusive, professionalizing the military, and implementing land reform and other economic modernizations. The local regime chose to instead use the military as a repressive tool to maintain a grip on political power. The conflict remained a festering stalemate until 1992. Fortunately, the FMLN insurgency (a coalition of left-wing guerrilla groups) was weakened by an external factor—loss of Nicaraguan support. Meanwhile, local elites became convinced that peace was in their interest.

It boils down to six principles. Information is key. When the enemy is embedded in the community rather than grouped behind a border or front line, it is essential to get information from citizens. We’ve seen the success that opening information channels can bring: in Indonesia, police used information from deradicalized former rebels to shut down the most violent splinter groups of Jemaah Islamiyah; in Colombia, land reforms led to both greater satisfaction among rural citizens with government and less violence, almost certainly by opening up information channels; and in Iraq, an ESOC study presented the first quantitative links between the number of tips received and short-term reductions in insurgent violence. Getting more information might not be so hard. In a symmetric war, gaining significant advantage generally requires huge mobilizations of personnel and equipment to seize territory; in asymmetric warfare states can do the same with a few good tips.


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The Vietnam War: An Intimate History by Geoffrey C. Ward, Ken Burns

anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, clean water, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, European colonialism, friendly fire, Haight Ashbury, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, mutually assured destruction, Norman Mailer, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, War on Poverty

Most important was an interdisciplinary team from Michigan State University headed by an early Diem admirer, the political scientist Wesley R. Fishel, who saw his mission as “saving” his friend’s government. For seven years, he and his staff proposed American-style changes in everything from policing to public administration to the installation of traffic lights in Saigon. Diem listened to them all, accepted almost $2 billion in aid between 1955 and 1960, and again and again went his own way. Americans urged him to make sweeping land reforms; he expropriated vast tracts of land from wealthy French and Vietnamese landlords but then failed to redistribute most of them among the landless. They suggested he encourage democracy on the local level; instead, he replaced elected village chiefs and village councils with outsiders, hand-picked by bureaucrats loyal to him. Urged to adopt principles of small-scale community development that had been adopted in India and elsewhere, he tried forcibly resettling thousands of people into new communities instead, and then required them to perform weeks of compulsory and uncompensated labor.

Hanoi’s patrons, China and the Soviet Union, were steadily growing apart, and neither was willing to underwrite another war. And in any case, Ho Chi Minh and his comrades were focused on rebuilding their country. Years of fighting had taken a serious toll on North Vietnam. The French had deliberately destroyed a network of dikes. Rice production had plummeted. Railroads no longer ran. Vast areas had been abandoned by farmers who had fled to the cities for safety during the fighting. The communists now imposed land reforms modeled on those imposed by Mao Zedong in China with a ruthlessness that left as many as fifteen thousand people dead, including not only landlords and their allies but many peasants who had fought in the ranks of the Viet Minh. Hanoi’s policies were so harsh and uncompromising that one province was driven to open rebellion and had to be brought to heel. Ho eventually apologized for “mistakes and shortcomings,” as he had a decade earlier.

It also afforded the Chinese advisers the chance to press their Vietnamese counterparts to demonstrate their commitment to Marxist-Leninist ideology. In 1951, the Indochinese Communist Party, which had been operating in secret, reemerged under a new and more doctrinaire-sounding name: the Vietnam Worker’s Party. The party also stepped up its plans for socialist-style mass mobilization, including a military draft and a land reform campaign. The 1949–50 period was also a turning point for Diem. Following his release by Ho in 1946, Diem spent three mostly fruitless years trying to build a coalition of noncommunist nationalists. Then, in 1949, he confronted a major new political development: the establishment of a new anticommunist Vietnamese state, known as the Associated State of Vietnam (ASVN). It was the brainchild of French colonial officials who viewed it as a way to attract noncommunist Vietnamese nationalists who might otherwise back Ho and the DRV.


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Liberalism at Large: The World According to the Economist by Alex Zevin

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, Chelsea Manning, collective bargaining, Columbine, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, credit crunch, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, debt deflation, desegregation, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, hiring and firing, imperial preference, income inequality, interest rate derivative, invisible hand, John von Neumann, Joseph Schumpeter, Julian Assange, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, liberal capitalism, liberal world order, light touch regulation, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, Martin Wolf, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, new economy, New Journalism, Norman Macrae, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, Philip Mirowski, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, railway mania, rent control, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Snapchat, Socratic dialogue, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, unbanked and underbanked, underbanked, unorthodox policies, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, Yom Kippur War, young professional

A calico printer turned politician, Cobden had risen from a clerk in a City of London warehouse to the smoggy heights of Manchester’s cottonopolis: in 1836, five years after moving from commission to factory production, his firm had £150,000 in turnover, with profits of £23,000, a hint of the sums to be made from textiles in flush times.6 John Bright was the other outspoken leader of the League, born, unlike Cobden, to a prosperous family of Quaker cotton spinners in the town of Rochdale in Lancashire. Both were eloquent and tireless proponents of free trade, though in each case – untypically – their radicalism reached past the Corn Laws, to electoral and land reform, an end to primogeniture, and religious disestablishment. ‘The colonies, army, navy and church are, with the Corn Laws, merely accessories to aristocratic government’, wrote Cobden in 1836. ‘John Bull has his work cut out for the next fifty years to purge his house of those impurities!’7 Long before victory over the Corn Laws was in sight, however, Cobden and Bright met James Wilson, a Scottish hat manufacturer and author, whose powerful vision of a free trade world, first set out in 1839, gave their campaign its winning argument.

Asquith had begun writing at least one leader a week for the Economist in 1880, as a young barrister in need of extra money. He got the job, which paid £150 a year, through Bagehot’s old friend and co-editor, Richard Hutton, for whom Asquith also wrote at the Spectator. Before crossing the Strand to the Economist offices, Asquith would wax on classical themes – ‘The Art of Tacitus’, say, or ‘The Age of Demosthenes’ – as well as on contemporary topics like fair trade, land reform and Ireland.86 At the Economist he set down his ideas on the future of liberalism, at this stage under the heading of ‘New Radicalism’, intended to head off the very schism that precipitated his own exit from both the Spectator and the Economist in 1885. A Liberalism fit for the times would, Asquith argued, take on board some progressive social demands without endangering international free trade, while banishing any concerted opposition to interventions overseas, which was as unrealistic as it was unpopular.

But once London decided (with a shove from the US, whose nationals owned most of the fields and mines) that communism was afoot, it acquiesced to the landing of troops, suspension of the constitution, and arrest of the party’s leaders as the only course available.100 Kenya experienced an actual rebellion from 1952, its Land Freedom Army demanding redistribution of the richest soil in a series of bold executions of white settlers on their highland estates. The paper advocated pitiless repression of ‘Mau Mau terrorists’ and guerrilla fighters, and the imprisonment of ‘extremist’ leaders like Jomo Kenyatta, and swallowed the government’s line on the notorious detention camps it had set up in the colony – that these had ‘rehabilitated’ nearly 80,000 Mau Mau supporters.101 Of course, constitutional and land reforms were also needed to address local grievances, the paper conceded, as it covered the ‘Kenyan emergency’ for the next eight years, aware that the model of City-led colonial development depended partly on what happened there.102 Growth in Kenya – a brisk 3 per cent on average from 1948 to 1960 – might neutralize racial discontent, which the paper saw as a by-product of population growth among the native Africans.103 The vision uniting these assessments of empire belonged to Ward, who reframed editorial coverage of it to fit the Cold War.


pages: 540 words: 168,921

The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism by Joyce Appleby

1919 Motor Transport Corps convoy, agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Madoff, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, Charles Lindbergh, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Columbian Exchange, commoditize, corporate governance, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Doha Development Round, double entry bookkeeping, epigenetics, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Firefox, fixed income, Ford paid five dollars a day, Francisco Pizarro, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gordon Gekko, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, Hernando de Soto, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, informal economy, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, invention of movable type, invention of the printing press, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, land reform, Livingstone, I presume, Long Term Capital Management, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, moral hazard, Parag Khanna, Ponzi scheme, profit maximization, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, refrigerator car, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, special economic zone, spice trade, spinning jenny, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, total factor productivity, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration, Yogi Berra, Yom Kippur War

Successful development in Taiwan and South Korea started with land reform, a step strongly backed by the United States, which exercised a powerful influence on the leaders of Korea and Taiwan through its aid programs. Just moving landownership from the hands of a leisured elite to those of the working farmers had many profound and lasting consequences. Crop yields went up, lowering food prices and giving everyone more purchasing power. Tax revenues from the new landowners went into the purchase of fertilizer, equipment, and farmer education programs in a mutually enhancing spiral upward.38 As in England in the seventeenth century, agricultural improvement required fewer workers, releasing men and women for other occupations, like manufacturing. The more egalitarian distribution of wealth created by land reform made rural radicalism less likely while it undercut opposition to modernizing reforms that entrenched landed elites usually mount.

The country was demilitarized; jails were cleared of dissident liberals, socialists, and Communists; and political parties and labor unions encouraged to participate in the hoped-for establishment of a postwar democracy. When the Japanese were slow to produce a constitution, General MacArthur’s staff did it for them, investing power in a legislature like that of Great Britain and giving women equal political rights with men. Land reform placed more than two million acres in the hands of nearly five million tenant farmers. The rural economy began to blossom. Turning their attention to the manufacturing sector, the occupiers became intent on breaking up the giant holding companies of the prewar period.9 World politics then intervened. When Soviet-backed North Korea invaded South Korea, the United States led a United Nations action against the invaders.

The more egalitarian distribution of wealth created by land reform made rural radicalism less likely while it undercut opposition to modernizing reforms that entrenched landed elites usually mount. Less tangibly, the relative income equality in Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea, and Hong Kong consolidated the support from a prospering working class. One can only wonder what would have happened to the economies of Argentina and Mexico if they had undertaken similar land reforms. More important, the Korean War of 1950–1953 had introduced a big spender into the Pacific basin trade universe. The founder of Hyundai, Chung Ju-yung, for instance, found good customers in the American armed forces for his two lines of business, construction and car repair. Born into a poor peasant family in North Korea, Chung had already demonstrated his intrepid character and knack for business during the Japanese occupation.


pages: 538 words: 164,533

1968: The Year That Rocked the World by Mark Kurlansky

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, East Village, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, European colonialism, feminist movement, global village, Haight Ashbury, land reform, Marshall McLuhan, Mikhail Gorbachev, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Norman Mailer, post-industrial society, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea

By the end of 1914 the combined forces of the revolutionary armies of Carranza and Pancho Villa and Zapata had secured control of Mexico and defeated the federal army that Porfirio Díaz had left behind. Zapata and Villa moved their armies into the capital as a new revolutionary government was formed. Carranza declared himself president and reluctantly and under great pressure adopted Zapata’s land reform program, though he did little to put it into action. Álvaro Obregón, who, like most leading figures of the period, held the title of general, was a schoolteacher from the northern state of Sonora who had started out with a guerrilla army but had learned the modern warfare of machine guns and trenches. He had military advisers from Europe’s “Great War.” His temperament and politics, which had a huge influence on the shaping of modern Mexico, were resolutely moderate.

Villa used his field artillery effectively and fought furiously, but he never understood modern tactics. His men were cut down by the machine guns and cut up by the barbed wire. Obregón himself had an arm blown off, and the partial limb in a pickling jar became the emblem of Obregón’s Red Battalions, which was later fashioned into the Revolutionary Army of Mexico, supposedly an “Army of the People” that embodied the ideals of the revolution. Zapata stuck to his land reform goals. Such stubborn local chieftains could usually be bought off. But Zapata would not take money or accept compromise. His organization was infiltrated by an army double agent who was allowed to carry out several sneak attacks, killing large numbers of soldiers, to prove his authenticity to Zapata. Once Zapata trusted him, the agent led Zapata, looking splendid as always in his dark riding clothes on his sorrel horse, into six hundred army rifles that opened fire.

During World War II, in an attempt to appear more stable and democratic, the PNR changed its name to that uniquely Mexican paradox, the Institutional Revolution Party. That is what Mexico had become, not a democracy but an institutional revolution—the Revolution that feared revolution. The PRI bought out or killed agrarian leaders, all the while paying verbal homage to Zapata and carrying out as little land reform as possible. It bought out the labor unions until they became part of the PRI. It bought out the press, one newspaper at a time, until it completely controlled them. The PRI was not violent. It tried to co-opt. Only in those rare situations where that did not work would it resort to killing. In 1964 the PRI chose the former minister of the interior, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, as the next president.


pages: 366 words: 117,875

Arrival City by Doug Saunders

agricultural Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, call centre, credit crunch, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, guest worker program, Hernando de Soto, Honoré de Balzac, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, Kibera, land reform, land tenure, low skilled workers, mass immigration, megacity, microcredit, new economy, Pearl River Delta, pensions crisis, place-making, price mechanism, rent control, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban sprawl, white flight, working poor, working-age population

The plan failed first in the countryside. Iranians were overwhelmingly villagers, and most of those villagers were peasant farmers, who grew by hand for their own consumption and paid feudal-style fees to owners who often lived elsewhere. The agricultural reform, which affected the majority of the population, seemed a simple matter: Redistribute the land, and let agriculture become an industry. By 1971, when the land reforms were complete, it should have been apparent that the goal wasn’t being realized. About half of the best land, much of it owned by government employees or military officers, was neither redistributed to peasants nor mechanized into productive farms; the owners bribed officials to have their estates classified as industrial farms, even if they weren’t, or they simply stole the subsidies, or they “divided” out the most unfertile pieces of land and handed them to peasants.

This migrant-driven ethnic movement has permanently changed the politics of the world’s preeminent arrival-city megalopolis. It has meant that the arrival city is sometimes treated with respect, since the slum-based Shiv Sena has granted land ownership, sewage, and water supplies, and municipal services, such as schools, clinics, and parks, to deserving (Hindu) slums, in ways that sometimes follow the best practices of urban land reform and turn the self-built settlements into truly thriving neighbourhoods. It has also meant that the worst sort of practices—bulldozer slum clearance, high-rise replacement of upwardly mobile arrival cities, complete neglect of the most basic sanitary and health needs, and criminal-gang control of services—have continued, and have even been amplified, in slums that are not part of that privileged group.

A revised and expanded version appears in Gardner and Ahmed, “Degrees of Separation: Informal Social Protection, Relatedness and Migration in Biswanath, Bangladesh,” Journal of Development Studies 45, no. 1 (2009). 17 Deboarah Fahy Bryceson, “Deagrarianization and Rural Employment in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Sectoral Perspective,” World Development 24, no. 1 (1996); Vali Jamal and John Weeks, “The Vanishing Rural–Urban Gap in Sub-Saharan Africa,” International Labour Review 127, no. 3 (1988). 18 See, for example, Robert Fishman, “Global Suburbs,” in First Biennial Conference of the Urban History Association (Pittsburgh: 2002); Elisabeth Rosenthal, “Chinese Town’s Main Export: Its Young Men,” The New York Times, June 26, 2000. 19 Roger Ballard, “A Case of Capital Rich Under-Development: The Paradoxical Consequences of Successful Transnational Entrepreneurship from Mirpur,” Contributions to Indian Sociology 37, no. 49–81 (2003): 41. 20 The most comprehensive exploration of the farm-size issue is found in Michael Lipton, Land Reform in Developing Countries: Property Rights and Property Wrongs (Abington: Routledge, 2009), 65–120. 5 THE FIRST GREAT MIGRATION 1 Jeanne Bouvier, Mes Memoires, ed. Daniel Armogathe (Paris: Editions de la Découverte, 1983), English translation from Mark Traugott, ed., The French Worker: Autobiographies from the Early Industrial Era (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 367–81. 2 Tilly, “Migration in Modern European History,” 58. 3 William H.


Rethinking Camelot by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fear of failure, Howard Zinn, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, Norman Mailer, Paul Samuelson, Ronald Reagan

The background is discussed by Alfredo Vásquez Carrizosa, president of the Colombian Permanent Committee for Human Rights. “Behind the façade of a constitutional regime,” he observes, “we have a militarized society under the state of siege provided” by the 1886 Constitution, which grants a wide range of rights, but with no relation to reality. “In this context poverty and insufficient land reform have made Colombia one of the most tragic countries of Latin America.” Land reform, which “has practically been a myth,” was legislated in 1961, but “has yet to be implemented, as it is opposed by landowners, who have had the power to stop it.” The result of the prevailing misery has been violence, including La Violencia of the 1940s and 1950s, which took hundreds of thousands of lives. “This violence has been caused not by any mass indoctrination, but by the dual structure of a prosperous minority and an impoverished, excluded majority, with great differences in wealth, income, and access to political participation.”


pages: 366 words: 124,895

Imperium by Robert Harris

land reform

And to cut it short, and give you the gist, it turned out that the plot which Caesar and Crassus must have been hatching over many months fell into four parts. First, they aimed to seize control of the state by sweeping the board in the general elections, securing not only both consulships but also all ten tribunates, and a couple of praetorships besides; the bribery agents reported that the thing was more or less a fait accompli, with Cicero’s support slipping daily. The second stage called for the introduction by the tribunes of a great land reform bill in December, which would demand the breaking up of the big publicly owned estates, in particular the fertile plains of Campania, and their immediate redistribution as farms to five thousand of the urban plebs. The third step involved the election in March of ten commissioners, headed by Crassus and Caesar, who would be given immense powers to sell off conquered land abroad, and to use the funds thereby released to compulsorily purchase further vast estates in Italy, for an even greater program of resettlement.

“Tell me, Marcus,” said Atticus, in his worldly way, once plenty of good wine had been consumed, “how did you manage to persuade them? Because, although I know you are a genius with words, these men despised you—absolutely loathed everything you said and stood for. What did you offer them, besides stopping Catilina?” “Obviously,” replied Cicero, “I had to promise that I will lead the opposition to Crassus and Caesar and the tribunes when they publish this land reform bill of theirs.” “That will be quite a task,” said Quintus. “And that is all?” persisted Atticus. (It is my belief, looking back, that he was behaving like a good cross-examiner, and that he knew the answer to the question before he asked it, probably from his friend Hortensius.) “You really agreed to nothing else? Because you were in there for many hours.” Cicero winced. “Well, I did have to undertake,” he said reluctantly, “to propose in the Senate, as consul, that Lucullus should be awarded a triumph, and also Quintus Metellus.”

“Well, I did have to undertake,” he said reluctantly, “to propose in the Senate, as consul, that Lucullus should be awarded a triumph, and also Quintus Metellus.” Now at last I understood why Cicero had seemed so grim and preoccupied when he left his conference with the aristocrats. Quintus put down his plate and regarded him with undisguised horror. “So first they want you to turn the people against you by blocking land reform, and then they demand that you should make an enemy out of Pompey by awarding triumphs to his greatest rivals?” “I am afraid, brother,” said Cicero wearily, “that the aristocracy did not acquire their wealth without knowing how to drive a hard bargain. I held out as long as I could.” “But why did you agree?” “Because I needed to win.” “But to win what, exactly?” Cicero was silent. “Good,” said Terentia, patting her husband’s knee.


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Cocaine Nation: How the White Trade Took Over the World by Thomas Feiling

anti-communist, barriers to entry, crack epidemic, deindustrialization, illegal immigration, informal economy, inventory management, Kickstarter, land reform, Lao Tzu, mandatory minimum, moral panic, offshore financial centre, RAND corporation, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Stanford prison experiment, trade route, upwardly mobile, yellow journalism

Sixty per cent of Colombia’s productive land is owned by just half a per cent of its people. In departments like Antioquia, Córdoba and Sucre, which are blessed with fertile flood plains by the rivers that run off the Andes, a huge amount of land is given over to cattle ranches. These benefit big landowners but supply little in the way of food or employment. This system of often unproductive latifundios (estates) has long proved resistant to change. Efforts towards a land reform programme were made in the 1960s, but all they achieved were some big irrigation projects in the north, and some resettlement programmes to areas that are today controlled by FARC guerrillas. The owners of the latifundios are increasingly likely to be paramilitary bosses, wealthy drugs traffickers, or both.24 ‘The European Union says that there should be investment instead of fumigation, which is a good idea, but they’ve done nothing,’ Caquetá Congressman Luis Almario Rojas told me.

In 2006, Alvaro Uribe Velez was re-elected to the presidency with 53 per cent of the popular vote (notwithstanding the fact that only 54 per cent of the electorate felt inspired to vote at all). Uribe Velez says that if Colombia didn’t have drugs, it wouldn’t have terrorists and has reaffirmed his commitment to fighting the Americans’ war on drugs.83 There is certainly a war on coca growers, the FARC and the drugs mules. But this is far from being a war on drugs. If the Colombian government was serious about tackling the cocaine trade, the Ministry of Agriculture would tackle the land reform issue, instead of chasing Colombian coca farmers around the country in fumigation planes. When the coca fields are sprayed, cultivation just moves on. Of course the coca fields finance the guerrillas, but Colombia had trafficking routes and mafiosi long before it had coca fields. The cocaine traffickers are unaffected by the fumigation programme. Even without the coca fields, the Colombian Mafia would source coca paste elsewhere and produce cocaine in the Colombian jungle, as it did in the 1980s.

The onus was now on Colombia’s citizens to accept responsibility for their new rights, and on the authorities to ensure that drug users’ decisions were well informed. Judge Carlos Gaviria went on to become the leader of Colombia’s main opposition party. He has since been cited as saying that the United States is the principal obstruction to the international community committing itself to the legalization of drugs.19 While there is no reason to think that the legalization of cocaine would benefit the poor, usher in land reform, challenge the extreme concentrations of money and political power in Colombia, or end its fratricidal conflict, it would certainly make it easier for the state to regulate supplies, enforce contractual obligations, and decide where the coca fields should be. Thousands of poor farmers would have legal work, and pristine jungle could remain pristine. The police would be able to focus on enforcing laws other than those that ban cocaine production, and Colombia’s Mafia, paramilitaries and guerrillas would be deprived of their principal source of funds.


pages: 316 words: 117,228

The Code of Capital: How the Law Creates Wealth and Inequality by Katharina Pistor

"Robert Solow", Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, barriers to entry, Bernie Madoff, bilateral investment treaty, bitcoin, blockchain, Bretton Woods, business cycle, business process, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, conceptual framework, Corn Laws, corporate governance, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, cryptocurrency, Donald Trump, double helix, Edward Glaeser, Ethereum, ethereum blockchain, facts on the ground, financial innovation, financial intermediation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, global reserve currency, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, intangible asset, investor state dispute settlement, invisible hand, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, land tenure, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, means of production, money market fund, moral hazard, offshore financial centre, phenotype, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, price stability, profit maximization, railway mania, regulatory arbitrage, reserve currency, Ronald Coase, Satoshi Nakamoto, secular stagnation, self-driving car, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, smart contracts, software patent, sovereign wealth fund, The Nature of the Firm, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, time value of money, too big to fail, trade route, transaction costs, Wolfgang Streeck

., The Oxford Shakespeare: The Complete Works (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), The Merchant of Venice, pp. 425, Act IV Scene 1, p. 446. 45. Ibid. 46. Eileen Spring, “Landowners, Lawyers, and Land Reform in NineteenCentury England,” American Journal of Legal History 21, no. 1 (1977):40–59. 47. B. L. Anderson, “Law, Finance and Economic Growth in England: Some Long-Term Influences,” in Great Britain and Her World 1750–1914: Essays in Honour of W.O. Henderson, ed. Barrie M. Ratcliffe (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1975), p. 101. 48. The Economist, July 7, 1866, as cited in Spring, “Landowners, Lawyers,” p. 42. 49. J. Stuart Anderson, “Property Rights in Land: Reforming the Heritage,” in The Oxford History of the Laws of England: Volume XII: 1820–1914 Private Law, ed. William Cornish et al. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 47. 50.

For a review of how courts have interpreted this “contract impairment clause,” see David Crump, “The Economic Purpose of the Contract Clause,” SMU Law Review 66, no. 4 (2013):687–709. 64. Rachel Kranton and Anand V. Swamy, “The Hazards of Piecemeal Reform: British Civil Courts and the Credit Market in Colonial India,” Journal of Development Economics 58 (1999):1–24 offer a succinct summary of these reforms and their economic and political effects. For an analysis of the long-term effects of land reforms undertaken by British colonizers on the productivity of the land, see also Abhijit Banerjee and Lakshmi Iyer, “History, Institutions, and Economic Performance: The Legacy of Colonial Land Tenure Systems in India,” American Economic Review 95, no. 4 (2005):1190–1213, showing that land that was given to landlords continued to have lower productivity rates even in post-independence India. 65. Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johson, and James A.


pages: 1,118 words: 309,029

The Wars of Afghanistan by Peter Tomsen

airport security, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, drone strike, facts on the ground, failed state, friendly fire, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, Internet Archive, Khyber Pass, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, plutocrats, Plutocrats, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, trade route, union organizing, uranium enrichment, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

A detailed Soviet record of Taraki’s early December 1978 discussions with Brezhnev in Moscow cited Taraki as boasting: “In its domestic policy the PDPA has adopted a program of radical revolutionary socio-economic reforms to the benefit of the working class; these reforms will help abolish any remains of feudalism and semi-feudal social relations; they will provide for the ... building up of a society free from exploitation, based upon the progressive ideology of the working class and scientifically-grounded socialism.”39 Taraki’s decrees caused great consternation throughout the country, especially in the rural areas. The two on gender equality and land reform provoked the most outrage. Using communist jargon, the regime announced its intention to eliminate “the unjust patriarchal and feudalistic relations which exist between husband and wife.” The gender decree prohibited the tradition of gift-giving from the groom and his family to the bride’s family to formalize marriages. It placed a small monetary limit on the dowries given by brides’ families and introduced a rule requiring the bride’s consent for marriage. Sixteen became the minimum age of marriage for females, eighteen for males. The decree on land reform ignited another wave of indignation in the countryside. Article I proclaimed that PDPA land reforms would eliminate “feudal and pre-feudal relations,” ushering in a society “without hostile classes and free of exploitation of man by man.”

Article I proclaimed that PDPA land reforms would eliminate “feudal and pre-feudal relations,” ushering in a society “without hostile classes and free of exploitation of man by man.” To achieve this transcendent goal, it limited single-family holdings to 15 acres. Extra land would be seized and divided among the landless and among cooperatives established by farmers with fewer than 12.5 acres.40 The unenforceable land-reform decree generated hostility from tenant and landlord alike. In most of Afghanistan, the two were bound together by tribal and clan ties. Both viewed the government’s attempts to seize land as haram, which is prohibited in Islam. Young PDPA cadres with military escorts sent to the countryside to implement the PDPA reforms were expelled from villages, kidnapped, and sometimes murdered. Marxist-Leninist sloganeering on Kabul radio broadcasts, and the introduction of a new flag—red with a yellow seal—that was similar to those in the Soviet Central Asian Republics, stirred popular resentment that the Afghan communists were attempting to foist Soviet atheism on the country.

In April 1979, the Soviet Politburo took a major initiative to reverse the PDPA’s suicidal course. It dispatched a senior KGB officer, Vasily Safronchuk, to Kabul to work on broadening the PDPA’s base. Installed in an office next to Taraki’s presidential suite, Safronchuk appeared to enjoy some initial success. His advice to stop alienating conservative tribal and religious interests led to Taraki’s abrupt announcement on July 15, 1979, that land reform could be wrapped up, since it had been successfully implemented. Taraki and Amin were less amenable to Safronchuk’s appeals on base broadening. “We are among enemies,” Amin bluntly responded.48 Safronchuk became increasingly pessimistic about his ability to influence the PDPA. Khalqi leaders rejected his advice to establish “a national front, like other countries have done.” Safronchuk complained to the American embassy’s chargé d’affairs, Bruce Amstutz, that Taraki and Amin were “very sensitive about any suggestion of sharing power.


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Bourgeois Dignity: Why Economics Can't Explain the Modern World by Deirdre N. McCloskey

Airbnb, Akira Okazaki, big-box store, Black Swan, book scanning, British Empire, business cycle, buy low sell high, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, Columbian Exchange, conceptual framework, correlation does not imply causation, Costa Concordia, creative destruction, crony capitalism, dark matter, Dava Sobel, David Graeber, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, double entry bookkeeping, en.wikipedia.org, epigenetics, Erik Brynjolfsson, experimental economics, Ferguson, Missouri, fundamental attribution error, Georg Cantor, George Akerlof, George Gilder, germ theory of disease, Gini coefficient, God and Mammon, greed is good, Gunnar Myrdal, Hans Rosling, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, Hernando de Soto, immigration reform, income inequality, interchangeable parts, invention of agriculture, invention of writing, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Islamic Golden Age, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, John Harrison: Longitude, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, lake wobegon effect, land reform, liberation theology, lone genius, Lyft, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, means of production, Naomi Klein, new economy, North Sea oil, Occupy movement, open economy, out of africa, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, Pax Mongolica, Peace of Westphalia, peak oil, Peter Singer: altruism, Philip Mirowski, pink-collar, plutocrats, Plutocrats, positional goods, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, refrigerator car, rent control, rent-seeking, Republic of Letters, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Scientific racism, Scramble for Africa, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, spinning jenny, stakhanovite, Steve Jobs, The Chicago School, The Market for Lemons, the rule of 72, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, total factor productivity, Toyota Production System, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, uber lyft, union organizing, very high income, wage slave, Washington Consensus, working poor, Yogi Berra

Declines of income are rare exceptions, and we pray that soon even such countries will reform in a bourgeois ideological direction, and join the blade of the hockey stick, in the way again of China and India—once also grotesquely mismanaged against “capitalism” in the name of the poor, a mismanagement that locked the poor into poverty. We bleeding-heart libertarians wholly approve, incidentally, of the one-time-and- never-again attack on property called “land reform,” such as Hernando de Soto’s proposal to give property rights to squatters in slums.13 We lament that land reform has not happened in every country in Latin America. But we lament, too, that our colleagues on the left have assailed de Soto’s poor-friendly proposals with the same arguments that the left long applied, equally mistakenly, to the enclosure movement in eighteenth-century England—namely, that private property hurts poor people.14 No, it doesn’t.

To step beyond fantasy, the expropriation of profits would kill progress entirely. It has done so, I repeat, historically. True, as Thomas Piketty observes, the United States and the United Kingdom for many decades after the 1920s had very high marginal rates of taxation.8 It is a scientific question whether taking the 30 percent of national income I have imagined in a land reform would reduce the 70 percent earned by the rest of us. In extreme cases, such as centrally planned socialism, it seems to, if not in the (few) well administered land reforms. Maybe we could get away with reinstating 90 percent marginal tax rates—in order, Piketty argues, to reduce high executive compensation that takes now a tiny portion of GDP. Maybe not. In fact the rich have tax lawyers and accountants devoted to avoiding taxes. Indeed, in Marxian and some Samuelsonian theory (which all depend on capital accumulation), if the bosses do not keep their ill-gotten gains the machinery of accumulation stops.

Continuing even with the unreasonable supposition that an expropriation would have no effect on the size of the pie, they are anyway only onetime enrichments. A more prudent way of distributing the spoils would be to invest the expropriation or the charity in a fund to be drawn on perpetually for the benefit of the exploited workers. Suppose that the onetime sum was as much as 30 percent of national income, a land reform, say. Suppose that as a rough approximation the whole population goes on earning by non-expropriation the 70 percent remaining. We are assuming that, contrary to socialist fantasies of costless expropriation, the 30 percent earned by the bosses goes away permanently, because the bosses don’t show up any more for entrepreneurial or managerial duty—the checking for social profitability, the deciding what is to be done that plays a larger and larger role as we get better at making goods and services with less hand labor.


pages: 233 words: 75,477

Surrender or Starve: Travels in Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, and Eritrea by Robert D. Kaplan

Ayatollah Khomeini, citizen journalism, European colonialism, facts on the ground, land reform, Live Aid, mass immigration, out of africa, Ronald Reagan, the market place

With short black hair, a clipped moustache, and a cold, authoritative style of speech, Afewerki affected a military disposition. Was he leveling with me about the EPLF's non-Marxist orientation? There is no action that the EPLF has taken within the area under its control that would suggest otherwise. The most left-wing concepts ever pushed by the organization's economic department were a mild land reform program, designed to narrow the gap between peasants and a few rich merchants, and aid to rudimentary worker organizations. Moreover, EPLF officials did not evince the coercive manner of approach to the civilian population that is so apparent in all communist societies. While in Addis Ababa, one often hears phrases like, “This is what we're going to do”; in Eritrea, it is more common for someone in authority to ask, “How do we convince people to do it?”

But the circumstances under which the TPLF operates are not going to change. Tigre and some depopulated areas of Gondar are all the guerrillas want, or ever need, to control. Thus, the issues— for donors interested in famine relief and for strategists interested in knocking a Soviet piece off the board—is how the TPLF fights and how it treats its own people in its own backyard. Marxist pretensions notwithstanding, the TPLF land reform program, the guerrillas' emphasis on women's rights, the creation of a rural health service, the building of schools to augment a literacy campaign, and other infrastructure improvements undertaken by the TPLF in the countryside are exactly the kinds of things that USAID encourages every government in Africa to do. “Marxism” in Tigre is—for example—little different than the sum of U.S. government proposals for the development of western Sudan.


pages: 233 words: 75,712

In Defense of Global Capitalism by Johan Norberg

anti-globalists, Asian financial crisis, capital controls, clean water, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, Deng Xiaoping, Edward Glaeser, Gini coefficient, half of the world's population has never made a phone call, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, informal economy, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, Lao Tzu, liberal capitalism, market fundamentalism, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Naomi Klein, new economy, open economy, prediction markets, profit motive, race to the bottom, rising living standards, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tobin tax, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, union organizing, zero-sum game

But a more important reason is that people must have some basic assets—things like land in an undeveloped economy and education in a modern one—to be able to work effectively. What matters, then, is a degree of equality in terms of those assets and not in what is usually meant in the political debate, equality of incomes and profits. The crucial reform in a developing country that has ancient, unfair feudal structures and a small, land-owning elite is land reform, so that more people will have a share of the land and thus will be able to participate in the economy. The important thing is for the whole population to obtain an education and have the opportunity to borrow money when they have ideas for business projects. No one must be discriminated against or marginalized, or prevented by licensing requirements, prohibitions, and legal privileges from competing for positions and incomes.

Suddenly everything that had built up their economies had vanished. What this example shows is that trade alone does not necessarily create dynamic development in an oppressive society. If a country is static and characterized by enormous privileges and discrimination, there is little chance of trade solving all these problems. For that to happen, the population must acquire liberty and the opportunity of economic participation. Land reforms to put an end to centuries of feudalism would have been needed, coupled with a commitment to education and free markets. But those were not the conclusions drawn by the rulers of Latin America and the Marxist academics who developed the theory of dependence. History, they argued, showed that trade was pernicious and that countries should aim for self-sufficiency and internal industrialization.


pages: 476 words: 144,288

1946: The Making of the Modern World by Victor Sebestyen

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, Etonian, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, illegal immigration, imperial preference, Kickstarter, land reform, long peace, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, operation paperclip

Until Japan’s catastrophic defeat, Hirohito had shown little enthusiasm for democracy, pacifism, votes for women, or Western-style civil rights in general; he was a stickler for imperial absolutism, hierarchy, aristocratic titles, and feudal forms of land ownership. Now he – or his ministers – proclaimed a constitutional monarchy, women’s suffrage, the removal of the peerage, an independent judiciary, wholesale land reform, and – most revolutionary of all – the abolition of Japan’s armed forces. ‘The Japanese people renounce forever war . . . or the use of force as a means of settling international disputes.’ The government ministers, mostly from the nobility, looked miserable throughout the ceremony. The Emperor appeared uncomfortable, as he often did, but relatively unconcerned; after all, he was still on the throne, and he had evaded all possibility of death by hanging.

This time he made a tactical retreat and, by the end of 1946, his campaign against the most powerful business leaders was over. But the supposedly rabid Right-winger had more success with the farmers. He stripped the absentee landlords and owners of the huge estates of their holdings, ensuring millions of peasants owned their own farms. He thought – rightly as it turned out, judging by future Japanese elections – that small landowners would be naturally conservative. MacArthur’s land reforms were more radical than anything then happening behind the Iron Curtain. * In Nuremberg on 16 October 1946, nine of the leading Nazi war criminals were hanged one after the other at the gymnasium of the city’s Palace of Justice. In Tokyo, similar trials would continue for another two years and lead to far more serious questions about what the point of the hearings really was. The main trial of twenty-five defendants had begun in May, but the public soon lost interest, not only in Japan but also in the Allied countries, and the press, too, ceased to report on the proceedings.

Farben ref1 India ref1, ref2 and Britain ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 British withdrawal from ref1, ref2 conflict with Pakistan ref1 demand by Muslims for separate state (Pakistan) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Direct Action Day and Calcutta riots ref1 election (1946) ref1, ref2 fight for freedom against the British ref1, ref2 Muslim/Hindu fighting ref1, ref2 and Nehru ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Partition of and massacres accompanying ref1, ref2, ref3 Sikhs in ref1 see also Gandhi, Mohandas Indian National Congress ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 influenza epidemic (1919) ref1 Inverchapel, Lord, see Clark Kerr, Sir Archibald Iran ref1 Allied occupation of during war ref1 conflict with Azerbaijan ref1, ref2, ref3 oil production ref1 and Soviet Union ref1, ref2, ref3 Soviet withdrawal ref1 and United States ref1, ref2, ref3 Iran crisis ref1, ref2 Irgun ref1 bombing of King David Hotel ref1 Iron Curtain ref1 origins of phrase ref1 Isherwood, Christopher ref1, ref2 Israel creation of ref1 Itenberg, Lieutenant Boris ref1 Ivan Suzanin (opera) ref1 Ivan the Terrible (film) ref1 Jabotinsky, Ze’ev ref1 Jacobson, Eddie ref1 Japan ref1, ref2 abdication crisis ref1 black market ref1 censorship under US occupation ref1 constitution ref1 death toll during war ref1 despising of soldiers after war ref1 destruction caused by war ref1 food shortages and starvation ref1 fraternization between GIs and Japanese women ref1 freeing of political prisoners of previous regime by MacArthur ref1 Hirohito’s ‘Declaration of Humanity’ ref1, ref2 lifestyle of US officials in ref1 MacArthur’s land reforms ref1 occupation of China ref1, ref2 occupation of Taiwan ref1 prostitution ref1 punishing of war criminals ref1 reinstatement of people banned ref1 Soviet Union declares war on ref1 trials of leaders ref1 US occupation of ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Zaibatsu ref1 Jaspers, Gertrude ref1 Jaspers, Karl ref1 The Question of German Guilt ref1 Jennings, Humphrey ref1 Jerusalem bombing of King David Hotel ref1 Jewish Agency ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 ‘Jewish–Bolshevik conspiracy’ ref1 Jews ref1, ref2 anti-Jewish massacres in post-war years ref1 and Balfour Declaration (1917) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 ‘blood libel’ ref1 establishment of independent state issue ref1 and Holocaust ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 immigration to Palestine proposal ref1, ref2, ref3 massacre of in Kielce (Poland) ref1, ref2, ref3 number of Holocaust survivors ref1 power struggles within Zionism ref1 refugee camps ref1, ref2 in United States ref1 see also anti-Semitism Jiji Shimpo (magazine) ref1 Jinnah, Mohammed Ali ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8 Johnson, Pamela Hansford ref1 Jünger, Ernst ref1 Kades, Colonel Charles ref1 Karman, Marta ref1 Kästner, Erich ref1 Kavtaradze, Sergei ref1, ref2 Keintopf, Anna ref1, ref2 Kennan, George ref1, ref2, ref3n, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8 Keynes, Lord ref1, ref2 Khan, Liaquat Ali ref1 Khan, Sir Sayed Ahmed ref1n Khrushchev, Nikita ref1, ref2, ref3 Kielce massacre ref1, ref2, ref3 King David Hotel (Jerusalem), bombing of ref1, ref2 King, Mackenzie ref1 Kitchener, Lord ref1 KKE (Communist Party of Greece) ref1, ref2, ref3 Klemperer, Victor ref1 KMG (Nationalist Kuomintang) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Knoll, Roman ref1 Kocevje killing of Croats and Slovenes at (1945–6) ref1 Koestler, Arthur ref1, ref2 Darkness at Noon ref1 Kollontai, Alexandra ref1 Kovály, Heda ref1 KPD (German Communist Party) ref1, ref2 Krupp, Alfred ref1 Krut, Aleksy ref1 Kubina, Teodor ref1 Kun, Béla ref1 Kuomintang see KMG Kurchatov, Igor ref1, ref2, ref3 Kurt, Professor Albrecht ref1 Kyuichi, Tokuda ref1 LaGuardia, Fiorello ref1, ref2 Lahore Declaration ref1 Lambinowice camp (Poland) ref1 Lane, Arthur Bliss ref1 League of Nations ref1 Leefe, Lieutenant Christopher ref1 Lees-Milne, James ref1 Lehi (Stern Gang) ref1, ref2 Lehman, Herbert ref1 Lend-Lease scheme ref1, ref2 Leningrad (literary journal) ref1 Leningrad Writers’ Union ref1 Leonhard, Wolfgang ref1, ref2 Likharev, Boris ref1 Lin Biao ref1, ref2 Lincoln, General George ref1 Linlithgow, Lord ref1 Lippmann, Walter ref1 Litvinov, Maxim ref1n Locke Jr, Edwin ref1 Long Telegram ref1 Lovett, Robert ref1 Luce, Clare Boothe ref1 Luce, Henry ref1 MacArthur, General Douglas ref1, ref2, ref3 character traits ref1, ref2 enemies ref1 and Japan ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 and Japanese constitution ref1, ref2, ref3 and Japan’s abdication crisis ref1, ref2, ref3 Pershing’s view of ref1 popularity of in Japan ref1 and Roosevelt ref1 and Truman ref1 McCarthy, Joseph ref1 McCormick, Anne O’Hare ref1, ref2 MacDonald, Malcolm ref1 MacInnes, Colin ref1 McIver, Dr Frank D. ref1 Maclean, Donald ref1, ref2 McMahon Act ref1 MacMichael, Harold ref1 MacVeagh, Lincoln ref1 Maisky, Ivan ref1 Malenkov, Georgi ref1 Malinovsky, Rodion ref1 Manhattan Project ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Mao Zedong ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Marcuse, Herbert ref1n Marshall, General George ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Marshall Plan ref1 Marxism ref1 Masanobu, Tsuji ref1 May, Alan Nunn ref1 Menon, V.


The White Man's Burden: Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good by William Easterly

airport security, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, clean water, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, Edward Glaeser, end world poverty, European colonialism, failed state, farmers can use mobile phones to check market prices, George Akerlof, Gunnar Myrdal, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, income per capita, Indoor air pollution, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, Live Aid, microcredit, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, publication bias, purchasing power parity, randomized controlled trial, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, structural adjustment programs, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transaction costs, War on Poverty, Xiaogang Anhui farmers

What was more revolutionary was that the emperor declared all land, which had been allocated by village custom, to be the private property of those who farmed it. The government issued certificates of ownership.3 Land could be bought and sold, and used as collateral for loans—the famous Hernando de Soto formula for unlocking the “mystery of capital.” Although externally imposed land reforms have often been disasters, a homegrown reform that respected local custom was more successful. However, when the land tax was insufficient to cover state spending, the inexperienced rulers printed money. Inflation resulted. Matsukata Masayoshi, the architect of the land reform, became finance minister in October 1881. He cut spending and privatized the many state-owned enterprises, using the revenues of the privatizations to buy back currency issues. In 1882, he created the central bank, the Bank of Japan, with a monopoly over the issuance of paper currency.

The co-op members who lost their lands to the ex-Contras didn’t get any compensation.16 This episode was symptomatic of the confused land question on a national scale. Pre-revolutionary owners of expropriated land, cooperative members, ex-Contras, ex-Sandinistas, and speculators who had bought land from any of the above, competed for the same plots of land. The Chamorro government confused things even more with its own land reform program. Ex-Contras, ex-Sandinistas, and even mixtures of the two again took up arms in some parts of the countryside to agitate for land. The IMF in 2003 summarized this situation as “inadequate protection of property rights.17 With such uncertainty about who owned the land, agricultural production did not rebound strongly after the new government took power. Fig. 30. Nicaragua Per Capita Income, 1950–2002 Economic growth in Nicaragua in the post-revolutionary era, while at least not as calamitous as it was under the Sandinistas, was anemic (see figure 30).


Year 501 by Noam Chomsky

"Robert Solow", anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, Bolshevik threat, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, land reform, land tenure, long peace, mass incarceration, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor

Accordingly, the US urged the former Dutch rulers to grant independence, but under Dutch tutelage, an outcome critical to “Western Europe’s economic rehabilitation, and to America’s strategic well-being,” Leffler observes, and to Japan’s reconstruction as well. The principled antagonism to independent nationalism that animates US foreign policy took on particular significance in this case.4 After its liberation from the Dutch, Indonesia was ruled by the nationalist leader Sukarno. At first, the United States was willing to tolerate this arrangement, particularly after Sukarno and the army suppressed a land reform movement supported by the Indonesian Communist Party [PKI] in the Madiun region in 1948, virtually destroying the party’s leadership and jailing 36,000 people. But Sukarno’s nationalist and neutralist commitments soon proved entirely unacceptable. The two major power centers in Indonesia were the army and the PKI, the only mass-based political force. Internal politics were dominated by Sukarno’s balancing of these two forces.

They pursued a “neocolonial, neomercantilist policy”—which is, somehow, “a classic liberal approach to development,” showing again how flexible an instrument economic theory can be. Industrial development was tolerable only if it was “complementary to U.S. industry.” The basic concept was “that Brazilian development was all right as long as it did not interfere with American profits and dominance,” and ample profit remittance was guaranteed. Agricultural development was also promoted, as long as it avoided “destabilizing” programs like land reform, relied on US farm equipment, fostered “commodities that complemented US production, such as coffee, cacao, rubber, and jute,” and created “new markets for U.S. agricultural commodities” such as dairy products and wheat. “Brazilian desires were secondary,” Haines observes, though it was useful “to pat them a little bit and make them think that you are fond of them,” in Dulles’s words. The Cold War framework was in place at once.

This “new wave of democracy” has “shifted politicians’ priorities” from the days when they “traditionally represented the established order.” The proof is that they have now dedicated themselves to serving the poor with an imaginative new approach: “Central Americans to use Trickle-down Strategy in War on Poverty,” the headline reads. “Committed to free-market economics,” the Presidents have abandoned vapid rhetoric about land reform and social welfare programs, adopting at last a serious idea: “a trickle-down approach to aid the poor.” “The idea is to help the poor without threatening the basic power structure,” a regional economist observes. This brilliant and innovative conception overturns the “preferential option for the poor” of the Latin American Bishops. Now that we have driven this naive idea from the heads of our little brown brothers by Pol Pot-style terror, we can return to our traditional vocation of serving the poor, somehow not drowning in our own hypocrisy—the one truly memorable achievement.


pages: 58 words: 18,747

The Rent Is Too Damn High: What to Do About It, and Why It Matters More Than You Think by Matthew Yglesias

Edward Glaeser, falling living standards, Home mortgage interest deduction, income inequality, industrial robot, Jane Jacobs, land reform, mortgage tax deduction, New Urbanism, pets.com, rent control, rent-seeking, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, statistical model, transcontinental railway, urban sprawl, white picket fence

This is the origin of the economist’s jargon use of “rents” to refer to income generated by privilege rather than work or investment. The landlord didn’t make the land. For this reason, taxation of rent income was deemed to be an especially efficient form of tax, since it couldn’t deter any useful activity and exacerbate the problem of diminishing returns. By the same token, left-wing politics in developing countries often feature “land reform” as a prominent demand. Vast agricultural estates, unlike complicated industrial business enterprises, can be broken up into small chunks and given to farmers to work rent-free, rather than operated as plantations staffed by peasants stuck at subsistence-living standards. Today, economists often criticize “rent-seeking” behavior by businesses that try to use government regulation to stifle competition.


Scotland Travel Guide by Lonely Planet

agricultural Revolution, British Empire, carbon footprint, clean water, demand response, European colonialism, James Watt: steam engine, land reform, North Sea oil, oil shale / tar sands, Piper Alpha, place-making, smart cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban sprawl

Highlands & Islands Crofting (smallholding in marginal areas) and land ownership are important issues in the Gaelic-speaking areas of northwest Scotland, especially since a headline-grabbing clause in the Land Reform (Scotland) Act (2003) allowed crofting communities to buy out the land that they live on with the aid of taxpayers’ money, in the hope of reversing the gradual depopulation of the Highlands. Several estates have followed Eigg, Gigha, Knoydart and North Harris into community ownership. In 2006 South Uist saw the biggest community buy-out yet. The latest case to make the headlines is the Pairc estate on Lewis, where a Warwickshire-based accountant, whose family has owned the estate since 1920, has leased the land to a power company that plans to erect a £200 million wind farm. The locals voted in favour of a community buy-out, but the landowner is challenging the legality of the Land Reform Act. Top Books Raw Spirit (Iain Banks) An enjoyable jaunt around Scotland in search of the perfect whisky.

THE RIGHT TO ROAM Access to the countryside has been a thorny issue in Scotland for many years. In Victorian times, belligerent landowners attempted to prevent walkers from using well-established trails. Moves to counter this led to successful legislation for the walkers and the formation of what later became the Scottish Rights of Way & Access Society. In January 2003 the Scottish parliament formalised access to the countryside and passed the Land Reform (Scotland) Bill, creating statutory rights of access to land in Scotland for the first time (popularly known as ‘the right to roam’). Basically, the Scottish Outdoor Access Code states that everyone has the right to be on most land and inland waters, providing they act responsibly. As far as wild camping goes, this means that you can pitch a tent almost anywhere that doesn’t cause inconvenience to others or damage to property, as long as you stay no longer than two or three nights in any one spot, take all litter away with you, and keep well away from houses and roads.

The small patch of land barely provided a living and had to be supplemented by other work such as fishing and kelp-gathering. It was always precarious, as rights were granted on a year-by-year basis, so at any moment a crofter could lose not only the farm but also the house they’d built on it. The economic depression of the late 19th century meant many couldn’t pay their rent. This time, however, they resisted expulsion, instead forming the Highland Land Reform Association and their own political party. Their resistance led to several of their demands being acceded to by the government, including security of tenure, fair rents and eventually the supply of land for new crofts. Crofters now have the right to purchase their farmland and recent laws have abolished the feudal system, which created so much misery. COLDBACKIE & TONGUE POP 450 Coldbackie has outstanding views over sandy beaches, turquoise waters and offshore islands.


pages: 207 words: 86,639

The New Economics: A Bigger Picture by David Boyle, Andrew Simms

Asian financial crisis, back-to-the-land, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, capital controls, carbon footprint, clean water, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, Community Supported Agriculture, congestion charging, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, delayed gratification, deskilling, en.wikipedia.org, energy transition, financial deregulation, financial exclusion, financial innovation, full employment, garden city movement, happiness index / gross national happiness, if you build it, they will come, income inequality, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Jane Jacobs, Kickstarter, land reform, light touch regulation, loss aversion, mega-rich, microcredit, Mikhail Gorbachev, mortgage debt, neoliberal agenda, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, oil shock, peak oil, pensions crisis, profit motive, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, Ronald Reagan, seigniorage, Simon Kuznets, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, wealth creators, working-age population

The one 20th-century movement that embedded elements of what is now new economics was Distributism, inspired by Hilaire Belloc’s 1912 book The Servile State, an influential diatribe against big business and Fabian collectivist policies.4 Distributism knitted together the old Catholic social doctrine of Pope Leo XIII that was so close to Belloc’s heart, inspired originally by Ruskin via Cardinal Manning. It mixed a generous dollop of land reforming Liberalism with unworldly Gandhian simplicity, borrowing the old slogan of Joseph Chamberlain and Jesse Collings from the 1880s, ‘three acres and a cow’. At its heart was the redistribution of land and property so that everyone had some – on the grounds that small enterprises, smallholdings and small units were the only basis for dignity, independence and liberty. 20 THE NEW ECONOMICS Belloc and his friend G.

BizFizz has a proven record of increasing business start-up and survival, but also increases the confidence and sense of self-reliance among the community as a whole. www.bizfizz.org.uk Community finance Community development finance plays a vital role in the UK to address financial exclusion and underinvestment in disadvantaged areas through provision of finance 174 THE NEW ECONOMICS and money advice to individuals and enterprises. nef was instrumental in setting up the Social Investment Task Force, and introducing the idea of Community Investment Tax Relief, helped found the Community Development Finance Association, incubated the London Rebuilding Society, and is a founding partner in the Adventure Capital Fund, as well as of the European Microfinance Network. nef was involved in researching and assisting in the development of seven community banking partnerships in England and Wales, which partner credit unions, community development finance institutions and money advice agencies in the co-delivery of community finance services to low and moderate income households. www.cdfa.org.uk Community land trusts Land trusts were developed at the Institute of Community Economics as a way of dividing the property, which can be owned outright, from the land it stands on, which is owned by a trust. This keeps property prices down and provides greater control over local land use. By separating the land costs from the building costs, community land trusts can reduce the cost of housing by half. They trace their roots to the cooperative land reform efforts of Robert Owen, the Chartists, John Ruskin and the garden cities movement, but the model was forgotten. nef worked with Community Finance Solutions at the University of Salford to lead research to help reintroduce community land trusts to England and Wales. nef has also developed with CDS Cooperatives a new model called Mutual Homeownership. www.communitylandtrust.org.uk Community reinvestment Banks have a moral obligation – and in the USA this is a legal obligation – to lend money in places they are prepared to accept deposits from.


pages: 511 words: 148,310

Winning the War on War: The Decline of Armed Conflict Worldwide by Joshua S. Goldstein

Albert Einstein, Ayatollah Khomeini, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, Black Swan, business cycle, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Doomsday Clock, failed state, immigration reform, income inequality, invention of writing, invisible hand, land reform, long peace, microcredit, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, purchasing power parity, RAND corporation, selection bias, Steven Pinker, Tobin tax, unemployed young men, Winter of Discontent, Y2K

Meanwhile the military division, which also had just over 300 observers, successfully oversaw demobilization of the military forces that had controlled the country. Despite many delays in this process, the cease-fire held. The UN, by the way, did not like to talk about “delays” in implementing various parts of the agreement, so it called them “recalendarizations.” The UN was not supposed to be involved in land reform, probably the most difficult aspect of the peace agreement. Guerrillas had given land to farmers in areas they controlled but owners wanted their land back after the war. Because the issue threatened the peace, the UN became active in resolving disputes and pushing land reform agreements forward. This illustrates the mission’s ability to learn from, and adapt to, local conditions as they evolve—something that not all UN missions mastered. Similarly, elections were not originally central to the UN mission, but when the government asked for help monitoring the 1994 elections the Security Council agreed, adding 900 people to the mission’s tiny 36-member electoral division (supplemented by 3,000 non-UN international observers).

Doyle and Sambanis (2006: 21) list as failures Somalia, Bosnia, Rwanda, and Cyprus, and list as successes Congo, El Salvador, Cambodia, Croatia, Brcko (in Bosnia), and East Timor. 92 UN’s first return: Durch 2006a: 3. 92 Differed from all previous: Howard 2008: 52. 92 First of five: Fortna and Howard 2008: 293. 92–93 Finally began in 1989: Howard 2008: 53–56, 64, 67. 93 South Africa tried to subvert: Krasno 2003a: 48–49. 94 The remarkable cooperation: Howard 2008: 77–80; Krasno 2003a: 47–48. 94 Tight timetable: Howard 2008: 81, 83. 94 Success stories: Krasno 2003a: 25. 94 El Salvador the UN came in: Howard 2008: 92, 97, 129. 95 Key figure: Howard 2008: 99, 98. 95 Had a clear mandate: Howard 2008: 101–03. 95 Truth Commission: Howard 2008: 108. 96 UN’s police work: Howard 2008: 112–14. 96 Land reform: Howard 2008: 118–21. 96 Similarly, elections: Howard 2008: 122–25; Wood 2000; Wood 2003a: 30. 97 Mixed results. . . . peace talks began: Howard 2008: 131–32, 137. 97–98 The mission lasted eighteen months: Howard 2008: 138. 98–99 An immediate. . . . hostages four times: Howard 2008: 144–49, 151–52, 155. 99 The Khmer Rouge withdrew: Howard 2008: 139, 167–73. 99 UNTAC did not end political violence: Howard 2008: 171, 173, 176. 99–100 The experience gained: Howard 2008: 231–33, 258, 245–46, 249–51, 225; Boothby 2003: 121–23, 127, 129. 100 Paradigm-setting: Doyle, Johnstone, and Orr 1997: 2, 20. 100–01 The UN mission in Mozambique: Howard 2008: 179, 184–85, 189. 101 Sant-Egidio: Giro n.d. 101 Offered itself as mediator: Howard 2008: 191. 101 Both sides asked the UN: Howard 2008: 187. 101–02 An overtaxed, divided: Salomons 2003: 83, 96. 102 High degree of autonomy: Howard 2008: 198–99, 196. 102 Assessed that money could: Howard 2008: 197, 199; Salomons 2003: 112. 102 Another trust fund: Howard 2008: 202; Salomons 2003: 109–10. 102–03 After the UN departed: Salomons 2003: 111; Howard 2008: 219–21. 103 The two sets side by side: 1990 population data from UN Population Division 2009. 104 In addition to the consent: Howard 2008: 8, 10, 15, 16, 19; Doyle and Sambanis 2006: 2; see also Autesserre 2010: 8. 104 Cultural learning that must occur: Rubinstein 2008: 36, 107. 104 Peace missions also need: Rubinstein 2008: 37, 51, 89; see also 138. 105 Made a database: Fortna 2008: 2, 3, 11; Fortna’s dataset is an expanded version of Doyle and Sambanis’s. 105 Evidence is overwhelming: Fortna 2008: 6, 9–10, 106, 116. 105 Resounding yes: Fortna and Howard 2008: 289; Fortna 2008: 125. 105 Several pathways: Fortna 2008: 9, 102. 105–06 Despite these positive outcomes: Fortna 2008: 24, 44; see also Regan 2000: 39; Fortna and Howard 2008: 290; Collier 2009: 84. 106 Separate but parallel: Collier 2009: 83, 95. 106 Very good value: Collier 2009: 96, 97, 99. 106 Reversion to war: Collier 2009: 75, 88. 106 Markedly improved: Griffin 2003: 214. 106 Built a data-set: Doyle and Sambanis 2006: 72, 126; see Durch 2006a: 13–16. 106–07 Roland Paris: Paris 2004: 19, 6, ix, 5, 89, 95, 111, 113, 145–46, 223. 107 The case of Nicaragua: Paris 2004: 139, 118–20; Paris 2009a: 58. 107–08 Daniel Ortega: BBC News 2006. 108 To Paris’s credit: Paris 2009b: 108.


pages: 499 words: 152,156

Age of Ambition: Chasing Fortune, Truth, and Faith in the New China by Evan Osnos

conceptual framework, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Brooks, Deng Xiaoping, East Village, financial independence, Gini coefficient, income inequality, indoor plumbing, information asymmetry, land reform, Lao Tzu, low skilled workers, market fundamentalism, Mohammed Bouazizi, plutocrats, Plutocrats, rolodex, scientific worldview, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, transcontinental railway, Washington Consensus, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, young professional

In 1979, mainland China was a place to flee. In the eighteenth century, imperial China controlled one-third of the world’s wealth; its most advanced cities were as prosperous and commercialized as Great Britain and the Netherlands. But in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, China was crippled by invasion, civil war, and political upheaval. After taking power in 1949, the Communist Party conducted a “land reform” campaign that grouped China’s small family farms into collectives, and led to the killing of millions of landlords and perceived enemies. In 1958, Chairman Mao launched the Great Leap Forward, attempting to vault his country past Britain in just fifteen years. Some advisers told him it was impossible, but he ignored and humiliated them; the head of the national technology commission jumped out a window.

Cafferty, Jack Caijing; government approval required for; growth of; investors in; management buyout plan of Cao, Henry Cao, Leo Caochangdi Cao family Cao Haili Cao Qifeng Carrefour Carter, Jimmy Catholicism Célestin Monga cell phones censorship Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Central Japan Railway Central Publicity (Propaganda) Department; Caijing and; on train crash century of national humiliation Charter 08 Charter 77 Chen Chen Danqing Chen Guangcheng; escape of; house arrest of; in prison; release of Chen Guangfu Chen Guojun Cheng Yizhong Chen Jieren Chen Kegui Chen Xianmei Chen Yun Chen Yunying Cheung Chi-tai Cheung Yan Chicago Tribune Chim Pui-chung China: alleged currency manipulation of; anti-Japanese protests in; average income in; billionaires in; bloggers in; capitalist reforms in; censorship in; central bank of; civil war in; constitution of; creative class in; economic growth in; food in; happiness in; history studies in; housing prices in; inequality in; intergenerational mobility in; Internet use in; investment in; Japanese occupation of; Japan’s Diaoyu Islands dispute with; Jasmine protests in; labor migration in; land reform in; life expectancy in; literacy rates in; luxury goods in; popular approval of; press in; real estate boom in; revolution in; special economic zones in; spiritual awakening in; stereotypes of; stimulus plan in; stock markets in; tax system in; Tibet protests in; travel from; Uighur-Han riot in; urban growth in; Western culture as perceived by China, U.S. relationship with; Belgrade embassy bombing and; and Chinese crackdown on Internet; Mao’s establishment of; U.S. recognition of ChinaAid China Business Times China Can Say No China Center for Economic Research China Central Television China Daily China eCapital China Entrepeneur ChinaGeeks China Miracle, The (Lin, Cai and Li) China Mobile China Newsweek China Railway Signal and Communication Corporation China Stand Up!

Cixi, Empress Dowager class Class: A Guide Through the American Status System (Fussell) Clinton, Hillary CNN Coca-Cola Cohen, Jerome Cohen, Joan Lebold Cold War college admissions Colombia color revolution COMDEX Communist Party, Chinese; alleged virtue of; censorship by; Central Committee of; Charter 08 denounced by; class opposed by; corruption in; culture planned by; dissidents contained by; Eighteenth Party Congress of; free market fundamentalism disdained by; land reform of; membership of; as “Party in Power”; propaganda studied by; Seventeenth National Congress of; on values; and Wenzhou train crash Communist Youth League concubines Confucianism Confucius Confucius Institute Confucius Temple Congress, U.S. Congressional-Executive Commission on China, U.S. Conrad, Joseph Corak, Miles Corallo, Mark corruption; as anarchic; in art; growth and; plans for rooting out; punishment of; see also bribes Cosmopolitan Cotter, Holland Cotton Flower Alley Crazy English Crédit Mobilier CTGZ Cui Tiankai cults Cultural Revolution currency, China’s alleged manipulation of cushion hypothesis Dalai Lama Daley, Richard M.


pages: 444 words: 151,136

Endless Money: The Moral Hazards of Socialism by William Baker, Addison Wiggin

Andy Kessler, asset allocation, backtesting, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Black Swan, Branko Milanovic, break the buck, Bretton Woods, BRICs, business climate, business cycle, capital asset pricing model, commoditize, corporate governance, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, debt deflation, Elliott wave, en.wikipedia.org, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, fiat currency, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, German hyperinflation, housing crisis, income inequality, index fund, inflation targeting, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, liquidity trap, Long Term Capital Management, McMansion, mega-rich, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage tax deduction, naked short selling, negative equity, offshore financial centre, Ponzi scheme, price stability, pushing on a string, quantitative easing, RAND corporation, rent control, reserve currency, riskless arbitrage, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, seigniorage, short selling, Silicon Valley, six sigma, statistical arbitrage, statistical model, Steve Jobs, stocks for the long run, The Great Moderation, the scientific method, time value of money, too big to fail, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra, young professional

One is that the evolution of both these great societies began with capitalist states that became regimes with a sparse super-rich elite that would be lightly taxed and wield tremendous political power. The estates of Rome’s middle classes were eroded by governmental action, mostly the suppression of consumer price inflation through food price controls and repression of wages through competition for labor by slavery. The emergence of populist politicians such as the Gracchus brothers in the first century bc introduced land reform and welfare, and the Roman populace shifted to embrace a socialist framework of rewarding idleness with bread and circuses. The role of money in credit crises is carefully examined. The recurrence of credit panics on the surface seems incongruent with the discipline of hard money developed in the Republic. But as a reserve, silver expanded geometrically, acting as a rudimentary version of today’s fiat backing, and its production was under complete government control in state-owned mines.

The rise of populism traces its roots from the famous Twelve Tables of 451 bc, the Licenian Laws of 367 bc, and the Hortensian Law of 287 bc. Approximately 100 years before the birth of Christ, the resentment of small farmers weary of fighting in military campaigns that enriched the aristocracy and introduced competition from slave labor swelled. The Gracchus brothers were the From the Golden Era to Totalitarianism 247 liberal politicians of their time, putting in place a two-tiered wheat pricing system and land reform. H.J. Haskell, in his 1939 book The New Deal in Old Rome, catalogs the surprising parallels between Roman legislation and Depression-era reforms in the United States. Wheat was initially offered without a means test to those willing to queue up at warehouses at half the market price, which over time would be reduced to being free of charge. Rome came to resemble Manhattan, a hub populated by rich who received income from their great country estates and a magnet for the poor from all over.

But it was the young whose acquaintance he chiefly courted; as their minds, ductile and unsettled from their age, were easily ensnared by his stratagems. For as the passions of each, according to his years, appeared excited, he furnished mistresses to some, bought horses and dogs for others, and spared, in a word, neither his purse nor his character, if he could but make them his devoted and trustworthy supporters.17 The return of Julius Caesar from Gaul frightened the aristocracy, who thought he would institute land reform like the Gracchus brothers had. Julius Caesar previously as consul had been able to secure land for veterans by using questionable political maneuvers. His crossing the Rubicon with an army (in defiance of a Senatorial order to disband it) induced a financial panic, which he resolved in part by allowing debts to be repaid using collateral priced with pre-crisis values. He also slashed the dole by over 50 percent and required one-third of all farm workers to be free men.


pages: 475 words: 149,310

Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire by Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, conceptual framework, continuation of politics by other means, David Graeber, Defenestration of Prague, deskilling, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, global village, Howard Rheingold, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, land tenure, late capitalism, liberation theology, means of production, Naomi Klein, new economy, Paul Samuelson, post-work, private military company, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Richard Stallman, Slavoj Žižek, The Chicago School, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, Tobin tax, transaction costs, union organizing, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

., (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987), 80-88. 32 There is considerable debate whether the term peasantry ever did in fact accurately describe such systems of small-holding production, especially in Africa. See Margaret Jean Hay, “ ‘Peasants’ in Modern East African Studies,” Peasant Studies 8, no. 1 (Winter 1979): 17-29. 33 On the history of political conflicts over land reform in Guatemala, see Greg Grandin, The Blood of Guatemala (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000). More generally, on the continuing inequalities of land ownership and the failures of land reform in Latin America, see Ernst Feder, The Rape of the Peasantry: Latin America’s Landholding System (New York: Anchor Books, 1971); and William Thiesenhusen, Broken Promises: Agrarian Reform and the Latin American Campesino (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1995). 34 For a useful description of the structure and activities of one of the major transnational agribusiness corporations, see Brewster Kneen, Invisible Giant: Cargill and Its Transnational Strategies (London: Pluto Press, 1995). 35 See R.

Before the colonial intrusion agricultural property was in most cases owned collectively and the communities were almost completely self-sufficient and isolated economically.31 The colonial powers destroyed the systems of collective ownership, introduced capitalist private property, and integrated local agricultural production partially into much larger economic markets—thereby creating conditions that resembled what in Europe was known as peasant production and exchange.32 A very small portion of the rural population in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, however, have ever fit comfortably into the ideologically central category of middle peasant—independent, small-holding farmers who produce primarily for their own consumption. Latin American agriculture, for example, has been dominated at least since the nineteenth century by an extreme polarization of land ownership, with at one end huge latifundio estates that employ numerous families and at the other landless workers or farmers with holdings too small and infertile to support themselves. Land reform, which was a liberal and revolutionary battle cry in Latin America throughout the twentieth century, from Zapata’s ragged troops to guerilla revolutionaries in Nicaragua and El Salvador, held something like the figure of the middle peasant as its goal. Aside from a few brief exceptions, most notably in Mexico and Bolivia, the tendency in Latin America has constantly moved in the opposite direction, exacerbating the polarization of land tenure and ownership.33 Throughout the subordinated capitalist world small-holding agricultural producers are systematically deprived of land rights as property is gradually consolidated into large holdings, controlled either by national landowners or mammoth foreign corporations.34 This process may appear as a haphazard and undirected movement carried out by an extended and disunited series of agents, including national governments, foreign governments, multinational and transnational agribusiness corporations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and many others.


pages: 547 words: 148,799

Market Forces by Richard K. Morgan

call centre, land reform, old-boy network, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, urban decay

‘Fuel and ammunition, medical supplies, helicopter gun-ships, counter-subversion trainers, interrogation technology. All at knockdown prices, and for over twenty years it’s all paid off big time. Quiescent population, low wage economy, export-oriented. Standard neoliberal dream.’ ‘But not any more.’ ‘But not any more. We’ve got another generation of guerrillas in the mountains screaming for land reform, another generation of disaffected student youth in the cities, and we’re all back to square one. Emerging 3Markets got scared and dropped the whole thing like a hot brick -straight into Conflict Investment’s lap. Hewitt gave it to Makin.’ ‘Nice of her.’ ‘Yeah, well this was just after Guatemala, so Makin’s rep was riding pretty high. Top commission analyst for the year and all that. I guess Hewitt thought he’d swing it in his sleep.

Somehow the softness of the man disappeared, became confident bulk and the resonance base for a rich baritone voice that gave his words a longevity way beyond the moment of their utterance. His evidence was compelling, it was set up that way, but more powerful was the echo of what he said in the minds of his listeners. Chris looked round the table and saw heads nodding, Mike Bryant’s included. ‘Thus we convert,’ Hamilton declared vibrantly, ‘the uncertainty of change, the certainty of post-land-reform unrest, and the probable budget deficit of the classic revolutionary regime, at a stroke, into a return to the profitable status quo we have enjoyed in the NAME for the last twenty years. It seems to me, ladies and gentlemen, that there is really no question or choice here, only a course of action that common sense and market return dictate. Thank you.’ Applause rippled politely round the table.

He tried to write an account of the events leading up to Philip Hamilton’s death, as much as anything to get it clear in his own head, but he kept having to cross out what he’d written and start further back. When his first line read my father was murdered by an executive called Edward Quain, he gave up. Perhaps inspired by the novel he was trying to read, he wrote an imaginary brief for the NAME account set five years into a future where Barranco had taken power and instituted wide-ranging land reform. It also seemed very far-fetched. He started a letter to Carla and tore it up after less than ten lines. He couldn’t think of anything worth telling her. The week ended. Another started. Shorn came for him. He was on morning walkabout, cheated of his usual seat at the fountain by a persistent, heavy drizzle that drenched the exposed patio area and kept him penned under the glass roof. His escort had obligingly dragged a bench out from somewhere for him, and now he sat at one end of it and stared out at the curtain of rain falling a half metre away.


pages: 668 words: 159,523

Coffeeland: One Man's Dark Empire and the Making of Our Favorite Drug by Augustine Sedgewick

affirmative action, Alfred Russel Wallace, British Empire, business cycle, California gold rush, collective bargaining, European colonialism, family office, Fellow of the Royal Society, Food sovereignty, Frederick Winslow Taylor, Honoré de Balzac, imperial preference, Joan Didion, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, land reform, land tenure, Louis Pasteur, mass immigration, Monroe Doctrine, Philip Mirowski, race to the bottom, refrigerator car, the scientific method, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, trade route, wage slave, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game

A more moderate faction on the right, including many younger army officers, began plotting to avoid civil war by overthrowing the hard-liners and attempting to bargain with the left. The coup that followed on October 15, 1979, ended the five-decade run of military rule that had begun with the coup of January 1932, but split itself into two factions in the process. One faction, taking control of the government, pushed for conciliatory measures: land reform, social welfare, and human rights. The other faction, taking control of the military, went ahead with the crackdown, targeting the People’s Revolutionary Army in particular.15 The day after the coup, thirty-five people were killed in San Salvador’s poor suburbs, and then forty more the next day. On October 29, seventy-five people were killed at a rally in the capital. On Halloween, the day Jaime Hill was kidnapped, seven protesters were killed by police, even as the government convened a human rights commission to investigate kidnappings and disappearances.16 The split personality of the coup made it impossible to know what was coming next

María Herrera-Sobek (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio, 2012), 414–15. 10. Quoted in W. P. Lawson, “Along the Romantic Coffee Trail to Salvador,” The Spice Mill, November 1928, 1976–82. 11. United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, Coffee in Latin America: Productivity Problems and Future Prospects (New York: United Nations and FAO, 1958). 12. Ethan B. Kapstein, Seeds of Stability: Land Reform and U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 188; and William H. Durham, Scarcity and Survival in Central America: The Ecological Origins of the Soccer War (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1979), 7. 13. Interview with Jaime Hill, Perdita Huston Papers [PHP], Series 7, Box 7.3, Unedited Interview Transcripts, El Salvador (Tapes 11–22), Maine Women Writers Collection, University of New England, Portland, Maine. 14.

Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995. ———. “Traveling Far in Grandfather’s Car: The Life Cycle of Central Colombian Coffee Estates. The Case of Viotá, Cundinamarca (1900–1930).” Hispanic American Historical Review 69, no. 2 (May 1989): 185–219. Judd, John Wesley. Volcanoes: What They Are and What They Teach. New York: D. Appleton, 1881. Kapstein, Ethan B. Seeds of Stability: Land Reform and U.S. Foreign Policy. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2017. Kargon, Robert H. Science in Victorian Manchester: Enterprise and Expertise. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977; reprint, New York: Routledge, 2017. Katznelson, Ira. When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America. New York: W. W. Norton, 2005. Kay, Jane Holtz.


pages: 306 words: 92,704

After the Berlin Wall by Christopher Hilton

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Peter Eisenman, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, urban planning, urban renewal, women in the workforce

There is a good reason for this: the dead hand of Hitler lies upon it, and although this was followed by the dead hand of Soviet occupation and the dead hand of the GDR, you have to have a cut-off point if you are going to undertake something of unimaginable complexity: restoring property to its original owners after up to eight decades. The cut-off was 1933, when the Nazi anti-Semitic legislation became law and Jewish property was liable to confiscation. The dead hand of Soviet occupation was more profound in its impact than anything in the Hitler era. An author, A. James McAdams, summed this up by writing: Under the pretext of engaging in ‘land reform’ in their occupation zone, Soviet authorities undertook the sweeping and, in many cases, brutal confiscation of nearly one-third of the landed property of the area that would eventually become the GDR. Some of the occupation regime’s measures were directed against identifiable war criminals and former Nazi leaders and their sympathisers. Others were directed against the Prussian nobility, or Junkers, even though most representatives of this class had been killed during the war or in its immediate aftermath.

Nobody in future would be able to unscramble it. This might have applied particularly to the collectivisation of farms. If the GDR towns struck the visitor as dilapidated, the countryside conveyed openness: the fields were enormous and seemed to stretch to the horizon. This was the collective in operation. ‘The farming is a very exciting topic because it was a very interesting development,’ Dr Händler says. ‘First of all we had the land reform from 1945 onwards and every farmer would get a piece of land as his working property. He was not allowed to sell it but he could use it free of charge, no rent. From the beginning of the 1950s there were machine and tractor stations. It meant the farmers could rent big machines and all could share them. That was the first stage towards collective farming. ‘There were three stages of collective farming.


pages: 346 words: 90,371

Rethinking the Economics of Land and Housing by Josh Ryan-Collins, Toby Lloyd, Laurie Macfarlane

"Robert Solow", agricultural Revolution, asset-backed security, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, basic income, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, collective bargaining, Corn Laws, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, credit crunch, debt deflation, deindustrialization, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Financial Instability Hypothesis, financial intermediation, full employment, garden city movement, George Akerlof, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, housing crisis, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, information asymmetry, knowledge worker, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, land reform, land tenure, land value tax, Landlord’s Game, low skilled workers, market bubble, market clearing, Martin Wolf, means of production, money market fund, mortgage debt, negative equity, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, Pareto efficiency, place-making, price stability, profit maximization, quantitative easing, rent control, rent-seeking, Richard Florida, Right to Buy, rising living standards, risk tolerance, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, shareholder value, the built environment, The Great Moderation, The Market for Lemons, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, universal basic income, urban planning, urban sprawl, working poor, working-age population

But the law of rent applies equally in developed urban areas dominated by industrial and service sector activity. Over time, if an economy develops and its population expands, the un-owned land available for improvement will become scarcer and eventually there will be no ‘rent-free’ land left. The rent then becomes determined by locational value. In his classic text Progress and Poverty ([1879] 1979, pp. 95–101), land reformer Henry George describes an ‘unbounded savannah’ with a single settler, who, though blessed with all the gifts of nature and an abundance of free land, is actually materially poor for there is little he can do on his own to raise himself beyond subsistence. Over time, as more settlers arrive, the settlement develops around the original settler and the collective efforts of the increasing population enable economic growth.

Dominic Maxwell and Anthony Vigor. London: Institute for Public Policy Research. Brown, Meta, Lee Donghoon, Joelle Scally, Katherine Strair, and Wilbert van der Klaaw. 2016. ‘The Graying of American Debt’. Liberty Street Economics. 24 February. http://libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2016/02/the-graying-of-american-debt.html#.V_AHIoWmqU0. Bryden, John, and Charles Geisler. 2007. ‘Community-Based Land Reform: Lessons from Scotland’. Land Use Policy 24 (1): 24–34. Brynjolfsson, Erik, and Andrew McAfee. 2014. The Second Machine Age: Work, Progress, and Prosperity in a Time of Brilliant Technologies. New York: W. W. Norton. BSA (Building Societies Association). 2015. ‘The History of Building Societies (BSA Factsheet)’. https://www.bsa.org.uk/information/consumer-factsheets/general/the-history-of-building-societies.


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To the Edge of the World: The Story of the Trans-Siberian Express, the World's Greatest Railroad by Christian Wolmar

anti-communist, Cape to Cairo, Kickstarter, land reform, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, railway mania, refrigerator car, stakhanovite, trade route, transcontinental railway, urban planning

While comparisons with the United States are inevitably simplistic, the changes were nevertheless radical and ‘Siberian migration produced a society much more like that of America than was the Russian society from which it stemmed.’12 Moreover, the migration afforded by the railway not only transformed Siberia but had repercussions throughout Russia: ‘Siberian migration resulted in the creation of a new Siberian society, which had a higher level of prosperity and a greater degree of social flexibility than European Russia.’13 The migration led to a new type of peasant who owned a smallholding, a different model from the communal one they left behind. This apparent liberalization by the monarchist regime was a response to the failed 1905 revolution. The relatively progressive politician Pyotr Stolypin, who became prime minister the following year, was anxious to win over the discontented peasantry. Land reforms directed at the remaining peasants in European Russia provided them with more freedom and created for the first time legally independent farmers living on their own land. Oddly, despite these improvements to the peasants’ conditions in European Russia and the gradual move away from the oppressive and inefficient commune system, the end of the Russo-Japanese War (during which there had been a steady flow of around 800 migrants per week to Siberia) led to a remarkable increase in the rate of migration.

., 94 Newby, Eric, xix, 30, 253–4 Nicholas I, Tsar, 2–3, 5, 11 and railways, 13–21, 24 Nicholas II, Tsar, 58, 70, 249 foreign tour, 59–60 and railways, 59–62 and Russo-Japanese War, 139–41 Nikolaevsk, 113, 200–1 Nikolayev Railway, 16–24, 74 fares, 22 finance, 21 gauge, 18–19 lack of connections, 23 route, 18, 20 speed of construction, 21 topography, 20 travelling conditions, 22 volume of traffic, 21 Nizhneudinsk, 198 Nizhny-Novgorod, 29, 31, 39 Nizhny Tagil, 12 North Korea, 245 Novokuznetsk, 217, 219, 222 Novonikolayevsk, 73, 84–6, 156, 198, 218 see also Novosibirsk Novosibirsk, 219, 260 station architecture, 220 see also Novonikolayevsk Novosibirsk Railway Museum, 108 Ob, river, 42, 68, 73, 82, 84–5, 101, 220 Ob River–Krasnoyarsk line, 65 October Manifesto, 139–40 Odessa, 24–5, 80, 86, 184–5 Odessa Railway, 49–50 Odessa University, 48 oil, 159, 174, 246 and environmental damage, 243–4 Old Believers, 144–5 Omsk, 73–4, 81–2, 161, 260 and civil war, 184, 187–8, 190, 195–8 coal thefts, 119–20 garden city, 156 panorama, 110 population increase, 155 station architecture, 92, 253 Omsk paper currency, 197 Omsk–River Ob line, 65 Orenburg, 42, 190 Orient Express, 109 Orthodox Church, 144–5 Orwell, George, 236 Ozerlag camp complex, 234 Pacific Fleet, Russian, 38, 56, 167 Page, Martin, 93–4 Panama Canal, 75 panoramas, 109–10 Paris, 25, 51 Paris Exposition Universelle, 84, 109–10, 114 passports, internal, 1, 21, 147–9 Pasternak, Boris, 193 Pauker, General German Egorovich, 44 Pavlovsk, 15 Peking–Paris road race, 162–3 Penrose, Richard, 152–3 Penza, 140, 180 Perm, 29, 39, 41–2, 192, 195, 209 permafrost, 65, 69, 103, 125, 168 and construction of BAM, 232–3, 239–40, 243, 247 Pertsov, Alexander, 134–5 Peter the Great, Emperor, 9, 20 Peyton, Mr, 32 photography, 253–4 Plehve, Vyacheslav von, 141 Pogranichny, 122 Pokrovskaya, Vera, 81 Polish provinces, 14, 24, 28, 144 Poltava, 151 Polyanski (agent), 51 Port Arthur, 109, 114, 123, 126, 129, 131, 133–4, 137, 139, 165 Port Baikal, 89, 101, 135 post houses, 4–5 Postyshevo, 233 Posyet, Konstantin, 39–40, 44, 52 Primorye region, 36–7, 40–1 prisoners of war, 226, 234, 246 Progressive Tours, 253 propaganda, 203–7, 252 Pushechnikov, Alexander, 88–9, 96, 122 Putin, Vladimir, 244 Pyasetsky, Pawel, 109–10 rails, convex, 12 railway administrators, enlightened, 151–2 ‘railway barons’, 26, 42, 50 railway colonies, 93 railway currency, 213 Railway Guard, 127–8, 130 railway managers, and Stalin’s purges, 221–3, 225 railway troops, 238 railway workers, 117–20, 156–7 wages, 118–19 railways, horse-drawn, 11–13, 30 railways, military, 24, 45 Ransome, Arthur, 206–7 Ready, Oliver, 114 Reid, Arnot, 102–3 roads, 2–3, 5–6, 13, 20, 98, 162, 257 Rosanov, Sergei, 186 Rothschilds, 46 rouble, linked to gold, 57 Royal Engineers, 95 Russia absolutism, 1 advent of railways, 27–8 censorship, 111 collapse of communism, 247–8, 257, 259 economy, 1–3, 26, 28, 55–6, 58, 95, 97–8, 255 expansion of railway network, 41–2 expansionist policies, 122–4, 130, 139 first horse-drawn railway, 11–12 German invasion, 224–5, 232, 258 industrialization, 55, 57, 95, 207, 211, 216–19, 221, 256, 258 land reforms, 154 liberalization, 21–2, 154 opposition to railways, 13–14, 16 unified railway network, 53 Russian civil war, xvi, 133, 138, 171–201, 223 Russian Revolution (1905), xvi, 154 (1917), xvi, 9, 121, 172, 174–8, 214 Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, 199–201 Russian Technical Society, 67 Russo-Japanese War, xvi, 91, 94, 107, 121, 129–42, 154, 161, 163, 165 peace treaties and aftermath, 139, 166–7, 213–14 Russo-Turkish War, 19, 36–7, 40, 49, 140–1 St John’s, Newfoundland, 64 Saint Nicholas, 73 St Petersburg assassination of von Plehve, 141 construction of, 20 massacre of demonstrators, 139 meat deliveries to, 158 renamed Petrograd, 162 St Petersburg–Moscow highway, 2 St Petersburg–Moscow Railway, see Nikolayev Railway St Petersburg time, 115 St Petersburg–Warsaw Railway, 24–5, 28 saints’ days, 104 Sakhalin Island, 31, 80, 199, 201, 242, 249 Samara, 140 see also Kuibyshev Samarkand, 39 San Francisco, 32 Schaffhausen-Schönberg och Schaufuss, Nikolai, 168 schools, building of, 157–8 Sea of Japan, 2, 7, 31, 173 Second World War, 19, 133, 200, 218–19, 221, 223–7, 229–30, 233 Semipalatinsk, 218 Semipalatinsk Cossacks, 185 Semyonov, Gregori, 182–5, 192, 198, 200 serfs, 12, 16–18, 34, 74, 141, 178 emancipation of, 11, 34, 145, 147 Sevastopol, siege of, 24, 37 Severobaikalsk, 231, 235, 241 Severomuysky Tunnel, 241, 244, 246 Shanghai, 114, 164 Shika, river, 69, 88, 101 Shoemaker, Michael Myers, 115 shovels, 81 Siberia Allied intervention, 172–201 architecture, 156–7 area, 7–8 cartography, 66–7 climate, 1, 7–8, 243, 246 economy, 31, 36, 207 fire damage, 243 first railway, 42–3 immigration, 143–60, 207, 220 increased productivity, 158–9 indigenous peoples, 11, 65, 118, 145–6, 149 industrialization, 207, 211, 216–19, 220–2, 256, 258 infrastructure improvements, 59, 61, 83, 98, 159 population, 1, 7, 10–11, 143, 159, 219 regionalist movement, 35 and Russian Empire, 34–6 time zones, 7 travel, 3–7, 32 urbanization, 154–6 Siberian Committee, 33–4 signallers, 118–19 Simpson, James, 150–1 Sino-Japanese War, 70–1 slaves, American, 35 sleepers, 64, 81, 84, 103, 106, 239 Sleigh, Mr, 31 sleighs, 3, 6, 32 Slyudyanka, 228 snowdrifts, 104 Sofiysk, 31 Solzhenitsyn, Alexander, 231 Some Like It Hot, 116 South Manchuria Railway, 126, 128–9, 137–9, 164, 214 Southwestern Railway, 50 Sovetskaya Gavan, 231, 233, 248 Soviet Sociology, 237 Soviets, 179 Sretensk, 38, 41, 88–9, 101, 108, 121–2, 168 Stakhanovite movement, 222–3 Stalin, Joseph, 10, 177, 215, 224–6, 229–30, 235 his death, 226, 234, 242 escape route from Moscow, 226 industrialization under, 207, 211, 216–19, 220–2, 256, 258 his train, 212, 252 Standard newspaper, 133 Stankevich, Andrei, 152 stations, 27, 74, 91–3, 156–7, 219–20, 257 architecture, 92, 157, 220 catering, 103, 107–8, 209–10 military areas, 157 steamboats, 4, 13 Stephenson, George and Robert, 12 Stevens, John F., 191 Stolypin, Pyotr, 154 submarine warfare, 176 submarines, 173 Suchan coal mines, 187 Sudan, 64 Suez Canal, 37, 70, 86, 164 suicides, 10 Suprenenko, Governor, 30 Sverdlovsk, 219 see also Yekaterinburg Swedish Red Cross, 185 Syzran, 42 taiga, 68, 78–9, 83–4, 236, 238, 243 tarantasses, 3–4, 6, 32, 91, 106 Tashkent, 218 Tayga, 155 Taylor, Richard, 204, 207 Tayshet, 231, 233–4, 239, 246 Tblisi, 48 telegas, 3 telegraph systems, 33, 140, 179, 194 Tibet, 233 tigers, 80 timber, shortages of, 64, 73, 84, 124, 126 Times, The, 22, 165 Timireva, Anna, 197 Tokyo, 161, 188 Tomsk, 38, 41, 68, 86, 107, 155–6, 217 First World War bottleneck, 172, 175 and railway administration, 68, 120 Tomsk province, 155 track gauge, 15–16, 18–19, 137–8, 256–7 trains armoured trains, xvi, 179, 183, 193, 203 butter trains, 158 coal trains, 172 Lux Blue Express, 212 luxury trains, 108–11, 114, 163–4, 252 propaganda trains, 203–7 Rossiya, 117, 257–8 troop trains, 133–4 tsar’s train, 44, 113, 198 ‘typhus trains’, 197–8 V.


Pirates and Emperors, Old and New by Noam Chomsky

American ideology, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, drone strike, Fall of the Berlin Wall, land reform, liberation theology, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, union organizing, urban planning

Statistics compiled for the UN’s Food and Agricultural Organization’s annual meeting in Rome this week [June 11, 2002] show that the number of people with chronic hunger in Central America has risen by almost a third in the last decade, from 5 million to 6.4 million of the 28 million population.4 UN agencies are seeking remedies, “but without effective land reform these measures can have only limited impact.” The popular organizations that might have led the way to land reform and other measures to benefit the poor majority were effectively destroyed by Washington’s “war on terror.” Formal democracy was instituted, but it impresses mostly ideologues. Polls throughout the hemisphere reveal that faith in democracy has steadily declined, in part because of the destruction of the social base for effective democracy, and in part, very likely, because the institution of formal democracy was accompanied by neoliberal policies that reduce the space for democratic participation.


pages: 950 words: 297,713

Crucible: The Long End of the Great War and the Birth of a New World, 1917-1924 by Charles Emmerson

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, British Empire, continuation of politics by other means, currency peg, Etonian, European colonialism, ghettoisation, Isaac Newton, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Solar eclipse in 1919, strikebreaker, trade route

Emmeline falls sick from overwork, with a recurring stomach complaint dating from her various hunger strikes as a suffragette. She rejects an offer to visit the ex-Tsar and his family. It would compromise her mission, she explains. Petrograd is full of words, words, words. Liberals book up theatres and music halls to give patriotic lectures to their supporters. The city Soviet is packed with workers’ representatives declaring their positions on everything from land reform to Ukraine’s latest bid for autonomy from Russia. War Minister Kerensky, the provisional government’s most dynamic and recognisable leader, never stops talking. But the most stunning newcomer on the speaking circuit is the principled non-tipper Leon Trotsky, with his wild gesticulations, mordant wit, quivering pince-nez and rousing speeches against the war. He revels in the ‘human electricity’ at his speeches at the Cirque Moderne.

The disaster of Caporetto does not kill Italian nationalism–it provides it with martyrs to honour, and new domestic enemies to defeat. Benito Mussolini is in no doubt what is needed: Italy must dedicate itself once more to war. Cafés, concert halls and theatres should be shut. Order must be re-established. The Socialists, Mussolini’s old comrades until they took the path of pacifism, must be locked up. Radical social change should be introduced to give soldiers something to fight for: land reform for the peasants and better conditions for the workers. But this is socialism for the nation, to strengthen its living force, not socialism against it. After Caporetto, it is clearer than ever to Mussolini that Italy must defeat two enemies to win this war: the Austrians at the front, and the pacifist-internationalist tendency behind it. War abroad and war at home are two sides of the same nationalist revolutionary coin.

For the moment, the assembly continues its discussions. Long-winded speeches are made to a half-empty chamber. Two o’clock in the morning passes. Then three. Then four. Eventually the captain of the loyal Bolshevik troops on duty, a reliable Kronstadt man, decides to call time. ‘The guards are tired’, he announces. ‘I suggest you vacate the premises.’ The chairman frantically puts everything he has proposed to the vote–land reform, statements on peace, the federalisation of Russia. All these measures are adopted overwhelmingly. At five in the morning the remaining delegates go home. ‘Perhaps this is not the end’, one delegate says to another hopefully. The next morning the delegates of the Constituent Assembly are refused access to the Tauride Palace. Russia’s democratic experiment is over. THE WESTERN FRONT: Ludendorff visits the troops, checking on morale, ensuring fresh supplies of munitions are going where they are needed, speaking to the officers in the field.


pages: 927 words: 236,812

The Taste of War: World War Two and the Battle for Food by Lizzie Collingham

agricultural Revolution, American ideology, British Empire, centre right, clean water, colonial exploitation, distributed generation, European colonialism, fixed income, full employment, global village, indoor plumbing, labour mobility, land reform, mass immigration, means of production, profit motive, rising living standards, trade route, V2 rocket, women in the workforce

While the west achieved prosperity, the east armed and industrialized at its peoples’ expense. The Soviet eastern bloc continued to be characterized by a lack of consumer goods, poor-quality food and shortages. Having won the civil war in 1949 the Chinese Communist Party was now ready to implement its land reform policies. Wary of provoking hostility from the peasantry during the war against Japan, the communists had softened their approach. Now that they were in power they pursued class warfare with vigour and during the land reform programme of 1949–50 one million ‘rich’ peasants were murdered. Then, in the 1950s, Mao decided to push China’s modernization forward with a vigorous programme for industrialization and agricultural reform. Ignoring the lesson of the disastrous famines caused by collectivization in the Soviet Union in the 1930s, huge communal farms were formed where the labourers ate in common dining halls.

This is why Britain still imports fresh beans by air from Kenya.79 In the Rhodesias the political power of the settler communities had expanded to such a point that they were able to push through the creation of a Native Labour Supply Commission which recruited African labour to work on white farms right up until the 1970s, reinforcing the neglect of African farming.80 The bitter consequences of the resentments this caused are still being felt today in Zimbabwe (as Southern Rhodesia was renamed), where Robert Mugabe’s ‘land reform programme’ has dispossessed white farmers, and raging inflation has left the African population destitute, ravaged by hunger and a cholera epidemic in 2008. WEST AFRICA AND THE DOLLAR DEFICIT In 1939 West African farmers were faced with the same depressing prospect as East Africa’s settler farmers: their crops (cocoa beans, palm produce and peanuts) were surplus to requirements. In 1939 America and Britain already had one year’s worth of cocoa beans in storage and the farmers’ third best customer, Germany, had disappeared from the market.81 Cocoa beans came very low on the shipping officials’ list of priorities and the farmers were faced with the prospect of harvesting a virtually worthless crop.

These areas were widely scattered and varied from relatively well-consolidated control to guerrilla zones.58 The communists were by no means firmly established as a ruling power. They were thus in a position of trying to live off the land like an army of occupation rather than an army based in its own country. An additional disadvantage was that their base area was under-developed, agriculturally poor and prone to natural disasters such as earthquakes, floods and droughts.59 In the early years of its existence the Communist Party had adopted an aggressive policy of land reform which confiscated land from rich peasants and landlords. During the war, it seemed politic to adopt a more conciliatory approach which minimized the extent of social and economic disruption.60 Thus, rather than evicting landlords, they set about redistributing wealth by reducing the amount of rent landlords could demand and the interest which could be charged on loans. By giving the peasantry greater access to potential profits these measures provided them with an incentive to work hard and produce more food.


pages: 614 words: 176,458

Meat: A Benign Extravagance by Simon Fairlie

agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, back-to-the-land, Boris Johnson, call centre, carbon footprint, Community Supported Agriculture, deindustrialization, en.wikipedia.org, food miles, Food sovereignty, Haber-Bosch Process, Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Just-in-time delivery, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, megacity, Northern Rock, Panamax, peak oil, refrigerator car, scientific mainstream, sexual politics, stem cell, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, University of East Anglia, upwardly mobile, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

., 10. 58 Whitefield, P (2004), The Earth Care Manual, Permanent Publications. 59 Peter Kropotkin (1912), Fields, Factories and Workshops, Tho Nelson and Son, 1912 (1898), p 354. 60 Borsodi, Ralph (1927), The Distribution Age, D Appleton and Co. 61 Ibid. 62 Borsodi, R (1933), Flight from the City, Harper and Bros; Fogarty, S, ‘Ralph Borsodi: Decentralist Theorist and Community Builder’, in R Borsodi (1929) This Ugly Civilization, Porcupine Press, 1975. On the failure of the Borsodi’s first settlements: Issel, W (1967), ‘Ralph Borsodi and the Agrarian Response to Modern America’ in Agricultural History, Vol XLI, No 2, April 1967. On Borsodi in India: Slastrom, P (1975), ‘Ralph Borsodi’s Vision of Land Reform’, The Green Revolution, Sept 1975, www.cooperativeindividualism.org/salstrom-paul_on-borsodi-and-land-reform.html. On Community Land Trusts: Loomis, M (1978), ‘Ralph Borsodi’s Principles for Homesteaders’, Land and Liberty Nov-Dec 1978 http://www.cooperativeindividualism.org/loomis_borsodi_bio.html. School of Living: http://www.schoolofliving.org/ 63 See Lang, T and Raven, H (1994), ‘From Market to Hypermarket: Food Retailing in Britain’, The Ecologist, July/August 1994. 64 NFU Countryside, April 2007. 65 Heinberg, Richard (2006), ‘Fifty Million Farmers’, Energy Bulletin, 17 November 2006, http://energybulletin.net/22584.html 66 Gunther, F, Ruralization: A Possible Way to Alleviate Our Current Vulnerability Problems, IV Biennial International Workshop Advances in Energy Studies, Unicamp, Campinas, SP Brazil; 15-19 June 2004.

There are those who argue that Kenyans should be lifted out of poverty through the otherwise fatuous business of flying fresh flowers and out of season vegetables to Europe.49 On the other hand, trucking goods across continents to regions where they can be grown satisfactorily causes environmental damage and results in unsustainable concentrations of biomass and nutrients where they are not needed, for the sake of an economic advantage which is pocketed by supermarkets, not by farmers. As for countries like New Zealand that have a surplus of land and food, perhaps they should open their doors to immigrants and parcel out some of their farms to landless peasants. If we are going to globalize everything else, we should globalize land reform as well. At the end of their paper, Weber and Matthews point out that GHG emissions are ‘only one dimension of the environmental impacts of food production’. Food miles may not be over-extravagant in their energy use, but they are thickly implicated in a centralized distribution system which multiplies our energy expenditure at every opportunity and whose impacts include excessive packaging and refrigeration, waste, traffic congestion, road-building, noise, accidents, loss of local distinctiveness, exploitation and displacement of peasants, excessive immigration, urban slums, deforestation and habitat destruction, removal of biomass from third world countries, the undermining of local communities in the UK, the collapse of UK farming and the blood which is spilt over oil fields.


pages: 547 words: 172,226

Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty by Daron Acemoglu, James Robinson

"Robert Solow", Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, Atahualpa, banking crisis, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, BRICs, British Empire, central bank independence, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, Corn Laws, creative destruction, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, discovery of the americas, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, financial independence, financial innovation, financial intermediation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, invention of movable type, invisible hand, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, land reform, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, Mohammed Bouazizi, Paul Samuelson, price stability, profit motive, Rosa Parks, Scramble for Africa, Simon Kuznets, spice trade, spinning jenny, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, trade liberalization, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, union organizing, upwardly mobile, Washington Consensus, working poor

He stood for plebeian tribune in 133 BC, then used his office to propose land reform: a commission would investigate whether public lands were being illegally occupied and would redistribute land in excess of the legal limit of three hundred acres to landless Roman citizens. The three-hundred-acre limit was in fact part of an old law, though ignored and not implemented for centuries. Tiberius Gracchus’s proposal sent shockwaves through the senatorial class, who were able to block implementation of his reforms for a while. When Tiberius managed to use the power of the mob supporting him to remove another tribune who threatened to veto his land reform, his proposed commission was finally founded. The Senate, though, prevented implementation by starving the commission of funds. Things came to a head when Tiberius Gracchus claimed for his land reform commission the funds left by the king of the Greek city Pergamum to the Roman people.


Necessary Illusions by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, British Empire, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, full employment, Howard Zinn, Khyber Pass, land reform, long peace, New Journalism, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, union organizing

Landless campesinos led by priests have occupied abandoned land, leading to arrests and forced expulsion. A report of the Human Rights Commission of Costa Rica documents dozens of complaints of illegal expulsion and abuse of authority during the past two years, including several assassinations, implicating the security forces, especially the Rural Guard, in violence against campesinos. Father Elias Arias, a priest imprisoned with 100 squatters, stated that “Costa Rica urgently needs land reform, but the legislators are reluctant to carry out this type of reform which is against their own self-interest. Instead of helping the campesinos, they have been protecting the property of John Hull,” the wealthy U.S. landowner and CIA asset who was actively involved in the attack against Nicaragua from Costa Rican bases.13 Through the 1980s, Costa Rica was able to defer these problems thanks to rising U.S. aid, understood to be conditional on its general support for U.S. objectives in the region.

Laqueur mentions that six Americans “perished in the civil war in El Salvador.” They are not further identified, but he presumably has in mind the four American churchwomen raped and murdered by the Salvadoran National Guard supported by the U.S. and directed by General Vides Casanova, who was promoted to Defense Minister under the Duarte government in the “fledgling democracy”; and two Americans working on land reform, assassinated in a restaurant by soldiers under orders from officers of the National Guard and the chief of staff, who were never charged. None of these facts are mentioned, and they occasion no thoughts on the source of terrorism in that traumatized country. One might also ask whether the phrase “perished in the civil war” does justice to the element of “international state-sponsored terrorism” in these atrocities.

In a sample of forty-nine Kinzer articles from the signing of the peace accords in August 1987 through mid-December, I found two references to the possible existence of such people. One is in paragraph eighteen of one of the many articles condemning the Sandinistas on the matter of amnesty, where a mother of a Sandinista soldier killed in action is quoted as opposing amnesty for “the people who killed our sons.” A second is in an insert in a survey of the land crisis in Central America, quoting cooperative members who express appreciation for land reform measures.147 The articles are largely devoted to diplomatic maneuverings and the tribulations of the internal opposition, who are presented as the true voice of Nicaragua. One learns next to nothing about the country, not an untypical feature of media coverage. The procedure of highly selective sourcing is second nature even among journalists who take some pains to keep independent of government propaganda.


pages: 334 words: 98,950

Bad Samaritans: The Myth of Free Trade and the Secret History of Capitalism by Ha-Joon Chang

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, falling living standards, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial deregulation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, land reform, liberal world order, liberation theology, low skilled workers, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, mega-rich, moral hazard, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, oil shock, price stability, principal–agent problem, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transfer pricing, urban sprawl, World Values Survey

The Republican Party was a mid-19th-century invention, based on a new vision that befitted a country that was rapidly moving outward (into the West) and forward (through industrialization), rather than harking back to an increasingly unsustainable agrarian economy based on slavery. The winning formula that the Republican Party came up with was to combine the American System of the Whigs with the free distribution of public land (often already illegally occupied) so strongly wanted by the Western states. This call for free distribution of public land was naturally anathema to the Southern landlords, who saw it as the start of a slippery slope towards a comprehensive land reform. The legislation for such distribution had been constantly thwarted by the Southern Congressmen. The Republican Party undertook to pass the Homestead Act, which promised to give 160 acres of land to any settler who would farm it for five years. This act was passed during the Civil War in 1862, by which time the South had withdrawn from Congress. Slavery was not as divisive an issue in pre-Civil-War US politics as most of us today believe it to have been.

Frayssé (1994), Lincoln, Land, and Labour, translated by S. Neely from the original French edition published in 1988 by Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne (University of Illinois Press, Urbana and Chicago), p. 224, note 46. 36 The consolidation of a protectionist trade policy regime was not the only economic legacy of Lincoln’s presidency. In 1862, in addition to the Homestead Act, one of the largest land reform programmes in human history, Lincoln oversaw the passage of the Morill Act. This act established the ‘land grant’ colleges, which helped boost the country’s research and development (R&D) capabilities, which subsequently became the country’s most important competitive weapon. Although the US government had supported agricultural research from the 1830s, the Morrill Act was a watershed in the history of government support for R&D in the USA. 37 Bairoch (1993), pp. 37–8. 38 Bhagwati (1985), p. 22, f.n. 10. 39 Bairoch (1993), pp. 51–2. 40 In reviewing my own book, Kicking Away the Ladder, the Dartmouth economist Doug Irwin argues that ‘the United States started out as a very wealthy country with a high literacy rate, widely distributed land ownership, stable government and competitive political institutions that largely guaranteed the security of private property, a large internal market with free trade in goods and free labor mobility across regions, etc.


pages: 359 words: 98,396

Family Trade by Stross, Charles

British Empire, glass ceiling, haute couture, indoor plumbing, land reform, new economy, sexual politics, trade route

If the masked maniac doesn’t succeed in murdering me, the Clan will expect me to go live like a medieval noble lady—fuck that! I’m not going to do it. I’ll live with the consequences later.” “You’re—” he swallowed. “Miriam.” He held out his arms to her. “You’re strong, but you don’t know what you’re talking about. I’ve been trying to resist the pressure for years. It doesn’t work. The Clan will get you to do what they want you to do in the end. I spent years trying to get them to do something—land reform on their estates, educating the peasants, laying the groundwork for industrialization. All I got was shit. There are deeply entrenched political groupings within the Clan who don’t want to see any modernization, because it threatens their own source of power—access to imported goods. And outside the Clan, there are the traditional nobility, not to mention the Crown, who are just waiting for the Clan nobility to make a misstep.

It’s amazing how much leverage you can buy by ensuring the heir to a duchy somewhere doesn’t die of pneumonia or that some countess doesn’t succumb to childbed fever.” “Yeah.” Miriam began collecting her scattered clothes. “But it doesn’t have to go that way. I figure with their social standing the Clan could push industrialization and development policies that would drag the whole Gruinmarkt into the nineteenth century within a couple of generations, and a little later it would be able to export stuff that people over here would actually want to buy. Land reform and tools to boost agricultural efficiency, set up schools, build steel mills, and start using the local oil reserves in Pennsylvania—it could work. The Gruinmarkt could bootstrap into the kind of maritime power the British Empire was, back in the Victorian period. As the only people able to travel back and forth freely, we’d be in an amazing position—-a natural monopoly! The question is: How do we get there from here?”


pages: 347 words: 99,317

Bad Samaritans: The Guilty Secrets of Rich Nations and the Threat to Global Prosperity by Ha-Joon Chang

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, falling living standards, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial deregulation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, land reform, liberal world order, liberation theology, low skilled workers, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, mega-rich, moral hazard, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, oil shock, price stability, principal–agent problem, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transfer pricing, urban sprawl, World Values Survey

The Republican Party was a mid-19th-century invention, based on a new vision that befitted a country that was rapidly moving outward (into the West) and forward (through industrialization), rather than harking back to an increasingly unsustainable agrarian economy based on slavery. The winning formula that the Republican Party came up with was to combine the American System of the Whigs with the free distribution of (often already illegally occupied) public land so strongly wanted by the Western states. This call for free distribution of public land was naturally anathema to the Southern landlords, who saw it as the start of a slippery slope towards a comprehensive land reform. The legislation for such distribution had been constantly thwarted by the Southern Congressmen. The Republican Party undertook to pass the Homestead Act, which promised to give 160 acres of land to any settler who would farm it for five years. This act was passed during the Civil War in 1862, by which time the Southern Congressmen had withdrawn. Slavery was not as divisive an issue in pre-Civil-War US politics as most of us today believe it to have been.

Frayssé (1994), Lincoln, Land, and Labour, translated by S. Neely from the original French edition published in 1988 by Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne (University of Illinois Press, Urbana and Chicago), p. 224, note 46. 36 The consolidation of a protectionist trade policy regime was not the only economic legacy of Lincoln’s presidency. In 1862, in addition to the Homestead Act, one of the largest land reform programmes in human history, Lincoln oversaw the passage of the Morill Act. This act established the ‘land grant’ colleges, which helped boost the country’s research and development (R&D) capabilities, which subsequently became the country’s most important competitive weapon. Although the US government had supported agricultural research from the 1830s, the Morrill Act was a watershed in the history of government support for R&D in the USA. 37 Bairoch (1993), pp. 37–8. 38 Bhagwati (1985), p. 22, f.n. 10. 39 Bairoch (1993), pp. 51–2. 40 In reviewing my own book, Kicking Away the Ladder, the Dartmouth economist Doug Irwin argues that ‘the United States started out as a very wealthy country with a high literacy rate, widely distributed land ownership, stable government and competitive political institutions that largely guaranteed the security of private property, a large internal market with free trade in goods and free labor mobility across regions, etc.


pages: 393 words: 91,257

The Coming of Neo-Feudalism: A Warning to the Global Middle Class by Joel Kotkin

Admiral Zheng, Andy Kessler, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Bernie Sanders, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carbon footprint, Cass Sunstein, clean water, creative destruction, deindustrialization, demographic transition, don't be evil, Donald Trump, edge city, Elon Musk, European colonialism, financial independence, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, gig economy, Gini coefficient, Google bus, guest worker program, Hans Rosling, housing crisis, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job satisfaction, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, liberal capitalism, life extension, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, megacity, Nate Silver, new economy, New Urbanism, Occupy movement, Parag Khanna, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-industrial society, post-work, postindustrial economy, postnationalism / post nation state, precariat, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ray Kurzweil, rent control, Richard Florida, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Sam Altman, Satyajit Das, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, smart cities, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, superstar cities, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Future of Employment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, trade route, Travis Kalanick, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, unpaid internship, upwardly mobile, We are the 99%, Wolfgang Streeck, women in the workforce, working-age population, Y Combinator

Japan had numerous ikki or peasant uprisings, particularly in the fifteenth century; the consolidation of power under the shogun in 1600 finally put an end to the disturbances.11 There were numerous uprisings and revolutions in Mexico, but it was only in the early twentieth century that the peones finally overturned the quasi-feudal regime left over from the Spanish legacy. They achieved significant land reform, but at the cost of well over a million lives.12 In Russia, with its overwhelmingly rural society, peasant rebellions were commonplace by the seventeenth century. A revolt among Ural Cossacks under Emelian Pugachev threatened the czarist regime in 1773, during the reign of Catherine the Great. The rebellion failed, as did some 550 others, but in 1917 the peasants rose up to support Lenin’s seizure of power.

After failing civil service exams several times, Hung Hsiu-ch’uan read some Christian tracts and connected their message with hallucinations he had experienced. He designed his own religion, in which he was part of the Holy Trinity, but with doctrines based mainly on the Ten Commandments, and he preached it to destitute laborers.14 His Taiping Rebellion called for the overthrow of the Manchu Ch’ing dynasty, land reform, improving the status of women, tax reduction, eliminating bribery, and abolishing the opium trade. The rebellion was finally put down more than a decade later, with massive loss of life. Some of the Taiping program would later be adopted by Sun Yat-sen, who would overthrow the imperial regime, and then by Mao Tse-tung and the Communists.15 The Revolt against Mass Migration The contemporary versions of peasant rebellions, particularly in Europe and the United States, are in large part a reaction against globalization and the mass influx of migrants from poor countries with very different cultures.


pages: 385 words: 111,807

A Pelican Introduction Economics: A User's Guide by Ha-Joon Chang

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, Berlin Wall, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, discovery of the americas, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, experimental economics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, global value chain, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, Gunnar Myrdal, Haber-Bosch Process, happiness index / gross national happiness, high net worth, income inequality, income per capita, information asymmetry, intangible asset, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, inventory management, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, liberation theology, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, market clearing, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Nelson Mandela, Northern Rock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, post-industrial society, precariat, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, Scramble for Africa, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, sovereign wealth fund, spinning jenny, structural adjustment programs, The Great Moderation, The Market for Lemons, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, transaction costs, transfer pricing, trickle-down economics, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, working-age population, World Values Survey

For example, many Neoclassical economists, even the ‘liberal’ Paul Krugman, argue that we should not criticize low-wage factory jobs in poor countries because the alternative may be no job at all. This is true, if we take the underlying socio-economic structure as given. However, once we are willing to change the structure itself, there are a lot of alternatives to those low-wage jobs. With new labour laws that strengthen worker rights, land reform that reduces the supply of cheap labour to factories (as more people stay in the countryside) or industrial policies that create high-skilled jobs, the choice for workers can be between low-wage jobs and higher-wage ones, rather than between low-wage jobs and no jobs. The Neoclassical school’s focus on exchange and consumption makes it neglect the sphere of production, which is a large – and the most important, according to many other schools of economics – part of our economy.

…because economic policy matters The main explanation for the lack of evidence for the Kuznets hypothesis is that economic policy matters hugely in determining the level of inequality. I have already mentioned that the recent dramatic upswings in inequality in the US and the UK can mainly be explained by deregulation and tax cuts for the rich. The absence of inequality upswing in Korea or Taiwan in their early stages of economic development between the 1950s and the 1960s can also be explained by policies. During this period, these countries implemented programmes of land reform, in which landlords were forced to sell most of their land to their tenants at below-market prices. Their governments then protected this new class of small farmers through import restrictions and the provision of subsidized fertilizer and irrigation services. They also heavily protected small shops from competition by large stores. Indeed, Kuznets himself did not believe that the decrease in inequality in the later stage of economic development would be automatic.


Capitalism, Alone: The Future of the System That Rules the World by Branko Milanovic

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, assortative mating, barriers to entry, basic income, Berlin Wall, bilateral investment treaty, Black Swan, Branko Milanovic, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, colonial rule, corporate governance, creative destruction, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, ghettoisation, gig economy, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, global value chain, high net worth, income inequality, income per capita, invention of the wheel, invisible hand, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, liberal capitalism, low skilled workers, Lyft, means of production, new economy, offshore financial centre, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, purchasing power parity, remote working, rent-seeking, ride hailing / ride sharing, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, uber lyft, universal basic income, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce, working-age population, Xiaogang Anhui farmers

Social and national revolutions There are two aspects, social and national, to the victory of communist parties in the Third World countries. I shall illustrate them with the most important example, that of China. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) advocated and implemented, first in the areas that it controlled in the 1920s–1930s, and then after its victory in 1949 throughout China, a comprehensive land reform, the abolition of quasi-feudal relations in rural areas, and a weakening of clan-based social relations, which were replaced by a more modern nuclear family structure and gender equality. It also promoted widespread literacy and education with “affirmative action” in education and employment in favor of children from peasant and workers’ families. This was no less than a complete overturning of historical hierarchical relationships.17 It all went together with the rejection of Confucianism, which, through its emphasis on filial piety, unquestioning respect of authority, and meekness, permitted such iniquitous structures to endure for centuries.

Regional decentralization, which in recent times Xu dates to the Great Leap Forward, allowed provincial and municipal governments to implement various economic policies and thus to discover what was best for them—as long as it was not in flagrant violation of the central rules and Communist Party ideology. (Although the disregard of the ideology was in reality accepted as long as it was well camouflaged and the policies were successful.) Xu shows that all crucial developments, from the introduction of the household responsibility system (land reform) to the privatization of state-owned enterprises, started at the lower levels of government. They were not, as is sometimes believed, part of some grandiose plan of experimentation thought up at the top, but came about entirely through lower level–based initiatives.53 If reforms were successful, their local promoters were able to get higher positions within the government and the party, to accede to central policy-making bodies (that’s where the centralization part kicks in), and to try to apply the same recipe elsewhere.


pages: 564 words: 182,946

The Berlin Wall: A World Divided, 1961-1989 by Frederick Taylor

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, German hyperinflation, Kickstarter, land reform, mass immigration, mutually assured destruction, oil shock, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine, the market place, young professional, éminence grise

To avoid a new Thousand Year Reich, society must go beyond capitalism. Ulbricht and the Soviets played successfully on this antipathy to the past. They expropriated the big landowners within months of the war’s end (‘Junkers’ lands into farmers’ hands’ went the slogan), and nationalised almost half the big-business concerns in the Soviet Zone as retribution for their complicity in the crimes of Nazism. The land reform was popular with small farmers, as such redistributions generally are. The substantial majority that voted for it had not read their history. In 1917, Lenin drummed up support in the Russian countryside with the appeal ‘All Land to the Peasants!’. In the 1930S, those peasants found their newly granted lands absorbed into state-run collectives. If they resisted, they and their families were condemned to starve.

., 114, 131 Ganéval, General Jean, 56, 60 Gartenstrasse, 187 Gatow Airport, 55 Gaudian, Christian, 397 Gelb, Norman, 137 Geneva, 382 Gensler Strasse, 194-5 George, Heinrich, 196 Georgetown, 171, 202 Georgia, 104, 214, 228 German Administration of the Interior (DVdI), 47-8, 142 German Confederation, 17 German Democratic Republic (GDR; East Germany): elections, 68, 75, 99-100; established, 68-9; flag, 69, 442; population, 72, 446; 504 / THE BERLIN WALL borders, 75-7, 124, 143, 331-2, 367, 374, 397, 433; collectivisation of agriculture, 76-7, 80-1, 102, 119; campaign against churches, 77, 81; population loss, 77, 79-81, 100, 117, 119, 153, 345, 347; industry, 79, 81, 102, 119, 388-9, 415, 438, 443-4; economy, 79-80, 100, 102, 117-19, 122, 127, 149, 205, 270, 287, 389; workers’ uprising, 82-7, 158, 193, 322, 411; securiry, 100, 105-6; strategic importance, 118, 120; Soviet missiles stationed in,120 ; flow of refugees, 123-6, 135-6, 138-9, 146, 148, 150-4, 159, 173, 189, 205; Soviet support for, 135; Soviet forces reinforced, 144-5, 149; army, 144, 153-4, 158, 161, 175, 177, 183, 349, 374, 383, 411, 428, 431; economic links with West Germany, 148; Western intelpligence gathering, 150-1; increasing repression, 152-3; Allies and possibility of unrest, 175; Lutheran Church in, 184-5; consequences of border closure, 190-3; education system, 191-2, 347-8, 405, 438; political prisoners, 193, 199, 376; deportations, 200; and magnet theory, 269; international recognition, 276-7, 344-5, 368, 381; press, 283; repression eases, 290; conscription introduced, 310; and convergence, 343-4; economic improvements, 347-9, 373; youth in, 347, 405; pollution, 348, 377, 389, 438; communal pride, 348-9; sports, 348-9; Western perceptions of, 357, 370-1; and homosexuality, 359; denazification, 359; judiciary, 359-60; punks in, 363-4; visiting rights, 367, 369; signs Basic Treaty, 368; technology imports, 373, 375-6; economic crisis and KoKo system, 374-6; military budget; credit agreement, 377-8, 387-9, 392-3, 415-16; signs Helsinki Accord, 381; subcultures, 383-4, 439; black economy, 384; exit-visa movement, 384-5, 395; outward transfer of technology, 388-9, 443-4; national anthem, 392; abolishes death penalty, 396; rigged local elections, 401-2; plans for concentration camps, 402; fortieth anniversary, 402, 405-6, 408-9; Soviet publications banned, 403; economic collapse, 408-9, 414-15; Gorbachev visits, 409-10; borders opened, 422-8; leadership Stands down, 431-2; free elections, 432-3; post-reunification emigration, 438; reconstruction, 439; age profile, 446 German Football Association, 388 German People’s Party, 35 German State Opera House, 44 INDEX / 505 Germany admiration for Frederick the Great, 11; and War of Liberation, 14; 1848 revolution unification, 15-17; ‘Prussianisation’, 19; army, 19, 24; industrialisation, 19; welfare system, 20; navy, 21, 24; and First World War, 23, 27; economic collapse, 27-8, 94; Communists return, 30-1; post-war dismantling, 33, 38; divided between Allies, 37; borders redrawn, 45, 76, 132, 368; post-war hunger and unemployment, 50; currency reform and economic recovery, 52-4; free trade area, 53, 70; country divided, 61, 67-70, 75; strategic importance, 70; US forces in, 73; national anthem, 84; birthplace of Marxism, 135; industrial production, 388; reunification, 429-30, 433-7; currency, 436-7; border controls abolished, 437; all-German elections, 437; faces economic competition, 444-5; see also Federal Republic of Germany; German Democratic Republic Germany, Soviet Zone, 32-3; political revival and creation of SED, 42-4; elections, 47, 68; arrests, 47-9; special camps, 47-8; nationalisation and land reform, 51, 67; and Marshall Plan, 51-2; food supplies, 54; Soviet troops in, 72; border closed, 76; SED tightens grip, 105-6 Germany Treaty, 77 Gerstenmaier, Eugen, 218 Gestapo, 29-30, 92-5, 97, 195, 346 Giessen, 400 Gildner, Jay, 242 Girrmann, Detlef, 297, 314 Girrmann Group, 293, 298, 301, 304-5, 314 Gisecke & Devrient company, 388 glasnost, 388 Gleisdreieck, 242 Glienicke, 257, 394; bridge, xxiii Goebbels, Josef, 26, 181, 196, 262, 345 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, xxiv Gomulka, Wladyslaw, 101, 148, 287 Good Bye, l111in!

., 38-9, 246 Roosevelt, Theodore, 121 Rosinenbomber, 57 Restock, 446 Resow, Walt, 114, 146, 205, 209-11, 246, 336 Rothenkirchen, 389 Royal Corps of Military Police, 65, 170 Rüdow, 172 Rühmann, Heinz, 35 522 / THE BERLIN WALL Ruhr industrial area, 22, 27, 42, 46, 53, 391 Rummelsburg station, 175 Ruppiner Strasse, 239 Rusk, Dean, 114, 152, 205, 214-15, 218, 223-4, 247, 286 Russia, 11-12, 16, 48; Napoleon invades, 14; and triple alliance, 21; 1917 revolution, 24; land reform, 51; Stalin’s, 75, 364, 418; See also Soviet Union Saarland, 42, 91, 93, 391, 430 Sabolyk, Lieutenant-Colonel Robert, 272-3, 280-1 Sachsenhausen, 47, 60, 196 Salinger, Pierre, 205, 224 SALT II arms-reduction treaty, 385-6 San Antonio, 225 San Francisco, 18, 230 Sandanistas, 385 Sanitz, 314 Santiago, 441-2 São Paulo, 441 SAP (Socialist Workers’ Party), 94-5 Sauerbruch, Dr, 34-5 Saxony, 58, 86, 144, 197, 384; invaded by Prussia, 11; socialism in, 22, 27; careerists disliked, 125; industries, 388-9, 443; growing unrest, 410; neo-Nazi parties in, 439 Saxony-Anhalt, 444 S-Bahn, 256, 260, 306, 311, 370; strike, 66-7; cut off at border, 162-168; stations, 179; attacks on trains, 293 Schabowski, Günter, 110, 190, 414; addresses demonstrators, 418-19; announces open borders, 422-5; expelled from SED, 432 Schacht, Dr Hjalmar, 27 Schadow, Johann Gottfried, 13 Schalck-Golodkowski, Alexander, 375-6, 378 Scharnhorst, General, 14 Scharoun, Hans, 35 Schiffbauerdamm, 295 Schiller Friedrich, xxiv INDEX / 523 Schinkel, Karl Friedrich, 14, 83 Schirdewan, Karl, 100-1 Schlaffke, Horst, 83 Schlesinger, Arthur, 114 Schleswig-Holstein, 17, 371 Schloss Wilkendorf, 161 Schmidt, Helmut, 372, 381, 387 Schmidt, Lutz, 394-5 Schmidtchen, Jörgen, 310 Schmollerstrasse, 264 Schönbrunn Palace, 128 Schöneberg, 58, 123; Town Hall, 167, 176, 227, 244-5, 253; Kennedy's speech at Town Hall, 338, 340 Schönefeld Airport, 139, 146, 266, 394, 442 Schönfliess, 156 Schönhausen Castle, 106 Schönholz, goods station, 305 Schönholzer Strasse, 324-5 Schröder, Gerhard, 396 Schröder, Louise, 49 Schubert, Hermann, 30 Schulte, Fritz, 30 Schultz, Egon, 328, 335 Schulze, Peter, 58 Schulz-Ladegast, Klaus, 184-5, 193-4, 196-9, 234; sentence halved, 199, 360; escapes, 332-3; father released, 376 Schumacher, Kurt, 71 Schumann, Corporal Conrad, 239-41, 265, 292, 447 Schürer, Gerhard, 415-16 Schwander, Rudi, 85-6 Schwedler Strasse, 186 Schwerin, 156, 446 Scott-Heron, Gil, 428 Sebastianstrasse, 316 Second World War, 6, 75, 92, 144; aftermath of, 71, 73, 132, 368, 433, 443 524 / THE BERLIN WALL SED (Communist Party), xxv, 61, 237, 348; creation of43-4, 47, 98; trails in elections, 47; and introduction of Communism in Germany, 51-2; demonstrations, 59; and establishment of GDR, 67-9; purged, 68, 77; and East Berlin administration, 74; admits mistakes, 81; and workers’ uprising, 83-4, 87-9; cultural credibility, 89; Honecker and, 92, 97, 99; Brandt and, 97; lifestyle of élites, 106-11; Mielke and, 142-3; and border closure, 153-4, 158, 178-80, 18990; members escape, 265, 313; establishes links with SPD, 396; leadership and demonstrations, 418-19; members leave, 432; participates in free elections, 432; changes name, 437, 439 Seidel, Harry, 315-16, 322 Seifert, Major-General, 141 Sejna, Jan, 126 Selbmann, Fritz, 83 Selbstschussanlagen, 367, 393 Semenov, Vladimir, 81, 87-9, 140 Seoul, 72 Serov, General Ivan, 33 Sesta, Domenico (’Mimmo’), 322-6 Seven Years War, 11 Shanghai, 69 Shelepin, Alexander, 146 Shevardnadze, Eduard, 437 Showalter, Colonel, 203 Siekmann, Ida, 188 Silesia, 10, 46, 76 Sindermann, Horst, 135 skinheads, 364, 439 Slovakia, 444-5 Smaroda, Major, 195 Smolensk, 116 socialism, 19-21 Solidarity, 401-2, 426 Soloviev Colonel Andrei I., 223, 279, 283-4 Sonnena1lee (film), 445 INDEX / 525 Sonnenallee crossing point, 257-9 Sorensen, Theodore, 340-1 South Korean airliner, shot down, 387 Soviet Military Administration (SMA), 36, 42-3, 47, 61, 69, 85 Soviet Union, 47, 59, 132; defence of, 26; German Communists in, 30; war reparations, 33; and division of Berlin, 36-7; opposes free trade area, 53; and advent of Cold War, 69; nuclear weapons, 72-3, 103, 116-18, 120-1, 145, 282; post-Stalin leadership, 79-81, 85; economy, 79, 127, 275; flag torn down, 85; purges, 95; rocket science, 102, 113, 115-16; relations with China, 118, 122, 282; support for GDR, 135, 149; consequences of border closure, 224, 226, 274; policy on Berlin, 277-8, 282-3; acquires German territory, 343; and Berlin Agreement, 367; oil exports, 373-4, 409; involvement in Afghanistan, 385-6; confrontation with USA, 387; and German unity, 392; and Brezhnev Doctrine, 403; reform of, 434; troops withdrawn from Germany, 437; collapse of, 440; see also Russia Soviet War Memorial, 320 Spain, 142 Spandau, 172, 200, 296 Spandau Ship Canal, 307 Spanish Civil War, 95 Spartakist League, 24 SPD (Social Democratic Party), 20, 22-4, 28-9, 35, 48-9; re-formed, 42; and creation of SED, 43-4, 47, 98; election gains, 47, 270, 344; activists arrested, 47; continues to work in East, 59; under Schumacher, 71; song, 84; Brandt and, 94, 97; in Berlin elections, 99; Stasi and, 143; clandestine network in GDR, 154; American relations with, 244; joins government, 344-5; establishes links with SED, 396; re-forms in GDR, 417; and German reunification, 430, 433, in GDR elections, 433; in all-German elections, 437; coalition with PDS, 448 Speer, Albert, 83 spies, 124, 150, 156, 197-9, 371-2; exchanges, xxiii; SED, 180; tools of trade, 197; positive effects of spying, 213; Guillaume affair, 371-2 Spree, river, 3-4, 7, 168, 257, 260, 293-5 526 / THE BERLIN WALL Springer, Axel, 217, 227, 317-18, 321; hostility towards Ostpolitik, 343; and attack on Dutschke, 360-1; and political prisoners, 376 Sputnik, 102, 113, 275 Sputnik magazine, 403 Spy Who Came in from the Cold, The, (film) 333 SS, 168 Stalin, Josef, 26, 30-1, 33, 39, 82, 119; pact with Hitler, 30, 95; and Berlin, 35, 57, 243; and division of Germany, 37-8, 67-8, 70; and nuclear weapons, 40; and creation of SED, 43-4; and introduction of Communism in Germany, 50-2; and Korean War, 72-3; offer on German unification, 75-6; and GDR borders, 76, 78; death, 78, 89; and ’doctors’ plot’, 78; portraits burned, 82; denounced by Khrushchev, 100, 103, 275, 281-2, 346; mocks Khrushchev, 103, 117; personality cult, 123; body removed from mausoleum, 282; Ulbricht rejects, 346; and Baltic states, 401; and mass murder, 443 Stalinallee, 82-3, 90, 346 Stalingrad, battle of, 49, 55, 119, 263 Star Wars project, 386 Starnberger See, 342 Stasi136, 185, 190, 215, 360, 402; leaders, 48; established, 69; ’night and fog’ actions, 76; and SED leaders, 108-9; headquarters, 142; Mielke heads, 142-3; motto, 143; and border closure, 144, 158-9, 206; forbidden area, 194-5, 213, 234; interrogation prison, 196-9, 234, 332; interrogation methods, 198; military arm, 237, 311; and border escapes, 265-6, 294, 296-8, 301, 303-7, 314, 316-17, 324, 329, 332-3, 394-5, 398; counter-espionage, 291; and crossing permits, 335; strength, 346; informers, 346, 420; and sports, 349; and punks, 363; dog-training school, 366; foreign espionage, 371-3; costs of, 374; and KoKo, 374-6; observers at Checkpoint Charlie, 380-1, 385, 396; and Helsinki activists, 382; and exit-visa movement, 384-5; surveys popular opinion, 392; and collapse of GDR, 410, 412, 418-21, 426, 431; Mielke’s apologia for, 432; Hagen Koch’s career, 435-6; aids Chilean dissidents, 441; killings in West Germany, 442; films reveal reveal truth about, 445-6 State Opera, 125, 406 State Porcelain Factory, 252, 255 INDEX / 527 Steel, Sir Christopher, 220 Stegliz, 170, 356 Stoph, Willi, 108, 141, 143, 412, 415, 419 Strasbourg, 403 Strasse des 17.


The Transformation Of Ireland 1900-2000 by Diarmaid Ferriter

anti-communist, Bob Geldof, British Empire, Celtic Tiger, collective bargaining, deliberate practice, edge city, falling living standards, financial independence, ghettoisation, greed is good, hiring and firing, housing crisis, immigration reform, income per capita, land reform, manufacturing employment, moral panic, New Journalism, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, open economy, postnationalism / post nation state, sensible shoes, the market place, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, wage slave, women in the workforce

The first parliamentary leader of the Ulster Unionists, Edward Saunderson, had perceptively noted that ‘when an Irishman is confined within the lines of common sense and shown that if he chooses to indulge in eccentricity he will find it an expensive enjoyment, that Irishman is seen to be as sensible as any other man’.20 The proof of Saunderson’s prediction was evident in the fact that councillors who were extravagant and inefficient in expenditure were liable to be voted out of office in 1902 and 1905. Ironically, given nationalists’ castigation of previous local government, councillors were also in the long run to gain a reputation for jobbery and petty corruption which was not seriously challenged until after independence in 1922. George Wyndham (Chief Secretary 1900–1905) attempted further rationalisation of the administration, particularly in the context of land reform. Although Wyndham privately made noises about being theoretically predisposed to the idea of Home Rule, he also believed it was not ‘as yet within the range of practical politics’,21 and his belief in taming nationalist sentiment through fairer administration was to be his undoing. His political career in Ireland was destroyed by opposition to his proposed measures of devolution. Three quarters of the Irish constituencies were returning Home Rulers of one kind or another early in the century, and the victory of the Liberals in 1907 seemed to hold hopes of progress being made in the direction of self-government.

‘Banished to an island off the Clare Coast for 3 weeks, a party of the RIC who attempted to rescue them were pelted with stones and abused by the prisoners who declared proudly they were citizens of the Irish republic and that the police had no right to interfere.’29 But for all such declarations of faith in native justice, the reality was that the Minister for Defence, Cathal Brugha, had little time for police or courts, seeing them as a deflection from the priority of war. Austin Stack, Minister for Home Affairs, was often bullying and pedantic in his abusive missives to overworked and confused registrars in his attempt to control district courts. Cahir Davitt, son of land reform crusader Michael, and largely responsible for the courts operating in Munster as a circuit judge of the Dáil courts, recalled that after the creation of the hierarchy of courts, most were administering justice as they saw fit, with no prescribed code of law for them to administer and with no rules of court. Overall, it seemed a mixture of efficiency and accessibility but also confusion,30 mirroring the uncertainty that seemed to exist at the level of government.

It was hoped that increasing land purchase would not only encourage ‘independence and thrift’ amongst new landowners, but also discourage social unrest in rural areas. Writing to Cosgrave in 1924, Hogan noted: ‘there are about 500,000 tenants in Ireland; there are about one and a half million landless men and only about 30,000 holdings for them, and these landless man are at present prepared to exercise their claims with gun and torch’.114 That Hogan was attempting land reform in this climate was commendable, especially given the constant complaints of the Department of Finance about its cost. But ultimately, it was tenant purchasers rather than those with no land that legislation benefited, with labourers’ representatives concentrating instead on wages and conditions rather than the pursuit of the unrealisable goal of land ownership. The state financing of land division involved the 1923 Act and 13 subsequent Land Acts, involving the appropriation by the Land Commission of large and underdeveloped holdings in the ownership of former landlords and tenants who underutilised their land.


Lonely Planet Chile & Easter Island (Travel Guide) by Lonely Planet, Carolyn McCarthy, Kevin Raub

California gold rush, call centre, carbon footprint, centre right, Colonization of Mars, East Village, haute cuisine, Kickstarter, land reform, low cost airline, mass immigration, New Urbanism, off grid, place-making, QR code, Skype, sustainable-tourism, trade route, upwardly mobile, urban sprawl, white picket fence

By its end, the nation’s once vast territory of 100,000 sq km was reduced to a mere 5000 sq km of reducciones (settlements). The Mapuche signed the Treaty of Killin with the colonizing Spaniards in 1641 (the document solidified the territorial autonomy of the Mapuche and 28 others over two centuries of diplomatic relations). Yet, in the late 1800s, the Chilean and Argentine military massacred an estimated 100,000 Mapuche. From 1965 to 1973, land reform improved the situation for the Mapuche, but the military coup of 1973 reversed many of these gains. Between the restoration of democracy in 1989 and 2012, the Mapuche people made limited progress in their continuing fight for reparations and the return of their lands. However, most of the court rulings granting them land were effectively overturned by powerful business interests. Various human rights organizations, as well as the Special Rapporteur of the UN, have widely reported the imposition of assimilation policies, and protests in Temuco are nearly a daily affair.

Splits divided the Communist Party, while splinter groups from radical and reformist parties created a bewildering mix of new political organizations. For most of the 1930s and ’40s the democratic left dominated Chilean politics. Meanwhile, the early 20th century saw North American companies gain control of the copper mines, the cornerstone – then and now – of the Chilean economy. WWII augmented the demand for Chilean copper, promoting economic growth even as Chile remained neutral. LAND REFORM In 1915, the British Royal Navy took down the German SMS Dresden in the harbor of Isla Robinson Crusoe. The infamous war cruiser had successfully slipped detection throughout WWI, only to be discovered because its sailors had joined a soccer match on shore. In the 1920s, haciendas (large rural landholdings) controlled 80% of the prime agricultural land. Inquilinos remained at the mercy of landowners for access to housing, soil and subsistence.

Haciendas had little incentive to modernize, and production stagnated – a situation that changed little until the 1960s. Reformist sentiment stirred fear in the old order. Conservative and liberal parties decided to join forces. Their candidate, Jorge Alessandri, son of former president Arturo Alessandri, scraped through the 1958 election with less than 32% of the vote. An opposition Congress forced Alessandri to accept modest land-reform legislation, beginning a decade-long battle with the haciendas. The 1964 presidential election was a choice between socialist Salvador Allende and Christian Democrat Eduardo Frei Montalva, who drew support from conservative groups. Both parties promised agrarian reform, supported rural unionization and promised an end to the hacienda system. Allende was undermined by leftist factionalism and Frei won comfortably.


pages: 151 words: 38,153

With Liberty and Dividends for All: How to Save Our Middle Class When Jobs Don't Pay Enough by Peter Barnes

Alfred Russel Wallace, banks create money, basic income, Buckminster Fuller, collective bargaining, computerized trading, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, diversified portfolio, en.wikipedia.org, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, Jaron Lanier, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, Mark Zuckerberg, Network effects, oil shale / tar sands, Paul Samuelson, profit maximization, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, the map is not the territory, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, transaction costs, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Upton Sinclair, Vilfredo Pareto, wealth creators, winner-take-all economy

—David Morris, cofounder, Institute for Local Self-Reliance “In this eloquent and powerful book, Peter Barnes identifies a major step toward a fair and just society. Better, he does so in the tradition of our Founders, who worked hard to ensure that every citizen would enjoy equal access to common sources of well-being.” —Barry Lynn, author of Cornered WITH LIBERTY AND DIVIDENDS FOR ALL ALSO BY PETER BARNES Pawns: The Plight of the Citizen-Soldier The People’s Land: A Reader on Land Reform in the United States (ed.) Who Owns the Sky? Our Common Assets and the Future of Capitalism Capitalism 3.0: A Guide to Reclaiming the Commons Climate Solutions: A Citizen’s Guide WITH LIBERTY AND DIVIDENDS FOR ALL How to Save Our Middle Class When Jobs Don’t Pay Enough PETER BARNES With Liberty and Dividends for All Copyright © 2014 by Peter Barnes All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law.


A Concise History of Modern India (Cambridge Concise Histories) by Barbara D. Metcalf, Thomas R. Metcalf

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, commoditize, demand response, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, income inequality, joint-stock company, Khyber Pass, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, means of production, new economy, Silicon Valley, spice trade, telemarketer, trade route, upwardly mobile, urban planning

By the end of the decade, the great barons of the Indian 244 A Concise History of Modern India countryside, many of whose properties went back to the earliest days of colonial rule, were no more. Yet the extent of the transformation can easily be exaggerated. Despite protests from India’s socialists, the landlords were guaranteed compensation for all property taken. Further, under the constitution land reform as a subject was allocated to the states, not the centre, with the result that the well-to-do peasant castes who dominated the state Congress parties saw to it that ceilings were set high enough so that they would not be adversely affected. In addition, the abolition legislation was itself riddled with loopholes. By adroit measures, such as division of their estates among family members before ceiling legislation came into effect, or placing land in groves or under personal cultivation, which exempted it from confiscation, many landlords were able to preserve substantial properties, and with them a footing in the new political order.

In this respect, India today stands well behind where Japan stood at the time of the Meiji restoration in the mid-nineteenth century, and far distant from what South Korea, Taiwan, China, Thailand and other countries in east and south-east Asia achieved well before their market-oriented economic expansion began . . . Indian reformist leaders . . . have failed to acknowledge the role of widespread literacy and numeracy and other forms of social achievement (completed land reform, good health care, etc.) which permit a shared and participatory process of economic expansion. India has not had difficulty in raising its overall rate of economic growth by removing constraints and restrictions and by making use of opportunities of trade . . . But a large part of Indian society remains excluded from the range of economic opportunities. There has been debate over the proportion of the population benefiting from economic change.


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The Anarchy: The Relentless Rise of the East India Company by William Dalrymple

British Empire, colonial rule, crony capitalism, Dava Sobel, deindustrialization, European colonialism, Fellow of the Royal Society, global reserve currency, John Harrison: Longitude, joint-stock company, land reform, lone genius, megacity, offshore financial centre, reserve currency, spice trade, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, upwardly mobile

Their job it was to protect the slow-moving and cumbersome infantry and artillery columns from flanking attacks by irregular Indian light horse, as had happened with fatal consequences at Talegaon and Pollilur. This was a form of warfare in which the Marathas were especially skilled.93 Unlike the perennially cash-strapped Warren Hastings, Wellesley had no problem paying for this vastly increased military establishment. After the rural upheavals of Cornwallis’s land reforms had settled down, the Company in Bengal found it had a considerable annual revenue surplus of Rs25 million. In contrast, Scindia was able to realise only Rs1.2 millionf from his poorly irrigated home base in Malwa. This dependable surplus in turn allowed the Company easy access to credit from the Bengal money market, so much so that under Wellesley, between 1798 and 1806, the Company’s debt in India more than tripled.

Major John here Bogle, George here Boigne, Comte Benoît de here, here, here, here Bolts, William here Considerations on Indian Affairs here Bombay acquisition of here dry dock here harbour here garrison here growth here population here Protestant community here Bombay Castle here Boston Tea Party here, here Bourquien, Louis here, here Braithwaite, John here bribery here, here, here, here British Empire, mission civilisatrice here British Parliament, relationship with EIC here, here, here, here, here brothels here Brown, Katherine Butler here Brown Bess muskets here buccaneers here Buckingham, James Silk here Budge Budge here Burdwan here, here Burgoyne, General John here, here Burke, Edmund here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Burney, Fanny here Burrell, William here Buxar here Buxar, Battle of here, here Shuja ud-Daula’s escape here casualties here looting here Caillaud, Major John here, here, here, here, here Calcutta here, here foundation of here city walls rebuilt here, here Clive on here exports here growth here docks here European houses here Governor’s House here population here, here profit here Writers’ Building here Maratha threat here defences here, here, here Black Town here, here diversity here Indian population here merchants here Shushtari on here prostitution here English inhabitants here mortality rate here cost of living here militia here vulnerability here repair programme here Siraj ud-Daula’s advance on here fall of here the Great Tank here looted here, here Drake flees here Siraj ud-Daula enters here the Black Hole here reconquest of here Government House here St Anne’s church here Clive’s night attack here Mir Jafar visits here Clive returns to here government moved to here Belvedere here Cornwallis arrives in here beauty here wages here revenues here Canning, Lord here Cape, the here Careri, Giovanni Gemelli here Carnac, John here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Carnatic, the here Carnatic music here Carnatic Wars here, here, here, here, here, here, here Cartier, John here cartographical survey here Catherine of Braganza here Chait Singh, Raja of Benares here, here Chandernagar here fall of here, here defences here growth here vulnerability here Charles I, King here Charles II, King here Charnock, Job here, here charter here, here, here extended here revoked here Chevalier, M. here Child, Sir Josiah here, here Chin Qilich Khan, Nizam ul-Mulk here, here, here, here, here China here Choiseul, Duc de here Christianity, forced conversions here Chunar here Claremont estate here Clavering, General here, here Clive, Edward, 1st Earl of Powis here, here, here Clive, Henrietta, Countess of Powis here Clive, Margaret (nee Maskelyne) here, here, here Clive, Richard here, here, here, here, here Clive, Robert, 1st Baron Clive here, here mental stability here pillage of Bengal here wealth here, here political career here, here, here offer of employment here, here background here birth here attempted suicide here first arrival in Madras here hatred for India here letters here first EIC career here military training here early military career here marriage here appointed Deputy Governor of Madras here return to England, 1753 here on Calcutta here return to India here Royal Commission here reconquest of Calcutta here declares war on Siraj ud-Daula here offensive against Siraj ud-Daula here taking of Chandernagar here Siraj ud-Daula’s attempt to win friendship of here and plot to remove Siraj ud-Daula here ultimatum to Siraj ud-Daula here advance to Plassey here campaign against Siraj ud-Daula here crisis of confidence here Battle of Plassey here advance on Murshidabad here enters Murshidabad here and the Jagat Seths here prize money here, here return to Murshidabad here on Mir Jafar here, here despatches to London here self-confidence here loot here return to Britain here land purchases here Shropshire estate here return to India, 1765 here, here buys Company shares here life in England here as governor here return to Calcutta here meeting with Shuja ud-Daula here negotiations with Shah Alam here Treaty of Allahabad here triumph here public opinion swings against here Select Committee defence here depression here Grand Tour here suicide here burial here intercepts Shah Alam’s gifts here Colebrooke, Sir George here Coleroon River here Collins, John Ulrich here, here Collins, Wilkie, The Moonstone here Comoro Islands here Compagnie des Indes here, here, here Compagnie Van Verre here Coorg here Cornwallis, Charles, 1st Marquess Cornwallis here arrival in Calcutta here replaces Hastings here on Calcutta here alliance against Tipu Sultan here Third Anglo-Mysore War here reforms here tax reforms here land reforms here Coromandel, the here corporate capitalism here corporate influence, danger of here corporate lobbying here corporate violence here corruption here court miniatures here credit system here CROATOAN here Cuddalore here Cumberland here Dalrymple, Alexander here Dalrymple, James here, here, here Dalrymple, Stair here, here Dara Shukoh here Daria-i-Noor Diamond here Da’ud Khan here Daulat Rao Scindia here, here, here, here, here, here ultimatum to here declares war on the Company here Battle of Assaye here Davis, Thomas here Day, Francis here Daylesford here Debates in the Asiatic Assembly here Debrit, John here Deccan, the here, here Mughal occupation here Delhi here, here, here capture of here population here imperial court here splendour here Nader Shah’s massacre here, here impoverishment of here civil war here occupations here Imad ul-Mulk clings to power in here Afghan occupation here Shah Alam sets out on expedition to here Marathas capture here Shah Alam enters here ruined and depopulated here Shah Alam takes control of here Ghulam Qadir takes here Scindia’s rescue operation here earthquake here Battle of here, here occupation of here Delhi expedition line of march here Shah Alam set out on here importance here EIC response to here Najaf Khan appointed army commander here meeting with Shuja ud-Daula here advance to Farrukhabad here entry into Delhi here breakdown of Maratha alliance here Deptford here Devereux, Robert, Earl of Essex here Dhaka here, here, here Dhaka Red Fort here, here Dickinson, John here, here Dip Chand here Diwani, the here, here, here, here, here Dodally here Dow, Alexander here, here Drake, Sir Francis here, here Drake, Roger here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Drugeon, Louis Guillaume François here Ducarel, Patty here Dumdum here Dundas, Henry here, here Dupleix, Joseph François here, here arrival in India here becomes governor of Pondicherry here wealth here pact of neutrality here siege of Madras here, here as a military entrepreneur here awarded rank of Mansab here disgraced here Durrani, Ahmad Shah here, here, here, here, here, here Dutch, the here, here, here, here, here Dutch East India Company see VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie) East India bubble, bursts here East India Company loot here authorised to wage war here becomes ruler of India here charter here, here army strength here, here, here, here, here, here, here headquarters here, here commercial efficiency here employees here aims here, here, here causes of success here relationship with British Parliament here, here, here, here, here share price here, here, here, here, here, here, here shareholders here, here, here global trade here debts here, here, here, here, here, here government bailout here, here, here status here foundation here, here, here investors here, here subscriptions here expenses here as joint stock corporation here subscribers here legal identity here structure here monopoly here, here, here, here first fleet here first fleet profit here capital here inadequate funding here quality of recruits here turn to India here, here regard for Mughal authority here profits here, here Second Joint Stock here first fortified Indian base here power here, here, here, here, here, here alliance with Jagat Seths here borrowing from Jagat Seths here becomes increasingly assertive here strategy here head office here balance sheets here Charter extended here stock here looting of Bengal here Burdwan, Midnapur and Chittagong ceded to here alliance with Shah Alam here war against Mir Qasim here, here control of Bengal here transformation into autonomous imperial power here tax revenue here, here veneer of Mughal legitimacy here exploitation of India here lack of concern here abuses exposed here public opinion swings against here financial stability here financial crisis, 1772 here default, 1772 here military expenses here remittances, 1772 here Bank of England loan here Select Committee investigation here chartered privileges here nationalisation here, here position shaky here treatment of Shah Alam here government supervision here arms factories here land holdings here Anglo-Indians excluded from employment here consolidation of position here credit system here financiers back here army followers here supremacy established here as Regent here recalls Wellesley here, here monopoly abolished here power curtailed here the Great Uprising here navy disbanded here removed from power here shut down here brand name here legacy in India here integrated business organisation here relevance here East India Company Charter Bill here East India House here Edinburgh Review here Edward, Prince of Wales here Edward Bonaventure here Egerton, Colonel here Egypt here Elizabeth I, Queen here, here Ellis, William here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here England Elizabethan here manufacturing industry here population here English, terms of abuse for the here English language first Indian words to enter here Indian words connected with weaving here European here Evelyn, John here extortion here Facebook here Farrukhabad here, here Farrukhnagar here Ferishta here financial crisis, 1772 here first fleet here Fitch, Ralph here Floyer, Charles here Foote, Samuel here Fordyce, Alexander here Fort d’Orléans here, here Fort St David here, here, here Fort St George here, here Fort William here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Fox, Charles James here France economy here population here ambitions here strategy here Francis, Philip here, here ambition here and Hastings here, here, here arrival in India here approach to India here governmental paralysis here Hastings denounces here challenges Hastings to duel here duel with Hastings here and the impeachment of Hastings here, here Fraser, William here freebooters here French and Indian Wars here French Navy here Fryer, Dr John here Fullarton, William here Fulta here Gaekwad here Gagabhatta here Ganges here, here, here Gentil, Jean-Baptiste here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Gentleman’s Magazine here, here George III, King here, here, here Ghasiti Begum here, here, here Ghazi ud-Din here Gheria, Battle of here Ghulam Husain Salim here Ghulam Qadir Khan Rohilla here as captive of Shah Alam here advance on Delhi here takes Delhi here imprisons Shah Alam here reign of terror here has Shah Alam blinded here Scindia’s defeat of here flight here capture here Gibbon, Edward here, here, here global financial crisis, 2008 here Globe here Goa here Golconda here, here Golconda, Sultanate of here gold here, here Golden Hinde here gonorrhoea here grand Mughal alliance Mir Qasim’s idea for here comes together here French prisoner-of-war regiment here, here, here forces here crosses the Ganges here Naga sadhus here, here, here ultimatum to the EIC here advance on Patna here tensions within here lack of discipline here siege of Patna here Shuja leaves here Grant, Captain here, here, here Grant, James here Great Mughal Diamond here Great Uprising, the here Gregory, Khoja here Grenville, Lord here Grose, John here Guler here Gurgin Khan here, here assassination of here, here Hadaspur, Battle of here Hafiz Rehmat Khan here Haidar Ali here, here declares war on the Company here forces here, here alliance with Marathas here advance into the Carnatic here EIC advance against here Battle of Pollilur here treatment of prisoners here failure to follow up Pollilur victory here advice on good government here, here death of here, here Hakluyt, Richard here Hamilton, Alexander here Hansi here, here Hariana here Haripant Phadke here Harper, Lieutenant Gabriel here Harris, General here, here, here, here Hastings, Marian here Hastings, Warren here at siege of Kasimbazar here and Bengal’s descent into chaos here appearance here background here character here, here education here defence of the rights of the Bengalis here recognition of Mir Qasim here promotion here and Mir Qasim here and Ellis crisis here, here Mir Qasim appeals to here on tax collection here appointed Governor General here and Francis here, here, here as Governor General here Indophilia here, here sensitivity to criticism here reputation here and EIC rule here moves government to Calcutta here reforms here governmental paralysis here denounces Francis here Francis challenges to duel here duel with Francis here learns of Pollilur catastrophe here Treaty of Salbai here Shah Alam’s appeal for funds here ceases all payments to Shah Alam here impeachment here accusations against here, here supporters here achievements here cleared of all charges here Hatim here, here Hawkins, Captain William here, here Hector here, here Helsa, Battle of here, here Herculean, HMS here Hippon, Captain here Hodges, William here Holdernesse, Lord here Holkar, Tukoji here, here, here, here, here Holland, Republic of here Holwell, John Zephaniah here, here, here Hong Kong here House of Lords, impeachment of Hastings here Hughli here, here, here, here, here Hughli Bandar here Hume, David here Hunter, Sir William here Hunter, William here Hyderabad here, here, here, here, here Iberian empires here Iceland here Id Gah, the here Ile de Bourbon here Imad ul-Mulk, Ghazi ud-Din Khan here background here seizes power here appearance here appoints Alamgir II here jealousy of Shah Alam here relations with Shah Alam here clings to power here murder of Alamgir II here ousted here imperialism here collapse of here India turn to here, here economic power here manufacturing industry here population here textiles industry here religious wounds here militarised society here British supremacy established here India Act here, here Indian Mutiny here Indonesia here insider trading here intermarriage here Iraq here Ireland here Jackson, Ira here Jacobite 1745 uprising here Jafarganj here Jagat Seths, the here, here, here, here alliance with EIC here power here EIC borrowing here and Siraj ud-Daula here, here and Plassey here and Clive here and Mir Jafar here and Mir Qasim here, here Jahangir, Emperor here, here character here and Roe here birthday celebrations, 1616 here piety here Jaipur here James I, King here, here, here Jasrota here Jaswant Rao Holkar here, here, here, here, here Jats here, here Java here jizya tax here Jodhpur here Johnson, Samuel here joint stock companies here, here, here Jones, Sir William here Kabul here kalawants here Kanchipuram here Kanpur here Kanua here Karle here Karmanasa here, here, here, here Kasimbazar here, here, here, here, here siege of here Katwa here Katwa, Battle of here Keir, Archibald here Kent here, here, here, here Khair ud-Din Illahabadi here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Khan, Ghulam Hussain here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Khardla, Battle of here Khelna River here Khoja Antoon here Khuldabad here Khwaja Petrus Aratoon here, here Kilpatrick, Major here Kindersley, Jemima here Kirkpatrick, James Achilles here, here, here Kirkpatrick, William here, here, here Kora here Kora, Battle of here Kortalaiyar here Kotvan here Lake, Gerald, 1st Viscount here Lake, Lord here, here, here, here siege of Aligarh here Battle of Dehli here occupation of Dehli here kisses the Begum Sumru here Lakheri, Battle of here Lancaster, Sir James here, here land reforms here Langlade, Charles here Law, Jacques here Law, Jean here, here, here, here, here, here, here Law de Lauriston, John here joins Shah Alam here appointed Master of Mughal Artillery here at Battle of Helsa here last stand and capture here Lawrence, Stringer here, here Levant Company here, here, here, here, here, here Lindsay, William here London Founders’ Hall here, here, here, here docks here Haymarket Theatre here London Magazine here London Post here London Stock Exchange here, here Lontor here loot here, here, here Lucan, Lieutenant here, here Lucknow here Lutf un-Nissa here Macartney, Lord here Macaulay, Thomas Babington here, here, here Madec, René here, here, here, here, here, here, here Madras here, here, here, here foundation of here growth here pagoda coins here population here garrison here siege of here, here restored to EIC here Clive’s first arrival in here Clive appointed Deputy Governor here Select Committee here Tipu Sultan raids, 1767 here Madras Council here Madraspatnam here Maharashtra here Mahfuz Khan here Mahtab Rai Jagat Seth here, here, here, here Malartic, M. here Malcolm, John here Malika-i-Zamani Begum here, here, here, here Manikchand, Raja here, here, here, here Mansur Ali Khan here, here, here Manucci, Niccolao here Marathas, the here, here resistance to Mughal Empire here, here, here army here attacks in Bengal here threat to Calcutta here recovery here, here defeat EIC force, 1779 here alliance with Haidar Ali here Shah Alam seeks alliance with here Shah Alam’s agreement with here take Delhi here breakdown of alliance with Shah Alam here modern military training here unravelling of confederacy here Wellesley’s war against here, here, here Maratha Confederacy here Maratha War, 1803–1805 here background here Shah Alam and here EIC forces here final preparations here ultimatum to Daulat Rao Scindia here Daulat Rao Scindia declares war here Battle of Assaye here siege of Aligarh here Battle of Dehli here, here occupation of Dehli here Markar, General here Marlborough here Marwari Oswal here Maskelyne, Edward here, here, here, here Maskelyne, the Reverend Nevil here Masulipatnam here, here, here Masumpur, Battle of here Mauritius here, here, here May Flowre here Mehrauli here Melkote here mercenaries here, here, here Metcalfe, Charles here Mexico here Middleton, Sir Henry here Midnapur here, here Mihir Chand here military assistance, sale of here military developments European here Indian improvements here Mill, James here Mills, Colonel here Minchin, Colonel here, here Mir (poet) here Mir Alam here, here, here Mir Ashraf here Mir Jafar, Nawab of Bengal here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here visits Calcutta here Clive on here, here and the EIC here and Bengal’s descent into chaos here and the Jagat Seths here and Plassey here rebellions against here taste for fine jewels here rivals eliminated here EIC undermines here at Battle of Helsa here and death of son here coup, 1761 here brought out of retirement here Shuja takes prisoner here Mir Madan here Mir Qasim, Nawab of Bengal here character here education here coup, 1761 here administrative skills here, here taxes here restructuring here and the Jagat Seths here, here moves capital to Bihar here army reforms here disappearances here intelligence network here and EIC alliance with Shah Alam here confirmed governor of Bengal here meets Shah Alam here breakdown of relations with EIC here, here war declared on here war against here, here paranoia here, here assassination of Gurgin Khan here, here appeal to Hastings here kills prisoners here grand Mughal alliance proposal here, here crosses the Karmanasa here siege of Patna here, here wanderings here death of here Miran here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Mirza Mahdi Astarabadi here Mirza Mehdi here Mirza Muhammad Shafi here mission civilisatrice here Modave, Comte de here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Mohammad Reza Khan here, here, here Mohammad Taki here Moluccas, the here, here moneylenders here scarcity of here Mongalkote here Monghyr here, here, here, here Monserrate, Fr Antonio here Monson, Colonel here, here, here, here Moreton Say here, here Morse, Governor here, here Mughal Empire here cities here wealth here first contacts with here army strength here Roe’s mission to here artists’ skill here status of the English here, here EIC regard for authority here Roe’s advice on dealing with here Josiah Child attacks here resistance to here, here, here extent here succession disputes here regional governors here EIC becomes increasingly assertive here imperial court here decline here Nader Shah invades here, here cavalry here financial crisis here militarised society here collapse of here, here trade here contraction of here Mughal India, fracturing of here Mughal nobility, effective extinction of here Muhammad Ali here Muhammad Ali Hazin here Muhammad Shah Rangila here, here, here, here, here, here Nader Shah captures here hedonism here Muizuddin, Prince here Mullick family here multinational corporations here Mun, Thomas here Munna Lal here, here, here, here Munro, Sir Hector here, here, here, here, here, here, here Munro, Thomas here Murshid Quli Khan here, here Murshidabad here, here, here, here, here coup, 1761 here Murtaza Husain here Muscovy Company here Mustafa Khan here Mysore here, here Nabakrishna Deb here Nabob, The here Nader Shah Afshar invasion of Mughal Empire here, here return to Persia here Nadia here Naga sadhus here, here, here, here, here Najaf Khan, Mirza here, here, here, here appointed commander of Shah Alam’s army here background here Delhi expedition here campaign against Zabita Khan here siege of Pathargarh here rewards here army here campaign of reconquest here siege of Agra Fort here court intrigue against here illness here, here made regent here death of here territorial gains lost here tomb here Najib ud-Daula, Najib Khan Yusufzai here, here, here Najib-ul-Tawarikh here Nana Phadnavis here, here, here Nandakumar here Napoleon Bonaparte grand strategy here plans to invade England here threat to India here Narayan Rao, death of here Narayan Singh here, here National Archives of India here, here National Museum, Delhi here nationalisation here, here Nawal Singh here Nawazish Khan here New France here New York here Nidha Mal here Nile, Battle of the here Nizam Ali Khan here North, Lord here, here North West Passage here, here Nur Jahan, Empress here Ochterlony, Sir David here, here official memory here opium here, here Opium Wars, the here Orme, Robert here, here, here Ottoman Turkey here Owain Gruff ydd ap Gwenwynwyn here Padshahnama, the here Palmer, William here, here, here Panipat, Battle of here Pathargarh, siege of here Patissier, Charles-Joseph, Marquis de Bussy here, here Patna here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here battle of here grand Mughal alliance proposal on here siege of here famine here Patna Massacre, the here, here, here Pattlee here Pearse, Colonel Thomas Deane here Pedron, Colonel here pepper here Permanent Settlement, the here Perron, Pierre Cuiller- here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Persia here, here Pester, John here, here, here Philip II, King of Spain here pirates here Pitt, William here Plassey, Battle of here advance to here Council of War here Siraj ud-Daula’s army here, here the battle here cannonade here monsoon storm here Mir Madan’s cavalry charge here Mir Jafar withdraws here casualties here the pursuit here Siraj ud-Daula escapes here aftermath here, here first anniversary here Polier, Antoine here, here, here, here Pollilur, Battle of here, here impact of here Pondicherry here, here, here French presence here Dupleix becomes governor here garrison here reinforcements here War of Austrian Succession here Port Lorient intelligence here Portugal here, here, here, here Powis Castle here, here, here Pownall, Thomas here Prasad, Ishwari here Prince George here privateers here, here profits here, here prostitution here Pune here, here, here, here, here, here, here Pune expedition, 1779 here Purana Qila here Purnea here Qudsia Begum here Quiberon Bay here Qu’tb ud-Din Baktiar Khaki here Raghuji Bhosle, Raja of Berar here, here Raghunath Rao here Raigad here Raja Khan here Raja Rammohan Roy here Rajan, Raghuram here Rajasthan here Rajat Kanta Ray here Rajmahal here, here Rajputs here, here Raleigh, Sir Walter here, here Ram, Ganga here Ram Narain, Raja here assassination of here Ramdulal Dey here Rana Khan here, here Rangpur here Raymond, Michel Joachim Marie here, here, here Red Dragon here regime change here Regulating Act here, here, here Reinhardt, Walter (Sumru) here, here, here, here, here Renault, M. here, here Rennell, James here, here Renny, Captain David here, here, here Reynolds, Joshua here Riyazu-s-salatin here, here Roanoke Island here Roe, Sir Thomas here, here mission to Mughal Empire here return to England here, here advice on dealing with the Mughal Empire here Rohilla, the here, here, here, here, here Rohilla War here Rothenstein, William, The Building of Britain here, here Royal Navy here, here Roznamchai-Shah Alam here Sa’adat Khan here, here, here Safdar Jung, Nawab of Avadh here, here, here, here Saharanpur here Saif ud-Daula here St Thomas Mount here, here Salbai, Treaty of here Salisbury Journal here salt here saltpetre here Sambhaji here San Thome here, here Satara here Sauda here, here Saunders, Thomas here Sayyid Reza Khan here Scindia, Daulat Rao see Daulat Rao Scindia Scindia, Mahadji here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Scourge of Malice here Scrafton, Luke here, here, here, here Scurry, James here scurvy here Second Joint Stock here Secret Committee here Select Committee here, here Serai Alamchand here Seringapatam here Seven Years War first act here scale here Port Lorient intelligence here outbreak here Shah Abdul Aziz here Shah Alam here, here, here, here, here capture of here appearance here, here, here character here, here background here birth here interest in literature here titles here Sufism here Imad ul-Mulk’s jealousy of here relations with Imad ul-Mulk here exile here, here invasion of Bengal here campaign to recapture Bengal here, here crosses the Karmanasa here, here nobility of Bengal join here learns of father’s murder here mystique here French forces here ascension to the imperial throne here Battle of Masumpur here advance on Murshidabad here at Battle of Helsa here defeat here pursuit of here alliance with EIC here meets Mir Qasim here EIC allowance here income here and grand Mughal alliance proposal here, here, here relations with EIC here accommodation with EIC here at Battle of Buxar here negotiations with Clive here Treaty of Allahabad here, here departure on Delhi expedition here seeks alliance with Marathas here life in Allahabad here EIC treatment of here envoy to George III here agreement with Marathas here appoints Najaf Khan commander here meeting with Shuja ud-Daula here Delhi expedition here Scindia prostrates self here begins reconquest of empire here entry into Delhi here campaign against Zabita Khan here and Ghulam Qadir here treatment of prisoners here takes control of Delhi here breakdown of Maratha alliance here achievements here, here poetry and songs here, here, here, here, here and the siege of Agra Fort here court intrigue here court re-established here piety here, here Polier on here faults here, here Modave on here appeals to Hastings for funds here lack of funds here, here Hastings ceases all payments to here appoints Najaf Khan Regent here goodbye to Najaf Khan here territorial gains lost here seeks Scindia’s protection here Ghulam Qadir imprisons here blinding of here mutilation here, here Scindia’s rescue operation here ceases to worry about this world here Tipu Sultan breaks off relations with here in old age here Maratha protection here taken into EIC protection here and Maratha War here, here, here and the Battle of Dehli here EIC as regent here Shah Alam Nama here, here, here, here Shahamat Jang here Shahdara here Shahjahanabad here, here, here, here, here Shaista Khan, Nawab of Bengal here, here Shakespeare, William here Macbeth here Shakir Khan here, here, here share price here, here, here, here, here, here, here shareholders here, here, here Sharia law here Shaukat Jung of Purnea here Shell here Sheridan, Richard Brinsley here, here Shipman, Sir Abraham here Shitab Rai here Shivaji Bhonsle here, here, here Shuja ud-Daula, Nawab of Avadh here, here reputation for treachery here strength here appearance here vices here and grand Mughal alliance proposal here, here ultimatum to the EIC here siege of Patna here, here withdrawal to Buxar here takes Mir Qasim prisoner here Battle of Buxar here escape from Buxar here resistance here surrender here reinstated here meeting with Clive here Rohilla War here meeting with Shah Alam here Shushtari, Abdul Lateef here Siddons, Sarah here Sierra Leone Company here Sikander Jah here Sikandra here, here Sikhs here, here, here, here silver here, here Siraj ud-Daula, Nawab of Bengal here, here, here character here, here reputation here sexuality here alienates the Jagat Seths here hold over Aliverdi Khan here named heir here EIC fails to cultivate here siege of Kasimbazar here demands for Drake here advance on Calcutta here, here takes Calcutta here enters Calcutta here declaration of war on here Clive’s night attack here Clive’s offensive against here retreat here signs Treaty of Alinagar here and the fall of Chandernagar here, here attempt to win the friendship of Clive here plot to remove here Clive’s ultimatum here Clive’s campaign against here and Plassey here escape from Plassey here flight here body paraded through streets here, here capture of here death of here family murdered here Sivabharata here Skinner, James here, here, here slave trade here, here smallpox here, here Smith, Adam here, here Smythe, Sir Thomas here, here, here, here, here Soame, Sir Stephen here Sobel, Dava here Spain here, here, here Spanish Armada here Spice Islands here Spice Routes here spice trade attempts to break into here profit here, here Srirangam here Srirangapatnam here, here, here fortifications here assault on here Revolutionary Jacobin club here siege of here fall of here rape of here looting of here remains here Stein, Burton here Stevens, Fr Thomas here Stevenson, Colonel here Stewart, Captain James here Strachey, Jane here Strachey, Richard here Stretham here subprime bubble, 2007–9 here Subrahmanyam, Sanjay here subscription book here Sulaiman, Prince here Sumru here, here, here, here, here Sumru, Begum here, here, here, here, here Surat here, here, here Susan here Suvali here Suvarnadurg here Swaroop Chand here Swinton, Archibald here Tagore, Dwarkanath here Talegaon here Tamil culture here Tangier here Tanjore here coup attempt, 1749 here Tarikh-i Muzaffari here, here tax collectors here tax defaulters here taxes here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here tea here, here tea tax here textiles industry here, here, here Third Anglo-Mysore War here Thomas, George here Thorn, Major William here, here, here Tipu Sultan here, here campaign tent here Madras raid, 1767 here Battle of Pollilur here, here treatment of prisoners here character here takes over throne here appearance here father’s advice on good government here, here military skill here commercial department here reforms here patronage of Hindus here as a champion of Islam here British portrayal here culture of innovation here library here violence here flaws here breaks off relations with Shah Alam here Third Anglo-Mysore War here speed of advance here army strength here troops desert here peace treaty here embassy to Napoleon here French support here Wellesley’s letter to here Wellesley’s campaign against here propaganda against here spies here support here forces here resources here French corps here defence of Srirangapatnam here last stand here body found here tomb here people’s love for here throne here wealth here possessions distributed here Tiruvannamalai here Tooke, William here Tower of London here Travancore Lines, the here Trichinopoly here, here Trinomalee here Turkey Company here Twining, Thomas here Tyger here, here Udaipur here Udhua Nullah, siege of here Valentia, Lord here van Neck, Admiral Jacob Corneliszoon here Vaneshwar Vidyalankar here Vansittart, Henry here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Vellore here, here Venice Company here Verelst, Henry here Victoria, Queen here, here Victorian period official memory here sense of embarrassment here Vijayanagara empire here village republics here Virginia here, here, here Vitoji Rao here Vizagapatam here VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie), Dutch East India Company here, here, here, here, here Voltaire here Volton, Joseph de here, here Wadgaon, Treaty of here Wadyar dynasty, restoration here Walcott here Walmart here Walpole, Horace here, here, here, here, here Waqi’at-i Azfari here War of Austrian Succession here, here Warid here Washington, George here, here Watson, Admiral here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Watts, William here, here, here Wellesley, Colonel Arthur (later Duke of Wellington) here background here welcomes brother here Tipu Sultan campaign here and the attack on Srirangapatnam here and Tipu Sultan’s throne here Maratha War preparations here Battle of Assaye here Wellesley, Richard Colley, 1st Marquess Wellesley here arrival in India here appearance here background here character here attitude to the EIC here goals here and French threat here neutralises French forces in Hyderabad here letter to Tipu Sultan here campaign against Tipu Sultan here propaganda against Tipu Sultan here spies here army strength here war against the Marathas here, here, here and Shah Alam here military expenses here cunning here conception of British Empire in India here EIC nervousness about here ultimatum to Daulat Rao Scindia here achievement here almost bankrupts EIC here accusations against here recalled here, here West, Benjamin here Yorktown, Battle of here Young, Arthur here Yusuf Ali Khan here Zabita Khan Rohilla here, here, here, here, here, here Zaman Shah here Zeenat Mahal here Zinat Mahal here A Note on the Author William Dalrymple is one of Britain’s great historians and the bestselling author of the Wolfson Prize-winning White Mughals, The Last Mughal, which won the Duff Cooper Prize, and the Hemingway and Kapucinski Prize-winning Return of a King.

Major John here Bogle, George here Boigne, Comte Benoît de here, here, here, here Bolts, William here Considerations on Indian Affairs here Bombay acquisition of here dry dock here harbour here garrison here growth here population here Protestant community here Bombay Castle here Boston Tea Party here, here Bourquien, Louis here, here Braithwaite, John here bribery here, here, here, here British Empire, mission civilisatrice here British Parliament, relationship with EIC here, here, here, here, here brothels here Brown, Katherine Butler here Brown Bess muskets here buccaneers here Buckingham, James Silk here Budge Budge here Burdwan here, here Burgoyne, General John here, here Burke, Edmund here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Burney, Fanny here Burrell, William here Buxar here Buxar, Battle of here, here Shuja ud-Daula’s escape here casualties here looting here Caillaud, Major John here, here, here, here, here Calcutta here, here foundation of here city walls rebuilt here, here Clive on here exports here growth here docks here European houses here Governor’s House here population here, here profit here Writers’ Building here Maratha threat here defences here, here, here Black Town here, here diversity here Indian population here merchants here Shushtari on here prostitution here English inhabitants here mortality rate here cost of living here militia here vulnerability here repair programme here Siraj ud-Daula’s advance on here fall of here the Great Tank here looted here, here Drake flees here Siraj ud-Daula enters here the Black Hole here reconquest of here Government House here St Anne’s church here Clive’s night attack here Mir Jafar visits here Clive returns to here government moved to here Belvedere here Cornwallis arrives in here beauty here wages here revenues here Canning, Lord here Cape, the here Careri, Giovanni Gemelli here Carnac, John here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Carnatic, the here Carnatic music here Carnatic Wars here, here, here, here, here, here, here Cartier, John here cartographical survey here Catherine of Braganza here Chait Singh, Raja of Benares here, here Chandernagar here fall of here, here defences here growth here vulnerability here Charles I, King here Charles II, King here Charnock, Job here, here charter here, here, here extended here revoked here Chevalier, M. here Child, Sir Josiah here, here Chin Qilich Khan, Nizam ul-Mulk here, here, here, here, here China here Choiseul, Duc de here Christianity, forced conversions here Chunar here Claremont estate here Clavering, General here, here Clive, Edward, 1st Earl of Powis here, here, here Clive, Henrietta, Countess of Powis here Clive, Margaret (nee Maskelyne) here, here, here Clive, Richard here, here, here, here, here Clive, Robert, 1st Baron Clive here, here mental stability here pillage of Bengal here wealth here, here political career here, here, here offer of employment here, here background here birth here attempted suicide here first arrival in Madras here hatred for India here letters here first EIC career here military training here early military career here marriage here appointed Deputy Governor of Madras here return to England, 1753 here on Calcutta here return to India here Royal Commission here reconquest of Calcutta here declares war on Siraj ud-Daula here offensive against Siraj ud-Daula here taking of Chandernagar here Siraj ud-Daula’s attempt to win friendship of here and plot to remove Siraj ud-Daula here ultimatum to Siraj ud-Daula here advance to Plassey here campaign against Siraj ud-Daula here crisis of confidence here Battle of Plassey here advance on Murshidabad here enters Murshidabad here and the Jagat Seths here prize money here, here return to Murshidabad here on Mir Jafar here, here despatches to London here self-confidence here loot here return to Britain here land purchases here Shropshire estate here return to India, 1765 here, here buys Company shares here life in England here as governor here return to Calcutta here meeting with Shuja ud-Daula here negotiations with Shah Alam here Treaty of Allahabad here triumph here public opinion swings against here Select Committee defence here depression here Grand Tour here suicide here burial here intercepts Shah Alam’s gifts here Colebrooke, Sir George here Coleroon River here Collins, John Ulrich here, here Collins, Wilkie, The Moonstone here Comoro Islands here Compagnie des Indes here, here, here Compagnie Van Verre here Coorg here Cornwallis, Charles, 1st Marquess Cornwallis here arrival in Calcutta here replaces Hastings here on Calcutta here alliance against Tipu Sultan here Third Anglo-Mysore War here reforms here tax reforms here land reforms here Coromandel, the here corporate capitalism here corporate influence, danger of here corporate lobbying here corporate violence here corruption here court miniatures here credit system here CROATOAN here Cuddalore here Cumberland here Dalrymple, Alexander here Dalrymple, James here, here, here Dalrymple, Stair here, here Dara Shukoh here Daria-i-Noor Diamond here Da’ud Khan here Daulat Rao Scindia here, here, here, here, here, here ultimatum to here declares war on the Company here Battle of Assaye here Davis, Thomas here Day, Francis here Daylesford here Debates in the Asiatic Assembly here Debrit, John here Deccan, the here, here Mughal occupation here Delhi here, here, here capture of here population here imperial court here splendour here Nader Shah’s massacre here, here impoverishment of here civil war here occupations here Imad ul-Mulk clings to power in here Afghan occupation here Shah Alam sets out on expedition to here Marathas capture here Shah Alam enters here ruined and depopulated here Shah Alam takes control of here Ghulam Qadir takes here Scindia’s rescue operation here earthquake here Battle of here, here occupation of here Delhi expedition line of march here Shah Alam set out on here importance here EIC response to here Najaf Khan appointed army commander here meeting with Shuja ud-Daula here advance to Farrukhabad here entry into Delhi here breakdown of Maratha alliance here Deptford here Devereux, Robert, Earl of Essex here Dhaka here, here, here Dhaka Red Fort here, here Dickinson, John here, here Dip Chand here Diwani, the here, here, here, here, here Dodally here Dow, Alexander here, here Drake, Sir Francis here, here Drake, Roger here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Drugeon, Louis Guillaume François here Ducarel, Patty here Dumdum here Dundas, Henry here, here Dupleix, Joseph François here, here arrival in India here becomes governor of Pondicherry here wealth here pact of neutrality here siege of Madras here, here as a military entrepreneur here awarded rank of Mansab here disgraced here Durrani, Ahmad Shah here, here, here, here, here, here Dutch, the here, here, here, here, here Dutch East India Company see VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie) East India bubble, bursts here East India Company loot here authorised to wage war here becomes ruler of India here charter here, here army strength here, here, here, here, here, here, here headquarters here, here commercial efficiency here employees here aims here, here, here causes of success here relationship with British Parliament here, here, here, here, here share price here, here, here, here, here, here, here shareholders here, here, here global trade here debts here, here, here, here, here, here government bailout here, here, here status here foundation here, here, here investors here, here subscriptions here expenses here as joint stock corporation here subscribers here legal identity here structure here monopoly here, here, here, here first fleet here first fleet profit here capital here inadequate funding here quality of recruits here turn to India here, here regard for Mughal authority here profits here, here Second Joint Stock here first fortified Indian base here power here, here, here, here, here, here alliance with Jagat Seths here borrowing from Jagat Seths here becomes increasingly assertive here strategy here head office here balance sheets here Charter extended here stock here looting of Bengal here Burdwan, Midnapur and Chittagong ceded to here alliance with Shah Alam here war against Mir Qasim here, here control of Bengal here transformation into autonomous imperial power here tax revenue here, here veneer of Mughal legitimacy here exploitation of India here lack of concern here abuses exposed here public opinion swings against here financial stability here financial crisis, 1772 here default, 1772 here military expenses here remittances, 1772 here Bank of England loan here Select Committee investigation here chartered privileges here nationalisation here, here position shaky here treatment of Shah Alam here government supervision here arms factories here land holdings here Anglo-Indians excluded from employment here consolidation of position here credit system here financiers back here army followers here supremacy established here as Regent here recalls Wellesley here, here monopoly abolished here power curtailed here the Great Uprising here navy disbanded here removed from power here shut down here brand name here legacy in India here integrated business organisation here relevance here East India Company Charter Bill here East India House here Edinburgh Review here Edward, Prince of Wales here Edward Bonaventure here Egerton, Colonel here Egypt here Elizabeth I, Queen here, here Ellis, William here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here England Elizabethan here manufacturing industry here population here English, terms of abuse for the here English language first Indian words to enter here Indian words connected with weaving here European here Evelyn, John here extortion here Facebook here Farrukhabad here, here Farrukhnagar here Ferishta here financial crisis, 1772 here first fleet here Fitch, Ralph here Floyer, Charles here Foote, Samuel here Fordyce, Alexander here Fort d’Orléans here, here Fort St David here, here, here Fort St George here, here Fort William here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Fox, Charles James here France economy here population here ambitions here strategy here Francis, Philip here, here ambition here and Hastings here, here, here arrival in India here approach to India here governmental paralysis here Hastings denounces here challenges Hastings to duel here duel with Hastings here and the impeachment of Hastings here, here Fraser, William here freebooters here French and Indian Wars here French Navy here Fryer, Dr John here Fullarton, William here Fulta here Gaekwad here Gagabhatta here Ganges here, here, here Gentil, Jean-Baptiste here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Gentleman’s Magazine here, here George III, King here, here, here Ghasiti Begum here, here, here Ghazi ud-Din here Gheria, Battle of here Ghulam Husain Salim here Ghulam Qadir Khan Rohilla here as captive of Shah Alam here advance on Delhi here takes Delhi here imprisons Shah Alam here reign of terror here has Shah Alam blinded here Scindia’s defeat of here flight here capture here Gibbon, Edward here, here, here global financial crisis, 2008 here Globe here Goa here Golconda here, here Golconda, Sultanate of here gold here, here Golden Hinde here gonorrhoea here grand Mughal alliance Mir Qasim’s idea for here comes together here French prisoner-of-war regiment here, here, here forces here crosses the Ganges here Naga sadhus here, here, here ultimatum to the EIC here advance on Patna here tensions within here lack of discipline here siege of Patna here Shuja leaves here Grant, Captain here, here, here Grant, James here Great Mughal Diamond here Great Uprising, the here Gregory, Khoja here Grenville, Lord here Grose, John here Guler here Gurgin Khan here, here assassination of here, here Hadaspur, Battle of here Hafiz Rehmat Khan here Haidar Ali here, here declares war on the Company here forces here, here alliance with Marathas here advance into the Carnatic here EIC advance against here Battle of Pollilur here treatment of prisoners here failure to follow up Pollilur victory here advice on good government here, here death of here, here Hakluyt, Richard here Hamilton, Alexander here Hansi here, here Hariana here Haripant Phadke here Harper, Lieutenant Gabriel here Harris, General here, here, here, here Hastings, Marian here Hastings, Warren here at siege of Kasimbazar here and Bengal’s descent into chaos here appearance here background here character here, here education here defence of the rights of the Bengalis here recognition of Mir Qasim here promotion here and Mir Qasim here and Ellis crisis here, here Mir Qasim appeals to here on tax collection here appointed Governor General here and Francis here, here, here as Governor General here Indophilia here, here sensitivity to criticism here reputation here and EIC rule here moves government to Calcutta here reforms here governmental paralysis here denounces Francis here Francis challenges to duel here duel with Francis here learns of Pollilur catastrophe here Treaty of Salbai here Shah Alam’s appeal for funds here ceases all payments to Shah Alam here impeachment here accusations against here, here supporters here achievements here cleared of all charges here Hatim here, here Hawkins, Captain William here, here Hector here, here Helsa, Battle of here, here Herculean, HMS here Hippon, Captain here Hodges, William here Holdernesse, Lord here Holkar, Tukoji here, here, here, here, here Holland, Republic of here Holwell, John Zephaniah here, here, here Hong Kong here House of Lords, impeachment of Hastings here Hughli here, here, here, here, here Hughli Bandar here Hume, David here Hunter, Sir William here Hunter, William here Hyderabad here, here, here, here, here Iberian empires here Iceland here Id Gah, the here Ile de Bourbon here Imad ul-Mulk, Ghazi ud-Din Khan here background here seizes power here appearance here appoints Alamgir II here jealousy of Shah Alam here relations with Shah Alam here clings to power here murder of Alamgir II here ousted here imperialism here collapse of here India turn to here, here economic power here manufacturing industry here population here textiles industry here religious wounds here militarised society here British supremacy established here India Act here, here Indian Mutiny here Indonesia here insider trading here intermarriage here Iraq here Ireland here Jackson, Ira here Jacobite 1745 uprising here Jafarganj here Jagat Seths, the here, here, here, here alliance with EIC here power here EIC borrowing here and Siraj ud-Daula here, here and Plassey here and Clive here and Mir Jafar here and Mir Qasim here, here Jahangir, Emperor here, here character here and Roe here birthday celebrations, 1616 here piety here Jaipur here James I, King here, here, here Jasrota here Jaswant Rao Holkar here, here, here, here, here Jats here, here Java here jizya tax here Jodhpur here Johnson, Samuel here joint stock companies here, here, here Jones, Sir William here Kabul here kalawants here Kanchipuram here Kanpur here Kanua here Karle here Karmanasa here, here, here, here Kasimbazar here, here, here, here, here siege of here Katwa here Katwa, Battle of here Keir, Archibald here Kent here, here, here, here Khair ud-Din Illahabadi here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Khan, Ghulam Hussain here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Khardla, Battle of here Khelna River here Khoja Antoon here Khuldabad here Khwaja Petrus Aratoon here, here Kilpatrick, Major here Kindersley, Jemima here Kirkpatrick, James Achilles here, here, here Kirkpatrick, William here, here, here Kora here Kora, Battle of here Kortalaiyar here Kotvan here Lake, Gerald, 1st Viscount here Lake, Lord here, here, here, here siege of Aligarh here Battle of Dehli here occupation of Dehli here kisses the Begum Sumru here Lakheri, Battle of here Lancaster, Sir James here, here land reforms here Langlade, Charles here Law, Jacques here Law, Jean here, here, here, here, here, here, here Law de Lauriston, John here joins Shah Alam here appointed Master of Mughal Artillery here at Battle of Helsa here last stand and capture here Lawrence, Stringer here, here Levant Company here, here, here, here, here, here Lindsay, William here London Founders’ Hall here, here, here, here docks here Haymarket Theatre here London Magazine here London Post here London Stock Exchange here, here Lontor here loot here, here, here Lucan, Lieutenant here, here Lucknow here Lutf un-Nissa here Macartney, Lord here Macaulay, Thomas Babington here, here, here Madec, René here, here, here, here, here, here, here Madras here, here, here, here foundation of here growth here pagoda coins here population here garrison here siege of here, here restored to EIC here Clive’s first arrival in here Clive appointed Deputy Governor here Select Committee here Tipu Sultan raids, 1767 here Madras Council here Madraspatnam here Maharashtra here Mahfuz Khan here Mahtab Rai Jagat Seth here, here, here, here Malartic, M. here Malcolm, John here Malika-i-Zamani Begum here, here, here, here Manikchand, Raja here, here, here, here Mansur Ali Khan here, here, here Manucci, Niccolao here Marathas, the here, here resistance to Mughal Empire here, here, here army here attacks in Bengal here threat to Calcutta here recovery here, here defeat EIC force, 1779 here alliance with Haidar Ali here Shah Alam seeks alliance with here Shah Alam’s agreement with here take Delhi here breakdown of alliance with Shah Alam here modern military training here unravelling of confederacy here Wellesley’s war against here, here, here Maratha Confederacy here Maratha War, 1803–1805 here background here Shah Alam and here EIC forces here final preparations here ultimatum to Daulat Rao Scindia here Daulat Rao Scindia declares war here Battle of Assaye here siege of Aligarh here Battle of Dehli here, here occupation of Dehli here Markar, General here Marlborough here Marwari Oswal here Maskelyne, Edward here, here, here, here Maskelyne, the Reverend Nevil here Masulipatnam here, here, here Masumpur, Battle of here Mauritius here, here, here May Flowre here Mehrauli here Melkote here mercenaries here, here, here Metcalfe, Charles here Mexico here Middleton, Sir Henry here Midnapur here, here Mihir Chand here military assistance, sale of here military developments European here Indian improvements here Mill, James here Mills, Colonel here Minchin, Colonel here, here Mir (poet) here Mir Alam here, here, here Mir Ashraf here Mir Jafar, Nawab of Bengal here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here visits Calcutta here Clive on here, here and the EIC here and Bengal’s descent into chaos here and the Jagat Seths here and Plassey here rebellions against here taste for fine jewels here rivals eliminated here EIC undermines here at Battle of Helsa here and death of son here coup, 1761 here brought out of retirement here Shuja takes prisoner here Mir Madan here Mir Qasim, Nawab of Bengal here character here education here coup, 1761 here administrative skills here, here taxes here restructuring here and the Jagat Seths here, here moves capital to Bihar here army reforms here disappearances here intelligence network here and EIC alliance with Shah Alam here confirmed governor of Bengal here meets Shah Alam here breakdown of relations with EIC here, here war declared on here war against here, here paranoia here, here assassination of Gurgin Khan here, here appeal to Hastings here kills prisoners here grand Mughal alliance proposal here, here crosses the Karmanasa here siege of Patna here, here wanderings here death of here Miran here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Mirza Mahdi Astarabadi here Mirza Mehdi here Mirza Muhammad Shafi here mission civilisatrice here Modave, Comte de here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Mohammad Reza Khan here, here, here Mohammad Taki here Moluccas, the here, here moneylenders here scarcity of here Mongalkote here Monghyr here, here, here, here Monserrate, Fr Antonio here Monson, Colonel here, here, here, here Moreton Say here, here Morse, Governor here, here Mughal Empire here cities here wealth here first contacts with here army strength here Roe’s mission to here artists’ skill here status of the English here, here EIC regard for authority here Roe’s advice on dealing with here Josiah Child attacks here resistance to here, here, here extent here succession disputes here regional governors here EIC becomes increasingly assertive here imperial court here decline here Nader Shah invades here, here cavalry here financial crisis here militarised society here collapse of here, here trade here contraction of here Mughal India, fracturing of here Mughal nobility, effective extinction of here Muhammad Ali here Muhammad Ali Hazin here Muhammad Shah Rangila here, here, here, here, here, here Nader Shah captures here hedonism here Muizuddin, Prince here Mullick family here multinational corporations here Mun, Thomas here Munna Lal here, here, here, here Munro, Sir Hector here, here, here, here, here, here, here Munro, Thomas here Murshid Quli Khan here, here Murshidabad here, here, here, here, here coup, 1761 here Murtaza Husain here Muscovy Company here Mustafa Khan here Mysore here, here Nabakrishna Deb here Nabob, The here Nader Shah Afshar invasion of Mughal Empire here, here return to Persia here Nadia here Naga sadhus here, here, here, here, here Najaf Khan, Mirza here, here, here, here appointed commander of Shah Alam’s army here background here Delhi expedition here campaign against Zabita Khan here siege of Pathargarh here rewards here army here campaign of reconquest here siege of Agra Fort here court intrigue against here illness here, here made regent here death of here territorial gains lost here tomb here Najib ud-Daula, Najib Khan Yusufzai here, here, here Najib-ul-Tawarikh here Nana Phadnavis here, here, here Nandakumar here Napoleon Bonaparte grand strategy here plans to invade England here threat to India here Narayan Rao, death of here Narayan Singh here, here National Archives of India here, here National Museum, Delhi here nationalisation here, here Nawal Singh here Nawazish Khan here New France here New York here Nidha Mal here Nile, Battle of the here Nizam Ali Khan here North, Lord here, here North West Passage here, here Nur Jahan, Empress here Ochterlony, Sir David here, here official memory here opium here, here Opium Wars, the here Orme, Robert here, here, here Ottoman Turkey here Owain Gruff ydd ap Gwenwynwyn here Padshahnama, the here Palmer, William here, here, here Panipat, Battle of here Pathargarh, siege of here Patissier, Charles-Joseph, Marquis de Bussy here, here Patna here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here battle of here grand Mughal alliance proposal on here siege of here famine here Patna Massacre, the here, here, here Pattlee here Pearse, Colonel Thomas Deane here Pedron, Colonel here pepper here Permanent Settlement, the here Perron, Pierre Cuiller- here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Persia here, here Pester, John here, here, here Philip II, King of Spain here pirates here Pitt, William here Plassey, Battle of here advance to here Council of War here Siraj ud-Daula’s army here, here the battle here cannonade here monsoon storm here Mir Madan’s cavalry charge here Mir Jafar withdraws here casualties here the pursuit here Siraj ud-Daula escapes here aftermath here, here first anniversary here Polier, Antoine here, here, here, here Pollilur, Battle of here, here impact of here Pondicherry here, here, here French presence here Dupleix becomes governor here garrison here reinforcements here War of Austrian Succession here Port Lorient intelligence here Portugal here, here, here, here Powis Castle here, here, here Pownall, Thomas here Prasad, Ishwari here Prince George here privateers here, here profits here, here prostitution here Pune here, here, here, here, here, here, here Pune expedition, 1779 here Purana Qila here Purnea here Qudsia Begum here Quiberon Bay here Qu’tb ud-Din Baktiar Khaki here Raghuji Bhosle, Raja of Berar here, here Raghunath Rao here Raigad here Raja Khan here Raja Rammohan Roy here Rajan, Raghuram here Rajasthan here Rajat Kanta Ray here Rajmahal here, here Rajputs here, here Raleigh, Sir Walter here, here Ram, Ganga here Ram Narain, Raja here assassination of here Ramdulal Dey here Rana Khan here, here Rangpur here Raymond, Michel Joachim Marie here, here, here Red Dragon here regime change here Regulating Act here, here, here Reinhardt, Walter (Sumru) here, here, here, here, here Renault, M. here, here Rennell, James here, here Renny, Captain David here, here, here Reynolds, Joshua here Riyazu-s-salatin here, here Roanoke Island here Roe, Sir Thomas here, here mission to Mughal Empire here return to England here, here advice on dealing with the Mughal Empire here Rohilla, the here, here, here, here, here Rohilla War here Rothenstein, William, The Building of Britain here, here Royal Navy here, here Roznamchai-Shah Alam here Sa’adat Khan here, here, here Safdar Jung, Nawab of Avadh here, here, here, here Saharanpur here Saif ud-Daula here St Thomas Mount here, here Salbai, Treaty of here Salisbury Journal here salt here saltpetre here Sambhaji here San Thome here, here Satara here Sauda here, here Saunders, Thomas here Sayyid Reza Khan here Scindia, Daulat Rao see Daulat Rao Scindia Scindia, Mahadji here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Scourge of Malice here Scrafton, Luke here, here, here, here Scurry, James here scurvy here Second Joint Stock here Secret Committee here Select Committee here, here Serai Alamchand here Seringapatam here Seven Years War first act here scale here Port Lorient intelligence here outbreak here Shah Abdul Aziz here Shah Alam here, here, here, here, here capture of here appearance here, here, here character here, here background here birth here interest in literature here titles here Sufism here Imad ul-Mulk’s jealousy of here relations with Imad ul-Mulk here exile here, here invasion of Bengal here campaign to recapture Bengal here, here crosses the Karmanasa here, here nobility of Bengal join here learns of father’s murder here mystique here French forces here ascension to the imperial throne here Battle of Masumpur here advance on Murshidabad here at Battle of Helsa here defeat here pursuit of here alliance with EIC here meets Mir Qasim here EIC allowance here income here and grand Mughal alliance proposal here, here, here relations with EIC here accommodation with EIC here at Battle of Buxar here negotiations with Clive here Treaty of Allahabad here, here departure on Delhi expedition here seeks alliance with Marathas here life in Allahabad here EIC treatment of here envoy to George III here agreement with Marathas here appoints Najaf Khan commander here meeting with Shuja ud-Daula here Delhi expedition here Scindia prostrates self here begins reconquest of empire here entry into Delhi here campaign against Zabita Khan here and Ghulam Qadir here treatment of prisoners here takes control of Delhi here breakdown of Maratha alliance here achievements here, here poetry and songs here, here, here, here, here and the siege of Agra Fort here court intrigue here court re-established here piety here, here Polier on here faults here, here Modave on here appeals to Hastings for funds here lack of funds here, here Hastings ceases all payments to here appoints Najaf Khan Regent here goodbye to Najaf Khan here territorial gains lost here seeks Scindia’s protection here Ghulam Qadir imprisons here blinding of here mutilation here, here Scindia’s rescue operation here ceases to worry about this world here Tipu Sultan breaks off relations with here in old age here Maratha protection here taken into EIC protection here and Maratha War here, here, here and the Battle of Dehli here EIC as regent here Shah Alam Nama here, here, here, here Shahamat Jang here Shahdara here Shahjahanabad here, here, here, here, here Shaista Khan, Nawab of Bengal here, here Shakespeare, William here Macbeth here Shakir Khan here, here, here share price here, here, here, here, here, here, here shareholders here, here, here Sharia law here Shaukat Jung of Purnea here Shell here Sheridan, Richard Brinsley here, here Shipman, Sir Abraham here Shitab Rai here Shivaji Bhonsle here, here, here Shuja ud-Daula, Nawab of Avadh here, here reputation for treachery here strength here appearance here vices here and grand Mughal alliance proposal here, here ultimatum to the EIC here siege of Patna here, here withdrawal to Buxar here takes Mir Qasim prisoner here Battle of Buxar here escape from Buxar here resistance here surrender here reinstated here meeting with Clive here Rohilla War here meeting with Shah Alam here Shushtari, Abdul Lateef here Siddons, Sarah here Sierra Leone Company here Sikander Jah here Sikandra here, here Sikhs here, here, here, here silver here, here Siraj ud-Daula, Nawab of Bengal here, here, here character here, here reputation here sexuality here alienates the Jagat Seths here hold over Aliverdi Khan here named heir here EIC fails to cultivate here siege of Kasimbazar here demands for Drake here advance on Calcutta here, here takes Calcutta here enters Calcutta here declaration of war on here Clive’s night attack here Clive’s offensive against here retreat here signs Treaty of Alinagar here and the fall of Chandernagar here, here attempt to win the friendship of Clive here plot to remove here Clive’s ultimatum here Clive’s campaign against here and Plassey here escape from Plassey here flight here body paraded through streets here, here capture of here death of here family murdered here Sivabharata here Skinner, James here, here, here slave trade here, here smallpox here, here Smith, Adam here, here Smythe, Sir Thomas here, here, here, here, here Soame, Sir Stephen here Sobel, Dava here Spain here, here, here Spanish Armada here Spice Islands here Spice Routes here spice trade attempts to break into here profit here, here Srirangam here Srirangapatnam here, here, here fortifications here assault on here Revolutionary Jacobin club here siege of here fall of here rape of here looting of here remains here Stein, Burton here Stevens, Fr Thomas here Stevenson, Colonel here Stewart, Captain James here Strachey, Jane here Strachey, Richard here Stretham here subprime bubble, 2007–9 here Subrahmanyam, Sanjay here subscription book here Sulaiman, Prince here Sumru here, here, here, here, here Sumru, Begum here, here, here, here, here Surat here, here, here Susan here Suvali here Suvarnadurg here Swaroop Chand here Swinton, Archibald here Tagore, Dwarkanath here Talegaon here Tamil culture here Tangier here Tanjore here coup attempt, 1749 here Tarikh-i Muzaffari here, here tax collectors here tax defaulters here taxes here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here tea here, here tea tax here textiles industry here, here, here Third Anglo-Mysore War here Thomas, George here Thorn, Major William here, here, here Tipu Sultan here, here campaign tent here Madras raid, 1767 here Battle of Pollilur here, here treatment of prisoners here character here takes over throne here appearance here father’s advice on good government here, here military skill here commercial department here reforms here patronage of Hindus here as a champion of Islam here British portrayal here culture of innovation here library here violence here flaws here breaks off relations with Shah Alam here Third Anglo-Mysore War here speed of advance here army strength here troops desert here peace treaty here embassy to Napoleon here French support here Wellesley’s letter to here Wellesley’s campaign against here propaganda against here spies here support here forces here resources here French corps here defence of Srirangapatnam here last stand here body found here tomb here people’s love for here throne here wealth here possessions distributed here Tiruvannamalai here Tooke, William here Tower of London here Travancore Lines, the here Trichinopoly here, here Trinomalee here Turkey Company here Twining, Thomas here Tyger here, here Udaipur here Udhua Nullah, siege of here Valentia, Lord here van Neck, Admiral Jacob Corneliszoon here Vaneshwar Vidyalankar here Vansittart, Henry here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Vellore here, here Venice Company here Verelst, Henry here Victoria, Queen here, here Victorian period official memory here sense of embarrassment here Vijayanagara empire here village republics here Virginia here, here, here Vitoji Rao here Vizagapatam here VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie), Dutch East India Company here, here, here, here, here Voltaire here Volton, Joseph de here, here Wadgaon, Treaty of here Wadyar dynasty, restoration here Walcott here Walmart here Walpole, Horace here, here, here, here, here Waqi’at-i Azfari here War of Austrian Succession here, here Warid here Washington, George here, here Watson, Admiral here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here Watts, William here, here, here Wellesley, Colonel Arthur (later Duke of Wellington) here background here welcomes brother here Tipu Sultan campaign here and the attack on Srirangapatnam here and Tipu Sultan’s throne here Maratha War preparations here Battle of Assaye here Wellesley, Richard Colley, 1st Marquess Wellesley here arrival in India here appearance here background here character here attitude to the EIC here goals here and French threat here neutralises French forces in Hyderabad here letter to Tipu Sultan here campaign against Tipu Sultan here propaganda against Tipu Sultan here spies here army strength here war against the Marathas here, here, here and Shah Alam here military expenses here cunning here conception of British Empire in India here EIC nervousness about here ultimatum to Daulat Rao Scindia here achievement here almost bankrupts EIC here accusations against here recalled here, here West, Benjamin here Yorktown, Battle of here Young, Arthur here Yusuf Ali Khan here Zabita Khan Rohilla here, here, here, here, here, here Zaman Shah here Zeenat Mahal here Zinat Mahal here A Note on the Author William Dalrymple is one of Britain’s great historians and the bestselling author of the Wolfson Prize-winning White Mughals, The Last Mughal, which won the Duff Cooper Prize, and the Hemingway and Kapucinski Prize-winning Return of a King.


A United Ireland: Why Unification Is Inevitable and How It Will Come About by Kevin Meagher

Boris Johnson, British Empire, Celtic Tiger, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, deindustrialization, knowledge economy, kremlinology, land reform, Nelson Mandela, period drama, Right to Buy, trade route, transaction costs

Gladstone began by disestablishing the Church of Ireland, serving to underscore the decline of the old Protestant ascendancy. In 1874, the Home Rule League was formed to campaign for a restoration of the Irish Parliament, managing to win half the seats in Ireland (aided, no doubt, by this being the first general election to employ the secret ballot). The next few years were dominated by the question of land reform with poor tenant farmers mobilised under the National Land League, founded by Michael Davitt and headed by MP, Charles Stewart Parnell. The Land League demanded reform of the rotten system whereby absentee landlords could charge extortionate rents and evict tenants on a whim. In one memorable incident, the League’s direct action included refusing to harvest the crop of Lord Erne, an absentee landlord, whose agent, a Captain Charles Boycott, subsequently entered the lexicon as a verb.


pages: 424 words: 122,350

Feral: Rewilding the Land, the Sea, and Human Life by George Monbiot

Chance favours the prepared mind, cognitive dissonance, en.wikipedia.org, Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall, land reform, Nelson Mandela, nuclear winter, offshore financial centre, oil rush, oil shale / tar sands, place-making, social intelligence, trade route

But in Wales, though sheep have replaced people since the Cistercians established the Strata Florida abbey in the twelfth century, and though these enclosures were bravely resisted by riots and revolts such as Rhyfel y Sais Bach (the War of the Little Englishmen) in what is now Ceredigion in 1820,3 the white plague has become a symbol of nationhood, an emblem almost as sacred as Agnus Dei, the Lamb of God, ‘which taketh away the sin of the world’. I have come across a similar fetishization in Australia and New Zealand, North America, Norway, the Alps and the Carpathians. There is a reason for this sanctification, but it is rapidly becoming outdated. While sheep were used in Wales as an instrument of enclosure in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, during the twentieth there was a partial but widespread process of land reform in the uplands. In the aftermath of David Lloyd George’s People’s Budget of 1909, which increased income tax and inheritance tax for the very rich, the big landowners in Wales, many of whom were English, began to sell off some of their property.4 They appear to have been less attached to their Welsh estates than to their English properties or their sporting land in Scotland, so these were shed first.

British Wild Boar Organisation, January 2010, ‘Interesting happenings occurring with Britain’s free-living wild boar’, http://www.britishwildboar.org.uk/BWBONewsletterJan2010.pdf 20. Jenny Farrant, 2 February 2012, by email. 21. Northern Potential, 2011, ‘The Highlands of Scotland’, http://northern-potential.net/the_highlands_of_scotland 22. Alan Watson Featherstone, 2001, ‘The wild heart of the Highlands’, Trees for Life, http://www.treesforlife.org.uk/tfl.wildheart.html 23. Land Reform (Scotland) Act 2003, http://www.legislation.gov.uk/asp/2003/2/contents 24. Peter Fraser, Angus MacKenzie and Donald MacKenzie, 2012, ‘The economic importance of red deer to Scotland’s rural economy and the political threat now facing the country’s iconic species’, Scottish Gamekeepers’ Association. 25. Ibid. 26. BBC Scotland, 16 June 2011, ‘Mull’s economy soars on wings of white-tailed eagles’, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-scotland-business-13783555 27.


pages: 160 words: 46,449

The Extreme Centre: A Warning by Tariq Ali

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Berlin Wall, bonus culture, BRICs, British Empire, centre right, deindustrialization, Edward Snowden, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, full employment, labour market flexibility, land reform, light touch regulation, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mortgage debt, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, North Sea oil, obamacare, offshore financial centre, popular capitalism, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, The Chicago School, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, Westphalian system, Wolfgang Streeck

Green energy is the only civilized future, and we promise to make Scotland a model country for the twenty-first century by combining social and environmental justice. 3. Scotland’s feudal legacy will end. We won’t allow the next Holyrood government to leave communities at the mercy of corrupt landlords. Scotland’s people will have the power to own and control their resources. Our land will support our goals of sustainability and social justice: it won’t be used as hunting and fishing estates for aristocrats and tax exiles. We will call a demonstration for land reform centred in one of Scotland’s rural communities. 4. We won’t allow equality to become a buzzword. We will expect positive action to reverse inequalities between men and women, and we will punish politicians who fail to take this seriously. Our better Scotland must abandon the macho political culture of Westminster and the macho economic culture of the City of London. We pledge to make our company boards, QUANGOs and political parties representative of Scotland as a whole.


Profit Over People: Neoliberalism and Global Order by Noam Chomsky

Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, declining real wages, deindustrialization, full employment, invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, liberal capitalism, manufacturing employment, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, union organizing, Washington Consensus

By modes of chicanery familiar to the business world and corporate lawyers, the rights granted to foreign investors transfer easily to domestic investors as well. Among democratic choices that might be barred are those calling for local ownership, sharing of technology, local managers, corporate accountability, living wage provisions, preferences (for deprived areas, minorities, women, etc.), labor-consumer-environmental protection, restrictions on dangerous products, small business protection, support for strategic and emerging industries, land reform, community and worker control (that is, the foundations of authentic democracy), labor actions (which could be construed as illegal threats to order), and so on. “Investors” are permitted to sue governments at any level for infringement on the rights granted them. There is no reciprocity: citizens and governments cannot sue “investors.” The Ethyl and Metalclad suits are exploratory initiatives.


pages: 651 words: 135,818

China into Africa: trade, aid, and influence by Robert I. Rotberg

barriers to entry, BRICs, colonial rule, corporate governance, Deng Xiaoping, energy security, European colonialism, failed state, global supply chain, global value chain, income inequality, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, megacity, microcredit, offshore financial centre, one-China policy, out of africa, Pearl River Delta, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, RAND corporation, Scramble for Africa, South China Sea, special economic zone, structural adjustment programs, trade route, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game

Faced with insufficiency of Chinese support, Zimbabwe has attempted to obtain financing elsewhere, including Libya, which at one time provided most of Zimbabwe’s oil. In fact, China never seemed as keen about its relationship with Zimbabwe as Zimbabwe was about China. As early as 2002, even before Mugabe launched the “Look East” policy, China expressed concern about the possible negative impact of factory invasions and chaotic land reform policies on Chinese economic interests.43 Though Zimbabwe has among the most important platinum deposits in the world, as well as over forty other minerals, many of these resources are as yet unexploited and require significant investment to do so (unlike tobacco, which is more easily cultivated).44 The return on such investments was unknown, especially when there were “arrangements with local government elites that inhibit profit making.”45 China grew increasingly worried about whether its loans would ever be repaid, a concern that increased when the Zimbabwean government failed to meet some of its obligations.

China model, and, 182; ONCC Videsh and, 120; 288; Zimbabwe and, 261 Sudan and, 264; trade flows and, 95; International Olympics Committee, 68 transparency and, 124 International system, 297, 299, 306 Indian Ocean: development and, 144; Internet, 283 naval strategy and, 181–84 Interparliamentary exchanges, 241–42 Indian Ocean Newsletter, 173 Iran, 17, 39, 151; arms transfers and, Industrial and Commercial Bank of 176; military ties and, 159, 163, 165, China, 148 171 Information management, 238 Iraq, 59, 304; military assistance and, Infrastructure, 1, 87, 218, 272, 300; 159 ambivalence regarding, 75; capital Islam, 126, 239, 302; Union of Islamic for, 117; challenges to, 301; China Courts and, 304 model and, 298; colonialism and, 40; Israel, 263, 304; arms transfers and, 176 16-7561-4 index.qxd 9/16/08 4:25 PM Page 329 Index 329 Janjaweed militias, 256, 258; Darfur Kordofan, Sudan, 258 and, 128; oil and, 109, 113 Kurlantzick, Joshua, 217–18, 222 Japan, 3, 32; colonialism and, 116; eco- nomic growth of, 226; high pay- Labor, 258–59, 280–81, 292, 297; Angola ments and, 123; imports from, 97; and, 11; Chinese as, 2, 11, 18, 72–74; network trade and, 107; ODA and, isolation of, 76; discipline and, 122; 213; oil and, 111; Sudan and, 126; FDI and, 106; legal violations trade flows and, 95 against, 252; Nigeria and, 280, 291; Jiang Enzhu, 242 product diversification and, 102; Jiangsu International, 165 south-south trade and, 88; standards Jiang Zemin, 21, 234; hospitality of, 236; for, 290, 301 theory of the Three Represents, 237 Lagos, Nigeria, 281–86, 287 Jia Qinglin, 24 Lamu, Kenya, 131 Jibrin, Walid, 279 Landmines, 178 Jilin University, 29 Land reform, 262 Ji Pengfei, 28 Langfang, China, 178 Johnson, Douglas, 128 Language, 302; Chinese, 279; Chinese Johnson-Sirleaf, Ellen, 178 immigration and, 287; concessional Juba, Sudan, 131, 171 loan information and, 226; loan Junggar Basin, 110 information and, 218–20; in Nigeria, 281 Kabila, Laurent, 161 Latin America, 58–60; FDI and, 105; Kaduna, Nigeria, 278–79 national security and, 155; raw mate- Kajola, Ogun State, Nigeria, 276 rials and, 94 Kakiri, Uganda, 172 Lee, Henry, 5 Kano, Nigeria, 279 Lee Kuan Yew, 252 Kapiri Mposhi, Zambia, 146 Legal codes, 14 Kaunda, Kenneth, 146, 273 Legal responsibility, 253–56; human Kebbi State, 278 rights lobbying and, 264; in Sudan, Kenya, 3, 70; arms transfers to, 9, 163; 257–59, 264–66; vs. moral culpabil- Confucius Institutes in, 29; embassy ity, 251, 264; Zimbabwe and, 263–66 attacks in, 304; Japanese companies Leon, Tony, 240 in, 32; military assistance and, 161; Lesotho, 11, 70–71; Taiwan and, 211; oil and, 4, 115 visited by Chinese leaders, 28 Kenyan Pipeline Corporation, 131–32 Li Anshan, 8 Kew, Darren, 11, 272 Liao Xiaqi, 149 Khartoum, Sudan, 112–13, 124–26, 132; Li Baodong, 235 Darfur and, 128–29; military assis- Liberation movements, 25, 156–57, tance and, 160, 170, 183 232–33, 260; Chinese support of, 9, Khrushchev, Nikita, 112, 202 273, 299; political outreach to, 231 Kiir Mayardit, Salva, 239–40 Liberia, 6, 100; peacekeeping in, Kisangani, Democratic Republic of 177–78; SEZs and, 147; Taiwan Congo (Stanleyville), 157, 160 and, 211–12 16-7561-4 index.qxd 9/16/08 4:25 PM Page 330 330 Index Libya, 27, 155; arms transfers to, 163; Marsa al-Bashair, Sudan, 125, 131 military assistance and, 161, 183; oil Martial arts, 77 reserves and, 115; Taiwan and, 162; Massacres, 254; in Zimbabwe, 260–61 Zimbabwe and, 262 Matabebeland, 260 Li Chengwen, 238 Mauritania, 27, 156, 161; oil reserves Ling Guiru, 71 and, 115 Li Peng, 28, 33 Mauritius, 70, 95, 101, 106; apparel and, Lisbon, Portugal, 117 107; development and, 143; Egypt Liu Guijin, 13, 130, 170 and, 150; foreign aid and, 200; Liu Naiya, 239 Indian Ocean development and, 145; Li Xianlian, 28 SEZs and, 140, 147 Li Zhaoxing, 210 Ma Wenpu, 242 Loans, 7, 33, 80; from China, 303; to Mayardit, Salva Kiir, 128 Nigeria, 276, 278, 292; as political Mbeki, Thabo, 10, 66, 290 outreach, 235; Zimbabwe and, 262.


The Rough Guide to Prague by Humphreys, Rob

active transport: walking or cycling, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, clean water, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, Johannes Kepler, land reform, Live Aid, Mikhail Gorbachev, Peace of Westphalia, sexual politics, sustainable-tourism, trade route, upwardly mobile

That Czechoslovakia’s democracy survived as long as it did is down to the powerful political presence and skill of Masaryk, the country’s president from 1918 to 1935, who shared executive power with the cabinet. It was his vision of social democracy that was stamped on the nation’s new constitution, one of the most liberal of the time (if a little bureaucratic and centralized), aimed at ameliorating any ethnic and class tensions within the republic by means of universal suffrage, land reform and, more specifically, the Language Law, which ensured bilinguality to any area where the minority exceeded twenty percent. The elections of 1920 reflected the mood of the time, ushering in the left-liberal alliance of the Pětka (The Five), a coalition of five parties led by the Agrarian, Antonín Švehla, whose slogan, “we have agreed that we will agree”, became the keystone of the republic’s consensus politics between the wars.

Stalin immediately summoned Gottwald to Moscow, and on his return the KSČ denounced the Plan. By the end of 1947, the Communists were beginning to lose support, as the harvest failed, the economy faltered and malpractices within the Communist-controlled Ministry of the Interior were uncovered. In response, the KSČ began to up the ante, constantly warning the nation of imminent “counter-revolutionary plots”, and arguing for greater nationalization and land reform as a safeguard. | History The Third Republic CONTE XTS the extremely fanatical SS troops, in and around the capital. Barriers were erected across the city, and an American OSS jeep patrol arrived from Plzeň, which the Third Army were on the point of taking. The Praguers (and Vlasov’s men) were pinning their hopes on the Americans. In the end, however, the US military leadership made the politically disastrous decision not to cross the demarcation line that had been agreed between the Allies at Yalta.


pages: 447 words: 142,527

Lustrum by Robert Harris

Boris Johnson, land reform, Neil Kinnock, New Urbanism, plutocrats, Plutocrats

He takes the view that deeds, not words, are what count in this world.' Cicero had a mountain of legal documents to read. 'Balbus,' he said wearily, 'you have obviously come here to say something – so would you kindly just say it?' 'Of course. You are busy, I can see that. Forgive me.' He pressed his hand to his heart. 'Caesar wishes me to tell you that he and Pompey have reached an agreement. They intend to settle this question of land reform once and for all.' Cicero gave me a quick look: it was exactly as he had predicted. To Balbus he said: 'On what terms is this to be settled?' 'The public lands in Campania will be divided between Pompey's demobbed legionaries and those among the Roman poor who wish to farm. The whole scheme will be administered by a commission of twenty. Caesar hopes very much to have your support.' Cicero laughed in disbelief.

But then he saw that another barrel was being carried up on to the platform, and he scrambled away – I did not blame him – to the derisive laughter of thousands of citizens. He and his followers escaped from the forum and eventually found sanctuary in the Temple of Jupiter the Protector – the same building from which Cicero by his oratory had driven Sergius Catilina. Thus, in the most contemptible of circumstances, was carried on to the statute book Caesar's great land reform act, which awarded farms to twenty thousand of Pompey's veterans and afterwards to those among the urban poor who could show they had more than three children. Cicero did not stay for the voting, which was a foregone conclusion, but slunk back to his house, where – such was his depression – he shunned all company, even Terentia's. The following day, Pompey's soldiers were back on the streets again.


pages: 489 words: 132,734

A History of Future Cities by Daniel Brook

Berlin Wall, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, carbon footprint, Celtic Tiger, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial innovation, glass ceiling, indoor plumbing, joint-stock company, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, open economy, Parag Khanna, Pearl River Delta, Potemkin village, profit motive, rent control, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, starchitect, trade route, urban planning, urban renewal, working poor

At the same time, the instability in the Middle East set off by the attacks and the subsequent American invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq helped raise the price of oil, which already had been creeping upward in response to increasing demand in developing economies like China and India. Thus, 9/11 both showered oil profits on the Gulf and ensured that those profits would be invested close to home. As the regional financial center, Dubai was the logical place to invest locally. Sheikh Mohammed moved quickly to turn the increasing capital flows into a gusher. In 2002, Mohammed issued a land reform decree allowing foreigners to own real estate in Dubai—a first in any Gulf state. Before the reforms, Dubai had no real estate market. Land was given out under a quasi-feudal system; all land was held by the sheikhs or by favored Emirati friends upon whom the sheikhs had bestowed parcels. Everyone else—including every foreigner—was a renter. With the 2002 reform, anyone could buy a home in Dubai—an opportunity with particular appeal to wealthy families in unstable countries nearby.

What Miami had long been for the elite of Latin America—a place to park wealth too risky to keep back home—Dubai became for the magnates and kleptocrats of the Middle East, North Africa, South Asia, and the former Soviet Union. The apotheosis of this trend would come in 2009, when the dictator of Azerbaijan amassed nine waterfront mansions during a two-week, $44 million buying spree—all purchased in the name of his eleven-year-old son. With the unprecedented land reform in place, the global real estate consulting firm Jones Lang LaSalle touted Dubai, along with Dublin and Las Vegas, as its “World Winning Cities” for 2002. The report put Dubai on global investors’ maps alongside the better-known capital of the Celtic Tiger and the Mojave Desert outpost that was then the fastest-growing city in the world’s largest economy. All three cities experienced massive booms, but Dubai’s was the most explosive.


Power Systems: Conversations on Global Democratic Uprisings and the New Challenges to U.S. Empire by Noam Chomsky, David Barsamian

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, American ideology, Chelsea Manning, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate personhood, David Brooks, discovery of DNA, double helix, drone strike, failed state, Howard Zinn, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, inflation targeting, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Julian Assange, land reform, Martin Wolf, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, pattern recognition, Powell Memorandum, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, single-payer health, sovereign wealth fund, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, Tobin tax, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks

He pointed out that in a democracy, if the people—people didn’t mean people, it meant freemen, not slaves, not women—had the right to vote, the poor would be the majority, and they would use their voting power to take away property from the rich, which wouldn’t be fair, so we have to prevent this.30 James Madison made the same point, but his model was England. He said if freemen had democracy, then the poor farmers would insist on taking property from the rich.31 They would carry out what we these days call land reform. And that’s unacceptable. Aristotle and Madison faced the same problem but made the opposite decisions. Aristotle concluded that we should reduce inequality so the poor wouldn’t take property from the rich. And he actually proposed a vision for a city that would put in place what we today call welfare-state programs, common meals, other support systems. That would reduce inequality, and with it the problem of the poor taking property from the rich.


The Rise and Fall of the British Nation: A Twentieth-Century History by David Edgerton

active measures, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, blue-collar work, British Empire, business cycle, call centre, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial exploitation, Corn Laws, corporate governance, deglobalization, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, deskilling, Donald Davies, double helix, endogenous growth, Etonian, European colonialism, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, full employment, imperial preference, James Dyson, knowledge economy, labour mobility, land reform, land value tax, manufacturing employment, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, new economy, non-tariff barriers, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, packet switching, Philip Mirowski, Piper Alpha, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-industrial society, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, trade liberalization, union organizing, very high income, wages for housework, wealth creators, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce, working poor

They were no greater than in the years before the war, especially in real terms.6 At the end of the twentieth century much land was still in the hands of the same rich families as in 1900. Half of the great once-landowning families had no land; the rest had, on average, half the acreage they once held. Edwardian landowning families ceased to function as a distinct class but had most certainly not been expropriated by taxes or land reform at any time in the twentieth century.7 The seeming decline of the aristocracy illustrated by the tearing-down of country houses in the interwar years – a much echoed theme – was grossly overstated. Illustration 4.1: Kingdom of Capital 1928. The British Capitalists singled out by Low were from left to right: Sir J. Ellerman, Lord Ashton, Lord Derby, the Duke of Portland, Lord Iveagh, Sir Solly Joel, Mr J.

Board of Trade (in conjunction with the Ministry of Labour and the registrars-general), Statistical Abstract for the United Kingdom for Each of the Fifteen Years 1924 to 1938, p. xvii. 4. Ibid., pp. 392, 410. 5. A. H. Halsey (ed.), Trends in British Society since 1900 (London, 1972), table 3.6. 6. Report of the Royal Commission on the Coal Industry (1925) with Minutes of Evidence and Appendices, vol. 1, report (1926), Cmd. 2600, pp. 44–5. 7. John Beckett and Michael Turner, ‘Land Reform and the English Land Market, 1880–1925’, in Matthew Cragoe and Paul Readman (eds.), The Land Question in Britain, 1750–1950 (London, 2010), pp. 219–36. 8. Around 1900 US labour productivity in coal was around three times that of the British. Report of the Royal Commission on the Coal Industry (1925), p. 127. 9. Ibid., p. 3. 10. Ibid., pp. 15–19. 11. Board of Trade, Statistical Abstract for the United Kingdom for Each of the Fifteen Years 1924 to 1938, p. 332. 12.

Michael Powell and Emeric Pressburger (prod. and dir.), I Know Where I’m Going (1945). 4. Perhaps the most powerful is that in Alexander Mackendrick (dir.), The Man in the White Suit (1951), where there is a particularly sinister senior capitalist who comes up from London. The critique is largely balanced by the fact that labour and capital have the same interests in this case. 5. John Beckett and Michael Turner, ‘Land Reform and the English Land Market, 1880–1925’, in Matthew Cragoe and Paul Readman (eds.), The Land Question in Britain, 1750–1950 (London, 2010), pp. 219–36. 6. Ibid., p. 222, see table, which is uncorrected for increased post-war prices. 7. F. M. L. Thompson, ‘Presidential Address: English Landed Society in the Twentieth Century: I, Property: Collapse and Survival’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 40 (1990), pp. 1–24. 8.


pages: 225 words: 54,010

A Short History of Progress by Ronald Wright

Albert Einstein, Atahualpa, Bretton Woods, British Empire, clean water, Columbian Exchange, cuban missile crisis, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Haber-Bosch Process, Hernando de Soto, invention of agriculture, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, nuclear winter, out of africa, Parkinson's law, Ronald Reagan, Thomas Malthus, urban sprawl

Peasants were dispossessed and driven onto unsuitable land, with environmental consequences like those that Solon had recognized in Athens. Family farms could not compete against big estates using slave labour; they went bankrupt or were forced to sell out, and their young men joined the legions. The ancient commons of the Roman peasantry were alienated with even less legality. As in Sumer, public land passed quickly into private hands, a situation the Gracchus brothers tried to remedy with land reform in the late second century B.C. But the reform failed, the commons were lost, and the state had to placate the lower orders by handing out free wheat, a solution that became expensive as the urban proletariat increased. By the time of Claudius, 200,000 Roman families were on the dole.15 One of the revealing ironies of Rome’s history is that the city-state’s native democracy withered as its empire grew.


pages: 184 words: 54,833

Why Orwell Matters by Christopher Hitchens

anti-communist, British Empire, colonial rule, deindustrialization, Etonian, hiring and firing, land reform, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, nuclear winter, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, sensible shoes

Let it be noticed, however, that he didn’t approve at all of the British intervention in Greece (the undeclared clause in the Churchill-Stalin pact over Poland) and that he even, with misgivings, signed a petition to reduce the sentence of Alan Nunn-May, a scientist who had handed nuclear formulae — it would be a stretch to call them ‘secrets’, as Orwell appreciated — to the Soviet Union. One can also eliminate the mercenary motive. Some of those who worked with the IRD were later paid, modestly enough it is true, to write pamphlets or booklets showing that Stalin or Mao were not just enthusiastic land-reformers. Later in its life, the IRD went the way of many British Cold-War outfits and surrendered to the lavish corruption of the CIA. However, Orwell continued to make no money for his publications, to refuse to charge exile groups any royalties, and in general to act as if the ravens would feed him. The subsequent largesse with which magazines like Encounter were floated was enough to arouse the suspicion and contempt of people much more avaricious than he was.


Meghnad Desai Marxian economic theory by Unknown

business cycle, commoditize, Corn Laws, full employment, land reform, means of production, p-value, price mechanism, profit motive

The availability of uncultivated land provided an alternative outlet for the large waves of immigrants from Europe who formed the labour force in the industrial areas. These immigr~lts had often left a near-feudal peasant status and taken up the status of free labour in the U.S. The degree of exploitation in such a situation would be mediated by the availability of land on which a person could produce for himself~ By contrast, the emergence of free labour in many other countries takes the form of dispossessing of peasants or share croppers by some form of land reform legislation or by processes now known as detribalization-urbanization, migration to foreign plantations, etc. In the U.K., the classic pattern was the Enclosure movement and the breakdown of cottage industries which dispossessed farmers and craftsmen and created over a period of two or three hundred years an industrial proletariat.7 In many countries where introduction to capitalism has not immediately led·to industrialization, we may have pools of landless labourers in a relation of feudal dependence or on pe~ent employment to the local landlord only slowly emerging as casual labour being paid money wages and free of the dependent status.


Yucatan: Cancun & Cozumel by Bruce Conord, June Conord

British Empire, colonial rule, feminist movement, if you build it, they will come, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Pepto Bismol, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Yogi Berra

By then, the Yucatán reflected the turmoil that was going on back in Europe, where the French had overthrown the Spanish monarchy; and in Mexico, where elements of liberalism agitated for civil rights. Soon blood spilled. Traditional rivals, Campeche and Mérida fought for power while the entire peninsula ignored the rest of Mexico, which was embroiled in a series of continuing revolutions. Unhappy with centralism and liberal land reforms, the powerful families in the Yucatán declared the region’s independence from Mexico in 1838. Facing economic realities, it came back into the fold in 1843, but that made no difference to the Indian community, which was still under the yoke of Hispanic oppression. In early 1847 the Yucatán seceded again after secessionists armed the Maya to serve as soldiers against the Mexican garrisons. With the federal government preoccupied by the MexicanAmerican War and Campeche and Mérida still bickering over independence, the Maya themselves rebelled.

Y There were as many facets to Felipe Carrillo as there were to Alma Reed and both were intrigued by each other’s intellect. He claimed to be a descendant of the Mayapán king who drove the Itzás from Chichén 700 years before. Under his liberal leadership he gave women the right to vote, organized Feminist Leagues, and placed women in governmental posts. He legalized birth control and established the first family planning clinics in the Americas. He supported land reform by forming edijos, communal farming groups. He built schools and roads and encouraged cottage industries for the poor. Most memorably, however, he was a vocal proponent of civil rights for the Maya. Love Story n 49 They both knew it was love at first sight, but Carrillo was married, with grown children. Nevertheless, the two spent every available minute together. Like a modern Romeo and Juliet, they stood watching while Carnegie archeologists poked around the breathtaking ruins of Chichén Itzá, when Alma asked, “Why did they build this great city – this fantastic city – only to desert it?”


pages: 513 words: 156,022

Dictatorland: The Men Who Stole Africa by Paul Kenyon

agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, British Empire, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, Etonian, European colonialism, falling living standards, friendly fire, land reform, mandatory minimum, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, oil rush, oil shale / tar sands, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Scramble for Africa, transatlantic slave trade, Yom Kippur War

‘It makes absolute nonsense of our history as an African country that most of our arable and ranching land is still in the hands of our erstwhile colonizers,’ he announced, ‘while the majority of our peasant community still live like squatters in their God-given land.’ He was right, of course, but the question remained, how would he achieve the necessary redistribution? White farmers braced themselves. Mugabe had massacred his own people, what respect would he have for the original sinners? They were right to be anxious. The Zimbabwean parliament passed a programme of ‘revolutionary’ land reform, enabling the state to take its pick of whichever farms it fancied, at whatever price. There were celebrations in parliament. An ebullient Mugabe was not going to be restrained by international opinion, particularly the sort that came from Westminster. The aim, he said, was to acquire 13 million acres, almost half the white-owned farmland in Zimbabwe. A few weeks later, in January 1991, 4,000 white farmers marched on Harare, formerly Salisbury, to protest.

During the Bush War, Mrs Mujuru had taken the nom-de-guerre ‘Spill Blood’ and remained a physically formidable woman well into her fifties – despite claiming Z$389,000 for battle injuries from the discredited War Victims Compensation Fund. Her husband, Solomon Mujuru, was the former leader of Mugabe’s guerrillas. The couple had a sense of entitlement few dared challenge. Shortly after the murder of Martin Olds, during the so-called Land Reform Programme, they seized a white-owned farm themselves, 5,000 hectares of prime tobacco and maize-growing land, and gave the owner just an hour to leave. When the diamond rush began, Joice Mujuru was swept away in the excitement, treating the hillock as her own tract of diamondiferous real estate. The chief of Mugabe’s own office also took a share. William Nhara, nicknamed ‘Diamond Geezer’, was on his way out of Harare airport with a Lebanese business associate in March 2007, when the pair were pulled over.


pages: 585 words: 165,304

Trust: The Social Virtue and the Creation of Prosperity by Francis Fukuyama

barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, collective bargaining, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, double entry bookkeeping, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Gilder, glass ceiling, global village, Gunnar Myrdal, hiring and firing, industrial robot, Jane Jacobs, job satisfaction, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, land reform, liberal capitalism, liberation theology, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, mittelstand, price mechanism, profit maximization, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Ronald Coase, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Nature of the Firm, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transaction costs, transfer pricing, traveling salesman, union organizing

The owners of the large family trusts were ordered to deposit their equity stakes with the Commission for Dissolution of Zaibatsu, which then sold them to the public.21 At the same time, the shareholders and top management of the zaibatsu who had overseen their operations before and during the war were purged. The huge management vacuum left at the top of many large Japanese corporations was filled for the most part by younger middle managers without particularly large equity stakes in their companies. The zaibatsu networks quickly reconstituted themselves as keiretsu under these new managers, but ownership had already become highly deconcentrated. Land reform, which broke up large agricultural estates, a steep tax on personal assets, and the deflation of equity values as a result of the war left few large fortunes available to flow into the void.22 The result of these developments was the emergence of Japanese firms in the postwar period that more closely fit the description of the modern corporation set forth by Berle and Means than they did in the prewar period.

Over the next two hundred years, all European societies and many of those outside Europe were transformed beyond recognition from poor, uneducated, rural, agricultural, authoritarian ones to urban, industrialized, wealthy democracies. In the course of these transformations, governments played a major role in precipitating or facilitating change (and in some cases, trying to stop it). They abolished entire social classes, engaging in land reform and the disbanding of large estates; they introduced modern legislation guaranteeing equality of rights for ever-larger circles of the population; they built cities and encouraged urbanization; they educated entire populations and provided the infrastructure for modern, complex, information-intensive societies. There have been increasing indications over the past generation, however, that the kinds of results achievable through this sort of large-scale social engineering have been subject to diminishing marginal returns.


pages: 235 words: 65,885

Peak Everything: Waking Up to the Century of Declines by Richard Heinberg, James Howard (frw) Kunstler

addicted to oil, anti-communist, Asilomar, back-to-the-land, clean water, Community Supported Agriculture, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, demographic transition, ending welfare as we know it, energy transition, Fractional reserve banking, greed is good, Haber-Bosch Process, happiness index / gross national happiness, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), land reform, means of production, oil shale / tar sands, peak oil, plutocrats, Plutocrats, reserve currency, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, the built environment, the scientific method, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, urban planning

The USDA will need to cease supporting and encouraging industrial monocropping for export, and begin supporting smaller farms, rewarding those that make the effort to reduce inputs and to grow for local consumption. In the absence of USDA policy along these lines, we need to pursue state, county, and municipal efforts to support small farms in various ways, through favorable zoning, by purchasing local food for school lunches, and so on. We will also require land reform. Those millions of new farmers will need access to the soil, and there must be some means of making land available for this purpose. Here we might take inspiration from Indian Line Farm, a model for farmland preservation and conservation, which pioneered the use of conservation easements and community land trusts to make farmland available to working farmers.8 Since so few people currently know much about farming, education will be essential.


pages: 239 words: 64,812

Geek Sublime: The Beauty of Code, the Code of Beauty by Vikram Chandra

Alan Turing: On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem, Apple II, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business process, conceptual framework, create, read, update, delete, crowdsourcing, don't repeat yourself, Donald Knuth, East Village, European colonialism, finite state, Firefox, Flash crash, glass ceiling, Grace Hopper, haute couture, iterative process, Jaron Lanier, John von Neumann, land reform, London Whale, Norman Mailer, Paul Graham, pink-collar, revision control, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Skype, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, supercomputer in your pocket, theory of mind, Therac-25, Turing machine, wikimedia commons, women in the workforce

According to their own tradition, they were founded by a wandering fakir, Aulchand, who sometimes proclaimed himself a madman; their members came from the “lower orders, mainly from the depressed castes, untouchables, Muslim peasants and artisans.” According to a nineteenth-century report, “Very secretly this movement has become powerful … The majority [of the Kartabhajas] are lower class and female.”22 All of these people practiced a kind of equalizing meta-religion which appeared precisely at the onset of colonialism, as the East India Company began to impose land reforms that displaced millions of peasants to the cities. These new members of the urban proletariat hijacked the language of markets and mercantilism to construct a sandhabhasha, a cryptic “intentional language” in which they both mocked the powerful and celebrated themselves: I will tell you a funny story, some news about a king. In his city, rows and rows of merchants crowd the roads. In the Central Market, in that great landmark, they import, they export, they buy, they sell, all twelve months long.


pages: 281 words: 69,107

Belt and Road: A Chinese World Order by Bruno Maçães

active measures, Admiral Zheng, autonomous vehicles, Branko Milanovic, BRICs, cloud computing, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, different worldview, Donald Trump, energy security, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global supply chain, global value chain, industrial cluster, industrial robot, Internet of things, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, liberal world order, Malacca Straits, one-China policy, Pearl River Delta, smart cities, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, trade liberalization, trade route, zero-sum game

Speaking at a conference at Tsinghua University, Lou argued that the government needed to solve the problem of structural imbalances and market distortions in the economy within the next five to seven years while maintaining 6.5 to 7 per cent growth in order to avoid the middle-income trap. To that end, he highlighted reforms in five sectors, including encouraging imports of agricultural products, accelerating reform of the hukou (household registration) system, speeding up human resources reform, pushing rural land reforms, as well as tackling social security system-related issues. Agriculture is a particularly important case. Lou argued that China needs to encourage more food imports so that it can transfer rural laborers to fill vacancies at industrial and services sectors. He called for a reduction in subsidies for farmers, urging the country to import more farm goods from abroad. “Many Chinese have this war mentality and believe the country’s food security will be endangered if war breaks out.”


pages: 699 words: 192,704

Heaven's Command (Pax Britannica) by Jan Morris

British Empire, Cape to Cairo, centralized clearinghouse, Corn Laws, European colonialism, Fellow of the Royal Society, Khartoum Gordon, Khyber Pass, land reform, land tenure, Livingstone, I presume, Magellanic Cloud, mass immigration, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, sceptred isle, Scramble for Africa, trade route

The Coercion Bill was carried, and Gladstone now felt the decks clear for progress. He had Parnell and most of his principal lieutenants arrested, and locked up on suspicion of subversion in Kilmainham Jail—a grim old fortress above the Liffey in Dublin which was the traditional place of incarceration for Irish patriots. Having proved his readiness to quell violence by force, he promptly put through a grandly conciliatory land reform bill, assuring the Irish tenants fair rents and fixed tenures. Then, in a political act of great imagination, he persuaded the imprisoned Parnell to help him implement these reforms. ‘The Chief’ was offered his release if he would use his influence to calm the country, and see the Land Act safely through. Agreement was surreptitiously reached through intermediaries, and in March 1882 Parnell and his colleagues were released under the so-called Kilmainham Treaty, The first reactions were predictable—the Irish extremists accused Parnell of selling out to the English, the English reactionaries accused Gladstone of compromising with traitors.

Burke was the planned victim, and the murderers did not know who Cavendish was: but they cut both men’s throats anyway, as they lay dying from their stab wounds, before vanishing from Phoenix Park into the city. 8 Gladstone was not deterred from his grand design. ‘Be assured it will not be in vain,’ he told Lady Frederick Cavendish, and she responded in kind: ‘across all my agony,’ she wrote in her journal, ‘there fell a bright ray of hope, and I saw in a vision Ireland at peace, and my darling’s life blood accepted as a sacrifice….’ Assured still of Parnell’s support, Gladstone proceeded from land reform towards Home Rule—domestic autonomy, that is, within a federal arrangement. Though he was briefly out of office in 1885, in 1886 he was returned again, and presented his first Home Rule Bill to Parliament. It split the nation.1 Conservatives declared it a gross betrayal of the Anglo-Irish, especially the Protestant majority of Ulster in the north—‘essentially like the English people’, cried Lord Randolph Churchill, ‘a dominant, imperial caste….


pages: 742 words: 202,902

The Brilliant Disaster: JFK, Castro, and America's Doomed Invasion of Cuba's Bay of Pigs by Jim Rasenberger

affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Gunnar Myrdal, Kitchen Debate, land reform, Torches of Freedom, William of Occam

And it would have been useful if the United States had also taken the opportunity of Castro’s visit to offer economic aid to Cuba, despite the fact that Castro conspicuously failed to ask for it. “If this had been done, Castro could not have later claimed that the U.S. did not wish to help the revolution.” In general, U.S. actions either pushed moderates to the left or left them out in the cold. The United States insisted Cuba immediately pay up, in cash, for example, for any American-owned lands expropriated in land reform measures, a demand both unrealistic and niggling, according to López-Fresquet, since everyone knew Cuba did not have the assets to do this. Worse was letting Major Díaz Lanz testify in front of Congress. This reeked of old-fashioned American high-handedness—“a direct interference in the domestic affairs of Cuba by an organ of the United States government” is how the American ambassador, Philip Bonsal, later characterized the Cuban perspective.

Cousteau, Jacques, 296 Crespo, José, 255, 256, 257 crime, organized, 24, 29 in Castro assassination plot, 81–82, 83, 89, 141–44 Crutchfield, Robert, 302, 303 Cruz, Máximo, 85, 210, 211, 250, 251, 254, 255, 257, 259, 260, 261, 262, 279, 302, 322, 324 Cuba: anti-Americanism in, 40, 77 anti-Castro stunt in, 34, 35 Bay of Pigs commemorations in, xix–xx, 401 communism in, 3, 17, 26, 27, 30, 31, 33–34, 47, 49 dictators in, 29 dissident groups in, 96, 162, 171, 214, 229, 239, 324, 393 Eisenhower’s final advice to Kennedy on, 109, 386 invasion evidence sought in, 202 invasion protested by, 198–99, 203–4, 221 land reform in, 20, 26–27, 30, 77 moderates in, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 77 organized crime in, 24, 29, 81 revolution in, 11 Soviet aid to, 52–53, 76, 78 tourism in, 29, 32, 228 U.S. concerns about, 19, 48; see also “Program of Covert Action” U.S. economic involvement in, 27, 28–29, 48, 76–77 U.S. embassy in, 35, 105 U.S. intervention in, see United States–Cuba relations U.S. trade embargo against, 92, 373 Cuban air force: Castro’s deployment of, 208, 208n, 391 in combat, 243, 244, 246, 247–49, 251, 252, 255, 271, 273, 291, 294, 301, 392 danger of, 225, 226, 229, 232, 237 equipment of, 190, 195 first strike damage to, 196, 200, 207–8 planned attack on, 4, 118, 140 second strike required on, 208, 209, 229 Soviet MiGs in, 117, 132, 271n, 376 unsuccessful follow-up strike against, 264 U.S. reconnaissance of, 171, 190 vulnerability of, 208 Cuban-Americans, conflict among, 88 Cuban exiles: Castro’s intelligence from, 170 CIA’s proposed use of, 55, 56, 68–69 CIA’s recruitment of, 73–75, 84, 96, 120, 121, 143 conflict among, 73, 119, 144 in Florida, 35, 73, 170, 313, 374, 401–2 in Watergate conspiracy, 397 see also Cuban Expeditionary Force Frente Revolutionario Democrático Cuban Expeditionary Force: accidental deaths in, 85, 206 air cover for, 234, 235, 240–42, 247–48, 255–56, 268, 269, 271, 273, 275–77, 279, 281–82, 285–86, 287–88, 289, 291–93, 295, 297 air strikes critical to, 208, 211, 221, 222, 225, 226, 235–36, 245, 247 capture of, 321, 323, 342; see also Cuban prisoners casualties in, 321, 325 in combat, 231, 232, 243, 244, 246, 247–49, 250–51, 252, 254–58, 259, 260–63, 267, 271, 273, 294–95, 300–301, 392 ground war of, 250–51 Happy Valley arrival of, 183 Happy Valley departure of, 5–6, 186 heavy equipment of, 237, 247, 254, 258, 261 Kennedy administration blamed by, 342, 380, 401 landing craft for, 106, 120, 224–25, 232, 237, 238–39 landing of, 230–33, 237–39, 243–44, 245–46, 247, 392 marooning of, 277, 279, 299, 303 memories of, 401–2 morale of, 211 retreat of, 263, 267–68, 301–2 size of, 85, 120, 134, 166 supplies for, 248, 251, 259, 260, 262, 263, 264, 267, 268, 273, 279, 286, 290, 323 survivors of, 321–23, 341–42 Taylor Committee’s findings on, 340 training of, 75, 84–85, 96, 97, 102, 105, 106, 107, 120, 136, 167, 184 U.S.


pages: 352 words: 80,030

The New Silk Roads: The Present and Future of the World by Peter Frankopan

active measures, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, blockchain, Boris Johnson, cashless society, clean water, cryptocurrency, Deng Xiaoping, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Ethereum, ethereum blockchain, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, global supply chain, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, land reform, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, Nelson Mandela, purchasing power parity, ransomware, Rubik’s Cube, smart cities, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, trade route, trickle-down economics, UNCLOS, urban planning, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game

Land purchases in Siberia have prompted a rash of headlines in the local press not only about the effect of price rises and the influx of outsiders, but warning that the Chinese had territorial intentions over Lake Baikal and the surrounding area.102 Such anxieties were hardly calmed by statements on tourism websites in China that the region had once been under Chinese control.103 The changing world is also not easy to navigate. In an unusual turnaround, land reform was put on hold in Kazakhstan in the summer of 2016 after unrest triggered by Chinese buyers acquiring leases for large areas of farmland, and proposed changes to the land code. Local farmers were concerned that they would not be able to compete with better-resourced rivals, while others voiced their unease that the country’s prime land was being parcelled off without thought of what the long-term consequences would be.104 The complexities that stem from the hard-line US approach to Iran provide another useful reminder of the realities that accompany a world on the move.


pages: 267 words: 72,552

Reinventing Capitalism in the Age of Big Data by Viktor Mayer-Schönberger, Thomas Ramge

accounting loophole / creative accounting, Air France Flight 447, Airbnb, Alvin Roth, Atul Gawande, augmented reality, banking crisis, basic income, Bayesian statistics, bitcoin, blockchain, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carbon footprint, Cass Sunstein, centralized clearinghouse, Checklist Manifesto, cloud computing, cognitive bias, conceptual framework, creative destruction, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, double entry bookkeeping, Elon Musk, en.wikipedia.org, Erik Brynjolfsson, Ford paid five dollars a day, Frederick Winslow Taylor, fundamental attribution error, George Akerlof, gig economy, Google Glasses, information asymmetry, interchangeable parts, invention of the telegraph, inventory management, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job satisfaction, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, land reform, lone genius, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Marc Andreessen, market bubble, market design, market fundamentalism, means of production, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Moneyball by Michael Lewis explains big data, multi-sided market, natural language processing, Network effects, Norbert Wiener, offshore financial centre, Parag Khanna, payday loans, peer-to-peer lending, Peter Thiel, Ponzi scheme, prediction markets, price anchoring, price mechanism, purchasing power parity, random walk, recommendation engine, Richard Thaler, ride hailing / ride sharing, Sam Altman, Second Machine Age, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, six sigma, smart grid, smart meter, Snapchat, statistical model, Steve Jobs, technoutopianism, The Future of Employment, The Market for Lemons, The Nature of the Firm, transaction costs, universal basic income, William Langewiesche, Y Combinator

It commenced in July 1971, when Fernando Flores, then head of the Chilean Production Development Corporation, asked British operations research and cybernetics pioneer Stafford Beer to build a computer system that would assist the Chilean government in planning its economy. A year earlier, physician Salvador Allende had become the first elected Marxist president in Latin America. He had been aiming for a socialist “third way” for the economy, eschewing both free markets and a Soviet-style command economy. His platform featured land reform and the nationalization of large-scale industry as its main components. But the newly nationalized industries required management. This was the reason Flores sought out Beer. They were an odd pair: the socialist economic administrator (who later would become Chile’s economic and finance minister), desiring to centrally manage most of Chile’s industry, and the iconoclastic British business-school-professor-turned-management-consultant, who had a penchant for cigars, chocolate, and whiskey.


pages: 280 words: 74,559

Fully Automated Luxury Communism by Aaron Bastani

"Robert Solow", autonomous vehicles, banking crisis, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, capital controls, cashless society, central bank independence, collapse of Lehman Brothers, computer age, computer vision, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, decarbonisation, dematerialisation, Donald Trump, double helix, Elon Musk, energy transition, Erik Brynjolfsson, financial independence, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, future of work, G4S, housing crisis, income inequality, industrial robot, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Internet of things, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, job automation, John Markoff, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Joseph Schumpeter, Kevin Kelly, Kuiper Belt, land reform, liberal capitalism, low earth orbit, low skilled workers, M-Pesa, market fundamentalism, means of production, mobile money, more computing power than Apollo, new economy, off grid, pattern recognition, Peter H. Diamandis: Planetary Resources, post scarcity, post-work, price mechanism, price stability, private space industry, Productivity paradox, profit motive, race to the bottom, RFID, rising living standards, Second Machine Age, self-driving car, sensor fusion, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Slavoj Žižek, stem cell, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, the built environment, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, transatlantic slave trade, Travis Kalanick, universal basic income, V2 rocket, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, Whole Earth Catalog, working-age population

The same approach is needed in resisting extraction of shale gas, the most glaring example of the myopia of ‘scarcism’ amid the final embers of the Second Disruption. While one part of that is to continue pursuing outright bans, like those already in place in France, Germany and New York, this must be done alongside the demand for something better. Here advocates must clamour for the alternative with and alongside communities targeted for fracking, demanding indigenous rights, local democracy and radical land reform along with calls for an end to drilling. In this respect movements in Alaska, Canada and Australia already serve as stunning examples, not to mention the case of Balcombe, a tiny village in Sussex, where a coalition of campaigners and local residents opposed plans for fracking while demanding the alternative of community-owned solar power. The call for clean energy must become synonymous not only with the expectation of permanently falling costs but also common ownership.


pages: 192

Kicking Awaythe Ladder by Ha-Joon Chang

Asian financial crisis, business cycle, central bank independence, clean water, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, fear of failure, income inequality, income per capita, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, land reform, liberal world order, moral hazard, open economy, purchasing power parity, rent-seeking, short selling, Simon Kuznets, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, Washington Consensus

To turn to other instances, De Soto documents how the recognition of squatter rights in the violation of the rights of existing property owners was crucial in developing the American West. Upham cites the famous Sanderson case in 1868, where the Pennsylvania Supreme Court overrode the existing right of landowners to claim access to clean water in favour of the coal industry, which was one of the state's key industries at the time.49 Land reform in Japan, Korea and Taiwan after the Second World War violated the existing property rights of the landlords but contributed to the subsequent development of these countries. Many argue that the nationalization of industrial enterprises after the Second World War in countries like Austria and France contributed to their industrial development by transferring certain industrial properties from a conservative and non-dynamic industrial capitalist class to professional public-sector managers with a penchant for modern technology and aggressive investments.


pages: 232

Planet of Slums by Mike Davis

barriers to entry, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, centre right, clean water, conceptual framework, crony capitalism, declining real wages, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, edge city, European colonialism, failed state, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, housing crisis, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Internet Archive, jitney, jobless men, Kibera, labor-force participation, land reform, land tenure, liberation theology, low-wage service sector, mandelbrot fractal, market bubble, megacity, microcredit, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, Pearl River Delta, Ponzi scheme, RAND corporation, rent control, structural adjustment programs, surplus humans, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor

The contrast with the 1960s is dramatic: forty years ago ideological warfare between the two great Cold War blocs generated competing visions of abolishing world poverty and rehousing slum-dwellers. With its triumphant Sputniks and ICBMs, the Soviet Union was still a plausible model of breakneck industrialization via heavy industries and five-year plans. On the other side, the Kennedy administration officially diagnosed Third World revolutions as "diseases of modernization," and prescribed — in addition to Green Berets and B-52s — ambitious land reforms and housing programs. To immunize Colombians against urban subversion, for example, the Alliance for Progress subsidized huge housing projects such as Ciudad Kennedy (80,000 people) in Bogota and Villa Socorro (12,000 people) in Medellin. The Allian^a was advertised as a Western Hemisphere Marshall Plan that would soon lift pan-American living standards to southern European, if not gringo, levels.


pages: 193 words: 63,618

The Fair Trade Scandal: Marketing Poverty to Benefit the Rich by Ndongo Sylla

British Empire, carbon footprint, corporate social responsibility, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, Doha Development Round, Food sovereignty, global value chain, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, labour mobility, land reform, market fundamentalism, mass immigration, means of production, Mont Pelerin Society, Naomi Klein, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, open economy, Philip Mirowski, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price mechanism, purchasing power parity, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, selection bias, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game

What needs to be understood here is that plantations are often perceived as a remnant of colonial practices that led to the dispossession of indigenous people in terms of both land and rights. As an example, Chiquita, the world leader of the banana trade held or controlled close to 85 per cent of available land in 1954 for growing this fruit in the main producing countries of Latin America, with the exception of Ecuador. In 80 Sylla T02779 01 text 80 28/11/2013 13:04 controversies around fair trade fact, when the government of Guatemala wanted to push its land reform by attacking Chiquita’s interests, the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) led a secret operation to topple it (Myers, 2004: 43ff.). There is also the fact that the inclusion of plantations leads to a bias in the Fair Trade approach, as multinationals prefer to work with them rather than with a multitude of small organisations of producers who often live far from the main roads. For these multinationals, collaboration with plantations presents multiple benefits: time gains, economies of scale, better guarantees in terms of quality and steady deliveries, etc.


Central America by Carolyn McCarthy, Greg Benchwick, Joshua Samuel Brown, Alex Egerton, Matthew Firestone, Kevin Raub, Tom Spurling, Lucas Vidgen

airport security, Bartolomé de las Casas, California gold rush, call centre, centre right, clean water, cognitive dissonance, currency manipulation / currency intervention, digital map, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, failed state, Francisco Pizarro, Frank Gehry, haute cuisine, illegal immigration, Joan Didion, land reform, liberation theology, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Mahatma Gandhi, Monroe Doctrine, Ronald Reagan, Skype, sustainable-tourism, trade route, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, urban sprawl, women in the workforce

Arévalo was succeeded in 1951 by Colonel Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán, who looked to break up estates and foster high productivity on small farms. But the US supported the interests of large companies such as United Fruit, and in 1954 (in one of the first documented covert CIA operations) the US government orchestrated an invasion from Honduras led by two exiled Guatemalan military officers. Arbenz was forced to step down and land reform never took place. Violence, oppression and disenfranchisement ensued, fueling the formation of left-wing guerrilla groups and fomenting discord. Civil War During the 1960s and ’70s, economic in­equality and the developing union movement forced oppression to new heights. Amnesty International estimates that 50,000 to 60,000 Guatemalans were killed during the political violence of the 1970s.

A small group of Europeans, known as the ‘fourteen families,’ controlled virtually all of the colony’s wealth and agriculture, enslaving indigenous peoples and Africans to work the land. Conflict simmered under this gross imbalance of power. A revolt against Spain in 1811 was led by Padre (Father) José Delgado. While it failed, it planted a seed of discontent. Independence was gained 10 years later, on September 15, 1821, when El Salvador became part of the Central American Federation. Pushing for land reform, Anastasio Aquino led an indigenous rebellion in 1883. Though it was subdued and Aquino executed, he became a national hero. El Salvador withdrew from the Central American Federation in 1841, but Independence Day continues to be celebrated on September 15. In Comes Coffee In the late 19th century, synthetic dyes undermined the indigo market, and coffee took the main stage. A handful of wealthy landowners expanded their properties, displacing more indigenous people.

EASTERN EL SALVADOR Eastern El Salvador may not possess the star attractions of elsewhere in the country, but with timeless mountain villages such as Alegría, the devastating war around Morazán, and its long, deserted golden beaches, even the most worldly traveler will be pleasantly surprised. Prior to the war, subsistence farming was long the primary means of survival here. The inevitable demand for nationwide land reform resonated throughout the poorer communities, and the northeast in particular became a fierce guerrilla stronghold. Far from the capital, these mountainous areas witnessed horrific atrocities – none worse than El Mozote – but barely a village was spared from the fighting, and the resilience of the locals will stir visitors for generations to come. Remittances continue to pour in from relatives working abroad – whether this is a long-term economic solution is still to be seen – but new money is nonetheless providing opportunities to a generation bristling with positive intent.


pages: 859 words: 204,092

When China Rules the World: The End of the Western World and the Rise of the Middle Kingdom by Martin Jacques

Admiral Zheng, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, credit crunch, Dava Sobel, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, discovery of the americas, Doha Development Round, energy security, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global reserve currency, global supply chain, illegal immigration, income per capita, invention of gunpowder, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, land tenure, lateral thinking, Malacca Straits, Martin Wolf, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, new economy, New Urbanism, one-China policy, open economy, Pearl River Delta, pension reform, price stability, purchasing power parity, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, special economic zone, spinning jenny, Spread Networks laid a new fibre optics cable between New York and Chicago, the scientific method, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, urban planning, Washington Consensus, Westphalian system, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, zero-sum game

The Chinese Communists - like the communist tradition more widely - sought to underline the extent to which they represented an utterly new kind of regime marking a complete break with the past. That, after all, is what revolutions are supposed to be about, especially socialist revolutions. The Communist Party directed its venom against many Chinese traditions, from the long-standing oppression of women to Confucian notions of hierarchy, and carried out a sweeping land reform in the name of class struggle. Meanwhile the West, with the exception of a brief period during the Second World War, has, more or less ever since the 1917 October Revolution, regarded Communist regimes as the devil incarnate. As a result, too little attempt has been made to understand them in their historical and cultural context, to appreciate the continuities with previous history and not just the discontinuities.

Given its achievements, it would not be surprising, moreover, if it did not also enjoy a revival in, and major enhancement of, its global reputation, a process already under way.66 In this context, we should think of China’s Communist regime quite differently from that of the USSR: it has, after all, succeeded where the Soviet Union failed. It has also, since Deng, pursued an entirely different strategy, moving away from socialism and towards capitalism, including a significant dose of neo-liberalism. China’s socialist legacy has nonetheless left a deep and continuing mark on society: the destruction of the old feudal elite in the Maoist land reform (in contrast to India); an attachment to the notion of a classless society even though this is now in rapid retreat; a strong belief in egalitarianism even amongst the urban intelligentsia; and the continuing appeal of a socialist vocabulary, as in the recent commitment of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao to build a ‘socialist countryside’.67 Whatever the fortunes of the Communist regime, however, the main political impact of China on the world will be its Confucian tradition, its lack of a Western-style democracy or tradition, the centrality of the state and the relative weakness of any civil society that is likely to develop.


pages: 650 words: 203,191

After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire Since 1405 by John Darwin

agricultural Revolution, Atahualpa, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Cape to Cairo, colonial rule, Columbian Exchange, cuban missile crisis, deglobalization, deindustrialization, European colonialism, failed state, Francisco Pizarro, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Khartoum Gordon, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Malacca Straits, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, oil shock, open economy, price mechanism, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, spice trade, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade

Asia’s immersion in the expanding Cold War masked the bitter reality of these local and regional conflicts. As so often before in Eurasian history, China’s role was crucial. By the end of 1950 its mainland had been unified under Communist rule. Mao’s remarkable victory may have owed much to the ‘peasant nationalism’ of China’s rural masses (kindled by hatred of Japan’s occupation),19 as well as to the appeal of the party’s land reform programme. The proportions are still disputed.20 But there was no doubt that China had once more resumed a premier place in East Asia, with a huge battle-hardened army. Under certain conditions, this might have resulted in an inward-looking policy of domestic reform that left China’s Asian neighbours to their own devices. In the actual climate of the early 1950s, such an outcome was unlikely.

A raft of reforms was designed to root out what were seen as the sources of Japan’s militaristic imperialism. Women were enfranchised and the voting age was lowered, more than doubling the electorate. A new constitution prescribed by the occupiers barred the armed forces from a seat in the government and renounced war as an instrument of national policy. The great family-ruled business combines or zaibatsu were broken up. Land reform reduced the power of the landlords and doubled the proportion of those who farmed their own land to some 60 per cent.27 Trade unions were encouraged. New textbooks were written, and the educational syllabus was democratized.28 So fierce an assault upon the pre-war order might have provoked a hostile reaction, since the civilian elite with whom the Americans dealt remained deeply conservative.


pages: 309 words: 86,909

The Spirit Level: Why Greater Equality Makes Societies Stronger by Richard Wilkinson, Kate Pickett

basic income, Berlin Wall, clean water, Diane Coyle, epigenetics, experimental economics, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, germ theory of disease, Gini coefficient, God and Mammon, impulse control, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), knowledge economy, labor-force participation, land reform, longitudinal study, Louis Pasteur, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, moral panic, offshore financial centre, phenotype, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit maximization, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, statistical model, The Chicago School, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, ultimatum game, upwardly mobile, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

The governments in Taiwan and Hong Kong faced rival claims from the Communist Chinese government. South Korea faced North Korea, and the governments of Singapore and the Philippines faced guerrilla forces. Describing policy in these countries, John Page, writing in a 1994 World Bank publication, said: Very explicit mechanisms were used to demonstrate the intent that all would have a share of future wealth. Korea and Taiwan carried out comprehensive land reform programs; Indonesia used rice and fertilizer price policies to raise rural incomes; Malaysia introduced explicit wealth sharing programs to improve the lot of ethnic Malays vis-à-vis the better off ethnic Chinese; Hong Kong and Singapore undertook massive public housing programs; in several economies, governments assisted workers’ cooperatives and established programs to encourage small and medium-sized enterprises.


CultureShock! Egypt: A Survival Guide to Customs and Etiquette (4th Edition) by Susan L. Wilson

air freight, anti-communist, call centre, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, land reform, RAND corporation, telemarketer, trade route

He led a nationalist movement in 1952 that ousted the Egyptian monarchy and transformed Egypt into a republic. Nasser became Prime Minister of Egypt in 1954 and subsequently negotiated an end to Britain’s 72-year occupation of Egypt. Nasser was elected president of Egypt in 1956 and remained in office until his death in 1970. His accomplishments included the construction of the Aswan High Dam, the institution of land reforms and a programme of industrialisation, and the restoration of Egyptian self-government. 278 CultureShock! Egypt Anwar el-Sadat (1918–1981) Muhammad Anwar el-Sadat succeeded Gamal Abdel Nasser as the president of Egypt in 1970, and retained the office until he was assassinated in 1981. He shared the 1978 Nobel Prize for Peace with Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin. In 1979, Egypt and Israel signed a peace treaty.


The Empathy Exams: Essays by Leslie Jamison

Atul Gawande, crowdsourcing, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, Joan Didion, land reform, Rubik’s Cube, Skype, Slavoj Žižek

Cat lives in a ramshackle house strung with Mexican fiesta flags and skirted by an apron of oddly comforting debris: a pile of old dresses, a bucket of crushed PBR cans, an empty tofu carton with its plastic flap crushed onto the dirt. Cat lives there with her boyfriend, Drew, a veteran of anarchist communal living who now works deconstruction and salvage—taking apart empty homes and selling their flooring to hip bars in northern states—and with Andrew, a community organizer who works on land reform. Their home reveals itself in dream-like pieces: a pile of crusted dishes, a bone on the floor, a giant spider lurking in a white ceramic mug, a fabric owl covered in sequins, a square of vegan spanakopita catching fire in the toaster oven, a dog to whom the bone belongs, a creek out back and a giant slab of rock for sunning and a garden too, full of beets and cabbage and spinach-for-vegan-spanakopita and blossoming sweet peas curling up wire lattice and even the tiny, barely sprouted beginning of a pecan tree.


Green Economics: An Introduction to Theory, Policy and Practice by Molly Scott Cato

Albert Einstein, back-to-the-land, banking crisis, banks create money, basic income, Bretton Woods, Buy land – they’re not making it any more, carbon footprint, central bank independence, clean water, Community Supported Agriculture, congestion charging, corporate social responsibility, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deskilling, energy security, food miles, Food sovereignty, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, gender pay gap, income inequality, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), job satisfaction, land reform, land value tax, Mahatma Gandhi, market fundamentalism, mortgage debt, passive income, peak oil, price stability, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, reserve currency, the built environment, The Spirit Level, Tobin tax, University of East Anglia, wikimedia commons

For Aldo Leopold, the intimate relationship with land, which he termed ‘land ethic’, was necessary to underpin both human relationships and ecological respect: ‘when we see land as a community to which we belong, we may begin to use it with love and respect. There is no other way for land to survive the impact of mechanized man.’7 Other commentators suggest that giving indigenous peoples the rights to their own land is a better guarantee of their protection than leaving them open to exploitation by corporations.8 The LAND AND THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT 189 BOX 12.1 MST: THE LAND RIGHTS CAMPAIGN IN BRAZIL One of the most prominent movements for land reform is the MST in Brazil (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, or Movement of Landless Rural Workers). The movement began in October 1983, when a large group of landless peasants from across the state of Rio Grande do Sul in southern Brazil occupied a 9200ha cattle ranch which was owned by an absentee landlord. Over the following eight years the movement staged 36 more occupations alongside protest rallies, marches and hunger strikes.


pages: 322 words: 84,752