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Worldmaking After Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination by Adom Getachew
agricultural Revolution, Bretton Woods, British Empire, collective bargaining, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, failed state, financial independence, Gunnar Myrdal, land reform, land tenure, liberal world order, market fundamentalism, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Mont Pelerin Society, Peace of Westphalia, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, structural adjustment programs, trade liberalization, transatlantic slave trade
In what would come to be called the year of Africa, the newly constituted African bloc in the United Nations successfully led the effort to secure passage of General Assembly resolution 1514, titled “Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples.” The declaration described foreign rule as a violation of human rights, reiterated the right to self-determination, and called for the immediate end of all forms of colonial rule.1 Resolution 1514 offered a complete repudiation of foreign rule and rejected any prerequisites for the attainment of independence. Soon after its passage, the resolution formed the basis of a new committee with broad powers to investigate colonial rule and hear petitions from colonial subjects, making colonial rule subject to international scrutiny and to the demands for self-determination.2 While 1960 marked a radical rupture in the history of modern international society, it has largely been subsumed in a standard account of decolonization where the transition from empire to nation and the expansion of international society to include new states is a seamless and inevitable development.
The UN [ 74 ] Ch a pter Thr ee Charter had relegated self-determination to a secondary principle, and the authors of the 1948 UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights had also assiduously avoided mention of self-determination. In this context, anticolonial nationalists refashioned self-determination as a right, positioned it as a prerequisite to other human rights, and argued that it entailed an immediate end to colonial rule. Understood as a claim to independence and equality, the right to self-determination served as the foundation for a domination-free and postimperial international order. This refashioning of the UN and self-determination set the stage for anticolonial nationalists to challenge the remnants of colonial rule and to legitimize new postcolonial states on the international stage. This chapter takes up the question of how self-determination emerged as a right and examines the political and theoretical implications of this transformation. I argue that anticolonial nationalists appropriated the principle of self-determination but reinvented its meaning through a novel critique of imperialism that centered on the problems of slavery and racial hierarchy.
The critique of domination and exploitation led anticolonial nationalists to endorse domestic self-government and international nondomination in the right to self-determination. Anticolonial critics highlighted the problem of empire as enslavement by exposing the hypocritical nature of liberal and humanitarian justifications of colonial rule. The 1885 General Act of the Berlin Conference, the League of Nations Covenant, and the United Nations Charter all described colonial rule as a form of trusteeship where the colonial power functioned as a “trustee” who exercised political power for the benefit of the colonized subjects. Azikiwe pointed out the Burkean origins of this account of political rule as trusteeship.43 In his early critique of British rule in India, Edmund Burke had argued that “all political power which is set over men . . . ought to be some way or other exercised ultimately for their benefit,” and described the rights and privileges of rule as a trust.44 While Burke invoked trusteeship to argue for limitations on imperial rule, by the late nineteenth century, this language was redeployed in service of expanding imperial power.
Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India by Shashi Tharoor
affirmative action, barriers to entry, Boris Johnson, British Empire, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, corporate raider, deindustrialization, European colonialism, global village, informal economy, joint-stock company, land tenure, liberal capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, night-watchman state, Parkinson's law, trade route
Even Miss Prism in Oscar Wilde’s 1895 play The Importance of Being Earnest could not fail to take note, instructing her impressionable ward Cecily to ‘read your Political Economy in my absence. The chapter on the Fall of the Rupee you may omit. It is somewhat too sensational. Even these metallic problems have their melodramatic side.’ Stealing From Indian Steel The story of the Indian steel industry demonstrates how the exploitation continued into the late colonial period, which has sometimes been represented by apologists for Empire as a more enlightened episode of colonial rule. Oppression and discrimination had merely become more sophisticated. The British were unalterably opposed to India developing its own steel industry. India had, of course, been a pioneer of steel; as early as the sixth century, crucible-formed steel, which came to be known as ‘wootz’ (a corruption of the Kannada word ‘ukku’, mistranscribed in English as ‘wook’ and mangled into ‘wootz’) steel was made in the country, and Indian steel acquired global renown as the world’s finest.
Some scholars have recently demonstrated, with impressive statistics (based on analyses of the aggregate correlates of political regimes), that a large number of former British colonies are democracies, and, indeed, that having once been a British colony is the variable most highly correlated with democracy. Myron Weiner has pointed out that, except for countries in the Americas, ‘every country with a population of at least 1 million (and almost all the smaller countries as well) that has emerged from colonial rule and has had a continuous democratic experience is a former British colony’. (There have also been former British colonies whose democratic experience has not been continuous, but featured bouts of military dictatorship, including both Pakistan and Bangladesh.) So it would seem that however much they failed to live up to their own ideas—however strongly they denied to Indians, as they had to Americans before 1776, ‘the rights of Englishmen’—the British did instil sufficient doses of the ethos of democracy into their former colonies that it outlived their tutelage.
The Times of India, established in Bombay in 1838, and the Calcutta Statesman (which began life in 1875, but incorporated the Friend of India which was founded in 1818) soon established themselves as reliable pillars of the establishment, solidly committed to British imperial interests but able to criticize the policies and actions of the government in a responsible manner. As the British expanded across northern India, The Pioneer established itself in Lucknow as the third in a colonial triumvirate of newspapers whose views could be taken as broadly representative of the British community in India. It must, therefore, be acknowledged that it was the British who first established newspapers in India, which had been unknown before colonial rule, and it is to their credit that they allowed Indians to emulate them in doing so both in English, catering to the tiny English-educated elite (and its aspirational imitators) and in Indian vernacular languages. The Bombay Samachar, in Gujarati, was founded in 1822 (it is still running, and proudly calls itself the oldest newspaper in Asia still in print) and a few decades later, two Bengali-owned newspapers followed suit in Calcutta, The Bengalee in 1879 (later purchased, and edited for thirty-seven years, by Surendra Nath Banerjea after he left the ICS) and the formidable Amrita Bazar Patrika in 1868 (which, after being founded as a Bengali-language publication, then became a bilingual weekly for a time, before turning into an English-language newspaper in 1878 to advocate nationalist interests.
After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire Since 1405 by John Darwin
agricultural Revolution, Atahualpa, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Cape to Cairo, colonial rule, Columbian Exchange, cuban missile crisis, deglobalization, deindustrialization, European colonialism, failed state, Francisco Pizarro, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Khartoum Gordon, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Malacca Straits, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, oil shock, open economy, price mechanism, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, spice trade, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade
Indeed, some modern writers reject the validity of any comparison between different cultures (because no one can be an insider in more than one culture), in the curious belief that a much-jumbled world is really composed of distinct and original cultures. Post-colonial history takes a generally sceptical view of the European impact and an even more sceptical view of the ‘improvements’ once claimed for colonial rule. It treats ‘colonial’ history as myopic and biased, perhaps even delusory, and its claims as so much propaganda aimed at opinion at home. Indeed, closer inspection has suggested an ironic reversal of the colonialist case. Far from dragging backward peoples towards European-style modernity, colonial rule was more likely to impose a form of ‘antimodernity’. Caste in India symbolized Indian backwardness. Yet British rulers, for their own convenience, struck a bargain with Brahmins to harden caste status into an administrative system (formalized in the census).16 In colonial Africa a parallel process took place as clans and followings were reinvented as ‘tribes’, with chiefly rulers as their ancestral leaders.17 Here, as in India, a political gambit was carefully packaged as an act of respect to local tradition.
The European effort after 1890 to drive deeper into China’s society and economy was scarcely under way before it was choked off by the geopolitical changes of the First World War. Europe’s colonization of Asia had been a patchy affair, only shallowly rooted in much of South East Asia (where colonial rule had gained limited purchase before the 1890s). It was much more impressive on the continent’s maritime fringes than it was inland. (In this respect, as in others, India was different.) It was partly this that explained why it fell apart so quickly in 1941–2, and staged only a brief recovery after 1945. Yet change after 1945 was real enough. Less than ten years later, colonial rule had all but vanished from South, East and South East Asia. Where it still persisted, the timetable for independence wasalready drawn up, or the territory concerned was of trivial importance. The exception was Hong Kong.
It took nearly three hundred years for the corner of India where Vasco da Gama had landed to fall under European rule (Calicut was annexed by the British in 1792). The rush started only at the turn of the nineteenth century. Not just the timing, but the form and direction of Europe’s expansion need more explanation. Why did the Ottoman Empire and Iran preserve their autonomy long after India, which was much further away? Why was India subjected to colonial rule while China was able to keep its sovereign status, though much hedged about, and Japan had become a colonial power by 1914? If industrial capitalism was the key to the spread of European influence, why did its impact take so long to be felt across so much of the world, and with such variable consequences? Why were Europe’s own divisions, periodically unleashed with such lethal effect, not more destructive of its imperial ambitions?
A Concise History of Modern India (Cambridge Concise Histories) by Barbara D. Metcalf, Thomas R. Metcalf
affirmative action, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, commoditize, demand response, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, income inequality, joint-stock company, Khyber Pass, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, means of production, new economy, Silicon Valley, spice trade, telemarketer, trade route, upwardly mobile, urban planning
., 64, 68 Bayly, Susan, 7 Beames, John, 94, 95, 104, 106, 110–11, 120 beauty contests, 283–4 Bedi, Kiran, 279 Benares, 21, 83, 103 Bengal adda, 89 bhadralok, 88–9, 156, 178 British conquest, 51–5 communists, 243, 252 famines, 78, 209 independence migrations, 222 independence negotiations, 215, 216, 219 Mughal period, 15, 31, 35 Muslims, 7, 215 nationalist movements, 197, 206 Naxalite movement, 253 nineteenth-century, 93 partition (1905), 155–62, 175 Permanent Settlement, 78–9, 88, 103 pre-colonial period, 2, 8, 14 princely sovereignties, 96 reform movements, 142 rice growing, 250 Santals, 86 Tebhaga movement, 223 women, 146–7 Bengali language, 120 324 Index Bentham, Jeremy, 81 Bentick, Lord William, 82, 88, 89, 305 Berat, 12 Besantm Annie, 164 bhadradok, 88–9, 156, 178 Bhagalpur, 277 Bhairagis, 42 Bhakti, xxi, 8, 13, 14, 143 Bharat, 275–6 Bharati, Uma, 279 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), 264, 266–7, 272, 273, 275, 280, 281–3, 287–95, 296, 298, 299–300 Bharatiya Lok Dal, 258 Bharatput, 35 Bharris, 80 Bhave, Vinoba, 245 Bhils tribe, 80, 86 Bhimsen, 29–30 Bhindranwale, Sant Jarnail Singh, 259 Bhonsle, 44 Bhopal, 261–2 Bhubaneshwar, 235 Bhutan, 226 Bidar, 12 Bihar, 53, 126, 153–4, 156, 161, 165, 176, 177, 189, 196, 206, 217, 255, 280 Bijapur, 12, 23 Bijnor, 100 Birbal, 18 Birla family, 126 Blavatsky, Madame, 164 Bofors affair, 264 Bollywood, 237–9, 266 Bombay, 47, 48, 91, 126, 127, 135, 157, 196, 212 Bombay Plan 1944, 216 Bombay Presidency, xxiii, 241–2 Bombay Presidency Association, 136 Bose, Subhas Chandra, xiv, 189, 204, 210 boundaries, post-independence, 240–2 Boxer rebellion, 131 Brahmans, xviii, xxi, 3, 5, 15, 18, 24, 59, 91, 141, 179 Brahmo Samaj, 86, 88, 114, 139, 142 bribery, 265 Brindaban, 22 British rule, see colonial rule Buchanan, Francis, 64 Buddhism, xviii, xxi, xxvii, 63 Bulhe Shah, 42 bungalows, 109, 110 Burke, Edmund, 57, 67 Burma, 90, 95, 131, 154, 204, 209, 210 Buxar, battle of (1764) Calcutta Bengal partition, 157 bhadralok, 88–9, 178 British conquest, 51–2 British settlement, 66 capital of India, 68, 160, 161 English education, 83, 89 Fort William College, 60, 88, 89 Great Calcutta Killing 1946, 217 independence settlement, 219 Mahakali Pathshala, 148–9 nineteenth-century society, 88–9 trade, 47, 51 World War II, 209 Calcutta Presidency, xxiii, 56 Canada, 167, 190 canals, 97–9 Canning, Lord Charles John, 103, 105 castes, xvii and army, 61 colonial era, 91, 112, 117, 138–9 Communal Award 1932, 194–5 dals, 89 and Gandhi, 173, 176 Mandal Commission, 267, 274–5, 289–90 non-Brahmans, 119, 141, 179, 191 Other Backward Castes (OBC), 270, 274 pre-colonial India, 3, 24 reform, 142, 302 scheduled castes and tribes, 232–3, 274, 278 untouchables, see dalits and VHP, 289 Cawnpore (Kanpur), 103, 106, 107, 163 censuses, 112, 138, 270 Central Provinces, 196 Ceylon (Sri Lanka), 131, 263 Index Chadwick Report 1842, 108 Chaitanya (1486–1533), 13 Chandigarh, 235–7, 259, 260–1 Chapekar, Balkrishna, 154 Chapekar, Damodar, 154 Charles II, 48 Chartism, 93 Chatterjee, Bankim Chandra, 122, 135, 144, 156, 159 Chatterjee, Joya, 219 Chatterjee, Partha, xvi Chattopadhyay, Swati, 148 Chauhanm Rajput Prithviraj, 4 Chauri Chaura killings, 178, 182, 183 Chettiars, 199 Chettiars, Nattukottai, 131 China, 75–6, 126, 189, 244, 247–8, 253, 286, 291, 296 Chingiz Khan, 14 Chisti, 8, 43 Chitral, 154 Cholas, xviii, xxvii Chowdhry, Nawab ’Ali, 159–60 Christian Indians, 288 Christianity, xxvii, 18, 47–8, 81, 83, 143, 289 Churchill, Winston, 169, 182, 193, 205, 212 cinema, 73, 237–9, 256, 279 civil disobedience, see non-cooperation civil service 1945, 212 British administration, 59–60, 110–11, 120 Cornwallis reforms, 60, 66 Indian Administrative Service, 60, 83, 232, 254–5, 274 class and Gandhi, 187–8 peasants, see peasants and VHP, 289–90 Clinton, Bill, 294 Clive, Robert, 51–4, 59, 60–1, 72, 305–6 Coca-Cola, 271 Cohn, Bernard, 29, 57, 105 Cold War, 247, 267, 301 colonial rule 1890s calamities, 150–3 325 Bengal conquest, 51–5 burden of past, 265–70, 301, 303, 304 collaborators, 131–7 conquest and settlement, 68–81, 90–1 Dalhousie administration, 94–9 East India Company, 44–55 English-educated Indians, 118–20 foundation of colonial rule, 57–68 global British imperialism, 124–31 historiography, 302–3 Indian society under Company rule, 81–91 indirect rule, 75 interwar period, 167–202 ‘modern state’, 92–4 modernity, 114–18 ‘natural’ Indian leaders, 114–16, 133 pre-World War I society, 123–66 revolts, see revolts social structures, 108–14, 133–4 transfer of authority to crown, 103–4 World War I, 162–6 Communal Award 1932, 194–5 communalism, 303 communists, 188–9, 223, 243, 252, 264, 273, 281 Congress Socialist Party, 243 Constitution abolition of colonial categories, 270 amendments, 255, 278, 291 federalism, 191, 232 independent India, 231–3 Cornwallis, Lord, 56, 59, 60, 66, 78 corruption, 261, 265, 287, 288 cotton, 75, 119, 155 counter-terrorism, 301 cow protection, 152–3, 228 Cripps, Stafford, 205 culture colonial era, 62–6, 139 Mughals, 40–3 Curzon, Lord George, 123–4, 131, 155–7, 306 Dacca, 51, 76, 159 Dadu (1544–1603), 13 Dalai Lama, 247 Dale, Stephen, 14–15 326 Index Dalhousie administration, 94–9, 104 dalits, xxi Communal Award 1932, 194–5 definition, xxi and Gandhi, 173, 194 independent India, 232–3, 265, 270, 302 and self-rule movement, 194 women, 278 Dalmia, Vasudha, 117, 143–4 dals, 89 Daman, 242 Damascus, 5 Dara Shukoh (1615–58), 20–1 Darbhanga, 149 Das, C.
With the advent of Islamic rulers in the early thirteenth century, Indian culture rigidified, political life gave way to despotism, and the gap between foreign ‘Muslim’ rulers and a native ‘Hindu’ populace of necessity made for a fragile Sultans, Mughals, and pre-colonial Indian society 3 structure. Moral arguments, particularly a focus on what became a caricature of Aurangzeb’s ‘intolerance’, were central in explaining ‘decline’. Stage three brought modern British colonial rule with its enlightened leadership, scientific progress, and professed tutelage to independence. This tripartite schema was explicit in much British writing, and it often underlay even anti-colonial Indian nationalist historiography. Even today it has been tenaciously persistent as unrecognized ‘common sense’ in historical writing; and, as we shall see in chapter 9, this periodization is today treated as fact in Hindu nationalist ideologies.
Were they to search out supposed legal principles which had ‘continued unchanged from remotest antiquity’; or were 58 A Concise History of Modern India they to follow in the footsteps of their immediate predecessors, the Nawabs of Bengal? Both principle and practice were at stake as the British debated these questions. On one thing, however, the British were agreed. They could not avow a preference for ‘despotism’, for a commitment to the ‘rule of law’, in their view, defined them as a ‘civilized’ nation, and so alone could give legitimacy to their Raj. Yet colonial rule by its very nature could not help but create its own version of the ‘despotic’. Two fundamental convictions shaped Hastings’s jurisprudence. One was that, as the historian Bernard Cohn has written, there existed in India ‘a fixed body of laws, codes that had been set down or established by “law givers” and that over time these had become corrupted by accretions, interpretations, and commentaries’.
Amritsar 1919: An Empire of Fear and the Making of a Massacre by Kim Wagner
Any accommodation of liberal attitudes or concessions to Indian nationalists were anathema to the likes of Sir Michael O’Dwyer, Lieutenant-Governor-General of Punjab, who embodied the traditional Punjab school of colonial governance.24 Most officials within the colonial administration of Punjab believed that only British rule prevented the subcontinent from drifting into the kind of chaos and cruelty that had prevailed before the East India Company assumed control at the end of the eighteenth century. Indians were still bound by caste and superstition, and Hindus and Muslims bound to get at each other’s throats were it not for the calming and civilising influence of the Raj. Deeply invested in a style of colonial rule referred to as ‘despotic paternalism’, O’Dwyer and his supporters believed it to be their duty to protect the peasants of Punjab, whom they regarded as the ‘real India’, from the self-serving and corrupting influences of educated nationalists and urban elites. Any attempt at loosening the reins of colonial rule was thus met with an almost instinctive wave of protest by British officials with nothing but scorn for those liberals, who might be well-meaning, as one administrator put it, but who have ultimately ‘helped to weaken our rule in India’.25 O’Dwyer accordingly described the reforms as ‘diabolical’ and asserted that the masses, whom he claimed to understand and to speak for, did not actually want political change, let alone ‘self-determination’.26 O’Dwyer’s views were well known, and even notorious, among the very class of educated Indians that he despised.
Rather than an exceptional episode, ‘in singular and sinister isolation’, the Amritsar Massacre revealed the inner workings, and imagined vulnerability, of British colonial rule in India. Although contemporary events, such as the Easter Rising in Ireland in 1916 or the outbreak of violence in Egypt in March 1919, might have provided the more obvious precedents for Dyer to act upon, it was still events sixty years earlier that guided his actions. At Amritsar on 13 April 1919, Dyer was not responding to the dramatically changed political situation of the post-war Empire. Rather, as the writer E.J. Thompson put it in 1927, ‘it was our inherited thought concerning the Mutiny and Indians and India that drove him on. The ghosts of Cooper and Cowan presided over Jallianwala.’30 Not only did the spectre of the ‘Mutiny’ exacerbate perceived threats, it also obscured the nature of the real challenges facing colonial rule in 1919. When Michael O’Dwyer was called upon to justify the deportation of Kitchlew and Satyapal, he made a remarkable claim: ‘I felt that if they stayed there longer a very grave state of rebellion and bloodshed would be brought about and in fact, even their deportation did not obviate such occurrences.’31 O’Dwyer’s assessment of the unrest in Punjab thus ignored the fact that it was British panic, and pre-emptive action, that sparked the riots on 10 April, which eventually led to the Amritsar Massacre.
Presented without any real context in the movie, the Amritsar Massacre functions simply as a grim vignette to illustrate the power of Gandhi’s message of non-violence. The speaker at Jallianwala Bagh is giving voice to the doctrine of Satyagraha, or soul-force, when he is silenced, quite literally, by British bullets. The massacre is thus depicted as the inevitable result of the clash between Gandhi’s righteous struggle and the oppression of colonial rule – or, to use Niall Ferguson’s awkward analogy, the clash between soul-force and fist-force. Yet the violence unleashed on the unarmed men, women and children at Amritsar is entirely embodied by Edward Fox’s Dyer: a man seemingly incapable of emotions, who appears as nothing so much as an automaton. Concluding the depiction of the massacre with the scene from the Hunter Committee inquiry, in which Dyer is effectively put on trial, the movie thus presents the massacre as an aberration and one which the British Government ultimately disavowed.
The Empire Project: The Rise and Fall of the British World-System, 1830–1970 by John Darwin
anti-communist, banking crisis, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, cognitive bias, colonial rule, Corn Laws, European colonialism, floating exchange rates, full employment, imperial preference, Joseph Schumpeter, Khartoum Gordon, Kickstarter, labour mobility, land tenure, liberal capitalism, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, Mahatma Gandhi, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, New Urbanism, open economy, railway mania, reserve currency, Right to Buy, rising living standards, Scientific racism, South China Sea, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transaction costs, transcontinental railway, undersea cable
Official endorsement of the idea of a league, the publication of Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and the emergence of Labour (which Hobson joined in 1918) as a mass-based party, strengthened its claim on public attention. Hobson's warnings were echoed by the band of writers who made up Labour's ‘intelligence branch’ in imperial policy: Leonard Woolf, whose Empire and Commerce in Africa (1920) denounced colonial rule as a licence to rob; Sydney Olivier, whose The League of Nations and Primitive Peoples (1918) pressed the case for international trusteeship; and E. D. Morel, veteran of the Congo campaign, who published The Black Man's Burden in 1920. Their critical view of the pre-war world (Olivier believed that the humanitarian traditions of colonial rule had been corrupted by business after 1890)143 chimed with a larger body of ‘middle opinion’ disillusioned by political, diplomatic and economic failure in the aftermath of the war. A new commitment to the reconstruction of Europe was urged by Alfred Zimmern in Europe in Convalescence (1922).
In 1955, at the Bandung ‘Asian-African’ conference (to which colonial leaders were invited), Nehru and Sukarno, the Indonesian prime minister, urged ‘non-alignment’ for Afro-Asian states, rejecting association with either the West or the Soviet bloc, and calling for the swift end of colonial rule.4 By the mid-1950s, the United Nations was becoming the forum where post-colonial states could make common cause, and mount a propaganda offensive against the remaining colonial powers. This trend was dramatically strengthened by the Suez crisis in 1956 after which Britain became for many ex-colonial states ‘Public Enemy Number One’.5 Their third assumption was also subject to rapid erosion as the decade proceeded. But, in 1951–2, it was still possible for senior ministers to take satisfaction in the moral reputation of British colonial rule and of British foreign policy generally. This strengthened their resistance to calls for a more rapid contraction of Britain's imperial role and deepened their confidence that ex-colonial states would want a special relationship with their former imperial master.
The Empire Project The British Empire, wrote Adam Smith, ‘has hitherto been not an empire, but the project of an empire’ and John Darwin offers a magisterial global history of the rise and fall of that great imperial project. The British Empire, he argues, was much more than a group of colonies ruled over by a scattering of British expatriates until eventual independence. It was, above all, a global phenomenon. Its power derived rather less from the assertion of imperial authority than from the fusing together of three different kinds of empire: the settler empire of the ‘white dominions’; the commercial empire of the City of London; and ‘Greater India’ which contributed markets, manpower and military muscle. This unprecedented history charts how this intricate imperial web was first strengthened, then weakened and finally severed on the rollercoaster of global economic, political and geostrategic upheaval on which it rode from beginning to end.
The White Man's Burden: Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good by William Easterly
airport security, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, clean water, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, Edward Glaeser, end world poverty, European colonialism, failed state, farmers can use mobile phones to check market prices, George Akerlof, Gunnar Myrdal, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, income per capita, Indoor air pollution, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, Live Aid, microcredit, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, publication bias, purchasing power parity, randomized controlled trial, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, structural adjustment programs, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transaction costs, War on Poverty, Xiaogang Anhui farmers
Congress with little or no input on the proposed draft from congressional committees, the judiciary, the bar, business interests, law schools, or other stakeholders, I would be looking for a new career rather quickly. Based on many current practices, however, that career could easily be found abroad ‘helping’ transition countries with the same process.45 Titling Toward Confusion in Kenya Lord Lugard, the architect of British colonial rule in Africa, said land tenure follows “a steady evolution, side by side with the evolution of social progress.” This “natural evolution” leads to “individual ownership.” The Native Land Tenure Rules of 1956 privatized land in Kenya, advertising it as “a normal step in the evolution of a country,” under which “energetic or rich Africans will be able to acquire more land.” The anthropologist Parker Shipton, one of the few outsiders who bothered studying the region in detail, looked at the consequences of land titling for the Luo tribe in western Kenya in the early 1980s.46 The traditional system among the Luo was a complicated maze of swapping plots among kin and seasonal exchanges of land for labor and livestock.
The colonialists left behind independent states with arbitrary borders that had little chance to build up popular legitimacy. Sometimes these governments comprised little more than an independence agitator, an army, and a foreign aid budget. Although they had shallow roots, the new states brought benefits to their new leaders. The new rulers could use the inherited colonial army to levy high taxes on natural resources or any other valuable economic activity, and they had a tradition of autocratic colonial rule and economic planning. It was not surprising that most of these new states were unfriendly to both economic and political freedoms. Sponsoring Native Autocrats To make things worse, colonial administration had reinforced autocracy. The preferred method of colonial administration had been “indirect rule,” relying on native rulers or intermediaries. Columbia University professor Mahmood Mamdani labels this system in Africa “decentralized despotism.”
Moreover, the specific problems created by colonialism seem to reflect more Europeans’ incompetence than their avarice. Certainly there was change over time from the era of annihilation of indigenous people and African slavery in the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries to the more beneficent empires of the nineteeth and twentieth centuries, just as nation-building today is more beneficent than colonial rule. Kipling wrote “The White Man’s Burden” at the height of the imperial era in 1898. Before that, the British government ban on the slave trade in 1807 inaugurated a more humanitarian imperial era. The British agreed to take over Sierra Leone in 1808 from a chartered company, which had failed to make the country a haven for freed slaves (most of whom had died). The British acted out of humanitarian concern, including the desire for a base to prevent the slave trade.
The Tyranny of Experts: Economists, Dictators, and the Forgotten Rights of the Poor by William Easterly
"Robert Solow", air freight, Andrei Shleifer, battle of ideas, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, Carmen Reinhart, clean water, colonial rule, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, discovery of the americas, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, Francisco Pizarro, fundamental attribution error, germ theory of disease, greed is good, Gunnar Myrdal, income per capita, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, John Snow's cholera map, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, M-Pesa, microcredit, Monroe Doctrine, oil shock, place-making, Ponzi scheme, risk/return, road to serfdom, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, urban planning, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey, young professional
JUSTIFYING COLONIALISM: THE ROLE OF THE STATE Hailey’s Africa report displayed the usual technocratic genius for recommending actions while avoiding the question of who should be given the power to take those actions. After the outbreak of war required a new justification for colonial rule to save the empire, Hailey was then ready to answer the question of who should have the power for action. Hailey took the first major step in articulating his new justification for colonial rule on October 29, 1941, at a lunch-time lecture to the members of the Royal Empire Society. Entitled “A New Philosophy of Colonial Rule,” its breakthrough insight concerned the role of the state in the colonies: “It is the primary function of the State to concentrate its attention on the improvement of the standards of living and the extension of the social services in the Dependencies. . . .
As one colonial official put it, “Colonial subjects might be tempted to say that they have not much freedom to defend.”1 Other officials and observers feared a worldwide revolt by nonwhites against white rule, perhaps led by the rising power, Japan, and destroying the empire. The British realized during the new war that racism was becoming a serious political liability. The failure to endorse Japan’s racial equality proposal at the Versailles peace talks after the previous war was now a huge embarrassment. Lord Hailey would attempt to remove this liability during World War II by reinventing yet again the idea of technocratic development as a justification for colonial rule. The empire’s legitimacy was going to be based on its technical ability to achieve rapid development, not on the racial superiority of the British. The empire could present itself as a benevolent autocrat for the colonial peoples. The British even banned racist statements by colonial officials to conform to the new narrative, although the victims of racism knew that such a ban did not immediately change racist attitudes.2 Ironically, Lord Hailey’s justification for colonialism and his cover-up of racism would later appeal to the anticolonial victims of racism, the new African political leaders who would emerge after the sooner-than-expected collapse of the British African empire in the 1950s and early 1960s.
Second, it found an opportunity to hire a black economic adviser for the Colonial Office, the previously mentioned W. Arthur Lewis. Lord Hailey himself hired Lewis on September 4, 1941. Although Lewis was too young and too black to have any influence on colonial policy for the rest of the war, it was a notable milestone. 15 The next step in saving the empire was Lord Hailey’s formulation of technocratic development as a justification for colonial rule. The way Lord Hailey became the key colonial official on development ideas itself reflected a technocratic mind-set. LORD HAILEY’S AFRICAN SURVEY William Malcolm Hailey had been an unlikely member of the Colonial Service to become Britain’s leading official Africanist. He had spent his career not in Africa but in India. He had arrived in India in 1894 at the age of twenty-two, an admirer of Kipling.
Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty by Daron Acemoglu, James Robinson
"Robert Solow", Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, Atahualpa, banking crisis, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, BRICs, British Empire, central bank independence, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, Corn Laws, creative destruction, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, discovery of the americas, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, financial independence, financial innovation, financial intermediation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, invention of movable type, invisible hand, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, land reform, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, Mohammed Bouazizi, Paul Samuelson, price stability, profit motive, Rosa Parks, Scramble for Africa, Simon Kuznets, spice trade, spinning jenny, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, trade liberalization, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, union organizing, upwardly mobile, Washington Consensus, working poor
It might seem obvious that everyone should have an interest in creating the type of economic institutions that will bring prosperity. Wouldn’t every citizen, every politician, and even a predatory dictator want to make his country as wealthy as possible? Let’s return to the Kingdom of Kongo we discussed earlier. Though this kingdom collapsed in the seventeenth century, it provided the name for the modern country that became independent from Belgian colonial rule in 1960. As an independent polity, Congo experienced almost unbroken economic decline and mounting poverty under the rule of Joseph Mobutu between 1965 and 1997. This decline continued after Mobutu was overthrown by Laurent Kabila. Mobutu created a highly extractive set of economic institutions. The citizens were impoverished, but Mobutu and the elite surrounding him, known as Les Grosses Legumes (the Big Vegetables), became fabulously wealthy.
Though the slave trade mostly ended after 1807, subsequent European colonialism not only threw into reverse nascent economic modernization in parts of southern and western Africa but also cut off any possibility of indigenous institutional reform. This meant that even outside of areas such as Congo, Madagascar, Namibia, and Tanzania, the areas where plunder, mass disruption, and even whole-scale murder were the rule, there was little chance for Africa to change its institutional path. Even worse, the structures of colonial rule left Africa with a more complex and pernicious institutional legacy in the 1960s than at the start of the colonial period. The development of the political and economic institutions in many African colonies meant that rather than creating a critical juncture for improvements in their institutions, independence created an opening for unscrupulous leaders to take over and intensify the extraction that European colonialists presided over.
As we will see (this page–this page), in the nineteenth century, King Khama, the grandfather of Botswana’s first prime minister at independence, Seretse Khama, initiated institutional changes to modernize the political and economic institutions of his tribe. Quite uniquely, these changes were not destroyed in the colonial period, partly as a consequence of Khama’s and other chiefs’ clever challenges to colonial authority. Their interplay with the critical juncture that independence from colonial rule created laid the foundations for Botswana’s economic and political success. It was another case of small historical differences mattering. There is a tendency to see historical events as the inevitable consequences of deep-rooted forces. While we place great emphasis on how the history of economic and political institutions creates vicious and virtuous circles, contingency, as we have emphasized in the context of the development of English institutions, can always be a factor.
It's Our Turn to Eat by Michela Wrong
Berlin Wall, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, Doha Development Round, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, Kibera, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, oil shock, out of africa, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, structural adjustment programs, upwardly mobile, young professional, zero-sum game, éminence grise
Long before Barack Obama's ancestry came to intrigue the Western public, a pith-helmeted fantasy woven from Ernest Hemingway's tales and Martha Gellhorn's writings, the escapades of the Delamere family, stories of the man-eating lions of Tsavo, Karen Blixen's Out of Africa and the White Mischief cliché – all references irrelevant to ordinary Kenyans but stubbornly sustained by the tourism industry – guaranteed the country a level of brand recognition other African states could only dream about. But there are less romantic reasons for Kenya's disproportionately high profile. The most advanced economy in the region – thanks in part to the network of roads, cities, railroads and ports left by the British – Kenya has held linchpin status ever since independence by mere dint of what it is not. It has never been Uganda, where Idi Amin and Milton Obote demonstrated how brutal post-colonial rule could turn; or Rwanda, mourning a genocide that left nearly a million dead; or Sudan, venue for one of the continent's longest civil wars. In place of Ethiopia's feeding stations and Somalia's feuding warlords, it offered safari parks and five-star coastal hotels. Kenya's dysfunctional neighbours have always made it look good in comparison. It had made the right choice in the Cold War lottery, allying itself with the winning, capitalist side.
In Nairobi's sprawling slums, the largest and most sordid in Africa, Western-funded non-governmental organisations (NGOs) provided basic services, not the state, of which nothing was expected. When Kenya marked forty years of independence in 2003, newspaper cartoonists could not resist highlighting the cruel trick history had played on the country. They captured its itinerary in a series of chronological snapshots: in the first, an ordinary Kenyan in a neat suit and shined shoes stands sulking under white colonial rule. In the second, a free man under Kenyatta leaps for joy, but his suit is beginning to look distinctly tatty. By the Moi era, the emaciated mwananchi is crawling, not walking. His suit is in tatters, he has lost his shoes, and, eyes crazed, he is begging for alms. The statistics made the same point, in drier fashion: living standards in the independent, sovereign state of Kenya were actually lower than when the hated British ruled the roost.
The dividing line between work and play blurred as John methodically extended an already enormous social circle to include any players with the insights and experience that might help him in the Herculean task of cleaning out Kenya's Augean stables. Since childhood, John had possessed a talent for bonding with people from different spheres. Thrusting Kenyan yuppies and world-weary Asian lawyers, doddery white leftovers from the days of colonial rule and impassioned activists from Kenya's civil society, lowly taxi drivers and puffed-up permanent secretaries: they might not be able to talk to one another, but they could all, somehow, talk to John. He might not have the hormonal magnetism that allows a man to electrify a crowd, but when it came to the one-on-one encounter, few were more beguiling. Researching this book, I would at first be taken aback and then quietly amused to discover just how many people I spoke to were convinced they enjoyed a special bond with John, sharing unique intimacies and confidences.
Imperial Legacies by Jeremy Black;
affirmative action, British Empire, centre right, colonial rule, Donald Trump, European colonialism, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, imperial preference, Khartoum Gordon, mass immigration, Monroe Doctrine, out of africa, Scramble for Africa, transatlantic slave trade
This is a somewhat problematic view that does not really address the more widespread prevalence of coerced labor, including slavery, not at least within Africa. In a remark with which, Americans well-up on “statue wars” will be familiar, she remarked, “Having it on the parlour wall, in my view, sent mixed messages about the city council’s values today.” The same month, Satyapal Singh, the Indian minister for higher education, denounced evolution as the legacy of British colonial rule in the shape of an education system reinforcing an imperialist mentality. Instead, he announced that he would offer a new Hindu theory on the origin of species. It is difficult to see imperial amnesia in the contention of recent years over the history of the British Empire. Indeed, empire is an aspect of the culture wars: sometimes ridiculous, sometimes bitter, and sometimes both, in Britain and elsewhere, of recent years.
The transfer of blame to the British Empire and/or to the United States was all too typical of a postcolonial failure to accept responsibility, a process also seen in debate within Britain and the United States. The creation of a new national history, the post-independence rethinking of the colonial period, and the need to “place” the latter in a hostile light have led to an emphasis on resistance to colonial rule, for example, by the Maroons of Jamaica in the eighteenth century, and also the “Indian Rebellion,” the renaming of the “Indian Mutiny.” However, this emphasis tended to involve a misleading treatment of much resistance in terms of later, nationalistic, anti-colonialism. An instructive instance is provided with the presentation of the Moroccan siege of English-held Tangier in 1680, in terms of postcolonial politics of resistance.10 That scarcely describes a situation in which Islamic anti-Christian feeling was more to the fore; Morocco was itself an empire with a history from the early 1590s of violent expansionism south across the Sahara into the Niger Valley, and its prime challenges came from Ottoman power based in neighboring Algiers and from Spain and Portugal; and not from England, later Britain, which, had obtained Tangier as a royal dowry.
Ironically, in terms of their rhetoric, many of the newly independent states, such as Egypt, were authoritarian and/or militaristic, a point that underlines the complexity of judging British policy in the Suez Crisis of 1956.18 Moreover, “the underlying centrality of slavery in the historical relationship between Egypt and the Sudan” was such that anti-colonial nationalism in Egypt was readily compatible with an Egyptian determination to regain power over Sudan,19 where, if earlier British colonial rule was, to a degree, violent and destabilizing,20 so also had been that of Egypt. Other states that can be seen as authoritarian and/or military include Nigeria and Pakistan. Each in effect was a type of empire, in that groups based in one part of the state, the Punjab, for example, ruled more broadly and suppressed opposition, as in Baluchistan in Pakistan and the Ibo-inhabited region in Southeastern Nigeria.
Blood River: A Journey to Africa's Broken Heart by Tim Butcher
airport security, blood diamonds, clean water, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, discovery of the americas, European colonialism, failed state, Live Aid, Livingstone, I presume, Scramble for Africa, transatlantic slave trade
With a surface area of more than three million square kilometres, it was claimed not by Belgium, but by the king himself. Never in history, neither before nor since, has a single person claimed ownership of a larger tract of land. The territory was mostly virgin rainforest and savannah, crisscrossed by the Congo River and its countless tributaries, inhabited by millions of Congolese, but in those first years of colonial rule it was not the natives who posed the greatest threat to Leopold's interests. Arab slavers in the east of the country - the ones whose stories of a mighty river in the centre of Africa first attracted Livingstone and Stanley in the 1860s and 1870s - were a much greater concern for Leopold. Many of these Arabs had already lived for decades in the east of the country, organising raiding parties to plunder slaves and ivory, which would then be transported by caravan back to the large Arab trading centres around Zanzibar.
At last I could see why the Belgians knew it as the `Pearl of Tanganyika'. 'I was horn near Liege, but arrived here in 1951. I was in my twenties and my job was as a teacher of social science. My duties were to teach Congolese ladies who came from villages about life in towns such as this one. We had classes in water hygiene, cooking, baby care and that sort of thing. People remember the Belgian colonial rule as a time for cruelty, but towards the end progress was being made across all of society. I used to live with a nurse who worked on a health programme that was successful in ending leprosy in the area and much of the malaria. Can you imagine that? Today, leprosy and malaria are killing thousands of people all over the Congo.' In 1960, within days of independence being granted to the Congo, the first violence broke out.
Now look what has happened. Look at where I live.' We were standing in an old shop in what one day had been a terrace close to the Belgian monument in Kasongo. Part of the roof was missing and the damp floor was cluttered with rather secondrate bric-a-brac - broken furniture, stained clothing, dirty cooking pots. Vermond clearly had a thing about hats because among his possessions I spotted a classic icon of Belgian colonial rule, a cream-coloured sun helmet, the sort of topi Tintin wore through out his Tintin Ali Congo adventures. Seeing it made me think of all the black-and-white photographs I had seen during my research of Congolese colonials carrying out the business of colonialism - stalking past railway stations or peering from road bridges or surveying copper mines - and always doing it while wearing one of these topis.
Africa: A Biography of the Continent by John Reader
agricultural Revolution, British Empire, Cape to Cairo, clean water, colonial rule, discovery of the americas, illegal immigration, land reform, land tenure, Livingstone, I presume, Nelson Mandela, new economy, out of africa, Scramble for Africa, spice trade, surplus humans, the market place, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, urban sprawl, women in the workforce
They are horribly expensive and do nothing but grumble. They must be reduced to a minimum.’4 As the failings of the chartered companies mounted, the colonial powers were obliged to raise their grants-in-aid. Some five to ten years after the start of colonial rule, most territories were receiving grants at ten times the initial rate. Thereafter, as the colonies advanced towards economic self-sufficiency, grants declined. By about 1914 they had been almost entirely replaced by local revenues.5 The thirty-year transition from dependency to economic self-sufficiency marks a continent-wide submission to colonial rule. It was a process which demanded the active collaboration of the African population – and at often considerable cost to themselves. Individuals and groups found themselves obliged to give up land, accede to government demands for labour, accept the imperatives of a cash economy, pay taxes, and submit to the rule of foreign law.
The expansion of banana cultivation in the region led to ‘spectacular demographic increase’.25 By the eighteenth century the power of pastoral leaders was being eclipsed by the power of leaders controlling dense agricultural populations in the highlands of the Rift Valley escarpment to the west and along the shores of Lake Victoria to the east. A number of distinct polities emerged from this conjunction of pastoral and agricultural interests; some were elevated to the status of kingdoms under colonial rule (1890s to 1960s): Buganda, Bunyoro, Nkore, and Toro. The Great Lakes region was perhaps the largest, most richly endowed, most developed and most densely populated of indigenous agricultural systems in Africa. It was also one of the last to be ‘discovered’ by Europeans. John Hanning Speke was the first white man to enter the region. In the company of James Grant he travelled around the west and northern shores of Lake Victoria in 1862 with the avowed purpose of establishing that Lake Victoria (which he had discovered in 1858 while making a solitary side trip from Richard Burton's expedition) was indeed the source of the Nile, as he claimed (and others, including Burton, denied).
‘The fighting stopped when the Germans came and made this place part of their colony.’ The Germans established sisal estates, coconut and cashew plantations; people worked for them. The Germans were not bad, Hassan's father had said, they were sometimes cruel – they lashed people who did not work hard enough – but not bad. Hassan himself grew up in what he recalls as a period of steadily mounting prosperity under colonial rule. The Germans and the British colonial government which took over the territory after the First World War introduced machinery, made roads, built schools and hospitals. ‘All good things, no bad things,’ he says, ‘things got better day after day.’ Hassan remembers the 1930s in particular as a golden age among the palms, a time when the benefits and costs of the colonial experience balanced out in favour of the indigenous population and offered a promising future.
Culture and Imperialism by Edward W. Said
Ayatollah Khomeini, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bretton Woods, British Empire, colonial rule, European colonialism, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Howard Zinn, Joseph Schumpeter, Khartoum Gordon, lateral thinking, lone genius, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, sceptred isle, Scramble for Africa, traveling salesman
Just as culture may predispose and actively prepare one society for the overseas domination of another, it may also prepare that society to relinquish or modify the idea of overseas domination. These changes cannot occur without the willingness of men and women to resist the pressures of colonial rule, to take up arms, to project ideas of liberation, and to imagine (as Benedict Anderson has it) a new national community, to take the final plunge. Nor can they occur unless either economic or political exhaustion with empire sets in at home, unless the idea of empire and the cost of colonial rule are challenged publicly, unless the representations of imperialism begin to lose their justification and legitimacy, and, finally, unless the rebellious “natives” impress upon the metropolitan culture the independence and integrity of their own culture, free from colonial encroachment.
The colonial territories are realms of possibility, and they have always been associated with the realistic novel. Robinson Crusoe is virtually unthinkable without the colonizing mission that permits him to create a new world of his own in the distant reaches of the African, Pacific, and Atlantic wilderness. But most of the great nineteenth-century realistic novelists are less assertive about colonial rule and possessions than either Defoe or late writers like Conrad and Kipling, during whose time great electoral reform and mass participation in politics meant that imperial competition became a more intrusive domestic topic. In the closing year of the nineteenth century, with the scramble for Africa, the consolidation of the French imperial Union, the American annexation of the Philippines, and British rule in the Indian subcontinent at its height, empire was a universal concern.
This is the rationale that Raymond Williams describes as “an everyday, uncompromising morality which is in the end separable from its social basis and which, in other hands, can be turned against it.” I have tried to show that the morality in fact is not separable from its social basis: right up to the last sentence, Austen affirms and repeats the geographical process of expansion involving trade, production, and consumption that predates, underlies, and guarantees the morality. And expansion, as Gallagher reminds us, whether “through colonial rule was liked or disliked, [its] desirability through one mode or another was generally accepted. So in the event there were few domestic constraints upon expansion.”46 Most critics have tended to forget or overlook that process, which has seemed less important to critics than Austen herself seemed to think. But interpreting Jane Austen depends on who does the interpreting, when it is done, and no less important, from where it is done.
A River in Darkness by Masaji Ishikawa
As you question whether they could really have been so completely brainwashed, keep in mind that North Koreans had never experienced a liberal democracy. They had no concept of what it was or what it meant. My comrades had only ever known or heard of colonial rule at the hands of Japan and dictatorship at the hands of Kim Il-sung. And before that was the miserable feudal period of the Korean dynasties. They’d only ever known bondage. North Koreans didn’t have anything to compare their country with because they’d never experienced anything else. Even when Kim Il-sung did something particularly brutal or horrific, no one raised an eyebrow. “Remember the time of Japanese colonial rule!” “Never forget the cruelty of American imperialism!” Without any other information at their disposal, young North Koreans simply fell for the propaganda. April 1964. It was our fourth year in North Korea.
Then he’d gesture at our surroundings. “This!” Sometimes, he couldn’t contain his anger and frustration. “I can’t believe the way those people deceived me! Masaji, if you ever get back to Japan, tell them what I think of them!” Oddly enough, I never heard him complain about or blame the political system of North Korea. I finally realized that he’d never experienced true freedom. He’d been born under Japanese colonial rule and then shipped off to a life of slave labor. So he’d never known anything else. That might explain why he seemed to grow milder and more accepting over time. My mother, however, became more frightened by the day. Soon after we moved into our rickety shack, a young police officer came by. According to this fellow, our family register was defective. My mother’s nationality had been recorded as Japanese, and her name had been recorded as Miyoko Ishikawa.
But when she came to the second page, the letter fell out of her hands and she collapsed on the floor. “Mom! What’s wrong? What happened?” I asked, running over to her. I picked up the letter and saw that it contained news of her mother’s death: Your mother was calling your name until she passed away. I recalled my grandmother’s last words to me. “You’re Japanese,” she’d said. I remember how sad her eyes were. She knew her history. She understood what awful things go on under colonial rule. I knew that my grandmother had tried desperately to change my mother’s mind about leaving Japan but to no avail. I still remember looking for her at Shinagawa Station—but she hadn’t come to see us off. After my grandmother’s death, my mother’s face quickly developed deep wrinkles. She suddenly became more weathered, worn, and frail. These weren’t the wrinkles of old age; they were wrinkles of pain.
Ghosts of Empire: Britain's Legacies in the Modern World by Kwasi Kwarteng
Ayatollah Khomeini, banking crisis, British Empire, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of penicillin, Etonian, illegal immigration, imperial preference, invisible hand, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, sceptred isle, Scientific racism, Scramble for Africa, trade route, urban planning, Yom Kippur War
They were decidedly not part of the urban intelligentsia or effendia class, whom most British officials despised. ‘Effendi’ is a Turkish term, widely heard in Egypt and the Sudan in colonial times, which now, in modern Turkish, is used where an English-speaker might say ‘Mr’. In the colonial period, the effendi were the educated classes, the intellectuals, who often adopted a strongly nationalist stance against British colonial rule. Years later, when reflecting on mistakes made by the British in the Sudan, Sir James Robertson accepted that this class of person had been foolishly overlooked. The Sudan government had ‘tended to put too much emphasis on the Nazirs and the Sheiks and not enough on the small educated class’. The British ‘were much more friendly with the country members than with the “effendia”’. Sir James went on to suggest candidly, ‘I suppose we thought that the “effendia” were aiming to take our place.’
The abolition of the Egyptian monarchy by the Free Officers’ coup led by Gamal Abdel Nasser in July 1952 was followed by the new Egyptian government’s abandonment of any lingering claims of sovereignty over Sudan.19 Arab nationalism had its effect in making northern Sudanese politicians more focused on achieving independence and less willing to accommodate the south, which, in terms of population, comprised only a quarter of the country. As the British Foreign Office drily observed, the ‘nationalistic self-confidence which is now the mood of all independent Middle Eastern states is not conducive to successful colonial rule’.20 The explosive situation reached its climax in August 1955 when troops of the Sudan Defence Force based in the south mutinied. The structure of the Force had made such an event likely, as it was split into battalions which had been selected along ethnic lines. There were ‘black battalions’ from the south and then there were the Camel Corps and the Eastern Arab Corps, which, as their names implied, were units composed exclusively of Arabic-speakers.21 The south protested, in a violent way, against the increasing dominance that northern Arabic-speakers began to wield in their territory.
Theodore Roosevelt remarked as long ago as 1910 that he doubted if, in any part of the world, there was ‘a more striking instance . . . of genuine progress achieved by the substitution of civilization for savagery’. This was a bold claim, but estimates of the population decline during the time of the Mahdi and his bloodthirsty successor, the Khalifa, from a figure of about 8 million to some 2 million, showed that Sudan had enjoyed some benefits from the stability provided by colonial rule. A note of self-congratulation, combined with an awareness of the ingratitude of the natives, was expressed most eloquently by Rudyard Kipling, the unofficial poet laureate of empire, in 1913: ‘In due time the Sudanese will forget how warily their fathers had to walk in the Mahdi’s time to secure even a bellyful. Then, as happened elsewhere, they will honestly believe that they themselves created . . . the easy life which they were bought at so heavy a price.’55 Yet, whatever the material benefits of British rule, the most enduring imperial legacy in Sudan was the policy incoherence.
Unfinished Empire: The Global Expansion of Britain by John Darwin
Alfred Russel Wallace, British Empire, colonial rule, Corn Laws, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, European colonialism, financial independence, friendly fire, full employment, imperial preference, Khartoum Gordon, Khyber Pass, Kowloon Walled City, land tenure, mass immigration, Nelson Mandela, open economy, plutocrats, Plutocrats, principal–agent problem, quantitative easing, reserve currency, Right to Buy, Scientific racism, South China Sea, special economic zone, spice trade, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trade route, transcontinental railway, union organizing
The centenary of his birth in 1953 was marked by the visit there of the Queen Mother and the Queen’s sister, Princess Margaret, amid a large gathering of dignitaries, and by the unveiling of a memorial tablet in Westminster Abbey.4 In Rhodes of Africa (1936), cinema-goers were regaled with a vision of Rhodes as gruff, manly and masterful, a true maker of empire. After 1960, a great reaction set in. The dismantling of empire, foreshadowed in the independence of India in 1947, was now well advanced. Colonial rule had lost what remained of its moral legitimacy as a form of enlightened trusteeship. The postwar idea of world order, embodied in the United Nations’ Charter, rejected all forms of colonialism in favour of the universal ideal of the sovereign nation-state. To progressive opinion in Britain, the imperial tradition now seemed an incubus. Its outdated values of order and hierarchy blocked cultural change and social mobility.
It had to make up its mind on what forms of law they should have and whether or not to respect their ideas about property, punishment and the practice of religion. It was soon pressed to lay down the conditions on which incomers and immigrants could buy land from the locals, and if they should be subject to the same regime as the natives. There was no standardized formula. Although there were certain broad categories of colonial rule, almost every acquisition brought its own special history, and demanded customized features. Both time and place mattered. Sometimes no local ruler appeared to chase the intruders away or disrupt their mumbo-jumbo proclamations. Sometimes, like King Docemo, he could be pushed brusquely aside with a pension. Sometimes, like the Zulu king Cetswayo, he was imprisoned and exiled. And behind each annexation usually lay some special interest at home, private or public, which had lobbied vociferously for this new province of empire: any new regime on the spot would have to satisfy them.
For all the myths that were peddled about African wealth, Europeans quickly discovered the limits imposed by a harsh physical environment, sparse populations and the hardships of travel: to go from Zanzibar to Uganda in the mid 1890s meant a walk of two months.86 The brutal corollary was that coercion was needed to accumulate wealth – at least on the scale that outsiders demanded. Coercion permitted the seizure of land and the conscription of labour, often both simultaneously. Colonial rule thus became, for a white master-class, the means of economic control: dividing the land between a large settler zone and reserves for the natives; and imposing the taxes that forced African males to seek work on the farms or on the diamond, coal and gold fields of South Central Africa with their insatiable demand for cheap migrant labour. In barely one generation, tens of thousands of African men were hurled into an industrial world of arduous physical labour, prison-like compounds (where they ate and slept) and a brutal work-discipline in which beatings were commonplace.87 On the mining frontier of Southern Rhodesia, to take one example, labour conditions were appallingly harsh.
Civilization: The West and the Rest by Niall Ferguson
Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, Atahualpa, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, BRICs, British Empire, business cycle, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, Copley Medal, corporate governance, creative destruction, credit crunch, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Dean Kamen, delayed gratification, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, Hans Lippershey, haute couture, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, invention of movable type, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, John Harrison: Longitude, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, Kitchen Debate, land reform, land tenure, liberal capitalism, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, market bubble, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, means of production, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, Pearl River Delta, Pierre-Simon Laplace, probability theory / Blaise Pascal / Pierre de Fermat, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, reserve currency, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, spice trade, spinning jenny, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, The Great Moderation, the market place, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, total factor productivity, trade route, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, undersea cable, upwardly mobile, uranium enrichment, wage slave, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce, World Values Survey
It took remarkable self-confidence, after so many years of bitter religious conflict in Europe, to envisage a society in which just seven people could legitimately start a new church. These profound differences between the civil societies of colonial North and South America would have enduring consequences when the time came for them to govern themselves independently. AMERICAN REVOLUTIONS In 1775, despite all the profound economic and social differences that had developed between them, both North and South America were still composed of colonies ruled by distant kings. That, however, was about to change. On 2 July 1776 a large crowd gathered on the steps of the old trading exchange in Charleston to hear South Carolina’s government declare the colony’s independence from Britain. It was the first to do so. Some forty years later Spanish rule was ended in Latin America. Yet while one revolution cemented the democratic rights of property-owners, and brought into being a federal republic that within a hundred years was the world’s wealthiest country, the South American revolutions consigned all of America south of the Rio Grande to two centuries of division, instability and underdevelopment.
By the eve of the First World War typhoid and cholera had effectively been eliminated in Europe as a result of improvements in public health and sanitation, while diphtheria and tetanus were controlled by vaccine. In the twenty-three modern Asian countries for which data are available, with one exception, the health transition came between the 1890s and the 1950s. In Africa it came between the 1920s and the 1950s, with just two exceptions out of forty-three countries. In nearly all Asian and African countries, then, life expectancy began to improve before the end of European colonial rule. Indeed, the rate of improvement in Africa has declined since independence, especially but not exclusively because of the HIV-AIDS epidemic. It is also noteworthy that Latin American countries did not fare any better, despite enjoying political independence from the early 1800s.8 The timing of the improvement in life expectancy is especially striking as much of it predated the introduction of antibiotics (not least streptomycin as a cure for tuberculosis), the insecticide DDT and vaccines other than the simple ones for smallpox and yellow fever invented in the imperial era (see below).
A celebration of ‘civilization’s conquests’, the film juxtaposes scenes of ‘white sorcerers’ amazing Africans with their technical prowess with glimpses of the ‘strange little gnomes’ (pygmies) in the forest. It ends with the tricolore flying proudly over the entire African continent, from Algiers to Dakar, from Brazzaville to Madagascar. It would not be hard to mock this classic expression of French imperial aspiration.110 Yet that aspiration was not without its results. In Senegal, as we have seen, colonial rule was associated with a sustained improvement in life expectancy of around ten years, from thirty to forty. Algeria and Tunisia also saw comparable improvements.111 Better medical care – in particular reduced infant mortality and premature infertility – was the reason why populations in French Africa began to grow so rapidly after 1945.112 In Indo-China it was the French who constructed 20,000 miles of road and 2,000 of railways, opened coal, tin and zinc mines and established rubber plantations.113 In 1922 around 20,000 Vietnamese were granted French citizenship – still a tiny minority in a population of 3 million, but not a trivial number.114 In French West Africa the franchise was extended to a million Africans in 1946 and a further 3 million five years later.115 Sleeping sickness, which had been the scourge of Cameroon under German rule, was largely eradicated under French rule.116 The Timing and Pace of Health Transitions in the French Empire Senegal Tunisia Algeria Vietnam France Beginning of transition c. 1945 1935 c. 1940 c. 1930 c. 1795 Years gained per annum 0.63 0.68 0.70 0.67 0.25 Life expectancy at beginning 30.2 28.8 31.2 22.5 28.1 Life expectancy in 1960 39.6 45.8 45.2 42.6 69.4 Life expectancy in 2000 52.3 72.1 71.0 69.4 78.6 Passed 65 in year – c. 1985 1987 1987 1948 By contrast, the Belgians ran the worst of all African empires in the Congo,117 while the Third Reich deserves to be considered the worst of all the European empires – the reductio ad absurdum and ad nauseam of the nineteenth-century notion of the civilizing mission, because its actual effect on the territories it briefly controlled was to barbarize them.
Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy by Francis Fukuyama
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, Atahualpa, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, British Empire, centre right, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, colonial rule, conceptual framework, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, disruptive innovation, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Snowden, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, Home mortgage interest deduction, income inequality, information asymmetry, invention of the printing press, iterative process, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, labour management system, land reform, land tenure, life extension, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, means of production, Menlo Park, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, Nelson Mandela, new economy, open economy, out of africa, Peace of Westphalia, Port of Oakland, post-industrial society, post-materialism, price discrimination, quantitative easing, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Scramble for Africa, Second Machine Age, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, trade route, transaction costs, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Vilfredo Pareto, women in the workforce, World Values Survey, zero-sum game
The same practices of venal officeholding resorted to in Spain itself were gradually exported to the New World colonies, shifting the balance of power there to local elites. The regimientos and cabildos—institutions of local government that had earlier been elected—were by 1600 sold by the Crown as heritable property. State institutionalization thus went into reverse, from a modern, bureaucratic system to a patrimonial one. Ideas mattered a great deal as well in the evolution of institutions. In the first centuries of colonial rule, there was no Spanish Hobbes or Locke to tell the settlers that they possessed natural and universal rights as human beings. What they had instead were particularistic feudal privileges that they had inherited or bought. In contrast to the British settlers of North America, the Creole populations of Latin America were thus much more likely to demand protection of their privileges than of their rights.16 The ideas exported from Spain began to change again, as James Mahoney points out, during the liberal Bourbon phase of empire that began around 1600.
What East Asia had that Latin America needed more of and that Africa lacked almost entirely were strong, coherent states that could control violence and carry out good, economically rational public policies. THE ORIGINS OF STATE WEAKNESS The African deficit in state capacity must of course be traced back to the legacy of colonialism, as well as to the nature of African societies prior to the onset of European colonial rule. In this respect, Africa’s inheritance was totally different from that of Latin America. In the latter region, Spain and Portugal succeeded in wiping out the indigenous regimes and reproducing their own authoritarian, mercantilist political systems on the soil of the New World. Old World class hierarchies were amplified by the racial and ethnic differences that appeared as the Europeans extracted resources from their colonies.
In peaceful liberal democracies, the fist is usually hidden behind layered gloves of law, custom, and norms. States that make heavy use of overt coercion and brutality often do so because they cannot exercise proper authority. They have what Michael Mann labels “despotic power” but not “infrastructural power” to penetrate and shape society.7 This was true of both the colonial African state and the independent countries that emerged after the end of colonial rule.8 The reality of the colonial state was not a transplanted absolutist regime imposed by the Europeans but rather “indirect rule,” a policy that had been practiced since the Indian Rebellion of 1858 but was systematically articulated for the first time by Lord Frederick Lugard, the British governor of, among other places, Northern Nigeria (from 1900 to 1906) and Hong Kong (from 1907 to 1912).
Bad Samaritans: The Myth of Free Trade and the Secret History of Capitalism by Ha-Joon Chang
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, falling living standards, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial deregulation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, land reform, liberal world order, liberation theology, low skilled workers, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, mega-rich, moral hazard, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, oil shock, price stability, principal–agent problem, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transfer pricing, urban sprawl, World Values Survey
A 1950s internal report from USAID – the main US government aid agency then, as now – called Korea a ‘bottomless pit’. At the time, the country’s main exports were tungsten, fish and other primary commodities. As for Samsung, * now one of the world’s leading exporters of mobile phones, semiconductors and computers, the company started out as an exporter of fish, vegetables and fruit in 1938, seven years before Korea’s independence from Japanese colonial rule. Until the 1970s, its main lines of business were sugar refining and textiles that it had set up in the mid-1950s.2 When it moved into the semiconductor industry by acquiring a 50% stake in Korea Semiconductor in 1974, no one took it seriously. After all, Samsung did not even manufacture colour TV sets until 1977. When it declared its intention, in 1983, to take on the big boys of the semiconductor industry from the US and Japan by designing its own chips, few were convinced.
It was our refrigerator (the kitchen being too small to accommodate it).My wife, Hee-Jeong, born in Kwangju in 1966, tells me that her neighbours would regularly ‘deposit’ their precious meat in the refrigerator of her mother, the wife of a prosperous doctor, as if she were the manager of an exclusive Swiss private bank. A small cement-brick house with a black-and-white TV and a refrigerator may not sound much, but it was a dream come true for my parents’ generation, who had lived through the most turbulent and deprived times: Japanese colonial rule (1910–45), the Second World War, the division of the country into North and South Korea (1948) and the Korean War. Whenever I and my sister, Yonhee, and brother, Hasok, complained about food, my mother would tell us how spoilt we were. She would remind us that, when they were our age, people of her generation would count themselves lucky if they had an egg. Many families could not afford them; even those who could reserved them for fathers and working older brothers.
The truth is that the free movement of goods, people, and money that developed under British hegemony between 1870 and 1913 – the first episode of globalization – was made possible, in large part, by military might, rather than market forces. Apart from Britain itself, the practitioners of free trade during this period were mostly weaker countries that had been forced into, rather than had voluntarily adopted, it as a result of colonial rule or ‘unequal treaties’ (like the Nanking Treaty), which, among other things, deprived them of the right to set tariffs and imposed externally determined low, flat-rate tariffs (3–5%) on them.8 Despite their key role in promoting ‘free’ trade in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, colonialism and unequal treaties hardly get any mention in the hordes of pro-globalisation books.9 Even when they are explicitly discussed, their role is seen as positive on the whole.
Bad Samaritans: The Guilty Secrets of Rich Nations and the Threat to Global Prosperity by Ha-Joon Chang
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, falling living standards, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial deregulation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, land reform, liberal world order, liberation theology, low skilled workers, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, mega-rich, moral hazard, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, oil shock, price stability, principal–agent problem, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transfer pricing, urban sprawl, World Values Survey
A 1950s internal report from USAID – the main US government aid agency then, as now – called Korea a ‘bottomless pit’. At the time, the country’s main exports were tungsten, fish and other primary commodities. As for Samsung,i now one of the world’s leading exporters of mobile phones, semiconductors and computers, the company started out as an exporter of fish, vegetables and fruit in 1938, seven years before Korea’s independence from Japanese colonial rule. Until the 1970s, its main lines of business were sugar refining and textiles that it had set up in the mid-1950s.2 When it moved into the semiconductor industry by acquiring a 50% stake in Korea Semiconductor in 1974, no one took it seriously. After all, Samsung did not even manufacture colour TV sets until 1977. When it declared its intention, in 1983, to take on the big boys of the semiconductor industry from the US and Japan by designing its own chips, few were convinced.
My wife, Hee-Jeong, born in Kwangju in 1966, tells me that her neighbours would regularly ‘deposit’ their precious meat in the refrigerator of her mother, the wife of a prosperous doctor, as if she was the manager of an exclusive Swiss private bank. A small cement-brick house with a black-and-white TV and a refrigerator may not sound much, but it was a dream come true for my parents’ generation, who had lived through the most turbulent and deprived times: Japanese colonial rule (1910–45), the Second World War, the division of the country into North and South Korea (1948) and the Korean War. Whenever I and my sister, Yonhee, and brother, Hasok, complained about food, my mother would tell us how spoilt we were. She would remind us that, when they were our age, people of her generation would count themselves lucky if they had an egg. Many families could not afford them; even those who could reserved them for fathers and working older brothers.
The truth is that the free movement of goods, people, and money that developed under British hegemony between 1870 and 1913 – the first episode of globalization – was made possible, in large part, by military might, rather than market forces. Apart from Britain itself, the practitioners of free trade during this period were mostly weaker countries that had been forced into, rather than had voluntarily adopted, it as a result of colonial rule or ‘unequal treaties’ (like the Nanking Treaty), which, among other things, deprived them of the right to set tariffs and imposed externally determined low, flat-rate tariffs (3–5%) on them.8 Despite their key role in promoting ‘free’ trade in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, colonialism and unequal treaties hardly get any mention in the hordes of pro-globalisation books.9 Even when they are explicitly discussed, their role is seen as positive on the whole.
Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World by Niall Ferguson
British Empire, Cape to Cairo, colonial rule, Corn Laws, European colonialism, imperial preference, income per capita, John Harrison: Longitude, joint-stock company, Khartoum Gordon, Khyber Pass, land reform, land tenure, liberal capitalism, Livingstone, I presume, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, night-watchman state, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, profit motive, Scramble for Africa, spice trade, The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, the new new thing, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, undersea cable, union organizing, zero-sum game
In August 1999 the African World Reparations and Repatriation Truth Commission, meeting in Accra, issued a demand for reparations from ‘all those nations of Western Europe and the Americas and institutions, who participated and benefited from the slave trade and colonialism’. The sum suggested as adequate compensation – based on estimates of ‘the number of human lives lost to Africa during the slave-trade, as well as an assessment of the worth of the gold, diamonds and other minerals taken from the continent during colonial rule’ – was $777 trillion. Given that more than three million of the ten million or so Africans who crossed the Atlantic as slaves before 1850 were shipped in British vessels, the putative British reparations burden could be in the region of £150 trillion. Such a claim may seem fantastic. But the idea was given some encouragement at the United Nations World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, held in Durban in the summer of 2001.
In the former category belong both the nationalists and the Marxists, from the Mughal historian Gholam Hossein Khan, author of the Seir Mutaqherin (1789) to the Palestinian academic Edward Said, author of Orientalism (1978), by way of Lenin and a thousand others in between. In the latter camp belong the liberals, from Adam Smith onwards, who have maintained for almost as many years that the British Empire was, even from Britain’s point of view, ‘a waste of money’. The central nationalist/Marxist assumption is, of course, that imperialism was economically exploitative; every facet of colonial rule, including even the apparently sincere efforts of Europeans to study and understand indigenous cultures, was at root designed to maximize the ‘surplus value’ that could be extracted from the subject peoples. The central liberal assumption is more paradoxical. It is that precisely because imperialism distorted market forces – using everything from military force to preferential tariffs to rig business in the favour of the metropolis – it was not in the long-term interests of the metropolitan economy either.
By the time Churchill died in 1965, all its most important parts had gone. Why? Traditional accounts of ‘decolonization’ tend to give the credit for the blame) to the nationalist movements within the colonies, from Sinn Fein in Ireland to Congress in India. The end of Empire is portrayed as a victory for ‘freedom fighters’, who took up arms from Dublin to Delhi to rid their peoples of the yoke of colonial rule. This is misleading. Throughout the twentieth century, the principal threats – and the most plausible alternatives – to British rule were not national independence movements, but other empires. These alternative empires were significantly harsher in their treatment of subject peoples than Britain. Even before the First World War, Belgian rule in the notionally ‘independent’ Congo had become a byword for the abuse of human rights.
The Divide: A Brief Guide to Global Inequality and Its Solutions by Jason Hickel
Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, Atahualpa, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Sanders, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Cape to Cairo, capital controls, carbon footprint, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, David Attenborough, David Graeber, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, dematerialisation, Doha Development Round, Elon Musk, European colonialism, falling living standards, financial deregulation, Fractional reserve banking, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, Hans Rosling, happiness index / gross national happiness, Howard Zinn, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), investor state dispute settlement, James Watt: steam engine, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land value tax, liberal capitalism, Live Aid, Mahatma Gandhi, Monroe Doctrine, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, out of africa, plutocrats, Plutocrats, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, The Spirit Level, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transfer pricing, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce, Works Progress Administration
But it wasn’t just rubber. Leopold also assumed total control over the Congolese economy, decreeing that Africans could only sell their products to the state, while the state in turn controlled all prices and incomes. Ten million Congolese perished under Leopold’s brutal regime – roughly half the country’s population.48 Many of them died at the hands of direct Belgian aggression, but others died because colonial rule destroyed local economies and dislocated indigenous communities, causing widespread dispossession and starvation, along with an increase in fatal tropical diseases. As for the wealth from all the ivory and rubber, it was used in Belgium to fund beautiful stately architecture, public works, arches, parks and impressive railway stations – all the markers of development that adorn Brussels today, the bejewelled headquarters of the European Union.
Rich countries have a natural abundance of capital, so their wages will be higher and they will specialise in capital-intensive production of higher-order commodities. In orthodox economic theory, this is regarded as the natural order of things. But as soon as we bring history back into the picture, this theory starts to fall apart. Why do poor countries have a comparative abundance of labour in the first place? Because of hundreds of years of colonial rule, under which subsistence economies were destroyed and millions of people were displaced and forced into the labour market, driving unemployment up and wages down. The fact that slavery was used up through the 19th century further contributed to downward pressure on wages, as workers had to compete with free labour. And why do poor countries have a comparative deficit of capital in the first place?
These developmentalist policies mimicked the very same measures that the United States and Europe used to such good effect during their own periods of economic consolidation.14 And they worked equally well in the global South, delivering high per capita income growth rates of 3.2 per cent during the 1960s and 1970s – double or triple what the West achieved during the Industrial Revolution, and more than six times the growth rate under colonial rule.15 It was a postcolonial miracle. And the new wealth was more equitably shared than before: in Latin America, for example, the gap between the richest fifth and poorest fifth of the population shrank by 22 per cent.16 Developmentalism also had an impressive impact on human welfare. At the end of colonialism, life expectancy in the global South was a mere forty years. By the early 1980s it had shot up to sixty – the fastest period of improvement in history.17 The same is true of literacy, infant mortality and other key human development indicators, which experienced their fastest rate of improvement through the mid-1970s.18 What is more, the income gap between rich countries and the regions of the global South where developmentalism was most thoroughly applied began to narrow for the first time.
The Ages of Globalization by Jeffrey D. Sachs
Admiral Zheng, British Empire, Cape to Cairo, colonial rule, Columbian Exchange, Commentariolus, coronavirus, COVID-19, Covid-19, cuban missile crisis, decarbonisation, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, domestication of the camel, Donald Trump, en.wikipedia.org, endogenous growth, European colonialism, global supply chain, greed is good, income per capita, invention of agriculture, invention of gunpowder, invention of movable type, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, job automation, John von Neumann, joint-stock company, Louis Pasteur, low skilled workers, mass immigration, Nikolai Kondratiev, out of africa, packet switching, Pax Mongolica, precision agriculture, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, South China Sea, spinning jenny, The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, Turing machine, Turing test, urban planning, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, wikimedia commons
While China avoided direct colonization during the nineteenth century, it did not avoid chaos, military defeat, or European imperial encroachments on its sovereignty. India, with 20 percent of the world’s population, fared even worse. From the mid-1700s onward, India was absorbed step by step by the East India Company, and in 1858, it fell entirely into the clutches of the British Empire, which formally took over the job of colonial rule from the East India Company. Japan was the relative success story in Asia, not only preserving its sovereignty but successfully embarking on a path of industrialization at the end of the nineteenth century, albeit at an income level far below that of Europe. By dint of its industrialization, Japan became Asia’s military powerhouse from the end of the nineteenth century until Japan’s defeat in World War II.
The gaudy corruption of company officials led the British government to assert partial control over company affairs and policies toward the end of the eighteenth century, so that British rule in India in the first half of the 1800s was under the mixed authority of the company and the Crown. In 1857, an Indian rebellion against British rule was decisively defeated, and the British government took over direct control of India, creating the British Raj that was to rule India until its independence from colonial rule in 1947. British economic policies decisively weakened the economy and society. As told vividly by historian Prasannan Parthasarathi, trade protectionism by Britain throughout the eighteenth century kept India’s famed textiles out of the British market, eventually driving millions of spinners and weavers to penury in the nineteenth century. Far from a victory of the free market, Britain defeated the Indian textile industry in the eighteenth century through a series of measures including progressively tighter bans on imports of Indian textiles.
The newly independent countries around the world wanted to make up for lost time, by building the human capital and infrastructure needed to create new industries and to attract domestic and multinational capital. They had a lot of catching up to do. The European imperial powers had left most of their African and Asian colonies in a desperate condition of very high illiteracy and dreadfully low life expectancy. Table 7.4 shows the conditions of selected countries in 1950: three industrialized countries and three countries long under colonial rule (Kenya and India, UK; Indonesia, the Netherlands). As of 1950, illiteracy had been almost eliminated in the high-income countries and life expectancy was around sixty-eight years, but in the long-time colonies, illiteracy was around 80 percent and life expectancy was around forty years. Table 7.4 Illiteracy and Life Expectancy in 1950, Selected Countries Illiteracy (%) Life expectancy (years) High-Income Countries United Kingdom 1–2 69.4 United States 3–4 68.7 France 3–4 67.1 Former Colonies Kenya 75–80 42.3 Indonesia 80–85 43.5 India 80–85 36.6 Source: UNESCO, World Illiteracy at Mid-Century: A Statistical Study (Paris: UNESCO, 1957), https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000002930; World Population Prospects: The 2019 Revision | United Nations Population Division, http://data.un.org/Data.aspx?
The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program That Shaped Our World by Vincent Bevins
Albert Einstein, American ideology, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, centre right, colonial rule, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Gini coefficient, income inequality, land reform, market fundamentalism, megacity, Nelson Mandela, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, South China Sea, structural adjustment programs, union organizing
So three youth leaders in the independence movement, impatient with his decision, kidnapped him and fellow independence leader Hatta—this was considered a brusque but broadly acceptable way of forcing someone’s hand at the time—until Sukarno committed to proclaiming the creation of independent Indonesia. Maybe he was right to be a bit worried. Not long after the speech, Sukarno’s independence movement was in trouble. Just as the French did in Indochina, the Dutch came back, attempting to reassert colonial rule. The Netherlands called the attempts at reconquest “police actions,” in terminology that managed to be both condescending and euphemistic, and they were brutal. As the Japanese had, the Dutch employed mass violence to suppress support for the new republic. The independence leaders, a mix of nationalists, leftists, and Islamic groups, hopped around the archipelago, making alliances with local kingdoms and mounting resistance.7 In the middle of all this, in 1947, Francisca went to Holland to study in the small university town of Leiden.
He would watch, amazed, as Sukarno spoke eloquently on “the world, the flesh, and the devil: about movie stars and Malthus, Jean Jaures and Jefferson, folklore, and philosophy,” then wolf down a huge meal, and dance for hours. Even more impressive to Jones, who had lived a relatively comfortable life, was that this remarkable man—about the same age as Jones—learned to eat this way, and became so steeped in knowledge, while spending years behind bars for opposing Dutch colonial rule.48 Along the way, he had learned to speak in German, English, French, Arabic, and Japanese, in addition to Bahasa Indonesia, Javanese, Sundanese, Balinese, and Dutch.49 When Sukarno opened his mouth in any of these languages, the whole country stopped to listen, and Jones noticed that this had gone to his head. Sukarno told him once, after surviving yet another assassination attempt, “There is only one thing I can think of after yesterday.… Allah must approve of what I am doing, otherwise I would long ago have been killed.”50 Sukarno was born in 1901 in East Java.
He only got around 110,000 more votes than Nixon, out of sixty-nine million votes cast.11 Patrice, Jack, Fidel, Nelson, Nasution, and Saddam After the prudish Eisenhower, the United States elected a president who was a womanizer, just like Sukarno. The two would meet soon, and get along well. But Kennedy’s election seemed to herald serious changes for US foreign policy, especially toward the Third World. Sukarno, like many Indonesians, viewed young Jack as a rare American ally in the fight against colonialism because he had read JFK’s denunciations of French colonial rule in Algeria.12 As a candidate, JFK had run on solidly anticommunist credentials, of course. It was the United States. But in his inauguration speech, he also made a pledge to the Third World. “To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required—not because the communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right,” Kennedy said.
The Cold War: Stories From the Big Freeze by Bridget Kendall
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Howard Zinn, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, open borders, Ronald Reagan, white flight
‘They were leaving with only their suitcases, they lost everything’ The Congo Crisis (1960–1) THE FIRST TWO decades after the Second World War were not only marked by the emergence of the Cold War. This was also a period of intense decolonisation. Between 1945 and 1960, three dozen new states in Asia and Africa won limited or full independence from colonial rule, in parallel with and sometimes shaped by deepening superpower enmity. In fact, an aversion to colonial rule was one thing that the Soviet Union and the United States had in common: both were keen to see exhausted post-war European powers like Britain, France and Belgium relinquish their colonial possessions. Moscow backed decolonisation for ideological reasons (to liberate oppressed peoples from their colonial masters), but also for geopolitical ends (the hope that it would allow the Soviet Union to extend its influence and cultivate new allies).
The Congo had been under Belgian control since the late nineteenth century, subjected to a rigid colonial regime with a high degree of racial segregation. By the 1950s the évolués, as the growing ranks of Europeanised and educated urban middle class were called, were becoming impatient. A nationalist movement, made up of different and opposing factions, was gaining momentum. In 1959 protests by Congolese nationalists demanding an end to colonial rule descended into violence and put Belgium into a panic. In January 1960 the Belgian government convened a Congolese Round Table Conference in Brussels to discuss the country’s future. The Congolese nationalists present pushed for new elections and an early date for independence – 30 June 1960 – but the meeting left unresolved tricky issues, such as the balance of power between central government and key provinces.
On 30 June 1960, Independence Day was marked by a grand ceremony in the capital, Leopoldville. But when the guest of honour, King Baudouin of Belgium, rose to speak, he shocked some of the Congolese politicians present when he praised the ‘genius’ of his ancestor King Leopold II for colonising the Congo and depicted the handover to independence as the successful end of a ‘civilising mission’, glossing over the millions killed and oppressed during the years of colonial rule. The new Congolese President, another nationalist leader called Joseph Kasa-Vubu, duly thanked him. The more radical Patrice Lumumba, the new Prime Minister, was not so diplomatic. He delivered an impromptu and scathing rebuke to the Belgian King, pointing out that the Congolese had fought for independence ‘to put an end to the humiliating slavery which was imposed on us by force’. His speech, broadcast on the radio, was greeted enthusiastically by many listening across the country.
Imagining India by Nandan Nilekani
addicted to oil, affirmative action, Airbus A320, BRICs, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, clean water, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, digital map, distributed generation, farmers can use mobile phones to check market prices, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, global supply chain, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, informal economy, information asymmetry, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), joint-stock company, knowledge economy, land reform, light touch regulation, LNG terminal, load shedding, low cost airline, Mahatma Gandhi, market fragmentation, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, open economy, Parag Khanna, pension reform, Potemkin village, price mechanism, race to the bottom, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, smart grid, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, unemployed young men, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population
Indians, as a result, became increasingly aware of the struggles for independence in other countries—the rise of colonies across the world against imperialism, and the surge of European nationalism by the end of the nineteenth century.16 The language was offering Indian leaders a window into movements like theirs, and with it, hope. The fading favor for English: A “symbol of colonialism” But as India neared independence, the English language found itself increasingly left out in the cold. For one, with the growing prospect of freedom, Indians had the opportunity to clearly consider the question of Indian identity after the end of colonial rule. Indian leaders were pragmatic about adopting a constitution with a British heartah and enthusiastic about adopting European ideas of nationalism and democracy. And of course, no one wanted to rip out the railway tracks and lay new ones just because they had been put in place by British administrators. 17 But when it came to the English language, they balked—it was one of the “colonial relics” that was unacceptable.
Nehru envisioned powerful industrial cities that would be a marvel of execution and state planning. But the Empire had left its fingerprints all over India’s older cities—Delhi, Calcutta, Bombay, Madras had all been baptized into urban life by the British and cluttered with their architecture. Nehru called New Delhi “un-Indian” and was in search of a new Indian city that would be free of the burdens of colonial rule and legacy, a “new town symbolic of the freedom of India.”14 Nehru got an opportunity to test his dream of a new Indian city with Chandigarh, the new capital for Punjab. Le Corbusier, the temperamental French architect, designed a city after Nehru’s own heart—carefully planned between residential and commercial areas with each sector named, quite unromantically, with a number. Chandigarh was meant to be just the first of many planned cities—the target in fact was three hundred by the end of the century—that would dot India’s plains.
The British never suspected, when they established universities in Bombay, Calcutta and Madras the same year that they were going about stamping out the army rebellion so thoroughly, that they were setting themselves up for a far more intense, widespread protest against their rule. It is in these institutes that India’s political awakening began and it is here that India’s educated absorbed the ideas of freedom and democracy, inspiring them to eventually lead the struggle against colonial rule. The focus in these first universities was on creating a small pool of aristocratic, English-educated Indian workers for the civil services and strengthening the foundation of British rule. But institutions often have a way of thwarting the aims of their founders. Sir Henry Maine, vice chancellor of the University of Calcutta, remarked in 1866, “The founders of the University of Calcutta thought to create an aristocratic institution; and in spite of themselves, they created a popular one.”3 And these universities were immensely popular.
How to Hide an Empire: A History of the Greater United States by Daniel Immerwahr
Albert Einstein, book scanning, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, call centre, citizen journalism, City Beautiful movement, clean water, colonial rule, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, drone strike, European colonialism, friendly fire, gravity well, Haber-Bosch Process, Howard Zinn, immigration reform, land reform, Mercator projection, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, QWERTY keyboard, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Richard Feynman, the built environment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, transcontinental railway, urban planning, wikimedia commons
I boarded in a section of Metro Manila where the streets are named after U.S. colleges (Yale, Columbia, Stanford, Notre Dame), states and cities (Chicago, Detroit, New York, Brooklyn, Denver), and presidents (Jefferson, Van Buren, Roosevelt, Eisenhower). When I’d arrive at my destination, the Ateneo de Manila University, one of the country’s most prestigious schools, I’d hear students speaking what sounded to my Pennsylvanian ears to be virtually unaccented English. Empire might be hard to make out from the mainland, but from the sites of colonial rule themselves, it’s impossible to miss. I read about the Philippines’ colonial history, and I got curious about other locales: Puerto Rico, Guam, Hawai‘i before it was a state. These places are part of the United States, right? I thought. Why haven’t I been thinking of them as part of its history? As I recataloged my mental library, a startlingly different version of U.S. history emerged. Events that had once seemed familiar appeared in a new light: Pearl Harbor was just the tip of the iceberg.
And now there was this letter—a killer’s clear confession—and yet no trial. The whole thing seemed to confirm the worst fears about U.S. imperialism. That a doctor would murder his patients out of racial hatred—to many, it seemed plausible. The Rhoads affair was a turning point in Puerto Rican politics. Before the letter, the Nationalists were an obscure group. After it, they were a force. For centuries Puerto Rico had endured colonial rule with little direct resistance. But now, with disease and poverty ravaging the island, and with what looked like proof of an official desire to exterminate Puerto Ricans, things were different. Albizu’s insistence that independence must be seized, immediately and forcibly, was not so easily dismissed. * * * Waving the Rhoads letter, Albizu led the Nationalist Party in the 1932 elections.
As a young man, Muñoz Marín joined the bohemian demimonde of Greenwich Village and worked as a journalist, writing occasionally for The Nation under Ernest Gruening’s editorship. He spoke, one governor remembered, a “full, flexible, meaty English without indication of origin, except, perhaps, a trace of New Yorkese in expression”—Muñoz Marín joked that his English was better than his Spanish. Yet for all his cultural ties to the mainland, Luis Muñoz Marín was a sharp critic of colonial rule. As a young man he had concluded, just as Pedro Albizu Campos had, that Puerto Rico needed independence. It was the only way the island could escape poverty. One evening in the late 1920s, while dining at the Hotel Palace in San Juan, Muñoz Marín noticed Albizu sitting alone. Muñoz Marín invited Albizu to join him. The two had much in common. They were young, charismatic leaders who spoke English fluently and held law degrees from prestigious mainland universities (Georgetown for Muñoz Marín, Harvard for Albizu).
Brit-Myth: Who Do the British Think They Are? by Chris Rojek
Bob Geldof, British Empire, business climate, colonial rule, deindustrialization, demand response, full employment, Gordon Gekko, Isaac Newton, Khartoum Gordon, Live Aid, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, means of production, post-industrial society, Red Clydeside, sceptred isle, Stephen Hawking, the market place, urban planning, Winter of Discontent
Rather, it is the application of these devices to reinforce and perpetuate a stereotypal view of the British that associates them with racism, superiority and atrocity. The Mel Gibson view of British history as represented in Braveheart and The Patriot identifies Britain with racial domination, terror and a sort of inexhaustible, brittle sang froid. Viewed sequentially, they portray English medieval brutality and eighteenth-century British colonial rule as part of an unbroken trajectory of intolerance and repression. The readiness of Western audiences, including the British, to accept this calculated distortion of history is interesting. It reeks of post-imperial guilt. The Gibson films play on post-imperial angst. They expose the brutality of Empire, without saying anything meaningful about the positive contribution of Empire to its colonies.
The fault lay in the close identification of colonial forces with the assertion that the Enlightenment tradition represents the summit of human civilization. Politically speaking, this allowed the colonial forces a wide berth, for it wrongly conflated British political and military interests with Reason per se. However, it is quite another thing to maintain that the Enlightenment concept of Reason inflexibly supported colonial rule. Essential to the Enlightenment tradition is what Ernest Gellner later called the ethic of cognition. That is the right and the defence of an adjoining social, political space in Civil Society, in which Reason could legitimately be used to criticize authority and power. To understand fully the Enlightenment tradition and its role in the government of the colonies, it is important to remember that it legitimated Reason as the source of ultimate authority.
In trying to understand the relationship between Reason and colonialism then, one must acknowledge the fundamental importance of contradiction. The sun may have long set on the Empire built by Banastre Tarleton and his ilk. Yet for Gibson in The Patriot, there is no recognition of contradictions within colonial attitudes to the American cause of independence. Nor is there the wider acknowledgement that British colonial rule introduced lasting democratic institutions, the rule of law, mass education, public health, effective systems of transport and sanitation, accountable policing and many other civil, technological and scientific benefits into regions where hitherto, despotism, superstition and tribal or religious warfare prevailed. Instead, the Gibson films play to the arena of international half-truths, colonial prejudices, titbits of knowledge, juicy canards and unexplored convictions regarding British character.
Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is a Better Way for Africa by Dambisa Moyo
affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, business cycle, buy and hold, colonial rule, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, diversification, diversified portfolio, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, failed state, financial innovation, financial intermediation, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Live Aid, M-Pesa, market fundamentalism, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, moral hazard, Ponzi scheme, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, sovereign wealth fund, The Chicago School, trade liberalization, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, Yom Kippur War
They came from different tribes, from different parts of rural colonial Africa: my father, the son of a miner in apartheid South Africa; my mother, the daughter of a man who would later train to be a teacher. My mother did not speak my father’s language, and hence they mainly conversed in English. They met and married while still students. Zambia (formerly known as Northern Rhodesia) had been independent from British colonial rule for just six years, and the excitement at the prospect of what amazing things lay ahead was palpable. Although, upon graduation, my mother had eleven job offers (at the time companies were very eager to employ black graduates), my father wished to continue his studies. He was offered a scholarship at the University of California at Los Angeles in the USA and, very soon afterwards, my parents packed up my sister and me and decamped to America.
The prevailing view was that because these projects had longer-term pay-offs (for example, the funding of infrastructure projects such as roads and railways), they were unlikely to be funded by the private sector. One such example is the double-curvature, hydroelectric, concrete arch Kariba dam that straddles the border between Zambia and Zimbabwe; it was built throughout the decade. The dam, whose construction began under British colonial rule in the mid-1950s, was finally completed at a cost of US$480 million in 1977. Today it still ranks as one of the largest dams in the world. By 1965, when around half of sub-Saharan Africa’s roughly fifty states were independent, aid had already reached at least US$950 million. Ghana, which had won its independence from Britain in 1957, had received as much as US$90 million in aid flows. Zambia, Kenya and Malawi, all independent by 1964 had, on average, received about US$315 million each by the end of the decade.
Average growth rate in the past twenty years was 1 per cent and 5 per cent in the last five years: has benefited from a recent copper price surge. Chief exports: copper, gold, cotton and sugar. Political system: adopted a nominal democracy ten years ago, having spent twenty years as a one-party state led by the same political party, and the same president. This is the Republic of Dongo. While fictitious, the Republic of Dongo is not far off the reality of many African countries. Freed from European colonial rule in the 1960s, the country’s background and evolution are pretty characteristic of the average African country. A socialist economy in the 1970s, it underwent privatization in the mid-1980s, moved to a democratic regime after Glasnost and Perestroika,1 and is ranked 3 out of a possible 10 on the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index (where 0 is the least transparent). In the 1980s the country had accrued as much as US$3 billion of debt – twice as much as the country’s annual GDP, and more than three times its combined education and health budgets.
The Haves and the Have-Nots: A Brief and Idiosyncratic History of Global Inequality by Branko Milanovic
Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, colonial rule, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, Deng Xiaoping, endogenous growth, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, full employment, Gini coefficient, high net worth, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, Joseph Schumpeter, means of production, open borders, Pareto efficiency, plutocrats, Plutocrats, purchasing power parity, Simon Kuznets, very high income, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game
Nevertheless, what we do learn about the father is sufficient to illustrate the new possibilities that independence opened up to Kenyans. The ceiling on native Kenyans’ incomes and social position was removed: They could claim the highest-paid jobs and become bosses, high-level public servants, or rich traders. It is difficult to imagine that under colonial rule, Barack Obama Sr. would have had a chance to study in the United States. To be sure, the idea to go to the United States for study was given to him by two American women who found him very clever and diligent. And, yes, there were some Africans who acquired higher education even under colonialism. But the end of colonial rule removed both an effective and a psychological barrier to claiming higher positions in life. What could a university-educated African do with his fancy degree when the country was run by foreigners—get a job as a subaltern office worker?
That too illustrates the postcolonial era of optimism when the native children believed that their rightful place was back in their own country, which, thanks to the knowledge they acquired at the best schools, would be brought out of underdevelopment and into the modern world. It was certainly a much more optimistic time for young Kenyans than it is today. And this was not the case just because the oppression was lifted and the possibilities suddenly appeared almost endless, compared to how constricted they were under colonial rule. It was also because the income gap between Kenya and the developed world was much less than today. Paradoxically, as we know, independence has not solved Africa’s problems. On the contrary, during the period of independence, Africa has slipped much further behind the developed world. African countries either became even poorer than before independence or failed to advance at the same speed as the rich world.
Spies of No Country: Secret Lives at the Birth of Israel by Matti Friedman
The energy of the place reminded me of Tel Aviv—the same sunlit bonhomie, impatience, and swagger, the same worship of life and flesh touched with fear of imminent doom, the same kind of people squeezed between the Islamic interior and the Mediterranean, sweating on a strip of sand between blocky buildings and the water. When I picture Beirut at the time of our story, I imagine that some of this was true back then. In the Lebanese capital, the government, newly independent of French colonial rule, functioned sporadically. The city’s inhabitants were a jumble of Arabic-speaking Christians with an affinity for France, Sunni Muslims with an affinity for Syria, poor Shiite migrants from the countryside, Armenians, Greeks, with overlap among the parts and many shades in between. There were Communists, Arab nationalists, capitalists, hedonists, and Islamists of every stripe. There were plenty of strangers with vague accents and backgrounds.
He existed on the bottom rung of a community that had historically been defined as second class by Islam, and that lived in the shadow of the Arab majority. An English visitor to the city in 1756 recorded that Jewish men wore beards and the women violet slippers, that they spoke Arabic better than Hebrew, that among Muslims the Jews “are held in still greater contempt than the Christians,” and that poor Jews were “of all people the most slovenly and dirty.” The arrival of French colonial rule after the First World War had improved the Jews’ lot, but Isaac’s father still remembered a time when any Muslim pedestrian could tell a Jew to move aside and walk in the sewage ditch in the center of the street. Isaac’s father was a janitor who cleaned one of the Jewish schools and set out the coal braziers that warmed the classrooms in the winter. In Aleppo, “janitor’s son” wasn’t just a description but a prediction.
Here are the silken ladies of Syria, svelte and doe-eyed, and here are the waterside harlots, curled but smouldering, Semite with a touch of baroque. Her description is so good you can’t mention that incarnation of Beirut without quoting it, even if we understand that our story doesn’t exist in the fanciful world of the Western correspondent, and that we won’t meet a resplendent sheikh here, or anyone smouldering. Beirut was an Arab metropolis shaped by the French over years of colonial rule and still dominated by their Francophile clients, the Maronite Christians. The stern moralism of the rest of the region was harder to find in this little coastal enclave, the breezes less Arabian than Mediterranean, the atmosphere laissez-faire. It was a place set gracefully between the sea and the hills of Mount Lebanon, white-capped in the winter months, a hybrid of Thessaloníki, Damascus, and Bern.
Worth Dying For: The Power and Politics of Flags by Tim Marshall
anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, Donald Trump, drone strike, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Mahatma Gandhi, Malacca Straits, mass immigration, megacity, Nelson Mandela, Ronald Reagan, sceptred isle, Scramble for Africa, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, trade route, white picket fence
It has also represented regiments of many colours and creeds who have fought with and for the UK. How it is seen now depends on whom you ask. In the Palestinian territories, for example, the Union Jack is negatively associated with the British role in dividing Mandate Palestine between Jews and Arabs. However, in India, it’s not so clear cut. There is certainly a degree of contention, considering the history of British colonial rule, replete with oppression, economic exploitation and resultant famines – and there are some who are keen to emphasize the negative impact of colonialism in India, particularly those in authority. But that is not the only sentiment, and my experience is of a residual warmth towards the British flag and what it stands for. A recurring joke I have heard from ordinary people while travelling in India is ‘If you British would just come back, things would work better’.
Australia and New Zealand periodically ask themselves if they can be bothered with going to the trouble of designing a new, non-Union Jack flag, but so far answer in the negative. In the 2016 New Zealand referendum, 56 per cent of voters chose to keep the existing version and rejected a rather natty dark-blue flag featuring a striking silver-white fern branch. It seems that public opinion is on the side of the Union Jack; to many it represents their ties, past and present, with the UK. Perhaps that’s due to the lasting effects of British colonial rule, with the majority of the population, around 69 percent, being of European descent, mostly British and Irish. The indigenous Maori form around 15 per cent of the population. It seems likely that given time and changing ethnic demographics, one day their flag may be replaced, but for the next decade or so the Union flag’s position on it appears safe. The Union Jack features in a few more flags around the world: the island of Niue, which is administered by New Zealand, and the British protectorates of Bermuda, Anguilla, the Cayman Islands and Montserrat feature the Union Jack in the canton of their flags, as do those of Ontario and Manitoba in Canada.
‘Are colors the only symbolic representations we can invoke to depict our culture, peculiarities and history? What about the awe-inspiring, time-honored rivers that course through the length and breadth of our country’s landscape; the rich, labyrinthine tapestry of our history; our uniquely sumptuous culinary treats; our valiant pre-colonial empires . . . ? Why is none of these captured representationally on our national flag? . . . [W]e have been “independent” from British colonial rule for 52 years now. Isn’t it about time we rethought the colors and design of our national flag? For one, it is a holdover from colonialism; it wasn’t a product of a post-independence effort . . . We have no business having a green-white-green national flag.’ Ouch. But these things are emotive and very subjective, and Mr Kperogi is just one voice on the matter. Fred Brownell was acutely aware of this emotional aspect when he sat down and thought long and hard when asked to design the flag for a post-apartheid South Africa, a country that had been wracked with conflict, struggling to adjust to an entirely new status quo, and with a population that was still extremely divided and wary of one another.
Chasing the Devil: On Foot Through Africa's Killing Fields by Tim Butcher
In 1808 the settler population of Sierra Leone was just 2,000, made up of remnants of the London settlers, the Nova Scotians and Maroons. The recaptives soon swamped this original group, with the Royal Navy delivering a total of 6,000 slaves retaken on the high seas by 1815. The influx continued at a similar pace over the next thirty years, meaning that recaptives became by far the dominant settler community in Freetown. But the irony was that, in spite of the growing number of black settlers, colonial rule meant a small cohort of white officials, appointed by the British government in London, still ran the affairs of a much larger black population, both settlers and indigenous Africans. It meant the dream of the philanthropists was only ever half fulfilled. Yes, black settlers had been saved from slavery, but they never enjoyed full freedom. And tension between white colonials, black settlers and indigenous people would dominate every subsequent turn in the history of Sierra Leone
The professor’s house was in the village of Leicester, one of the first communities set up for ‘recaptives’, high up on Mount Aureol, a mile or so above the university. If his village had strong historical links, his own bloodline read like the genome of Sierra Leone’s freed-slave history. His father’s family were ‘recaptives’ from Nigeria and his mother’s birth certificate described her as a ‘Maroon, Liberated African’. Born in 1925, he had been brought up during Freetown’s golden age when, still under British colonial rule, it was establishing itself as a city many compared to Athens. ‘I was born in a nursing home down on Sackville Street at a time when it was normal for all people in Freetown, black and white, to have access to maternity care. Of course it was not all easy back then. My mother had ten children but only four of us survived to adulthood,’ Prof. Jones explained as we sat in the shade of a tree.
The reference had been excised in later editions by Graham Greene, presumably to save space, and Prof. Jones, who had spent his career teaching English literature, had never seen an original edition so did not know of his father’s encounter with one of the most illustrious English authors of the twentieth century. His father had served as a customs inspector at Freetown harbour, the most senior rank then attainable by a native employee under British colonial rules, and had spent time with Graham Greene clearing the disembarkation of the expedition’s equipment. In the original text Graham Greene writes glowingly about Mr Jones, the customs inspector, describing him as one of the few ‘perfectly natural Africans whom I met in Sierra Leone’. It was a feeling I echoed one generation later. CHAPTER 3 Looking for Bruno Graham and Barbara Greene in Liverpool embarking for Africa, photographed for the News Chronicle, January 1935 It took over a week in Freetown to make ready for the trip.
The Great Surge: The Ascent of the Developing World by Steven Radelet
"Robert Solow", Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, business climate, business process, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, colonial rule, creative destruction, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doha Development Round, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Gini coefficient, global pandemic, global supply chain, income inequality, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of the steam engine, James Watt: steam engine, John Snow's cholera map, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, land reform, low skilled workers, M-Pesa, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, off grid, oil shock, out of africa, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, Robert Gordon, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, South China Sea, special economic zone, standardized shipping container, Steven Pinker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade route, women in the workforce, working poor
It was only in the late 1990s, with the threat of Communism (and unquestioned US support) waning and the Asian financial crisis exploding, that Suharto fell and Indonesian democracy took root. Indonesia is just one example. The details of the story lines differ across other developing countries, but the themes are similar. Most of today’s developing countries were under some kind of colonial rule until a few decades ago, and had been for a century or more. Those not under colonial controls were under local rule that often was similarly brutal, with a small ruling group extracting resources from the broader population, such as in imperial China. Colonial rule ended in Latin America and the Caribbean a century earlier, but Spanish and Portuguese settlers established local elite rule that seized resources and privileges for themselves and failed to create more widespread development opportunities. Some regimes were far worse than the Dutch in Indonesia, such as the Belgians in the Congo.
The Meiji Restoration was a political revolution that ended the Tokugawa shogunate and consolidated control of Japan under the emperor Meiji, resulting in enormous political, social, and economic changes in Japan in the decades that followed. THREE THE WEALTH OF A NEW GENERATION To get rich is glorious. —Deng Xiaoping WHEN MOZAMBIQUE’S CIVIL WAR ENDED in 1992, the country was in ruins.1 ARMED rebellion against Portuguese colonial rule started in the 1960s, but conflict intensified significantly after the 1974 coup in Lisbon led to Portugal’s withdrawal. When the Portuguese pulled out, “they did so with spite, sabotaging vehicles and pouring concrete down wells, elevator shafts, and toilets, leaving the country in disarray,” according to David Smith of the Guardian.2 The new government in Maputo established one-party rule, aligned itself with the Soviet Union, and provided support to the liberation movements in South Africa and Rhodesia, while the governments of South Africa and Rhodesia countered by financing an armed rebellion to fight the Mozambican government.
With the large and growing Indonesian Communist Party, the chaos of the mid-1960s, and the example of Vietnam, Suharto’s major objectives were to establish control and stop the spread of Communism. He did so brutally, with the support of the United States, throughout the archipelago and including Timor-Leste, which Indonesia invaded and annexed in 1975 in response to a perceived Communist threat. Given the history of four centuries of colonial rule, coupled with the conflicts engulfing Southeast Asia in the 1960s and 1970s, it is not surprising that Suharto based his rule on the tried-and-true recipe of strong military power, absolute political control, exploitation of natural resources to benefit a small elite, and no substantive checks on his power. Perhaps a different leader might have opted for more broad-based political and economic systems, but there were few examples of leaders of other countries doing so.
23 Things They Don't Tell You About Capitalism by Ha-Joon Chang
"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, borderless world, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, deskilling, ending welfare as we know it, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, full employment, German hyperinflation, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, light touch regulation, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, means of production, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, Myron Scholes, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, post-industrial society, price stability, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, rent control, shareholder value, short selling, Skype, structural adjustment programs, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Tobin tax, Toyota Production System, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game
To add insult to injury, the alleged growth-enhancing impact of inflation control has not materialized. Our obsession with inflation should end. Inflation has become the bogeyman that has been used to justify policies that have mainly benefited the holders of financial assets, at the cost of long-term stability, economic growth and human happiness. Thing 7 Free-market policies rarely make poor countries rich What they tell you After their independence from colonial rule, developing countries tried to develop their economies through state intervention, sometimes even explicitly adopting socialism. They tried to develop industries such as steel and automobiles, which were beyond their capabilities, artificially by using measures such as trade protectionism, a ban on foreign direct investment, industrial subsidies, and even state ownership of banks and industrial enterprises.
Thus, the potential donors faced arguably the worst business proposal in human history – a state-owned company, run by a politically appointed soldier, making a product that all received economic theories said was not suitable to the country. Naturally, the World Bank advised the other potential donors not to support the project, and every one of them officially pulled out of the negotiations in April 1969. Undeterred, the Korean government managed to persuade the Japanese government to channel a large chunk of the reparation payments it was paying for its colonial rule (1910–45) into the steel-mill project and to provide the machines and the technical advice necessary for the mill. The company started production in 1973 and established its presence remarkably quickly. By the mid 1980s, it was considered one of the most cost-efficient producers of low-grade steel in the world. By the 1990s, it was one of the world’s leading steel companies. It was privatized in 2001, not for poor performance but for political reasons, and today is the fourth-largest steel producer in the world (by quantity of output).
China, being the birthplace of Confucianism, had the confidence to take a more pragmatic approach in interpreting the classical doctrines and allowed people from merchant and artisanal classes to sit for the civil service examination. Korea – being more Confucian than Confucius – adamantly stuck to this doctrine and refused to hire talented people simply because they were born to the ‘wrong’ parents. It was only after our liberation from Japanese colonial rule (1910–45) that the traditional caste system was fully abolished and Korea became a country where birth does not set a ceiling to individual achievement (although the prejudice against artisans – engineers in modern terms – and merchants – business managers in modern terms – lingered on for another few decades until economic development made these attractive professions). Obviously feudal Korea was not alone in refusing to give people equality of opportunity.
Common Wealth: Economics for a Crowded Planet by Jeffrey Sachs
agricultural Revolution, air freight, back-to-the-land, British Empire, business process, carbon footprint, clean water, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, demographic transition, Diane Coyle, Edward Glaeser, energy security, failed state, Gini coefficient, global pandemic, Haber-Bosch Process, income inequality, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), intermodal, invention of agriculture, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, mass immigration, microcredit, oil shale / tar sands, old age dependency ratio, peak oil, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, Skype, statistical model, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transaction costs, unemployed young men, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working-age population
Electrification and roads have come to the villages of India and China and dozens of other low-income countries. Information technology, starting with the ubiquitous cell phone, and now extending to wireless Internet, is reaching the most remote areas of the world. National aspirations to join the global economy are nearly universal. Sovereignty is the rule rather than the exception in vast regions of the world that until two generations back were under colonial rule. There is, in short, no reason why nearly all of the world will not be part of the convergence club in the first part of the twenty-first century. This would imply the acceleration of total world growth in the coming years, and such a trend is evident in the past half century. It is instructive to apply the convergence framework to the future development of per capita income in different parts of the world.
For example, Korea and Taiwan are often compared pointedly with Ghana, with the assertion that all three economies had roughly the same starting point in 1960, so the subsequent divergence in performance was homegrown and due to better economic governance and management in Asia. In fact, the economic takeoff of Korea and Taiwan in the 1960s was built on foundations laid by Japanese investments during the colonial era and by infrastructure financed by U.S. aid in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Most important, and without downplaying the darker sides of colonial rule, Japanese policies and investments laid the foundation for high-productivity agriculture in both Korea and Taiwan, and thereby laid the foundations for food security and industrialization. A leading economic analyst of Asia’s successful industrialization, Robert Wade, has usefully summarized some of the key investments that Japan made in rural Taiwan: A good communications infrastructure was laid down, designed not with the narrow purpose of extracting some primary raw material but with the aim of increasing production of smallholder rice and sugar, both wanted in Japan.
Under these policies, “expansion in irrigation and drainage, dissemination of improved or better seeds, and spread in the use of fertilizers and manures were all energetically attempted, sometimes even with the aid of the police force; the statistics indicate continuously rising trends” [quoting Ishikawa, 1967:102]. Farmers were grouped into farmer cooperatives, irrigation associations, and landlord-tenant associations so as both to accelerate the spread of technical knowledge and to keep them under control. After the end of Japanese colonial rule in 1945, Taiwan invested heavily in rural infrastructure and irrigation, backed by U.S. aid. Again, as Wade summarizes: Agricultural production grew at 4.4 percent a year between 1954 and 1967, faster than just about anywhere else in Asia. The surge of agricultural growth checked discontent with the Nationalist regime in the countryside, helping to stabilize the industrial investment climate.
After Zionism: One State for Israel and Palestine by Antony Loewenstein, Ahmed Moor
Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, drone strike, facts on the ground, ghettoisation, land reform, Naomi Klein, one-state solution, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, young professional
Above everything else, it requires a sophisticated, principled and popular Palestinian resistance movement with a clear vision for justice and a democratic, inclusive society. It is also premised on two other pillars: a democratised and free Arab region, which now looks far less imaginary; and an international solidarity movement supporting Palestinian rights and struggling to end all forms of Zionist Apartheid and colonial rule, particularly through boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS), as called for by the great majority of Palestinian civil society in the historic BDS call of 2005.5 In parallel, a crucial process of de-dichotomising the identities involved in the colonial conflict should be launched to build the conceptual foundations for ethical coexistence in the decolonised future state. Moral De-dichotomisation I define moral de-dichotomisation as a process whereby conceptual as well as concrete dichotomies are undermined so as to overcome resiliently conflicted identities and engender a common identity based on principles of equality, justice and human rights.
By 1960, with the adoption of the “Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Peoples”, GA resoultion 1514, the principle of self-determination had been elevated to the position of an unconditional right for peoples under “alien, colonial or oppressive domination”, and called for a “speedy and unconditional end to colonialism in all its manifestations”. In the following decades, the scope and applicability of the right to self-determination expanded to include indigenous peoples suffering from consequences of past colonial rule, unrepresented peoples, and national minorities oppressed by national majorities within the boundaries of a state. UNGA resolution 3236, of 22 November 1974, elevates the applicability of the right to self-determination to the people of Palestine to an “inalienable” right. The resolution: 1. Reaffirms the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people in Palestine, including: a. The right to self-determination without external interference; b.
As for Jewish refugees from Arab states, they are entitled, according to international law, to the same rights as refugees everywhere: the right to repatriation and reparation. Cultural particularity and diverse identities should be nourished, not just tolerated, by society and protected by law. Palestine was for centuries a fertile meeting ground for diverse civilisations and cultures, fostering communication, dialogue and acculturation among them. This heritage, almost forgotten under the cultural hegemony of Zionist colonial rule, must be revived, nourished and celebrated, regardless of any power asymmetry in the new state. We also must keep in mind that half of the Jewish–Israeli population, the Mizrahi/Arab Jews, have their cultural roots in Arab and other Middle Eastern cultures. The Vehicle: Resistance & Effective Solidarity Regardless of the above vital components of the vision, perhaps the most nagging question that one-state advocates face is whether our vision is feasible, whether it can be realised and, if so, how.
Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed by James C. Scott
agricultural Revolution, business cycle, clean water, colonial rule, commoditize, deskilling, facts on the ground, germ theory of disease, informal economy, invention of writing, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Kenneth Arrow, land reform, land tenure, Louis Pasteur, new economy, New Urbanism, Potemkin village, price mechanism, profit maximization, road to serfdom, Silicon Valley, stochastic process, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method, Thorstein Veblen, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, working poor
In such situations, emergency conditions foster the seizure of emergency powers and frequently delegitimize the previous regime. They also tend to give rise to elites who repudiate the past and who have revolutionary designs for their people. A fourth element is closely linked to the third: a prostrate civil society that lacks the capacity to resist these plans. War, revolution, and economic collapse often radically weaken civil society as well as make the populace more receptive to a new dispensation. Late colonial rule, with its social engineering aspirations and ability to run roughshod over popular opposition, occasionally met this last condition. In sum, the legibility of a society provides the capacity for largescale social engineering, high-modernist ideology provides the desire, the authoritarian state provides the determination to act on that desire, and an incapacitated civil society provides the leveled social terrain on which to build.
As a rule of thumb, cadastral mapping was earlier and more comprehensive where a powerful central state could impose itself on a relatively weak civil society. Where, by contrast, civil society was well organized and the state relatively weak, cadastral mapping was late, often voluntary, and fragmentary. Thus Napoleonic France was mapped much earlier than England, where the legal profession managed for a long time to stymie this threat to its local, incomeearning function. It followed from the same logic that conquered colonies ruled by fiat would often be cadastrally mapped before the metropolitan nation that ordered it. Ireland may have been the first. After Cromwell's conquest, as Ian Hacking notes, "Ireland was completely surveyed for land, buildings, people, and cattle under the directorship of William Petty, in order to facilitate the rape of that nation by the English in 1679."911 Where the colony was a thinly populated settler-colony, as in North America or Australia, the obstacles to a thorough, uniform cadastral grid were minimal.
Twentieth-Century High Modernism The idea of a root-and-branch, rational engineering of entire social orders in creating realizable utopias is a largely twentieth-century phenomenon. And a range of historical soils have seemed particularly favorable for the flourishing of high-modernist ideology. Those soils include crises of state power, such as wars and economic depressions, and circumstances in which a state's capacity for relatively unimpeded planning is greatly enhanced, such as the revolutionary conquest of power and colonial rule. The industrial warfare of the twentieth century has required unprecedented steps toward the total mobilization of the society and the economy.32 Even quite liberal societies like the United States and Britain became, in the context of war mobilization, directly administered societies. The worldwide depression of the 1930s similarly propelled liberal states into extensive experiments in social and economic planning in an effort to relieve economic distress and to retain popular legitimacy.
The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty by Daron Acemoglu, James A. Robinson
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, AltaVista, Andrei Shleifer, bank run, Berlin Wall, British Empire, California gold rush, central bank independence, centre right, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, colonial rule, Computer Numeric Control, conceptual framework, Corn Laws, corporate governance, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, Dava Sobel, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Snowden, en.wikipedia.org, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, information asymmetry, interest rate swap, invention of movable type, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, John Harrison: Longitude, joint-stock company, Kula ring, labor-force participation, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, manufacturing employment, mass incarceration, Maui Hawaii, means of production, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, obamacare, openstreetmap, out of africa, PageRank, pattern recognition, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Skype, spinning jenny, Steven Pinker, the market place, transcontinental railway, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks
Exactly as Ambedkar put it, people were trapped into “water-tight compartments,” blocking their incentives and opportunities. Talent and ability are widely misallocated, wasted. Not only liberty but economic efficiency was sacrificed at the altar of India’s cage of norms. No wonder the country has suffered from endemic poverty and underdevelopment. (And we might add that none of this was made better by 150 years of East India Company and British colonial rule and before that the hegemony of the Mughal Empire, both of which built on and reinforced the caste system.) But if India is so hierarchical and so riven with divisions, why has it also sustained democratic elections since independence and is it often held up to be the world’s largest democracy? Why has this democratic system failed to mobilize anything like the Red Queen? The answer to the first question, as we’ll see next, is related to India’s history of popular political participation, in many ways similar to those of the Germanic tribes we discussed in Chapter 6.
One Colombian judicial prosecutor even referred to a military unit, the Batallón Pedro Nel Ospina, as a “group of assassins dedicated to creating victims which they then pretended were killed in combat.” If the guerrillas and paramilitaries don’t get you, the army might. Another consequence of the Colombian Paper Leviathan was noted almost two hundred years ago by Simón Bolívar, Latin America’s “liberator,” who led its revolution against Spanish colonial rule, when he stated: These Gentlemen think that Colombia is full of simple men they’ve seen gathered around fireplaces in Bogotá, Tunja, and Pamplona. They’ve never laid eyes on the Caribs of the Orinoco, the plainsmen of the Apure, the fishermen of Maracaibo, the boatmen of the Magdalena, the bandits of Patia, the ungovernable Pastusos, the Guajibos of Casanare and all the other savage hordes of Africans and Americans that roam like deer throughout the wilderness of Colombia.
In this context, it is also useful to contrast the Paper Leviathan with the Indian state. We saw in Chapter 8 that the Indian state is disorganized and feeble too, and this is maintained by the fragmented nature of society, just like the Paper Leviathan. But there are notable differences too. In India, this situation was forged by the history of caste relations and the cage of norms this created, not by the history of colonial rule. This also implies that it was the society’s peculiar organization that kept the state weak. This makes India closer to a state impaired and constricted by society, more of a weak state than a despotic one. As such, in terms of our figure, India is on the other side of the line demarcating the division between the Absent and Despotic Leviathans. It isn’t the fear of the mobilization effect keeping the state weak and incapable in India; it is the unbearable weight of caste divisions.
The Trigger: Hunting the Assassin Who Brought the World to War by Tim Butcher
After being dropped by parachute into central Bosnia, Maclean and his small team of Allied agents were led to the old fortress town of Jajce, briefly held by the communist resistance as its headquarters, and there he met their leader. He was named Josip Broz, but he would become known around the world by his partisan nom de guerre, Tito. What I found fascinating was how much Tito had in common with Princip. Born within two years of each other – Tito was the older – they were both southern Slavs brought up under colonial rule, both committing their lives to winning freedom for their people. Whereas Princip was born in 1894 in the Serb community of Bosnia, only recently absorbed within Austria–Hungary, Tito came from Croat and Slovene stock, born further north in Croatian land that had been under Austro-Hungarian rule for centuries. Where they differed was in their political vision. Princip focused no further than the short-term, on revolutionary acts intended to remove through assassination titular symbols of occupation.
The exact same forces found purchase among the younger generations in Bosnia, so much so that a movement grew up that they would later call Mlada Bosna or Young Bosnia. That is not to say it was a single, disciplined party with a coherent structure, leadership or set of internal rules. It would be more accurate to describe it as an amorphous grouping of diverse young people from across Bosnia’s ethnic and social spectrum, coalescing around one shared aim: the removal of Habsburg colonial rule. Ideas about how this would be achieved and what type of regime would come in its place did not enjoy the same unanimity. These questions remained unsettled, subject to fierce debate and bitter disagreement. But what stands out to me – as someone who saw Bosnia pull itself to pieces in the 1990s over ethnicity – is that the group was not called Young Serbs or Young Croats or Young Muslims. By using the name Young Bosnia, there was a deliberate attempt to achieve inclusivity, a common purpose between all those living in Bosnia that was not limited by ethnicity and religion.
In the end it was Russia’s reluctance to offer military support to Serbia that defused the situation, eventually leading to Serbia’s grudging acceptance of the annexation. By the spring of 1909 the Berlin treaty had been amended, the annexation was complete and the house of cards still stood. Princip had only just started his second year of the Merchants’ School when the crisis began in 1908. But what he witnessed on the streets of the capital city was the impact of the annexation: deeper entrenchment of Austro-Hungarian colonial rule, emergency powers granted to imperial governors, new waves of non-Slav immigration from elsewhere in the Habsburg Empire, growing resentment among fellow Slavs who grumbled that advancement was being monopolised by foreigners. The 1910 census illustrated the population shift clearly, recording a city population of 52,000, with the Muslim and Orthodox communities relatively static. In contrast, the Catholics, consisting mostly of arrivals from elsewhere in the Habsburg Empire, had ballooned in just three decades from 700, when Bosnia had first been occupied by Austria–Hungary, to 17,000.
The Last Kings of Shanghai: The Rival Jewish Dynasties That Helped Create Modern China by Jonathan Kaufman
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Honoré de Balzac, indoor plumbing, joint-stock company, life extension, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, Mikhail Gorbachev, old-boy network, plutocrats, Plutocrats, rent control, Steve Jobs, trade route
The currency transactions protected his assets and increased his profits and sent a rich stream of dividends to his London relatives to fund their shooting parties and art collections. Dismissed in London as a playboy, Victor in India became a man of influence. He was appointed to the colonial National Legislative Assembly as a representative of the textile industry. He immersed himself in debates over currency reform and factory conditions. He believed in colonial rule and was convinced that his own family’s paternalism had benefited India’s workers. Labor conditions and wages in the Sassoon factories were the best in India. He supported a law that limited the workweek to sixty hours and raised the minimum age of child workers to twelve, over the objections of many of his fellow millionaires. “I don’t pretend to know anything about debating, as until I went to Delhi the only debate I had even listened to [was at university] and I have never set foot in the House of Commons,” he wrote to a friend.
“The tunnel under Hong Kong harbor (linking Hong Kong Island and Kowloon and the New Territories) is a Kadoorie idea. And through a Kadoorie-funded agricultural program, much of the pork and chicken here bears the Kadoorie mark.” Powered by Lawrence’s electricity, spared any further political turmoil, Hong Kong boomed. It joined the “Asian tigers” of economic growth, embracing a mixture of free-market economics and colonial rule that improved education, expanded housing, and kept unemployment low. By the 1970s Hong Kong’s per capita income was ten times higher than China’s. It had the fifth-busiest port in the world; if it were a country, it would rank twenty-fifth globally among trading economies. Television, radio, and a vibrant press fed a creative and increasingly globalized population, a burgeoning tourist industry, and pacesetters in global fashion and film.
The Kadoories were more attuned to China’s politics and its needs, from Laura Kadoorie’s early support of charity to Horace’s creation of the Kadoorie Agricultural Aid Association. Lawrence and Horace refused to abandon China entirely, and their commitment paid off for them as a family and for Shanghai and Hong Kong. Yet when China rose and demanded Hong Kong’s return, Lawrence clung to the idea of continuing some form of colonial rule over the city. And when China’s resurgence was clear, Lawrence and his son did not publicly condemn the Tiananmen massacre. They opposed efforts to bring more democracy to Hong Kong. They chose commercial profit over political freedom and decency—a dilemma that many foreign companies from Google to Facebook to Apple must increasingly face. The Sassoons and the Kadoories created essential strands of Shanghai’s DNA.
Winning the War on War: The Decline of Armed Conflict Worldwide by Joshua S. Goldstein
Albert Einstein, Ayatollah Khomeini, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, Black Swan, business cycle, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Doomsday Clock, failed state, immigration reform, income inequality, invention of writing, invisible hand, land reform, long peace, microcredit, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, purchasing power parity, RAND corporation, selection bias, Steven Pinker, Tobin tax, unemployed young men, Winter of Discontent, Y2K
“Has anyone . . . tried to determine if Africa and Africans have been better or worse off since colonial rule ended?” “Every single person who is under the UN umbrella is collaborating to this crime with their silence.” These four comments appear in just the first ten posts in response to the Kristof column. Finally, although the issue is complex, I detect an element of racism in the popular discourse portraying Congo as a place of uncontrolled brutality. It is “darkest Africa,” with black men as rapists and people so uncivilized that they commit atrocities all the time. One would hardly be surprised to read that a rebel militia had captured a white foreign humanitarian and boiled her in a big pot of water for dinner. The suggestions to put Congo back under colonial rule—made with no apparent awareness of their irony—are understandable given this level of misunderstanding and stereotyping about the Congo. 11 WARS OF THE WORLD The Fires Still Smoldering The gory headlines are right about one thing—war remains a serious problem in our world.
NAMIBIA The 1989 Namibia operation was the UN’s first return to “complex peace operations—those having civil/political as well as military components”—since leaving the Congo in the early 1960s. Namibia redefined the role of the UN and pioneered new methods, notably in disarmament and reintegration of fighters. In Namibia, the UN mission “differed from all previous UN peacekeeping operations in that its primary means and purpose were political (in overseeing a democratic transition after decades of civil war and colonial rule), rather than military (where monitoring a cease-fire is the primary task).” The UN for the first time took over civilian police functions, established an information program to keep the population informed, and set up a “Contact Group” of western countries committed to helping with the process. The Namibia mission was the first of five—the others being in Cambodia, eastern Croatia, Kosovo, and East Timor—where the UN took over actual administration of a territory, “violating . . . sovereignty and democracy with the goals of establishing sovereignty and democracy.”
The concept has a “historical pedigree . . . in the various measures taken by the European powers in the nineteenth century to curb supposed abuses within the Ottoman Empire.” Political scientist Gary Bass shows that “over a century ago, it was a known principle that troops should sometimes be sent to prevent the slaughter of innocent foreigners.” Human rights rhetoric played an important role in forming foreign policy, especially in Victorian Britain, as during the antislavery movement and the “mass uproar against vicious Belgian colonial rule in the Congo.” Britain’s government cared about Greeks oppressed by Turks, as did Russia’s about Bulgarian Slavs massacred by the Ottomans and France’s about Christians in Syria. Furthermore, today’s heated debates—about universal human rights, about sovereignty as a shield for oppression of minorities, and about altruistic interventions that mask imperialistic designs—“were voiced loud and clear throughout the nineteenth century.”
War Without Mercy: PACIFIC WAR by John Dower
anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, colonial rule, European colonialism, ghettoisation, Gunnar Myrdal, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Scientific racism, South China Sea, Torches of Freedom, transcontinental railway
The Burmese prime minister spoke repeatedly of the solidarity of “a thousand million Asiatics,” a vision also evoked by other Asian leaders.4 Burma and the Philippines, long colonies of Britain and the United States respectively, were granted nominal independence by Japan in 1943. Occupied Indonesia was later also given independence, although the quick end of the war made the transfer of authority untidy. The Tokyo conference of November 1943 was designed to be an inspiring symbol of Pan-Asian idealism and the demise of white colonial rule in Asia; and although it was ultimately a hollow exercise, it fueled both Asian racial dreams and Western racial fears. Officials in the West took the rhetoric of Asian solidarity painfully to heart. During the first year of the war, for example, Admiral Ernest King worried about the repercussions of Japanese victories “among the non-white world” while Roosevelt’s chief of staff Admiral William Leahy wrote in his diary about the fear that Japan might “succeed in combining most of the Asiatic peoples against the whites.”
.…36 Like a stone cast into the water, the race issue made itself felt in ever-widening circles. Just as attacks on the Japanese enemy carried over into animosity toward Asian peoples in general, so also did the Yellow Peril sentiment pass on into even larger fears concerning the rise of “colored” peoples everywhere. For the English, the colored problem evoked a multitude of unsettling images linking the war to the clamor for independence from colonial rule in India, Burma, Malaya, and, though still muted there, Africa. For white Americans, “color” was a blunt reminder that the upheaval in Asia coincided with rising bitterness, impatience, anger, and militance among blacks at home. The alarm which accelerating black demands for equality caused in U.S. military and civilian circles during the war cannot be underestimated. Secretary of War Stimson agonized over the “explosive” and seemingly insoluble race problem, and confided to his diary early in 1942 that he believed Japanese and Communist agitators were behind Negro demands for equality.
The potentially explosive nature of the situation became most apparent, however, when blacks began appropriating the Allied rhetoric of “fighting for democracy” as their own and drawing practical lessons from the war.43 The conflict in Asia itself provided several sometimes contradictory models for black leaders, including the example of Japanese militance, the inspiration of Chinese resistance against the Japanese, and the tactics of nonviolent resistance exemplified by Gandhi in his struggle against British colonial rule in India. But the “good war” against the oppressive Axis powers was inspiration enough in itself for many American blacks, and campaigns for civil rights were organized during the war under such slogans as “Double Victory,” “Victory at Home as Well as Abroad,” and “Defeat Hitler, Mussolini and Hirohito by Enforcing the Constitution and Abolishing Jim Crow.” A well-publicized civil rights rally at Madison Square Garden in June 1942, attended by eighteen thousand persons, provided an example of what such slogans meant to many blacks.
Investment: A History by Norton Reamer, Jesse Downing
activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Albert Einstein, algorithmic trading, asset allocation, backtesting, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, break the buck, Brownian motion, business cycle, buttonwood tree, buy and hold, California gold rush, capital asset pricing model, Carmen Reinhart, carried interest, colonial rule, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, debt deflation, discounted cash flows, diversified portfolio, dogs of the Dow, equity premium, estate planning, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, family office, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial innovation, fixed income, Gordon Gekko, Henri Poincaré, high net worth, index fund, information asymmetry, interest rate swap, invention of the telegraph, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, Kenneth Rogoff, labor-force participation, land tenure, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, loss aversion, Louis Bachelier, margin call, means of production, Menlo Park, merger arbitrage, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, negative equity, Network effects, new economy, Nick Leeson, Own Your Own Home, Paul Samuelson, pension reform, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, quantitative easing, RAND corporation, random walk, Renaissance Technologies, Richard Thaler, risk tolerance, risk-adjusted returns, risk/return, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Sand Hill Road, Sharpe ratio, short selling, Silicon Valley, South Sea Bubble, sovereign wealth fund, spinning jenny, statistical arbitrage, survivorship bias, technology bubble, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, time value of money, too big to fail, transaction costs, underbanked, Vanguard fund, working poor, yield curve
One study of eighteenth-century northwest India shows members of a given caste providing loans to one another out of a sense of “caste solidarity” or “communal identiﬁcation.”134 Moreover, the pattern of development of guilds and trade organizations was inﬂuenced by caste roles.135 Foreign Investment in India In the more modern era in the history of investment and investment management in India, the beginning of the British Raj in 1858 delineated a profound shift in both governance and economic affairs of the Indian subcontinent. In 1858, the East India Company’s control of the Indian subcontinent ended with the establishment of British Crown colonial rule. This rule was not established easily, however; there was great expense (to the tune of ₤36 million) and bloodshed during the two-year period immediately preceding this formal establishment of Crown rule by the British, a period known as the “First War of Indian Independence.”136 With these geopolitical changes, a marked change in commodities operations became apparent under British colonial rule of India. Now that a formal, stable geopolitical environment had arisen as a result of Crown rule, economic activity was facilitated greatly.137 India served as both a market for British goods and services and an important defense asset in terms of the size of the standing British Indian Army.
See also commercial banks; merchant banks Barbarians at the Gate, 276 Bardi bank, 43–44 Barings Bank, 170–72 behavioral ﬁnance, 251–54 bell curve, 239 Benartzi, Shlomo, 252 benchmarking, 328–30 Benedict XIV (pope), 37 Bent, Bruce, 143 Bentham, Jeremy, 36 Index 417 Bergen Tunnel construction project, 178 Berlin Wall, fall of, 96 Bernanke, Ben, 9, 197, 208, 226 beta, 243–45; alpha and, 248–49, 254, 308–9 Bible, 34, 239 Bierman, Harold, 204 bills of exchange, 83–84 Birds, The (Aristophanes), 24 Bismarck, Otto von, 108–9 Black, Fischer, 230, 235–36 BlackRock, 299 Black Thursday (October 24, 1929), 164 Blunt, John, 67–68 Bocchoris, 23 Boesky, Ivan, 147, 181, 184–86 Bogle, Jack, 284–85 bond index funds, 285 bonds: convertible, 178; fabrication of Italian, 163; government, 6, 135, 176; high-yield, 276; holding, 93; investment in, 257, 259, 297, 301; management of, 102 Boness, James, 236 bookkeeping, double-entry, 41 borrower, reputation of, 22–23 Borsa Italiana, 95 Boston, 100 Boston Consulting Group, 194 Boston Post, 157 bourses, 84 Breitowitz, Yitzhok, 150 Bristol-Myers Squibb, 188 Britain: beggar-thy-neighbor policies in, 202; colonial rule of India, 49–50, 61; supplies contract, after American Revolution, 175 British Bankers’ Association, 182 British East India Company, 66, 326 Brookings Institution, 91 Brown, Henry, 143 Brown, Robert, 230 Brownian motion, 230, 234 Brumberg, Richard, 121–22 Brush, Charles, 81 Bubble Act of 1720, 68, 87 bubbles: causes of, 5; housing bubble of 2004–2006, 213–14; South Sea Bubble, 68–69; technology (dot-com bubble of 1999-2000), 187, 213, 223–24, 246, 263, 276, 287 bubonic plague, 75 bucket shops, 90 Buddhist temples, 29–30 budget deﬁcit projections, 218 Buffett, Warren: American Express and, 169; earnings of, 305; on efficient market hypothesis, 250–51; ﬁnancial leverage and, 6; on real ownership, 4; resource allocation and, 7; as value manager, 140 bullet payments, 321 bull market: in 1920s, 91; of 1990s, 269, 285; after World War II, 92, 143 burghers, 42 Bush, George W., 218, 225 BusinessWeek, 143, 188 Buttonwood Agreement, 88, 97 Byzantines, 52 Cabot, Paul, 141 Cady, Roberts decision, 192 Caesar, 28 Calahan, Edward, 90 California Public Employees Retirement System (CalPERS), 129 418 Investment: A History call option: performance fee as, 310–11; sale of, 151 CalPERS.
., 160–61 Grant and Ward, 160–61 Great Depression of 1930s, 197–212; causality of, 205–7; Crash of 1929 and, 203–5, 208, 222; deﬂation and, 198, 231; Federal Reserve and, 205–7; impacts of, 91, 95, 163, 321; interest rates and, 106–7; monetary and ﬁscal response to, 208–10; 1920s growth and, 199–200; open-ended mutual fund and, 141–42; origins of, 197; policy responses to, 196; Regulation Q and, 114; regulatory response to, 210–12; retirement and, 106–8; Strong and, 200–203 Great Recession of 2007–2009, 212–25; buildup to, 213–15; the crash, 215–16; Federal Reserve and, 217–18, 220–21, 225; ﬁscal response to, 218–19; intercrisis period, 212–13; key dates in, 227; recovery from, 224–25; regulatory response to, 219–22; response to, 196, 216–22; Treasury and, 217–18, 225 Greece: commercial banks in, 25–26; endowments and foundations in, 56–57, 57; estate management in, 18–19; ﬁnancial leverage in, 5; guardianship in, 58; interest-free consumption loans in, 25; lending in, 22, 24–27, 60; maritime loans in, 26–27; real estate loans in, 27; resource allocation in, 6; usury in, 33 Greenspan, Alan, 213 Griswold, Merrill, 275 Gross, Bill, 258 Group Association, 106 Guardian International Bank, 154 guardianship, 58 guilds, 42, 48–49 Guinness sharetrading fraud, 181–82 gun mada (tax), 16 Gurney, John, 74 Gurney’s Bank, 74 Gutenberg, Johannes, 71 Hace Şerefüddin el-Hace Yahya, 52 Hamilton, Alexander, 175–77 Hanna, Robert, 81 Hargreaves, James, 71 Harley, Robert, 67 Harrison, George, 202, 206 Harvard University, 257, 271, 311 Hayek, Friedrich, 205 hedge funds, 260–74, 268; deﬁnition of, 261; fees, 261, 262, 270–71, 273, 301–2, 304–6, 308–9, 313, 314; funds of, 270–71; growth and development of, 262–64; highestpaid managers, 304–6, 307; illiquidity of, 271–72; origin of, 261–62; passive aggressive, 301, 302; risks and returns of, 272–74; 424 Investment: A History hedge funds (continued ) strong performers’ characteristics, 269; universe today, 264–69 Heshuyen, Frans Jacob, 140 Hesiod, 25 Hewlett-Packard, 279 HFR database, 271, 306 Hickman, Bert, 207 Hidetada, Tokugawa, 47 home equity, 115 homeownership, 2, 321–23 Hoover, Herbert, 202, 208–9 Hope and Company, 140 Hopkins, Harry, 209 horoi (stones), 27, 60 Horowitz, Jerome, 150 House Appropriations Committee, 194 housing bubble of 2004–2006, 213–14 Hughes, Charles Evans, 108 Hume, David, 79 Hussein, Saddam, 266 IDS. See Investors Diversiﬁed Services illiquidity premium, 272, 328 Immigration Act of 1924, 199 impact investing, 324–25 increase or expansion (riba), 37–38 independent custodian, 153 independent foundations, 127 index funds, 10, 284–86 indexing, market efficiency and, 301–3 India: British colonial rule of, 49–50, 61; castes in, 48–49; foreign investment in, 49–50; trade in, 48–49; usury in, 38–39 Individual Retirement Accounts (IRAs), 113–14, 144, 295 individuals, retirement accounts and, 120–23 Industrial Revolution, 70–82; banking and, 73–75; breadth of, 79–80; capital in, 71–72; discussions about, 61; impacts of, 8, 40, 98; laborers during, 63, 77–79; wealth generation during, 75–77. See also Second Industrial Revolution inﬂation: of 1960s and 1970s, 114, 135; protection against, 115, 258; during World War I, 198 infrastructure projects, 282–83 innovation, 223–24, 290–316 inputs, 237 insider trading, 9, 184–93; by Boesky, 184–86; as illegal, 191–93; by Pajcin and Plotkin, 187–90; by Rajaratnam, 186–87; SEC and, 191–93; by Wiggin, 190–91 Insider Trading Sanctions Act of 1984, 193 insolvency, 216, 220–21 institutional clients, 10, 123 Institutional Investor, 299 insurance: maritime, 65; mortgages, 321; pensions and, 106, 112; Presbyterian Church and, 101–2; probabilistic, 252; purpose of, 26.
The Great Leveler: Violence and the History of Inequality From the Stone Age to the Twenty-First Century by Walter Scheidel
agricultural Revolution, assortative mating, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, collective bargaining, colonial rule, Columbian Exchange, conceptual framework, corporate governance, cosmological principle, crony capitalism, dark matter, declining real wages, demographic transition, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Downton Abbey, Edward Glaeser, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, fixed income, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, Gini coefficient, global pandemic, hiring and firing, income inequality, John Markoff, knowledge worker, land reform, land tenure, low skilled workers, means of production, mega-rich, Network effects, nuclear winter, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, race to the bottom, recommendation engine, rent control, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Second Machine Age, Simon Kuznets, The Future of Employment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, universal basic income, very high income, working-age population, zero-sum game
Even less can be said here about South Asia except that high inequality both in the Mughal empire in the eighteenth century and under British control 200 years later provides further confirmation of the disequalizing effects of large-scale predatory imperial or colonial rule.24 For much of the past 600 years, inequality trends in the New World can only be sketched out in a highly impressionistic way. It is likely that the formation of the Aztec and Inca empires in the fifteenth centuries raised economic disparities to new levels as tributary flows extended over longer distances and powerful elites accumulated increasingly hereditary assets. Countervailing forces operated during the following two centuries: even as the Spanish expansion and predatory colonial rule by a small conquest elite would have sustained or arguably even increased existing levels of wealth concentration, the catastrophic demographic attrition caused by the arrival of novel Old World infections I describe in chapter 11 made labor scarce and even drove up real wages, at least for a while.
Countervailing forces operated during the following two centuries: even as the Spanish expansion and predatory colonial rule by a small conquest elite would have sustained or arguably even increased existing levels of wealth concentration, the catastrophic demographic attrition caused by the arrival of novel Old World infections I describe in chapter 11 made labor scarce and even drove up real wages, at least for a while. Even so, after these epidemics had abated, the population recovered, land/labor ratios fell, urbanization increased, and colonial rule was fully consolidated; by the eighteenth century, Latin American inequality was probably as high as it had ever been. Revolutions and independence in the early nineteenth century may have had an equalizing effect until the commodities boom of the second half of that century pushed inequality to ever higher levels, a process of income concentration that with only intermittent pauses continued well into the late twentieth century (Fig. 3.4).25 THE LONG NINETEENTH CENTURY This brings us to the onset of modern economic growth in the nineteenth century.
Land reforms that targeted former colonial or other captured elite holdings similarly occurred in a whole series of other countries.17 Genuinely peaceful reform often appears to have required some form of foreign control that checked the power of local elites. It worked in Puerto Rico in the late 1940s—and even there it was an outgrowth of equalizing reforms in the United States that had been driven by the Great Depression and World War II and coincided with top-down land reform in Japan under American occupation. Colonial rule was also instrumental in Irish land reform. In the late 1870s, the so-called “Land War,” agitation for fair rents and tenant protection from eviction, involved organized resistance in the form of strikes and boycotts but only very little actual violence. The British Parliament addressed these grievances in a series of acts that regulated rents and provided for loans at fixed interest for tenants who wanted to purchase land from willing landlords.
The Retreat of Western Liberalism by Edward Luce
"Robert Solow", 3D printing, affirmative action, Airbnb, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, call centre, carried interest, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, cognitive dissonance, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, computer age, corporate raider, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, double entry bookkeeping, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, future of work, George Santayana, gig economy, Gini coefficient, global pandemic, global supply chain, illegal immigration, imperial preference, income inequality, informal economy, Internet of things, Jaron Lanier, knowledge economy, lateral thinking, liberal capitalism, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, moral panic, more computing power than Apollo, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, one-China policy, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, precariat, purchasing power parity, reserve currency, reshoring, Richard Florida, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Second Machine Age, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, Snapchat, software is eating the world, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, telepresence, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, unpaid internship, Washington Consensus, We are the 99%, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, white flight, World Values Survey, Yogi Berra
For Georgian and Victorian liberals on both sides of the Atlantic, and their modern heirs across the Western world, it was the progress of human liberty to individual freedom. In 1989 most people believed that last version. The others were either dead or in retreat. Today, only Marxism remains dormant. Belief in an authoritarian version of national destiny is staging a powerful comeback. Western liberalism is under siege. More to the point, non-Western visions of history, which were overshadowed by colonial rule but never forgotten, are staking their pressing claim to relevance. In very different ways, China and India have traditionally taken a circular view of history. They still do. Material conditions may improve. But humanity’s moral condition is constant. There is no spiritual or political finale towards which history is guiding us. To the rest of the world, which accounts for almost nine-tenths of humanity, most of whom are now finally starting to catch up with the West’s material advantages, humankind’s moral progress is a question that can never be settled.
China’s incentive to maintain Hong Kong’s relative freedoms has less to do with honouring its obligations to Britain than with convincing Taiwan that its way of life would be secure under China’s rule. Taiwan is the big prize. Washington is the biggest obstacle. It is critical to try to see the dispute from China’s point of view. Since Washington proclaimed the Monroe Doctrine in 1823, the US has treated outside interference in the Western hemisphere as a threat to its national interests. That includes Cuba, which the US helped liberate from Spanish colonial rule in 1898. The Caribbean island never fell under US sovereignty. Yet John F. Kennedy was prepared to risk nuclear war with the Soviets over the transfer of Soviet missiles to Cuba. In contrast, Taiwan was not only an historic part of China, but is recognised as such by the US and most of the rest of the world. It split off from the mainland only in 1949, after the defeated Kuomintang fled there following the communist revolution.
Nation-Building: Beyond Afghanistan and Iraq by Francis Fukuyama
Berlin Wall, business climate, colonial rule, conceptual framework, en.wikipedia.org, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Gunnar Myrdal, informal economy, land reform, microcredit, open economy, unemployed young men
One of the ﬁrst times this set of relationships was put to prominent use was during the reconstruction of South Korea in the 1950s. Since 1945, the United States had been involved in state-building in Korea, a task initially assigned to the U.S. Army. Many of the programs undertaken went far beyond simple reconstruction and stabilization tasks. Education, agriculture, industry, and other programs aimed to enhance or improve capacities that had existed under Japanese colonial rule. These efforts even included attempts to “modernize” the Korean language to include new scientiﬁc and technical terms. • 22 • From Consensus to Crisis • Such efforts were continued after the U.S. Army departed, following the creation of the Republic of Korea in 1948. They were handed off to the Economic Cooperation Administration, the body initially created to administer the Marshall Plan in Western Europe, which was given a global writ to foster development in the late 1940s.
They were split among government, missionary, business, educational, and voluntary groups. Much of this work was directly related to modernization brought about by a new world order.21 From the perspective of the Carnegie Project, these Americans were all operating in an altered world, one that was deﬁned politically by nationalism and economically by industrialization. In the countries only recently freed from colonial rule, there were rising expectations for a better life and the desire of leaders to cultivate modern economies and industry. It was logical that the United States should have a role in this process, as “the potentialities of large-scale industrialization have been demonstrated most vividly by the United States.” In the contemporary world, “international affairs were now internal affairs,” as modernization required direct activity by Americans inside these countries to foster the deep changes required.
They had a governmental structure based on European patterns, built on bureaucracies, civil and military, with the higher positions in them ﬁlled mostly or entirely by European whites, the lower levels ﬁlled by “natives” of various sorts. A kind of caste system prevailed, in which social behavior and authority were predicated on skin color and racial origin, in both governmental and nongovernmental affairs. The famous sparseness of the colonial ruling elite was based on more than the control of ﬁrearms, indirect rule, and the calculated accommodation of subjects to power. This structure of colonial societies meant that the apparatus of government was both the most conspicuous and prestigious expression of their hierarchical social structures, and in a time of rising egalitarian values, their Achilles’ heels. In the heyday of colonialism, the majesty of the government could not be attacked openly by its subjects without severe consequences; • 44 • Nation-Building in the Heyday of Development Ideology • hostility and alienation were indirectly expressed—notably through religion.
Cynical Theories: How Activist Scholarship Made Everything About Race, Gender, and Identity―and Why This Harms Everybody by Helen Pluckrose, James A. Lindsay
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, barriers to entry, battle of ideas, centre right, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, conceptual framework, desegregation, Donald Trump, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, feminist movement, germ theory of disease, Isaac Newton, late capitalism, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral panic, neurotypical, phenotype, sexual politics, Stephen Hawking, Steven Pinker, the scientific method, transatlantic slave trade, white flight, women in the workforce
I think that the ethico-political choice we have to make every day is to determine which is the main danger.32 Postmodern Theorists often present this perception as innovative, but, again, it is hardly new except in its aims for revolution (in the French style). The gradual formation of liberal, secular democracy over the Enlightenment and the Modern periods was characterized by struggles against oppressive forces and the search for freedom. The battle against the hegemony of the Catholic Church was primarily an ethical and political conflict. The French Revolution opposed both church and monarchy. The American Revolution opposed British colonial rule and nonrepresentative government. Throughout these earlier periods, institutions like, first, monarchical rule and slavery, then patriarchy and class systems, and finally enforced heterosexuality, colonialism, and racial segregation were challenged by liberalism—and overcome. Progress occurred fastest of all in the 1960s and 1970s, when racial and gender discrimination became illegal and homosexuality was decriminalized.
The postcolonial Theorists studied the discourses of colonialism, which sought to protect the interests of the powerful and privileged, not least the so-called right to dominate other cultures that hegemonic “civilized” Western (and Christian) discourses construed as “uncivilized” and “barbaric.” POSTCOLONIALISM AS AN APPLIED POSTMODERN PROJECT As concerns about colonialism grew through the middle part of the twentieth century, the work of psychiatrist Frantz Fanon rapidly gained influence. Fanon, who was born on Martinique under French colonial rule, is often considered foundational to postcolonial Theory. His 1952 book, Black Skins, White Masks,3 offers a powerful critique of both racism and colonialism. His 1959 work, A Dying Colonialism,4 chronicles the changes in culture and politics during the Algerian War of independence from France. Then, his 1961 book, The Wretched of the Earth,5 set the stage for postcolonialism and postcolonial Theory.
His approach is usually understood to be modernist because—while it is profoundly skeptical and clearly both critical and radical—his criticisms draw mainly on Lenin’s Marxist critiques of capitalism, his analysis relies heavily on psychoanalytic theory, and his philosophy is essentially humanist. Nevertheless, later thinkers, including Edward Said, the father of postcolonial Theory, took inspiration from Fanon’s depiction of the psychological impacts of having one’s culture, language, and religion subordinated to another. Fanon argued that the colonialist mind-set has to be disrupted and, if possible, reversed within people who have been subjected to colonial rule and the colonialist worldview that justified it. This focus on attitudes, biases, and discourses fits well with postmodernism. The scholars who look at postcolonialism in a postmodern way—postcolonial Theorists—also see their work as a project geared towards overcoming certain mind-sets associated with and putatively legitimizing colonialism (rather than focusing on its practical and material effects).
Shadows of Empire: The Anglosphere in British Politics by Michael Kenny, Nick Pearce
battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, colonial rule, corporate governance, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, global reserve currency, imperial preference, informal economy, invention of the telegraph, Khartoum Gordon, labour mobility, liberal capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Monroe Doctrine, Nixon shock, quantitative easing, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, trade route, Washington Consensus
Far from being a creator of this lineage, his thinking was a direct descendant of some of the foundational ideas about race, nationhood and citizenship that were assembled in the later years of the nineteenth century.3 Equally, it was formed out of direct experience of the military and administrative aspects of colonial governance. Churchill's Empire Historians continue to debate how important the imperial experience was for Churchill and what exactly were the most important and consistent principles he held on the various issues relating to colonial rule on which he spoke and acted during his career. His political contemporary Leo Amery famously characterised his interest in empire as synthetic and secondary to his much deeper interest in England, a charge repeated by Clement Attlee.4 In fact, perceptions of Churchill's relationship with empire altered at different stages of his career. It was during the 1920s that he acquired the reputation for being a ‘diehard’ who was out of step with his colleagues and stuck in a pre-First World War mindset.
‘If there is one phenomenon on which the sun cannot set’, he observed, ‘it is the world of the English-speaking peoples, in which the people of Indian origin are the single largest component.’34 His argument was a precursor to a more concerted examination of the – seemingly unlikely – proposition that India might become an important partner within a putative Anglosphere association, a position also advanced by the Tory MP Daniel Hannan.35 In January 2011 the foreign affairs magazine New Criterion published a special issue on the Anglosphere with authors from a variety of countries, including an Indian commentator, Madhav Das Alapat.36 The geographical expansion of the Anglosphere idea also drew sustenance from a separate intellectual current – an emerging interest in re-evaluating the nature and impact of the empire, a focus which was associated particularly with the controversial account of liberal imperialism supplied by Anglo-American commentator Niall Ferguson.37 And it was advanced too in the addition by the historian Andrew Roberts to Churchill's iconic volumes on the history of the English-speaking peoples, which appeared in 2007.38 Nor was this debate confined to Britain. Within Anglosphere circles more broadly, the desire to re-evaluate colonial rule and to trace its positive legacies, such as the establishment of the rule of law, the development of democratic institutions and the spread of ideas of liberty, became a commonplace in these years. According to the Canadian pundit Mark Steyn, ‘The key regional powers in almost every corner of the globe are … British-derived – from Australia to South Africa to India – and, even among the lesser players, as a general rule you're better off for having been exposed to British rule than not.’39 Intellectuals of the Anglosphere: Robert Conquest and James C.
Dreams and Shadows: The Future of the Middle East by Robin Wright
Anton Chekhov, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, central bank independence, colonial rule, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, old-boy network, rolodex, Saturday Night Live, Thomas L Friedman, uranium enrichment
Most of the region’s traditional opposition groups are spent forces or are losing constituents. Egypt’s oldest opposition group is the Wafd Party. But it, too, had begun to implode politically. Its presidential candidate, Noman Gomaa, received less than three percent of the vote when he ran against Mubarak in 2005. And Wafd won only six seats in parliament. Wafd means “delegation.” The party emerged in 1919 among liberal activists who challenged both British colonial rule and Egypt’s monarchy. It was widely popular until it was forced to disband, along with other parties, after the 1952 revolution. The New Wafd was revived in the late 1970s and, again, became the main legal opposition party. Its power brokers were merchants, middle-class professionals, landowners, and the bourgeoisie marginalized after the revolution. But it never regained its earlier standing.
It was, he replied, largely a reaction. “We originally became Marxists because the first generation of liberals failed to solve the national problems that faced our countries after independence,” he said. “The majority of Syrians and Egyptians and Iraqis were poor farmers. In fact, they were more than poor, they were nearly slaves. But the old liberals of the Arab world, the people who led the struggle for independence against colonial rule, generally came from a class of urban notables—people who were rich and had big landholdings. They were not interested in agricultural reform.” “They collapsed completely in Syria in the 1960s. That’s why the Baathists had an easy victory over them,” he added. The Baathists, led by Syria’s Alawite minority, identified with the farmers. Hafez al Assad was of peasant stock from the northern mountains.
You are going to create a planet without walls and without frontiers, where the gatekeepers have off every day of the year,’” Mernissi recalled.16 At the time, the Middle East offered few feminist role models for its women. Indeed, the groundbreaker was arguably a man. Qasim Amin was an Egyptian judge, cofounder of Cairo University, and an activist in Egypt’s nationalist movement. He is also considered the father of Arab feminism. He wrote The Liberation of Women in 1899 to argue that the education and liberation of women were pivotal in ending British colonial rule. In The New Woman, published in 1900, he then boldly condemned Arab societies for their attitudes and treatment of females. The book resonates with a single word—slavery. The woman who is forbidden to educate herself save in the duties of the servant or is limited in her educational pursuits is indeed a slave, because her natural instincts and God-given talents are subordinated…. The one who is completely veiled—arms, legs, body—so that she cannot walk, ride, breathe, see, or speak except with difficulty is to be reckoned a slave.17 It was much harder for women to campaign for their rights.
Seventeen Contradictions and the End of Capitalism by David Harvey
accounting loophole / creative accounting, bitcoin, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business climate, California gold rush, call centre, central bank independence, clean water, cloud computing, collapse of Lehman Brothers, colonial rule, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, drone strike, end world poverty, falling living standards, fiat currency, first square of the chessboard, first square of the chessboard / second half of the chessboard, Food sovereignty, Frank Gehry, future of work, global reserve currency, Guggenheim Bilbao, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, informal economy, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jane Jacobs, Jarndyce and Jarndyce, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Joseph Schumpeter, Just-in-time delivery, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, Mahatma Gandhi, market clearing, Martin Wolf, means of production, microcredit, new economy, New Urbanism, Occupy movement, peak oil, phenotype, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, reserve currency, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, short selling, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, transaction costs, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, wages for housework, Wall-E, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population
It is tempting in the face of all this to conclude that the political rhetoric concerning the pursuit of liberty and freedom is a sham, a mask for hypocrites like Bush to pursue more venal aims of profit, dispossession and domination. But this would deny the force of that other history which, from peasant revolts to revolutionary movements (American, French, Russian, Chinese etc.), to the struggle to abolish slavery and the fight to liberate whole populations from their chains of colonial rule, has in the name of freedom wrought a seismic reworking of the contours of how our world society works. All of this has been going on while social forces have been extending the field of freedom and liberty through struggles against apartheid, for civil rights, workers’ rights, women’s rights and the rights of many other minorities (LGBT, indigenous or disabled populations etc.). All of these struggles have worked their way through the history of capitalism in myriad ways to transform our social world.
The mining of minerals and the exploitation of energy and forestry resources often follow a similar logic. But the ecological effects are localised, leaving behind an uneven geographical landscape of abandoned mining towns, exhausted soils, toxic waste dumps and devalued asset values. The ecological benefits are located somewhere else. These extractive and exploitative practices become doubly rapacious and violent under systems of imperial and colonial rule. Soil mining, soil erosion and unregulated resource extractions have left a huge mark upon the world’s landscapes, in some instances leading to irreversible destructions of those use values needed for human survival. A more benign capitalist logic can be constructed in certain places and times that combines principles of sound environmental management with sustained profitability. The Dust Bowl of the 1930s in the USA, for example, was followed by the spread of conservationist land practices (sponsored by the state) and the design of a more sustainable agriculture, though based on the capital-intensive, high energy, chemical and pesticide inputs characteristic of profitable contemporary agribusiness.
., Disposable Women and Other Myths of Global Capitalism, New York, Routledge, 2006 Index Numbers in italics indicate Figures. 2001: A Space Odyssey (film) 271 A Abu Ghraib, Iraq 202 acid deposition 255, 256 advertising 50, 121, 140, 141, 187, 197, 236, 237, 275, 276 Aeschylus 291 Afghanistan 202, 290 Africa and global financial crisis 170 growth 232 indigenous population and property rights 39 labour 107, 108, 174 ‘land grabs’ 39, 58, 77, 252 population growth 230 Agamben, Giorgio 283–4 agglomeration 149, 150 economies 149 aggregate demand 20, 80, 81, 104, 173 aggregate effective demand 235 agribusiness 95, 133, 136, 206, 247, 258 agriculture ix, 39, 61, 104, 113, 117, 148, 229, 239, 257–8, 261 Alabama 148 Algerian War (1954–62) 288, 290 alienation 57, 69, 125, 126, 128, 129, 130, 198, 213, 214, 215, 263, 266–70, 272, 275–6, 279–80, 281, 286, 287 Allende, Salvador 201 Althusser, Louis 286 Amazon 131, 132 Americas colonisation of 229 indigenous populations 283 Amnesty International 202 anti-capitalist movements 11, 14, 65, 110, 111, 162 anti-capitalist struggle 14, 110, 145, 193, 269, 294 anti-globalisation 125 anti-terrorism xiii apartheid 169, 202, 203 Apple 84, 123, 131 apprenticeships 117 Arab Spring movement 280 Arbenz, Jacobo 201 Argentina 59, 107, 152, 160, 232 Aristotelianism 283, 289 Aristotle 1, 4, 200, 215 arms races 93 arms traffickers 54 Arrighi, Giovanni 136 Adam Smith in Beijing 142 Arthur, Brian: The Nature of Technology 89, 95–9, 101–4, 110 artificial intelligence xii, 104, 108, 120, 139, 188, 208, 295 Asia ‘land grabs’ 58 urbanisation 254 assembly lines 119 asset values and the credit system 83 defined 240 devalued 257 housing market 19, 20, 21, 58, 133 and predatory lending 133 property 76 recovery of 234 speculation 83, 101, 179 associationism 281 AT&T 131 austerity xi, 84, 177, 191, 223 Australia 152 autodidacts 183 automation xii, 103, 105, 106, 108, 138, 208, 215, 295 B Babbage, Charles 119 Bangkok riots, Thailand (1968) x Bangladesh dismantlement of old ships 250 factories 129, 174, 292 industrialisation 123 labour 108, 123, 129 protests against unsafe labour conditions 280 textile mill tragedies 249 Bank of England 45, 46 banking bonuses 164 electronic 92, 100, 277 excessive charges 84 interbank lending 233 and monopoly power 143 national banks supplant local banking in Britain and France 158 net transfers between banks 28 power of bankers 75 private banks 233 profits 54 regional banks 158 shell games 54–5 systematic banking malfeasance 54, 61 Baran, Paul and Sweezy, Paul: Monopoly Capitalism 136 Barcelona 141, 160 barrios pobres ix barter 24, 25, 29 Battersea Power Station, London 255 Battle of Algiers, The (film) 288 Bavaria, Germany 143, 150 Becker, Gary 186 Bernanke, Ben 47 Bhutan 171 billionaires xi, 165, 169, 170 biodiversity 246, 254, 255, 260 biofuels 3 biomedical engineering xii Birmingham 149 Bitcoin 36, 109 Black Panthers 291 Blade Runner (film) 271 Blankfein, Lloyd 239–40 Bohr, Niels 70 Bolivia 257, 260, 284 bondholders xii, 32, 51, 152, 158, 223, 240, 244, 245 bonuses 54, 77, 164, 178 Bourdieu, Pierre 186, 187 bourgeois morality 195 bourgeois reformism 167, 211 ‘Brady Bonds’ 240 Braudel, Fernand 193 Braverman, Harry: Labor and Monopoly Capital 119 Brazil a BRIC country 170, 228 coffee growers 257 poverty grants 107 unrest in (2013) 171, 243, 293 Brecht, Bertolt 265, 293 Bretton Woods (1944) 46 brewing trade 138 BRIC countries 10, 170, 174, 228 Britain alliance between state and London merchant capitalists 44–5 banking 158 enclosure movement 58 lends to United States (nineteenth century) 153 suppression of Mau Mau 291 surpluses of capital and labour sent to colonies 152–3 welfare state 165 see also United Kingdom British Empire 115, 174 British Museum Library, London 4 British Petroleum (BP) 61, 128 Buffett, Peter 211–12, 245, 283, 285 Buffett, Warren 211 bureaucracy 121–2, 165, 203, 251 Bush, George, Jr 201, 202 C Cabet, Étienne 183 Cabral, Amilcar 291 cadastral mapping 41 Cadbury 18 Cairo uprising (2011) 99 Calhoun, Craig 178 California 29, 196, 254 Canada 152 Cape Canaveral, Florida 196 capital abolition of monopolisable skills 119–20 aim of 92, 96–7, 232 alternatives to 36, 69, 89, 162 annihilation of space through time 138, 147, 178 capital-labour contradiction 65, 66, 68–9 and capitalism 7, 57, 68, 115, 166, 218 centralisation of 135, 142 circulation of 5, 7, 8, 53, 63, 67, 73, 74, 75, 79, 88, 99, 147, 168, 172, 177, 234, 247, 251, 276 commodity 74, 81 control over labour 102–3, 116–17, 166, 171–2, 274, 291–2 creation of 57 cultural 186 destruction of 154, 196, 233–4 and division of labour 112 economic engine of 8, 10, 97, 168, 172, 200, 253, 265, 268 evolution of 54, 151, 171, 270 exploitation by 156, 195 fictitious 32–3, 34, 76, 101, 110–11, 239–42 fixed 75–8, 155, 234 importance of uneven geographical development to 161 inequality foundational for 171–2 investment in fixed capital 75 innovations 4 legal-illegal duality 72 limitless growth of 37 new form of 4, 14 parasitic forms of 245 power of xii, 36, 47 private capital accumulation 23 privatisation of 61 process-thing duality 70–78 profitability of 184, 191–2 purpose of 92 realisation of 88, 173, 192, 212, 231, 235, 242, 268, 273 relation to nature 246–63 reproduction of 4, 47, 55, 63, 64, 88, 97, 108, 130, 146, 161, 168, 171, 172, 180, 181, 182, 189, 194, 219, 233, 252 spatiality of 99 and surplus value 63 surpluses of 151, 152, 153 temporality of 99 tension between fixed and circulating capital 75–8, 88, 89 turnover time of 73, 99, 147 and wage rates 173 capital accumulation, exponential growth of 229 capital gains 85, 179 capital accumulation 7, 8, 75, 76, 78, 102, 149, 151–5, 159, 172, 173, 179, 192, 209, 223, 228–32, 238, 241, 243, 244, 247, 273, 274, 276 basic architecture for 88 and capital’s aim 92, 96 collapse of 106 compound rate of 228–9 and the credit system 83 and democratisation 43 and demographic growth 231 and household consumerism 192 and lack of aggregate effective demand in the market 81 and the land market 59 and Marx 5 maximising 98 models of 53 in a new territories 152–3 perpetual 92, 110, 146, 162, 233, 265 private 23 promotion of 34 and the property market 50 recent problems of 10 and the state 48 capitalism ailing 58 an alternative to 36 and capital 7, 57, 68, 115, 166, 218 city landscape of 160 consumerist 197 contagious predatory lawlessness within 109 crises essential to its reproduction ix; defined 7 and demand-side management 85 and democracy 43 disaster 254–5, 255 economic engine of xiii, 7–8, 11, 110, 220, 221, 252, 279 evolution of 218 geographical landscape of 146, 159 global xi–xii, 108, 124 history of 7 ‘knowledge-based’ xii, 238 and money power 33 and a moneyless economy 36 neoliberal 266 political economy of xiv; and private property rights 41 and racialisation 8 reproduction of ix; revivified xi; vulture 162 capitalist markets 33, 53 capitalo-centric studies 10 car industry 121, 138, 148, 158, 188 carbon trading 235, 250 Caribbean migrants 115 Cartesian thinking 247 Cato Institute 143 Central America 136 central banks/bankers xi–xii, 37, 45, 46, 48, 51, 109, 142, 156, 161, 173, 233, 245 centralisation 135, 142, 144, 145, 146, 149, 150, 219 Césaire, Aimé 291 CFCs (chloro-fluorocarbons) 248, 254, 256, 259 chambers of commerce 168 Chandler, Alfred 141 Chaplin, Charlie 103 Charles I, King 199 Chartism 184 Chávez, Hugo 123, 201 cheating 57, 61, 63 Cheney, Dick 289 Chicago riots (1968) x chicanery 60, 72 children 174 exploitation of 195 raising 188, 190 trading of 26 violence and abuse of 193 Chile 136, 194, 280 coup of 1973 165, 201 China air quality 250, 258 becomes dynamic centre of a global capitalism 124 a BRIC country 170, 228 capital in (after 2000) 154 class struggles 233 and competition 150, 161 consumerism 194–5, 236 decentralisation 49 dirigiste governmentality 48 dismantlement of old ships 250 dispossessions in 58 education 184, 187 factories 123, 129, 174, 182 famine in 124–5 ‘great leap forward’ 125 growth of 170, 227, 232 income inequalities 169 industrialisation 232 Keynesian demand-side and debt-financed expansion xi; labour 80, 82, 107, 108, 123, 174, 230 life expectancy 259 personal debt 194 remittances 175 special economic zones 41, 144 speculative booms and bubbles in housing markets 21 suburbanisation 253 and technology 101 toxic batteries 249–50 unstable lurches forward 10 urban and infrastructural projects 151 urbanisation 232 Chinese Communist Party 108, 142 Church, the 185, 189, 199 circular cumulative causation 150 CitiBank 61 citizenship rights 168 civil rights 202, 205 class affluent classes 205 alliances 143, 149 class analysis xiii; conflict 85, 159 domination 91, 110 plutocratic capitalist xiii; power 55, 61, 88, 89, 92, 97, 99, 110, 134, 135, 221, 279 and race 166, 291 rule 91 structure 91 class struggle 34, 54, 67, 68, 85, 99, 103, 110, 116, 120, 135, 159, 172, 175, 183, 214, 233 climate change 4, 253–6, 259 Clinton, President Bill 176 Cloud Atlas (film) 271 CNN 285 coal 3, 255 coercion x, 41–4, 53, 60–63, 79, 95, 201, 286 Cold War 153, 165 collateralised debt obligations (CDOs) 78 Collins, Suzanne: The Hunger Games 264 Colombia 280 colonialism 257 the colonised 289–90 indigenous populations 39, 40 liberation from colonial rule 202 philanthropic 208, 285 colonisation 229, 262 ‘combinatorial evolution’ 96, 102, 104, 146, 147, 248 commercialisation 262, 263, 266 commodification 24, 55, 57, 59–63, 88, 115, 140, 141, 192, 193, 235, 243, 251, 253, 260, 262, 263, 273 commodities advertising 275 asking price 31 and barter 24 commodity exchange 39, 64 compared with products 25–6 defective or dangerous 72 definition 39 devaluation of 234 exchange value 15, 25 falling costs of 117 importance of workers as buyers 80–81 international trade in 256 labour power as a commodity 62 low-value 29 mobility of 147–8 obsolescence 236 single metric of value 24 unique 140–41 use value 15, 26, 35 commodity markets 49 ‘common capital of the class’ 142, 143 common wealth created by social labour 53 private appropriation of 53, 54, 55, 61, 88, 89 reproduction of 61 use values 53 commons collective management of 50 crucial 295 enclosure of 41, 235 natural 250 privatised 250 communications 99, 147, 148, 177 communism 196 collapse of (1989) xii, 165 communist parties 136 during Cold War 165 scientific 269 socialism/communism 91, 269 comparative advantage 122 competition and alienated workers 125 avoiding 31 between capitals 172 between energy and food production 3 decentralised 145 and deflationary crisis (1930s) 136 foreign 148, 155 geopolitical 219 inter-capitalist 110 international 154, 175 interstate 110 interterritorial 219 in labour market 116 and monopoly 131–45, 146, 218 and technology 92–3 and turnover time of capital 73, 99 and wages 135 competitive advantage 73, 93, 96, 112, 161 competitive market 131, 132 competitiveness 184 complementarity principle of 70 compounding growth 37, 49, 222, 227, 228, 233, 234, 235, 243, 244 perpetual 222–45, 296 computerisation 100, 120, 222 computers 92, 100, 105, 119 hardware 92, 101 organisational forms 92, 93, 99, 101 programming 120 software 92, 99, 101, 115, 116 conscience laundering 211, 245, 284, 286 Conscious Capitalism 284 constitutional rights 58 constitutionality 60, 61 constitutions progressive 284 and social bond between human rights and private property 40 US Constitution 284 and usurpation of power 45 consumerism 89, 106, 160, 192–5, 197, 198, 236, 274–7 containerisation 138, 148, 158 contracts 71, 72, 93, 207 contradictions Aristotelian conception of 4 between money and the social labour money represents 83 between reality and appearance 4–6 between use and exchange value 83 of capital and capitalism 68 contagious intensification of 14 creative use of 3 dialectical conception of 4 differing reactions to 2–3 and general crises 14 and innovation 3 moved around rather than resolved 3–4 multiple 33, 42 resolution of 3, 4 two modes of usage 1–2 unstable 89 Controller of the Currency 120 corporations and common wealth 54 corporate management 98–9 power of 57–8, 136 and private property 39–40 ‘visible hand’ 141–2 corruption 53, 197, 266 cosmopolitanism 285 cost of living 164, 175 credit cards 67, 133, 277 credit card companies 54, 84, 278 credit financing 152 credit system 83, 92, 101, 111, 239 crises changes in mental conceptions of the world ix-x; crisis of capital 4 defined 4 essential to the reproduction of capitalism ix; general crisis ensuing from contagions 14 housing markets crisis (2007–9) 18, 20, 22 reconfiguration of physical landscapes ix; slow resolution of x; sovereign debt crisis (after 2012) 37 currency markets, turbulence of (late 1960s) x customary rights 41, 59, 198 D Davos conferences 169 DDT 259 Debord, Guy: The Society of the Spectacle 236 debt creation 236 debt encumbrancy 212 debt peonage 62, 212 decentralisation 49, 142, 143, 144, 146, 148, 219, 281, 295 Declaration of Independence (US) 284 decolonisation 282, 288, 290 decommodification 85 deindustrialisation xii, 77–8, 98, 110, 148, 153, 159, 234 DeLong, Bradford 228 demand management 81, 82, 106, 176 demand-side management 85 democracy 47, 215 bourgeois 43, 49 governance within capitalism 43 social 190 totalitarian 220, 292 democratic governance 220, 266 democratisation 43 Deng Xiaoping x depressions 49, 227 1930s x, 108, 136, 169, 227, 232, 234 Descartes, René 247 Detroit 77, 136, 138, 148, 150, 152, 155, 159, 160 devaluation 153, 155, 162 of capital 233 of commodities 234 crises 150–51, 152, 154 localised 154 regional 154 developing countries 16, 240 Dhaka, Bangladesh 77 dialectics 70 Dickens, Charles 126, 169 Bleak House 226 Dombey and Son 184 digital revolution 144 disabled, the 202 see also handicapped discrimination 7, 8, 68, 116, 297 diseases 10, 211, 246, 254, 260 disempowerment 81, 103, 116, 119, 198, 270 disinvestment 78 Disneyfication 276 dispossession accumulation by 60, 67, 68, 84, 101, 111, 133, 141, 212 and capital 54, 55, 57 economies of 162 of indigenous populations 40, 59, 207 ‘land grabs’ 58 of land rights of the Irish 40 of the marginalised 198 political economy of 58 distributional equality 172 distributional shares 164–5, 166 division of labour 24, 71, 112–30, 154, 184, 268, 270 and Adam Smith 98, 118 defined 112 ‘the detail division of labour’ 118, 121 distinctions and oppositions 113–14 evolution of 112, 120, 121, 126 and gender 114–15 increasing complexity of 124, 125, 126 industrial proletariat 114 and innovation 96 ‘new international division of labour’ 122–3 organisation of 98 proliferating 121 relation between the parts and the whole 112 social 113, 118, 121, 125 technical 113, 295 uneven geographical developments in 130 dot-com bubble (1990s) 222–3, 241 ‘double coincidence of wants and needs’ 24 drugs 32, 193, 248 cartels 54 Durkheim, Emile 122, 125 Dust Bowl (United States, 1930s) 257 dynamism 92, 104, 146, 219 dystopia 229, 232, 264 E Eagleton , Terry: Why Marx Was Right 1, 21, 200, 214–15 East Asia crisis of 1997–98 154 dirigiste governmentality 48 education 184 rise of 170 Eastern Europe 115, 230 ecological offsets 250 economic rationality 211, 250, 252, 273, 274, 275, 277, 278, 279 economies 48 advanced capitalist 228, 236 agglomeration 149 of dispossession 162 domination of industrial cartels and finance capital 135 household 192 informal 175 knowledge-based 188 mature 227–8 regional 149 reoriented to demand-side management 85 of scale 75 solidarity 66, 180 stagnant xii ecosystems 207, 247, 248, 251–6, 258, 261, 263, 296 Ecuador 46, 152, 284 education 23, 58, 60, 67–8, 84, 110, 127–8, 129, 134, 150, 156, 168, 183, 184, 185, 187, 188, 189, 223, 235, 296 efficiency 71, 92, 93, 98, 103, 117, 118, 119, 122, 126, 272, 273, 284 efficient market hypothesis 118 Egypt 107, 280, 293 Ehrlich, Paul 246 electronics 120, 121, 129, 236, 292 emerging markets 170–71, 242 employment 37 capital in command of job creation 172, 174 conditions of 128 full-time 274 opportunities for xii, 108, 168 regional crises of 151 of women 108, 114, 115, 127 see also labour enclosure movement 58 Engels, Friedrich 70 The Condition of the English Working Class in England 292 English Civil War (1642–9) 199 Enlightenment 247 Enron 133, 241 environmental damage 49, 61, 110, 111, 113, 232, 249–50, 255, 257, 258, 259, 265, 286, 293 environmental movement 249, 252 environmentalism 249, 252–3 Epicurus 283 equal rights 64 Erasmus, Desiderius 283 ethnic hatreds and discriminations 8, 165 ethnic minorities 168 ethnicisation 62 ethnicity 7, 68, 116 euro, the 15, 37, 46 Europe deindustrialisation in 234 economic development in 10 fascist parties 280 low population growth rate 230 social democratic era 18 unemployment 108 women in labour force 230 European Central Bank 37, 46, 51 European Commission 51 European Union (EU) 95, 159 exchange values commodities 15, 25, 64 dominance of 266 and housing 14–23, 43 and money 28, 35, 38 uniform and qualitatively identical 15 and use values 15, 35, 42, 44, 50, 60, 65, 88 exclusionary permanent ownership rights 39 experts 122 exploitation 49, 54, 57, 62, 68, 75, 83, 107, 108, 124, 126, 128, 129, 150, 156, 159, 166, 175, 176, 182, 185, 193, 195, 208, 246, 257 exponential growth 224, 240, 254 capacity for 230 of capital 246 of capital accumulation 223, 229 of capitalist activity 253 and capital’s ecosystem 255 in computer power 105 and environmental resources 260 in human affairs 229 and innovations in finance and banking 100 potential dangers of 222, 223 of sophisticated technologies 100 expropriation 207 externality effects 43–4 Exxon 128 F Facebook 236, 278, 279 factories ix, 123, 129, 160, 174, 182, 247, 292 Factory Act (1864) 127, 183 famine 124–5, 229, 246 Fannie Mae 50 Fanon, Frantz 287 The Wretched of the Earth 288–90, 293 fascist parties 280 favelas ix, 16, 84, 175 feminisation 115 feminists 189, 192, 283 fertilisers 255 fetishes, fetishism 4–7, 31, 36–7, 61, 103, 111, 179, 198, 243, 245, 269, 278 feudalism 41 financial markets 60, 133 financialisation 238 FIRE (finance, insurance and real estate) sections 113 fishing 59, 113, 148, 249, 250 fixity and motion 75–8, 88, 89, 146, 155 Food and Drug Administration 120 food production/supply 3, 229, 246, 248, 252 security 253, 294, 296 stamp aid 206, 292 Ford, Martin 104–8, 111, 273 foreclosure 21, 22, 24, 54, 58, 241, 268 forestry 113, 148, 257 fossil fuels 3–4 Foucault, Michel xiii, 204, 209, 280–81 Fourier, François Marie Charles 183 Fourierists 18 Fourteen Points 201 France banking 158 dirigiste governmentality under de Gaulle 48 and European Central Bank 46 fascist parties 280 Francis, Pope 293 Apostolic Exhortation 275–6 Frankfurt School 261 Freddie Mac 50 free trade 138, 157 freedom 47, 48, 142, 143, 218, 219, 220, 265, 267–270, 276, 279–82, 285, 288, 296 and centralised power 142 cultural 168 freedom and domination 199–215, 219, 268, 285 and the good life 215 and money creation 51 popular desire for 43 religious 168 and state finances 48 under the rule of capital 64 see also liberty and freedom freedom of movement 47, 296 freedom of thought 200 freedom of the press 213 French Revolution 203, 213, 284 G G7 159 G20 159 Gallup survey of work 271–2 Gandhi, Mahatma 284, 291 Gaulle, Charles de 48 gay rights 166 GDP 194, 195, 223 Gehry, Frank 141 gender discriminations 7, 8, 68, 165 gene sequences 60 General Motors xii genetic engineering xii, 101, 247 genetic materials 235, 241, 251, 261 genetically modified foods 101 genocide 8 gentrification 19, 84, 141, 276 geocentric model 5 geographical landscape building a new 151, 155 of capitalism 159 evolution of 146–7 instability of 146 soulless, rationalised 157 geopolitical struggles 8, 154 Germany and austerity 223 autobahns built 151 and European Central Bank 46 inflation during 1920s 30 wage repression 158–9 Gesell, Silvio 35 Ghana 291 global economic crisis (2007–9) 22, 23, 47, 118, 124, 132, 151, 170, 228, 232, 234, 235, 241 global financialisation x, 177–8 global warming 260 globalisation 136, 174, 176, 179, 223, 293 gold 27–31, 33, 37, 57, 227, 233, 238, 240 Golden Dawn 280 Goldman Sachs 75, 239 Google 131, 136, 195, 279 Gordon, Robert 222, 223, 230, 239, 304n2 Gore, Al 249 Gorz, André 104–5, 107, 242, 270–77, 279 government 60 democratic 48 planning 48 and social bond between human rights and private property 40 spending power 48 governmentality 43, 48, 157, 209, 280–81, 285 Gramsci, Antonio 286, 293 Greco, Thomas 48–9 Greece 160, 161, 162, 171, 235 austerity 223 degradation of the well-being of the masses xi; fascist parties 280 the power of the bondholders 51, 152 greenwashing 249 Guantanamo Bay, Cuba 202, 284 Guatemala 201 Guevara, Che 291 Guggenheim Museum, Bilbao 141 guild system 117 Guinea-Bissau 291 Gulf Oil Spill (2010) 61 H Habermas, Jürgen 192 habitat 246, 249, 252, 253, 255 handicapped, the 218 see also disabled Harvey, David The Enigma of Capital 265 Rebel Cities 282 Hayek, Friedrich 42 Road to Serfdom 206 health care 23, 58, 60, 67–8, 84, 110, 134, 156, 167, 189, 190, 235, 296 hedge funds 101, 162, 239, 241, 249 managers 164, 178 Heidegger, Martin 59, 250 Heritage Foundation 143 heterotopic spaces 219 Hill, Christopher 199 Ho Chi Minh 291 holocausts 8 homelessness 58 Hong Kong 150, 160 housing 156, 296 asset values 19, 20, 21, 58 ‘built to order’ 17 construction 67 controlling externalities 19–20 exchange values 14–23, 43 gated communities ix, 160, 208, 264 high costs 84 home ownership 49–50 investing in improvements 20, 43 mortgages 19, 21, 28, 50, 67, 82 predatory practices 67, 133 production costs 17 rental markets 22 renting or leasing 18–19, 67 self-built 84 self-help 16, 160 slum ix, 16, 175 social 18, 235 speculating in exchange value 20–22 speculative builds 17, 28, 78, 82 tenement 17, 160 terraced 17 tract ix, 17, 82 use values 14–19, 21–2, 23, 67 housing markets 18, 19, 21, 22, 28, 32, 49, 58, 60, 67, 68, 77, 83, 133, 192 crisis (2007–9) 18, 20, 22, 82–3 HSBC 61 Hudson, Michael 222 human capital theory 185, 186 human evolution 229–30 human nature 97, 198, 213, 261, 262, 263 revolt of 263, 264–81 human rights 40, 200, 202 humanism 269 capitalist 212 defined 283 education 128 excesses and dark side 283 and freedom 200, 208, 210 liberal 210, 287, 289 Marxist 284, 286 religious 283 Renaissance 283 revolutionary 212, 221, 282–93 secular 283, 285–6 types of 284 Hungary: fascist parties 280 Husserl, Edmund 192 Huygens, Christiaan 70 I IBM 128 Iceland: banking 55 identity politics xiii illegal aliens (‘sans-papiers’) 156 illegality 61, 72 immigrants, housing 160 imperialism 135, 136, 143, 201, 257, 258 income bourgeois disposable 235 disparities of 164–81 levelling up of 171 redistribution to the lower classes xi; see also wages indebtedness 152, 194, 222 India billionaires in 170 a BRIC country 170, 228 call centres 139 consumerism 236 dismantlement of old ships 250 labour 107, 230 ‘land grabs’ 77 moneylenders 210 social reproduction in 194 software engineers 196 special economic zones 144 unstable lurches forward 10 indigenous populations 193, 202, 257, 283 dispossession of 40, 59, 207 and exclusionary ownership rights 39 individualism 42, 197, 214, 281 Indonesia 129, 160 industrial cartels 135 Industrial Revolution 127 industrialisation 123, 189, 229, 232 inflation 30, 36, 37, 40, 49, 136, 228, 233 inheritance 40 Inner Asia, labour in 108 innovation 132 centres of 96 and the class struggle 103 competitive 219 as a double-edged sword xii; improving the qualities of daily life 4 labour-saving 104, 106, 107, 108 logistical 147 organisational 147 political 219 product 93 technological 94–5, 105, 147, 219 as a way out of a contradiction 3 insurance companies 278 intellectual property rights xii, 41, 123, 133, 139, 187, 207, 235, 241–2, 251 interest compound 5, 222, 224, 225, 226–7 interest-rate manipulations 54 interest rates 54, 186 living off 179, 186 on loans 17 money capital 28, 32 and mortgages 19, 67 on repayment of loans to the state 32 simple 225, 227 usury 49 Internal Revenue Service income tax returns 164 International Monetary Fund (IMF) 49, 51, 100, 143, 161, 169, 186, 234, 240 internet 158, 220, 278 investment: in fixed capital 75 investment pension funds 35–6 IOUs 30 Iran 232, 289 Iranian Revolution 289 Iraq war 201, 290 Ireland dispossession of land rights 40 housing market crash (2007–9) 82–3 Istanbul 141 uprising (2013) 99, 129, 171, 243 Italy 51,161, 223, 235 ITT 136 J Jacobs, Jane 96 James, C.L.R. 291 Japan 1980s economic boom 18 capital in (1980s) 154 economic development in 10 factories 123 growth rate 227 land market crash (1990) 18 low population growth rate 230 and Marshall Plan 153 post-war recovery 161 Jewish Question 213 JPMorgan 61 Judaeo-Christian tradition 283 K Kant, Immanuel 285 Katz, Cindi 189, 195, 197 Kenya 291 Kerala, India 171 Keynes, John Maynard xi, 46, 76, 244, 266 ‘Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren’ 33–4 General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money 35 Keynesianism demand management 82, 105, 176 demand-side and debt-financed expansion xi King, Martin Luther 284, 291 knowledge xii, 26, 41, 95, 96, 100, 105, 113, 122, 123, 127, 144, 184, 188, 196, 238, 242, 295 Koch brothers 292 Kohl, Helmut x L labour agitating and fighting for more 64 alienated workers 125, 126, 128, 129, 130 artisan 117, 182–3 and automation 105 capital/labour contradiction 65, 66, 68–9, 146 collective 117 commodification of 57 contracts 71, 72 control over 74, 102–11, 119, 166, 171–2, 274, 291–2 deskilling 111, 119 discipline 65, 79 disempowering workers 81, 103, 116, 119, 270 division of see division of labour; domestic 196 education 127–8, 129, 183, 187 exploitation of 54, 57, 62, 68, 75, 83, 107, 108, 126, 128, 129, 150, 156, 166, 175, 176, 182, 185, 195 factory 122, 123, 237 fair market value 63, 64 Gallup survey 271–2 house building 17 housework 114–15, 192 huge increase in the global wage labour force 107–8 importance of workers as buyers of commodities 80–81 ‘industrial reserve army’ 79–80, 173–4 migrations of 118 non-unionised xii; power of 61–4, 71, 73, 74, 79, 81, 88, 99, 108, 118–19, 127, 173, 175, 183, 189, 207, 233, 267 privatisation of 61 in service 117 skills 116, 118–19, 123, 149, 182–3, 185, 231 social see social labour; surplus 151, 152, 173–4, 175, 195, 233 symbolic 123 and trade unions 116 trading in labour services 62–3 unalienated 66, 89 unionised xii; unpaid 189 unskilled 114, 185 women in workforce see under women; worked to exhaustion or death 61, 182 see also employment labour markets 47, 62, 64, 66–9, 71, 102, 114, 116, 118, 166 labour-saving devices 104, 106, 107, 173, 174, 277 labour power commodification of 61, 88 exploitation of 62, 175 generation of surplus value 63 mobility of 99 monetisation of 61 private property character of 64 privatisation of 61 reserves of 108 Lagos, Nigeria, social reproduction in 195 laissez-faire 118, 205, 207, 281 land commodification 260–61 concept of 76–7 division of 59 and enclosure movement 58 establishing as private property 41 exhausting its fertility 61 privatisation 59, 61 scarcity 77 urban 251 ‘land grabs’ 39, 58, 77, 252 land market 18, 59 land price 17 land registry 41 land rents 78, 85 land rights 40, 93 land-use zoning 43 landlords 54, 67, 83, 140, 179, 251, 261 Latin America ’1and grabs’ 58, 77 labour 107 reductions in social inequality 171 two ‘lost decades’ of development 234 lawyers 22, 26, 67, 82, 245 leasing 16, 17, 18 Lebed, Jonathan 195 Lee Kuan-Yew 48 Leeds 149 Lefebvre, Henri 157, 192 Critique of Everyday Life 197–8 left, the defence of jobs and skills under threat 110 and the factory worker 68 incapable of mounting opposition to the power of capital xii; remains of the radical left xii–xiii Lehman Brothers investment bank, fall of (2008) x–xi, 47, 241 ‘leisure’ industries 115 Lenin, Vladimir 135 Leninism 91 Lewis, Michael: The Big Short 20–21 LGBT groups 168, 202, 218 liberation struggle 288, 290 liberty, liberties 44, 48–51, 142, 143, 212, 276, 284, 289 and bourgeois democracy 49 and centralised power 142 and money creation 51 non-coercive individual liberty 42 popular desire for 43 and state finances 48 liberty and freedom 199–215 coercion and violence in pursuit of 201 government surveillance and cracking of encrypted codes 201–2 human rights abuses 202 popular desire for 203 rhetoric on 200–201, 202 life expectancy 250, 258, 259 light, corpuscular theory of 70 living standards xii, 63, 64, 84, 89, 134, 175, 230 loans fictitious capital 32 housing 19 interest on 17 Locke, John 40, 201, 204 logos 31 London smog of 1952 255 unrest in (2011) 243 Los Angeles 150, 292 Louis XIV, King of France 245 Lovelace, Richard 199, 200, 203 Luddites 101 M McCarthyite scourge 56 MacKinnon, Catherine: Are Women Human?
Legacy of Empire by Gardner Thompson
Albert Einstein, British Empire, colonial rule, European colonialism, facts on the ground, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, lateral thinking, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, means of production, Ronald Reagan, zero-sum game
Throughout the British Empire at this time, constitutional and administrative structures had to be put in place and the whole agenda of ‘development’ undertaken: provision of infrastructure, social and welfare services. The endorsement of Zionism distracted officials from that broader agenda. Here was a further contradiction. On the one hand, by fuelling inter-communal tension, Jewish immigration rendered the Balfour Declaration unattainable in practice. This is what the men on the spot witnessed. On the other hand, Zionist enterprise helped greatly to subsidise colonial rule. That is what London thought was needed. Enough members of the British government continued to believe that there was a strategic case for Palestine to remain in British hands. But there was no consensus here. The case against keeping Palestine remained strong, too. The army general staff were confident, as in the past, that British forces stationed in Egypt were sufficient to defend the Suez Canal and would only be financially drained by the need to defend Palestine as well.
On 26 April the Mufti, who had sought in vain for many years to persuade the British to alter their course, wrote a letter to the High Commissioner. It may be read as a last heartfelt appeal for the British to give precedence to the principles of the League of Nations Covenant over the terms of their Palestine mandate. The letter conveys his exasperation. ‘The British government has always ignored Arab rights, Arab national existence, and Arab demands; instead it administers Palestine under direct colonial rule and facilitates Jewish immigration and the usurpation of Arab lands.’78 At the same time, the AHC submitted three demands: an end to Jewish immigration; an end to Jewish land purchases; and Arab national self-government. In response, and recognising that immigration was a central issue, on 18 May 1936 the British administration announced that Jewish immigration would be restricted to 4,500 for the coming six months.
After twenty years of uneasy liaison, the development of the Jewish national home was unstoppable, with the British no longer in control of events. After ten more years, it was ironic that the forces of armed Zionism, not those of Arab resistance, put pressure on Britain to abandon its administration of Palestine after the Second World War. Arthur Koestler’s often quoted aphorism – that ‘one nation solemnly promised to a second nation the country of a third’ – points to an exceptional, hybrid, form of British colonial rule. This proved exceptionally unsustainable and also distinctive in its outcome. Whereas in Africa British settlers eventually had to accept indigenous majority rule (in Kenya after Mau Mau, and in Rhodesia after years of liberation war), in Palestine it was Zionists acting in the name of the settlers – Koestler’s ‘second nation’ – who in the end persuaded the British to leave and inherited the land they had colonised.
Among the Islands by Tim Flannery
Those that survived were locked in holds like those of slave ships, then sold to sugarcane planters who set them to work in the canefields of northern Australia. When their time was up they were supposed to be transported back to the Solomons. But all too frequently they were not dropped at their home village, thus placing them in grave danger of being killed by people who were their traditional enemies. The twentieth century was just seven years away when, in 1893, British colonial rule was established in the Solomons. Indeed it was with considerable reluctance that the British government declared the Solomon Islands a protectorate, their principal motive being the suppression of blackbirding. Despite the good intentions, the European impact on the islands was particularly fatal. By the 1920s blackbirding, along with the introduction of guns and disease, had left some islands, such as the 200-kilometre-long Santa Isabel, all but depopulated.
Admiralty Islands 96 Alcester Island 15, 46–7, 50–5 bats 54 collecting 52, 53 cultural influences 51, 52, 53 flying foxes 53, 54, 55 geology 50–1 quadoi 46, 52, 53–4 Alotau 55 American Museum of Natural History 19, 58, 60–1 Andersen, Knud (taxonomist) 126, 128, 139 Anthops ornatus 178 Araucaria schmidii 228 Archbold Expedition 58–9, 70, 83 Aspidomorphus 67 Aujare, Ian 183, 236 Australasian long-eared bats 215–16 Australia Museum 235 biological exploration of Solomons 115 Flannery at 16–17, 38–9, 74 Hangay at 76, 77–8, 133–4 museum cadets 37 Poncelet collecting for 182 Troughton at 37–40 Wang at 134 Bainimarama, Frank 203 Balof Cave, New Ireland 89, 102, 105, 112 archaeological history 102–4 faunal record 103, 104 pollen record 103–4 bandicoots 36–7, 38, 40, 72, 100 bare-backed fruit bats 107, 109 Basiana (Kwaio ramo) 161–2, 164 bats 1, 2 Alcester Island 54 classification 126 Fiji 203, 205 Guadalcanal 129, 137–9 Makira Island 149, 155–6 New Caledonia 215–16 New Georgia and Vangunu 185–6 New Ireland 106–10 Sideia Island 80 Woodlark Island 31 bêche-de-mer 195 Beechey, Des 20, 21, 25, 42 Bell, William (district officer, Malaita) 161, 162, 167 birds Fiji 205–6 Goodenough Island 66, 67, 73 Guadalcanal 172–3 Makira Island 148 New Caledonia 217, 218 Bismarck Archipelago 84, 87–9, 111 human history 87–9 Bismarck bare-backed fruit bat 109 Bismarck giant rat 84 Bismarsk blossom bat 109 black gazelle-faced wallaby 59, 68, 69–72 blackbirding 119–20, 183 blossom bats 109, 138, 155, 156 Fiji 203 Solomon Islands 155–6 blue-breasted pittas 67 Bougainville 89, 118, 180–4 flower-faced bat 178 giant rats 181, 182 monkey-faced bats 139–40 political climate 180–1 Poncelet’s collecting 183 zoological expeditions 183 Bower, Lieutenant (HMS Sandfly) 149 brahminy kite 66 Bridie, Susan 17 brown tree snakes 43 Buka Island 180, 181, 182 Bulominski, Franz 101 Calaby, John 37–8 Calvert, James 206 cane toads 83, 106, 211 cannibalism 120, 121, 197–8 in Fijian culture 193, 195–7, 206 China Strait 14–15, 23, 25, 82 Choiseul Island 183–4 Colubridae 43 convergent evolution 131, 213 Cook, James 8, 51, 193–4 Coral Sea 21–2 Corris, Peter 152 crocodiles 191–2 curl-crested manucode 67 cuscuses Alcester Island 47, 52, 53–4 Manus Island 96 New Guinea 45 New Ireland 103, 104–5 piebald 2 spotted 95, 105–6 Woodlark Island 18, 19, 29, 45–6 Damon, Fred 26 Dampier, William 87 de Bougainville, Louis Antoine 14 de Maire, Jacob 87 de Rays, Marquis 87–9 d’Entrecasteaux, Antoine Raymond Joseph de Bruni 14 D’Entrecasteaux Group 14, 55, 57–8, 76, 83–4 Des Voeux Peak, Fiji 205–6, 210–11 diadem horseshoe bat 137, 138 Discodeles guppyi 145 Dorcopsis atrata 59 dusky pademelon 104 Dutch seafarers 87, 193 Echymipera 36 Echymipera davidi 38, 40, 72 Emballonura serii 109 emperor rat 129–32, 136–7, 143, 147, 229 endangered species preservation 132–3, 141–2 Endicott, William 195–7 Ennis, Tish 20–1, 30, 53, 55, 63, 68, 73, 76, 80, 236 at Manus Island 90, 93 at New Britain 84, 100 at New Ireland 101 Ennis’s flying fox 110 Etheridge Jr, Robert 37 European exploration 13–14, 87–8, 116–17 evolutionary process, on islands 5–8 expedition funding 17, 18, 132–3 expedition planning 2–4, 9, 75 Fergusson Island 83, 84 Fiji 191 bats 203, 205, 211, 212 birds 192, 205 cannibalism 193, 195–7, 206, 207 colonial history 193, 199 extinct fauna 191–2 human settlement 192 independence and military coups 202–3 indigenous culture 192–3 kava drinking tradition 200–3, 231 zoogeography 193 Fijian blossom bats 203 Fijian flying foxes 211, 212 Fijian monkey-faced bat 211–12 biology and reproduction 212, 213 evolutionary relationship 213 fish and fishing 22, 222 Fisher, Diana 185–7, 236 Flannery’s monkey-faced bat 140 flightless birds 7, 192 floating islands 92 flower-faced bat 178–9 flying foxes 110–11 Alcester Island 53, 54, 55 Makira Island 149, 157 Malaita Island 167 Manus Island 91, 94 New Caledonia 220, 228 New Ireland 110 Taveuni 211 Folofo’u (Malaita) 166–7, 168 Forbes’s tree mouse 72–3, 83–4 French exploration and mapping 14 Fruhstorfer, Eric 60, 61 German, Pavel 83–4, 194, 203–5, 211, 236 collecting on Taveuni 212–13 Geve, Fr Augustin 169 giant crocodile skink 145 giant flightless pigeon, Fiji 192 giant geckos 216–17 giant rats 84, 100 Bougainville 182 Buka 182 Choiseul 183–4 Guadalcanal 129, 130–1, 136, 137, 141, 142–3 Malaita 168 New Georgia and Vungunu 187 Poncelet’s 182 Ugi Island and Makira 157–8 gigantism 6, 145 goannas 49–50, 55–6 Goodenough Island 55, 57–74, 83, 120 birds 66, 67, 73 boulder campsite in forest 65–7, 72, 73 climb up mountain peak 63–4 drought conditions 62–3 funeral practices 74 kunai slopes 64 mammals 58, 59–60, 69–72, 84 prior expeditions to 58–9, 70 snakes 67 wallabies 59, 68, 69–711 war legacy 62 zoogeography 58 great black bat 129 Great Council of Chiefs (Fiji) 202–3 Greater Bukida 181, 183 Griffin, Des 235 Grimes, Captain 27 Guadalcanal 118, 120, 121, 158 bats 129, 137–9, 144–5, 175–6, 178 birds 172–3 civil war 135 climb up Mount Makaramomburu 171–9 Cyclone Namu impact on 171, 176 feral cats 174 frogs 145 giant rats 129, 130–1, 136–7, 141–3, 145, 147, 229 Gumburota Caves 144–5 mountain climb and forests 143, 145–6, 147 Pacific rats 174 political unrest 169 rat evolution 131–2 savagery on 123 weather coast expedition 147, 169, 170–9 Woodford’s experiences and collecting 122–4 Guadalcanal monkey-faced bat 138–9, 140 Guadalcanaria inexpectata 172–3 Guasopa village (Woodlark Island) 27–30, 34, 47 Gumburota Caves, Guadalcanal 144, 145 habitat destruction, impact of 184, 188 Hangay, George (taxidermist) 76–8, 134, 138 non-museum taxidermy 78–9 Sideia Island research 79–83 as world-championship wrestler 79 Heinsohn, Tomm 101 Helgen, Kris 139, 140, 213 Hill, John Edwards 127, 129 Holics, Michael 20 honeyeaters 172 Honiara, Solomon Islands 134, 135, 136, 144, 179, 230 hornbills 73 horned tortoise 191 horseshoe bats 137, 138, 144–5, 149, 156 huia bird 156 hunting rituals 69, 70–1 huntsman spiders 227 Ingleby, Sandra (Sandy) 194, 199, 236 International Union for the Conservation of Nature 71, 140, 213, 230 Irani, Aziz 20 Isabel Island 183 island biodiversity 1–2 importance of preservation 229 loss of 230 island formation 4–5, 6 island peaks 3–4 island species 6–8, 229 islands, and the evolutionary process 5–8 Islands of Love 16, 17, 35 Jean-Claude gecko 217 Jumelutt, Matt (Captain of Sunbird) 20, 22–3, 42 and the goanna 49–50, 55–6 outboard fuel-mixture screw 44–5 as The Captain 27–8 kagu 217, 218 Kaona, Sam 180–1 Kava, Ronnie 169 kava drinking, Fiji 200–3, 231 Kavieng, New Ireland 100, 101 Keesing, Roger 152, 164–5 Keke, Harold, and henchmen 169, 171 king rat 129, 130–1, 132, 142–3 Kiriwini Island 15, 30 bandicoot 37, 38 Mengden’s experience 40–2 Seri’s collecting 36, 40 snakes 40–1 Kisokau, Karol 91, 92, 94 knob-headed giant gecko 216 Kolombangara Island 185 Kula Ring 13, 27, 47 Kula shell valuables 32–3 kuru (brain disease) 198 Kwaio people, Malaita 159, 160–1 massacre of 163–4 ramo 160–1, 162–3 women and culture 165–6, 167 land-bridge islands 4–5 Lapérouse Expedition 14 Lapita culture 104 largy spiny rat 104 Leache’s giant gecko 216 Leary, Tanya 170, 178, 183, 236 L’Esperance (ship) 14 Lillies (district assistant, Malaita) 161, 162 little pig rat 129, 131, 132, 141, 142 Louisade Archipelago 14 McCoy, Mike 143, 145, 147, 152, 159, 165, 170 Makira flying fox 149 Makira horseshoe bat 149 Makira Island 147, 148–58 bats and flying foxes 149, 155–7 birds 148 collecting 155–6 rats 149, 150, 157 Malaita Island 118–19, 124, 147, 159–68 British colonial administration 161–2 climb up Sifola 165 flying foxes 167 giant rats 168 Malinowsi, Bronislaw 16 mangrove monitor 56 Manueli, Peter 236 Manus friarbird 97 Manus Island 90–9 birds 9, 96–7 flying foxes 91, 94 geographical isolation 92 human history 91–2 mammals 92, 96 native rats 94–5, 97–8 spotted cuscus 96 war history 91, 93 marsupials 8 masolai (Melanesian spirits) 32–4 Mbara Island 122 Medinilla waterhousei 205 Meek, Albert 18–19, 45, 58 Melanesian seafarers 87, 118–19 Melanesians 199 Melanycteris fardoulisi 155 Melomys matambuai 96, 97 Melomys rufescens 95–6 Mendaña, Alvaro de 116–18, 120 Mengden, Greg 20, 30, 34 snake collection and sampling, Woodlark 42–4 snake experience, Kirawina 40–2 Microchiroptera 128 Mipi (Matt’s wife and crew of Sunbird) 20, 28, 49–50, 55 Mirimiri 213 missionaries, Taveuni 206–8 mist-nets 31, 68, 97, 144, 172–3, 211, 219 molecular sampling 43, 44 monkey-faced bats 2, 129, 138–40 behaviour 186, 187 classification 140, 213 New Caledonia 214, 224 new species 174–6, 185–7 Taveuni 211–13 Mont Dzumac, New Caledonia 221–2 Mont Koghi, New Caledonia 215, 218 Mont Panié, New Caledonia 224–8 Moresby, Captain 14 Morton, Alexander (HMS Cormorant) 149–50 mosquitoes 106 Mount Goodenough 57, 66 Mount Makarakomburu 134, 143, 147, 169, 170–1 bats 175–7, 185 climb up 172–9 collecting 172–4 honeyeaters 172–3 rats 175 Mount Popamanesu 134, 143 museum collections 2–3, 17, 60, 127–8 museum specimens 3 collection methods 233–4 Mussau Island 105 naked-tail rats 142–3 native cultures, vulnerability to change 8 Natural History Museum, London 124, 129–30 Naufe’e, Malaita 166–7, 168 New Britain 84, 111 New Britain flying fox 110, 111 New Caledonia 191, 194, 214–23 bats and flying foxes 215–16, 220, 224, 228 birds 217 buying formaldehyde in 220–1 collecting 215–16, 218–19, 221–2, 224–8 extinct fauna 191–2 flora 222, 225–6, 228 as French colony 194 giant geckos 216–17 human settlement 192 indigenous culture 192–3 Kanaks and conflict 219–20 zoogeography 193, 214 New Caledonia flying fox 220, 228 New Caledonian nautilus 223 New Georgia Island 183, 185, 187, 188 New Guinea 4, 16 cuscuses 45 expedition reaches 23–5 as German protectorate 89 mountains 57 southeastern islands 13, 14–15 transferred to Australian colonial control 89 New Ireland 1988 expedition to 91, 100–12 Balof Cave excavation 89, 102–4 bats 106–11 cane toads 106 colonial German administration 101, 102 geography 100–1 human geography 103, 105–6 mammal fauna 103, 104, 106 Marquis de Rays exploits 87, 88 rats 104, 106, 112 spotted cuscus 104, 105–6 Normanby dasyure 83 Normanby Island 76, 83–4 Norris, Chris 29 Noumea 215 Nyctophilus nebulosus 216 Oldfield Thomas, Michael (curator of mammals, British Museum) 124–5, 127, 139 classifies Woodford’s rats 129, 130–1 naming of species 124, 125 outrigger canoes 47, 51 Oxford University research team 29, 46 Pacific Island collections 17 Papua New Guinea customs clearance 24–5 independence 89 parasitism 227–8 Parnaby, Harry 183, 185, 216, 236 Pentecost Island 201 philanthropy 60–1 phosphorescence 21, 227 piebald cuscus 2 Polomou research station, Manus Island 94, 97 Polynesians 13, 104, 199 Poncelet, Fr 182 Poncelet’s giant rat 182 possums 167 predators 7, 47 Pteralopex 129, 213 Pteralopex flanneryi 140 Pteralopex pulchra 176 Pteralopex taki 185 Pteropus capistratus 110 Pteropus cognatus 157 Pteropus ennisae 110 quadoi see cuscuses Rabuka, Sitiveni 202 rat-traps 98–9 rats 2, 31 Guadalcanal 129, 130–1 Makira Island 149 Manus Island 94–5, 97–8 New Ireland 104, 106, 112 Rattus sanila 112 Revercé, Jean-Pierre 222–3 Riufaa of Kwangafi 164 Roe, David 136 Samarai Island 14–15, 24–5 Santa Cruz 117, 120 Santa Isabel 117, 120 Saunders, Robert 20 Schouten, Willam 87 Sclater’s honeyeater 148 Scott expeditions 133, 177, 205, 216, 231, 235–6 Scott, Winifred Violet 132–3, 177, 185, 200 seasickness 21, 42 Sepik River 92 Seri, Lester 20, 30, 53, 55, 63, 64, 76, 236 Alcester quadoi 54 at Manus Island 90, 93, 95, 97 at New Ireland 101, 107 at Normanby Island 83 collecting on Kiriwini 36, 40 goanna from Woodlark Island 49–50, 55–6 Seri’s sheathtail bat 109, 110 sheathail bats 54, 109, 110 Shortland Islands 145 Sideia Island 76, 77, 80 cane toads 83 Hangay’s collecting and experiences 79–83 leper colony 81, 82 mammals 77, 80 zoogeography 77 silktail 205 slugs 226–7 snakes Goodenough Island 67 Kiriwina Island 40–2 molecular sampling 43, 44 New Ireland 106 Woodlark Island 30–1, 34, 42–3 Solomon Islands 115, 230 bats 137–8, 144–5, 155–6 biodiversity 119 blackbirding 119–20 British colonial rule 120 British law 151–2 cannibalism 120–1, 124, 183 Greater Bukida landmass 181, 183 habitat destruction 184, 188 history of Spanish contact 116–18 ice age impact on animal distribution 184–5 Melanesian seafarers arrival in 118–19 monkey-faced bats 129 threats to biodiversity 115–16, 184 zoogeography 119 see also Guadalcanal; Makira Island; Malaita Island Solomon Islands Ministry of Conservation 170 Solomons blossom bat 138 Solomons flying fox 157 Solomons giant horseshoe-bat 144–5 Solomys 168 Solomys salamonis 149 Somosomo, Taveuni 206 cannibalism 206–7 funerary practice 208–10 missionaries’ experiences 206–10 Spanish explorers 116–17 spotted cuscus 96, 105–6 Spriggs, Matthew 181 Sunbird (catamaran) 18, 55 Supreme Rat Trap Company, Sydney 98–9 Szaley, Alexandra 194, 214–15, 218, 223, 225, 236 Talevat, Sanila 105, 109, 111, 155 TAMS (the Australian Museum Society) 17, 18, 54 Tasker, Elizabeth 236 Tasman, Abel 193 Taveuni Island 205–13 taxidermy 77–8 taxonomy, science of 234 Thurston, John Bates 123, 199 Toxicocalamus 40 traditional island cultures 8, 47–8 tree mice 72–3, 83–4 Trobriand Islands 15, 16, 18 Troughton, Ellis Le Geyt 38–9 at Australia Museum 37–40, 178 receives giant rodents from Bougainville 182 visit to Santa Cruz 120 Tuithaku, King, death of 208–10 Tulagi Island 123, 165 type specimens 234 Udre Udre, Ratu 198 Ugi Island 149, 150 giant rat 149, 157–8 Uki Ni Masi 150, 157 Unicomys ponceleti 182 Uromys 131 Uromys rex 142 Valearanisi, Guadalcanal 170, 171 Van Deusen, Hobart 59, 60, 70 Vangunu Island 185, 187, 188 Vanikoro 14 Vanua Levu 193, 206 venom collection 44 venomous snakes 43 Viti Levu 193, 199, 203 survey of highest peaks 199 Vokeo Island 92 volcanoes 4 wallabies black gazelle-faced 59, 68, 69–70, 71 New Ireland 104 Wang, Alex (taxidermist) 134 whale-tooth pine 199–200 White, Peter 89, 101, 102, 104, 105, 112 Williams, Thomas (missionary) 208–10 Woodford, Sir Charles Morris bat collecting 178 collection of giant rats 124, 129–31, 137, 141 as deputy commissioner of Solomon Islands 123–4 on Guadalcanal 121, 122–4, 171 Woodlark Island 15, 18, 26–35, 48 bats 31 caves 31, 32–3 collecting 30–2 councillors and culture 30, 31–3 cuscus 18, 19, 29, 45–6 geology 26 goannas 49–50 history 27 mammals 18, 19, 30 Oxford University researchers 29, 46 prior expeditions to 18–20 snakes 30–1, 34, 42–4 WWII infrastructure 27, 29 World War I, and New Guinea 89 World War II cave refuges 102, 144 legacy on Pacific islands 15, 27, 62, 91, 93, 230 Xeronema moorei 225 About the Author TIM FLANNERY is a writer, a scientist and an explorer.
The World in 2050: Four Forces Shaping Civilization's Northern Future by Laurence C. Smith
Bretton Woods, BRICs, business cycle, clean water, Climategate, colonial rule, deglobalization, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, energy security, flex fuel, G4S, global supply chain, Google Earth, guest worker program, Hans Island, hydrogen economy, ice-free Arctic, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of agriculture, invisible hand, land tenure, Martin Wolf, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, peak oil, Pearl River Delta, purchasing power parity, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, side project, Silicon Valley, smart grid, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, standardized shipping container, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade liberalization, trade route, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, urban planning, Washington Consensus, Y2K
The economic downturn of 2008-09 notwithstanding, the long-term trends all point to continued economic globalization, rising urban wealth, and a host of new technologies to help make cities cleaner, safer, and more efficient. It seems plausible to imagine the ascendance of shining, modern, prosperous cities all over the world. Take, for example, the success story of Singapore. A port city situated on a large island at the southern tip of the Malay Peninsula, Singapore began as a British trading colony in 1819 and remained under colonial rule for one hundred and forty-one years before gaining independence in 1960. Since then, despite its small size (less than 270 square miles), few natural resources, and no domestic fossil fuel supply, Singapore’s growth and economic success have been phenomenal. Between 1960 and 2005 Singapore’s population grew rapidly, averaging 2.2% annually or doubling every thirty-six years. Once a calm British trading outpost, Singapore today has nearly five million people and has become a throbbing services, technology, and financial hub for Southeast Asia.
In the year of its passage Greenlanders voted into their provincial council463 some radical youth, including an unknown twenty-four-year-old schoolteacher, Lars-Emil Johansen (whom I would meet years later as the former prime minister of Greenland), and the young firebrand Moses Olsen. These two began stridently objecting to Denmark’s sovereignty of Greenland, and for the first time in memory, Greenlanders began thinking seriously about disentangling themselves from Copenhagen’s colonial rule. One year later, Greenlanders heartily rejected Denmark’s referendum to join the European Community (predecessor to today’s EU) with 70% of the vote. Alongside their growing nationalism, natural resources were again a root cause, but this time going the other way: Danish membership in the EC would impose fishing restrictions and a sealskin ban on Greenland, both dear to her small aboriginal economies.
The chief connection between the two countries today is economic, as Greenland depends on heavy subsidies from Denmark for solvency. In 2008 Greenland voters overwhelmingly passed another referendum moving Greenland toward full independence from Denmark. 465 As noted in the preceding note, full independence for Greenland, which some speculate could be declared in 2021, the 300th anniversary of Danish colonial rule, will require weaning from generous Danish subsidies averaging $11,000 annually for every Greenlander. The most likely mechanism for this weaning is revenue from oil and gas development, which is being actively encouraged by the Greenland government. So far, thirteen exploration licenses have been issued to companies like ExxonMobil, and another round of licensing will take place in 2010. “Greenland, the New Bonanza,” in The World in 2010, special supplement to The Economist (2009): 54. 466 Canada’s Constitution Act of 1982. 467 The Dene of the Northwest Territories and the southern Yukon were signatories of Treaty 8 or Treaty 11, but these treaties were never fully implemented.
Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap Between Latin America and the United States by Francis Fukuyama
Andrei Shleifer, Atahualpa, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business climate, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, creative destruction, crony capitalism, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, income per capita, land reform, land tenure, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, New Urbanism, oil shock, open economy, purchasing power parity, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, transaction costs, upwardly mobile, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game
In short, though Americans by birth, we derive our rights from Europe, and we have to assert these rights against the rights of the natives, and at the same time we must defend ourselves against the invaders.4 In hindsight, it is difﬁcult to understand why the collective subject of the Spanish American revolution would not be composed of the “legitimate proprietors” of the countries in question, but instead of those who proclaimed themselves the heirs of certain rights whose legitimacy they were the ﬁrst to denounce. Bolívar shied away from posing that question for two reasons. The ﬁrst is the obvious fact that he himself belonged to that “species midway.” And, second, all who knew something about Spanish America would have agreed that the three centuries of colonial rule had not been in vain, and, as had been proven three decades earlier by the successful suppression of the vast indigenous rebellion that shook the ancient Incan empire to its core, the other kind of revolution was already an impossible feat. As a direct descendant of Creole aristocracy, Bolívar could no doubt refrain from lamenting that such an alternative was unavailable, but his heritage did not keep him from envisioning, through the successful marginalization of the “legitimate proprietors” of the land, the legacy of a historical experience that was tainted from the very start.
Sokoloff, “Institutions, Factor Endowments, and Paths of Development in the New World,” Villa Borsig Workshop Series 2000, on The Institutional Foundations of a Market Economy, pp. 78, 79 [summary version available online at http://www.inwent.org/ef-texte/instn/sokoloff.htm]. Terry Karl echoes the prevailing view: “In Latin America from the very beginning, mineral and agricultural riches were a mixed blessing; in the context of a speciﬁc form of colonial rule they produced concentrated rents that centralized economic and political power and established the region’s patterns of inequality.” Terry L. Karl, The Vicious Circle of Inequality in Latin America, Working Paper 2002/177 (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, Instituto Juan March, 2002), pp. 7, 8. 58. Sokoloff, “The Institutional Foundations of a Market Economy,” p. 5. 59.
The main factors which determined Spanish colonial activities were whether the indigenous peoples possessed “permanent intensive agriculture, stable town and village sites, strong tribute mechanisms, and dense populations.”33 Other institutions were designed to reinforce this system. For instance, the legal system systematically discriminated against the indigenous population, and the testimony of natives in court was highly circumscribed. Although Indians certainly did use the legal system to challenge aspects of colonial rule, they could not alter the main parameters of the system. In addition to all of this, the Spanish Crown created a complex web of mercantilistic policies and monopolies in order to raise revenues for the state. Spanish colonies that had small populations of native peoples, such as Costa Rica and Argentina, seem to have followed different paths of institutional development. The sharp contrasts along many institutional dimensions between Costa Rica, which had relatively few Native Americans, and Guatemala, where the population density was greater, have been studied extensively.34 Interestingly, although the formal political institutions within the Spanish empire were the same everywhere, the way they functioned depended on the local conditions.
The Vietnam War: An Intimate History by Geoffrey C. Ward, Ken Burns
anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, clean water, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, European colonialism, friendly fire, Haight Ashbury, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, mutually assured destruction, Norman Mailer, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, War on Poverty
In 1910, the year before Ho Chi Minh fled Cochinchina, a government survey found that just three French officials in the whole colony understood Vietnamese well enough to make policy decisions on their own. The French depended instead on a network of French-speaking Vietnamese willing to carry out their wishes—and all too often eager to enrich themselves in the process. Other Vietnamese benefited by colonial rule. They became bankers, merchants, or landlords in Cochinchina, where the availability of cheap, newly opened lands created a fresh entrepreneurial frontier for those with enough capital to get started. These privileged people created a Westernized urban world of their own; they spoke French, drank wine, and followed Paris fashions. A giddy French newcomer, carried ashore by Vietnamese porters, 1902.
A giddy French newcomer, carried ashore by Vietnamese porters, 1902. “The French usually disembarked in Indochina determined to be on the best possible terms with the Annamese,” one critical colonist remembered. “It was only gradually, moving from one small misunderstanding to another, that they arrived at isolation and a separation from the Annamese world.” But for the peasants who made up 90 percent of Vietnam’s population, colonial rule provided few benefits. Subject to French monopolies on salt and alcohol, sometimes dragooned to labor without pay on public works, burdened by ever-climbing taxes and saddled by debt, many stood by helplessly as lands they once had owned slipped into the hands of big landowners. By the beginning of the twentieth century, just 5 percent of the population owned 95 percent of the arable land in Cochinchina. Resentment festered.
Imperial Japan, soon to ally itself with Germany and eager to move against British and Dutch colonies throughout Asia, then forced the collaborationist Vichy French to permit them to station troops in Tonkin in exchange for the right to continue day-to-day administration of the colony. Within a year, Japanese soldiers would occupy all of Vietnam. To some Vietnamese, the collapse of the French and the coming of the Japanese had seemed to signal a welcome end to white colonial rule. But Ho Chi Minh saw things differently. To him, the Japanese were alien invaders, no more welcome than the French. France might be an “imperialist wolf,” he said, but Japan was a “fascist hyena,” interested only in exploiting his country, commandeering rubber for its war machine, and seizing Vietnamese crops to fill its own rice bowls. “The Japanese [have] become the real masters,” he wrote.
Kicking Awaythe Ladder by Ha-Joon Chang
Asian financial crisis, business cycle, central bank independence, clean water, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, fear of failure, income inequality, income per capita, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, land reform, liberal world order, moral hazard, open economy, purchasing power parity, rent-seeking, short selling, Simon Kuznets, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, Washington Consensus
Another piece of evidence that 'good institutions' are not enough to generate growth is the fact that the major Asian developing economies remained virtually stagnant during the first half of the twentieth century, despite the fact that many modern institutions were introduced under (formal or informal) colonial rule. According to the estimate by Maddison 1989, the average per capita GDP growth rate for the nine largest Asian developing countries (Bangladesh, China, India, Indonesia, Pakistan, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand) during 1900-50 was 0 per cent p.a.. During this period, Taiwan and the Philippines grew at 0.4 per cent p.a., Korea and Thailand at 0.1 per cent p.a.. China grew at -0.3 per cent p.a., the South Asian countries and Indonesia at -0.1 per cent. These countries were, however, able to generate much faster growth after the end of colonial rule. The average per capita GDP growth rate for the 1950-87 period for these countries was 3.1 per cent p.a.. Part of this was, of course, due to improvements in the quality of their institutions, but the more important change was that they were able to pursue the 'right' policies, that is, activist I T T policies.
Rule Britannia: Brexit and the End of Empire by Danny Dorling, Sally Tomlinson
3D printing, Ada Lovelace, Alfred Russel Wallace, anti-communist, anti-globalists, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, colonial rule, Corn Laws, correlation does not imply causation, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, en.wikipedia.org, epigenetics, Etonian, falling living standards, Flynn Effect, housing crisis, illegal immigration, imperial preference, income inequality, inflation targeting, invisible hand, knowledge economy, market fundamentalism, mass immigration, megacity, New Urbanism, Nick Leeson, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, out of africa, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, spinning jenny, Steven Pinker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, University of East Anglia, We are the 99%, wealth creators
National Service, by which some two million young men were conscripted into Britain’s armed services between 1946 and 1962, was used to force many young British men to fight colonial wars.10 The experiences of these men shaped the attitudes of their generation. As one RAF flight controller explained, ‘We had Empire Day at school and we all thought empire was a marvellous thing. When Britain chose to give her empire away we were all rather saddened. The colonial people had all the blessings of British colonial rule and look how casually they dismissed them.’11 When the British public did vote to stay in the European Economic Community in 1975, there was a vague feeling that since the old empire was ‘going, going, gone’, another alliance was better than nothing. Flippantly, people were told that maybe the price of Danish butter might come down. Later, much later, The Brexit Cookbook hit the bookshops with its promise that: Scotch eggs and trifle built the greatest Empire the world has ever known until the EU forced us to eat Danish pastries and pizza.
To understand Brexit, we have to revisit the geography textbooks in use in schools up until the 1960s, which told school children, including some recent migrants from former colonial countries, that under the guidance of Europeans, Africa is steadily being opened up … Doctors and scientists are working to improve the health of the Africans, missionaries and teachers are educating the people … The Europeans have brought civilisation to the peoples of Africa …whose standards of living have been raised by their contact with white people.40 This is a very different story from that told by the descendants of the 10,000 or so Kenyans killed during the 1950s uprising against colonial rule. So how can the current generation of school and university students – and all the rest of us born after overt colonialism – understand the empire, how Britain now fits into the world, and the importance of the EU? Statutory guidance for the study of history still demands that students should know the history of our islands as a chronological narrative, and also ‘how Britain has influenced the wider world’.
She found that in 1775 half of all imports into Britain were food stuffs. Much of this importation caused malnutrition in the colonies in which the food was originally grown. Colonial policies for food did little for the nutrition of the colonised and often left populations more vulnerable to food scarcity. This led to hypocritical claims that hunger and poverty were endemic in colonies, thus creating an apparent justification for colonial rule. Even as recently as the 1970s, in Kenya many farmers stopped growing the beans that had been a staple for local markets and instead began growing French green beans exported by air for a mainly out-of-season European market. As Thomas Sankara, the former President of Burkina Faso, put it, ‘Do you not know where imperialism is to be found? Just look at your plate.’14 Sankara made the humble Renault 5 the official government car of his country to stop officials being too profligate.
The Billionaire Raj: A Journey Through India's New Gilded Age by James Crabtree
accounting loophole / creative accounting, Asian financial crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Branko Milanovic, business climate, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, colonial rule, Commodity Super-Cycle, corporate raider, creative destruction, crony capitalism, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, facts on the ground, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global supply chain, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, informal economy, Joseph Schumpeter, liberal capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, McMansion, megacity, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, open economy, Parag Khanna, Pearl River Delta, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, Rubik’s Cube, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, smart cities, special economic zone, spectrum auction, The Great Moderation, Thomas L Friedman, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, yellow journalism, young professional
From 2004 to 2014 India enjoyed the fastest economic expansion in its history, averaging growth of more than eight percent a year. These boom years brought undoubted benefits, helping over one hundred million escape from poverty. Just as importantly, they began to reintegrate India with the rest of the world. The Indian subcontinent had been the planet’s largest economy for most of the last two millennia.9 Three centuries of colonial rule ruined that legacy, as the East India Company suppressed and plundered southern Asia. In the late seventeenth century, when Britain controlled just a handful of coastal cities, India’s Mughal Empire presided over close to a quarter of global gross domestic product. That figure stood at four percent when the last British troops left, not long after Independence in 1947, the final battalion marching out through the grand basalt arch of Mumbai’s Gateway of India, just down the road from the apartment in which my wife and I would later live.10 Yet even under the yoke of imperialism local merchants still sent plentiful cargoes to Liverpool and Manchester, while Indian capital coursed through the exchanges of the City of London.
You name it,” he added with a smile, as if recalling fondly the commercial indiscipline of his youth. “I looked at each business and I said to myself, you know, how can we compete with the Nestlés and the Unilevers of this world? Either we have to come up with a huge bunch of resources or we’re going to die.” The 1991 crisis had roots going back more than half a century and the battle against colonial rule. In 1947, just when Mallya’s father bought UB Group, a fierce debate raged among India’s national founders. On one side stood Gandhi, with his vision of a future agrarian utopia, dotted with prosperous villages and free of commercial exploitation. On the other was Nehru, who became prime minister of a newly independent India at the stroke of midnight on August 15, 1947. Inspired in equal measure by British Fabian socialism and the apparent successes of Soviet communism, Nehru and his supporters envisioned a bold new planned economy, dotted with towering steel mills and hydroelectric dams.
Yet if India can complete it, with an estimated population of 1.7 billion by the middle of this century, it will bring more people into conditions of moderate prosperity than any country in history.9 India would also be the first major world economy to do this as a democracy, rather than turning democratic as it grew prosperous, as happened in America and Britain, or, like China, not being a democracy at all. “Long years ago, we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge,” Jawaharlal Nehru said on the evening of August 15, 1947, as his country readied to cast aside the injustices of British colonial rule.10 “India stands forth again, after long slumber and struggle, awake, vital, free and independent.” By 2047, as its people celebrate their centenary, India has a chance to fulfill that destiny: to become history’s second democratic superpower and a beacon for free peoples around the world. Modi’s admirers like to see him in just these historic terms, as the man destined to take a nation beset by graft and poverty and wrestle it doggedly towards greatness.
Happy Valley: The Story of the English in Kenya by Nicholas Best
As an example of how the Kikuyu dominated African thinking, eight out of nine central committee members of the Kenya African Union – a non-tribal party set up at the end of the war to represent the political interests of all Kenya Africans – were Kikuyu by 1951. President of KAU from 1947 was Jomo Kenyatta. He used the party as a respectable front for the still-proscribed Kikuyu Central Association. Kenyatta’s aims were the same as they had always been: to obtain freedom from colonial rule, and to get hold of the white highlands. The difference now was that people were beginning to listen to him. Among his earliest recruits were the old soldiers, tough dissatisfied men who felt that the world owed them a living and did not shrink from talk of bloodshed to achieve their aims. Many of these Kikuyu were comrades of the same age group, having been circumcised together in the initiation rites of 1940.
Chief Justice Sir Kenneth O’Connor and three African assessors unanimously found him guilty. Kimathi was sentenced to death. He appealed, but the appeal was dismissed. In Nairobi prison, on 18 February 1957, Dedan Kimathi was hanged. He has subsequently become a hero to the Kikuyu people, a martyr to the cause of independence and the most famous of all the freedom fighters who lost their lives in the struggle against colonial rule. Every emerging country needs a warrior figure to give it self-respect. In a country lamentably short of heroes, Kimathi is Kenya’s choice. Prominent streets are named after him in every town. He is the subject of numerous eulogistic books, poems and – to be honest – awful plays, all of them written in English, the language of the oppressor. Kimathi receives so much adulation that black Kenyans sometimes forget that, for all his martyrdom, Kimathi was a ruthless killer.
A World in Disarray: American Foreign Policy and the Crisis of the Old Order by Richard Haass
access to a mobile phone, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, carbon footprint, central bank independence, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, energy security, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, floating exchange rates, global pandemic, global reserve currency, hiring and firing, immigration reform, invisible hand, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, mutually assured destruction, open economy, quantitative easing, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, special drawing rights, Steven Pinker, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, uranium enrichment, Yom Kippur War
There was also the matter of bringing the colonial era to an end. At the close of World War II, much of the world, including most of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia, was ruled by the countries of Europe. Decolonization was founded on the idea that peoples had the right to establish independent nation-states; this was the concept of self-determination. Independence was sought by virtually all the populations living under colonial rule. Interestingly, it was also supported by both the Soviet Union and the United States: the former saw it as an opportunity to win converts, while the latter feared that absent independence these societies would turn to the Soviets for support against the Western colonialists. With time, the populations of the mostly European colonial powers themselves grew weary of the costs of maintaining rule in faraway places that wanted to be on their own.
The principle was so broadly embraced that it often included sympathy and even outright support for the use of violence in its pursuit. Self-determination was thus a fundamental tenet of the post–World War II order. But less clear and certainly less broadly embraced was the notion of a right of self-determination for peoples living within established nation-states. Unlike those seeking to get out from under colonial rule, self-determination broadly applied would not be a one-time affair. To the contrary, it could be potentially unlimited in its application. What is more, if it applied to groups living within countries, it threatened the idea and the ideal of state sovereignty, in that sovereignty could be attacked and undermined not just from the outside but from within. It was thus a potential threat to the integrity of many countries as well as to the basis of international order.
The Rational Optimist: How Prosperity Evolves by Matt Ridley
"Robert Solow", 23andMe, agricultural Revolution, air freight, back-to-the-land, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, call centre, carbon footprint, Cesare Marchetti: Marchetti’s constant, charter city, clean water, cloud computing, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, Corn Laws, creative destruction, credit crunch, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, decarbonisation, dematerialisation, demographic dividend, demographic transition, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, falling living standards, feminist movement, financial innovation, Flynn Effect, food miles, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, Hans Rosling, happiness index / gross national happiness, haute cuisine, hedonic treadmill, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, income per capita, Indoor air pollution, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of agriculture, invisible hand, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, John Nash: game theory, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kevin Kelly, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, Kula ring, Mark Zuckerberg, meta analysis, meta-analysis, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, Northern Rock, nuclear winter, oil shale / tar sands, out of africa, packet switching, patent troll, Pax Mongolica, Peter Thiel, phenotype, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Productivity paradox, profit motive, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, Ray Kurzweil, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Silicon Valley, spice trade, spinning jenny, stem cell, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, Stewart Brand, supervolcano, technological singularity, Thales and the olive presses, Thales of Miletus, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade route, transaction costs, ultimatum game, upwardly mobile, urban sprawl, Vernor Vinge, Vilfredo Pareto, wage slave, working poor, working-age population, Y2K, Yogi Berra, zero-sum game
It was incorporated into the British empire in such a half-hearted and inattentive fashion that it barely experienced colonial rule. The British took it mainly to stop the Germans or Boers getting it. ‘Doing as little in the way of administration or settlement as possible’ was explicitly stated as government policy in 1885. Botswana was left alone, experiencing almost as little direct European imperialism as those later success stories of Asia – places like Thailand, Japan, Taiwan, Korea and China. In 1895, three Tswana chiefs went to Britain and successfully pleaded with Queen Victoria to be kept out of the clutches of Cecil Rhodes; in the 1930s, two chiefs went to court to prevent another attempt at more intrusive colonial rule and though they failed, the war then kept bossy commissioners at bay. Benign neglect continued.
Paradoxically, African countries are often also cursed by sudden windfalls of rich mineral wealth, such as oil or diamonds, which serve only to corrupt democratic politicians, strengthen the power of dictators, distract entrepreneurs, spoil the terms of trade of exporters and encourage reckless state borrowing. Take, therefore, one such typical African country. It is landlocked, drought-prone and has a very high population growth rate. Its people belong to eight different tribes speaking different tongues. When freed from colonial rule in 1966 it had eight miles of paved road (for an area the size of Texas), twenty-two black university graduates, and only 100 secondary school graduates. It was later cursed by a huge diamond mine, crippled by AIDS, devastated by cattle disease, and ruled by one party with little effective opposition. Government spending has remained high; so has wealth inequality. This country, the fourth poorest in the entire world in 1950, has every one of Africa’s curses.
Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order by Parag Khanna
"Robert Solow", Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Bartolomé de las Casas, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, complexity theory, continuation of politics by other means, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, different worldview, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, energy security, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, flex fuel, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, global supply chain, haute couture, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, Islamic Golden Age, Khyber Pass, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, land reform, low cost airline, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, megacity, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Parag Khanna, Pax Mongolica, Pearl River Delta, pirate software, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, Potemkin village, price stability, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, special economic zone, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Thomas L Friedman, trade route, trickle-down economics, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce
Latin culture radically favors the masking of power in the language of esteem and purpose, but truth in Latin politics is about reading between the lines, even inverting what one is told. With notable exceptions, exaggeration is integral to communication for Latin politicians, more important than reality as it actually occurs. The result is a culture that implicitly asks, “Why tell the truth when you can lie instead?” The legacy of subverting colonial rule is a prime justification for habits that now only subvert themselves. The social contract of laws and institutions in Asian countries—whether guided by Confucian or Islamic values—is all but absent in Latin America. Trust and commitment to leaders—these things do not exist: Few governments ever complete a first term. Latin culture is far too tolerant of “good corruption”—the kind that eases contract negotiations to make things move along—not recognizing that it actually derives from and perpetuates “bad corruption,” the prevalent system of big family rule and crony capitalism that operates in even Latin America’s best democracies.
See Michael McFaul, “Transitions from Postcommunism,” Journal of Democracy 16, no. 3 (July 2005): 5–19. 10. “A Tale of Two Slavic States,” The Economist, June 3, 2006, 53. 11. E. Wayne Merry, “Therapy’s End: Thinking Beyond NATO,” The National Interest, Winter 2003–04. 12. This climate of malaise and frustration led the Third International Commission on the Balkans in 2005 to declare the region “as close to failure as to success,” adding, “If Europe’s neo-colonial rule becomes further entrenched, it will encourage economic discontent; it will become a political embarrassment for the European project; and, above all, European electorates would see it as an immense and unnecessary financial and moral burden.” International Commission on the Balkans, The Balkans in Europe’s Future (Sofia, Bulgaria: Centre for Liberal Strategies, 2005), 7, 11. 13. See Elizabeth Pond, Endgame in the Balkans: Regime Change, European Style (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 2006). 14.
*33Because the Maghreb countries lie between Europe and third-world Africa, it is swelling migration not only from the Arab world that Europeans fear, but also from West and sub-Saharan Africa as well. Timbuktu, once a great center of Islamic learning and the starting point for Saharan caravans, today represents much of Africa’s inability to achieve even the level of material progress and social organization that existed a century ago under colonial rule. Hordes of young West African men traverse and hide in Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia before storming the Spanish exclaves of Ceuta and Melilla to gain entry into Europe. Mauritanians have desperately sailed in overwhelming numbers to the Canary Islands, which are viewed as a weak link in “fortress Europe,” arriving dehydrated, sick, and without identity papers. The tiny EU island of Malta has been overwhelmed with African migrants washing ashore and has built detention camps for their processing.
The Logic of Life: The Rational Economics of an Irrational World by Tim Harford
activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, business cycle, colonial rule, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, endowment effect, European colonialism, experimental economics, experimental subject, George Akerlof, income per capita, invention of the telephone, Jane Jacobs, John von Neumann, law of one price, Martin Wolf, mutually assured destruction, New Economic Geography, new economy, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Richard Florida, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, spinning jenny, Steve Jobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas Malthus, women in the workforce, zero-sum game
Economists James Feyrer and Bruce Sacerdote worked all this out. They gathered careful data on the modern wealth, colonial history, and weather patterns of eighty small islands, and they concluded that the islands that were easy to reach because of the prevailing winds back in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are wealthier today. An extra century of colonial rule increased per-capita incomes by 40 percent and reduced infant deaths by 2.6 per hundred births. Needless to say, the wealth brought by colonial rule did not usually benefit the original inhabitants of the colonies. While Australia leapt from being perhaps the poorest place in the world to one of the richest in just a couple of centuries, that impressive record is a little tarnished by the fact that most of the original inhabitants died of smallpox. The positive impact of colonialism on present-day wealth is interesting not because it is cause for celebration, but because of what it tells you about how countries grow rich.
Bastard Tongues: A Trailblazing Linguist Finds Clues to Our Common Humanity in the World's Lowliest Languages by Derek Bickerton
But the difference in personality wasn't the oddest thing about their friendship. The oddest thing was that one was Afro-Guyanese and the other was Indo-Guyanese. Workers from India were brought to Guyana to cut sugar cane after the abolition of slavery in the 1830s, when the Afro Guyanese, almost to a man, walked off the plantations and set up as subsistence homesteaders. All through the subsequent years of colonial rule, the British played the two races off against one an other. But in the rising tide of anticolonialism that followed World War II, they joined together to demand independence, and for a few years it looked like Guyana might become a haven of inter ethnic harmony. But the Brits rallied, worked the divide-and-rule routine they'd mastered over centuries, exploited personal jeal ousies between Cheddi Jagan, the Indo leader, and Forbes Burn ham, the Afro leader, and in no time brought the country to the brink of an undeclared civil war in which, with British boots back on Guyanese streets, they could pose as the peacemakers.
., 205 Firth, Raymond, 182 folk etymology, 105 Fort Creoles, 146, 147 "for-to" constructions, 224 ' Foundations of Language, 46 France, 7,151,153, 188, 189, 193-94; colonialism, 164, 189-90, 194 Franco, Francisco, 8, 162 Frederick II of Sicily, 241 free variation, 203 French, 10, 12,34-35, 189, 193, 203; Creole, 14,33, 148, 170; Pidgin, 209 French Louisiana, 153 Futunan, 124 Gambia, 12,47 Garifuna, 26 genetic-related hypothesis, 84-88 Genie, 240 Georgia, 153 Germany, 79,94-95; 196,228 Ghana, 3-6, 18,54,62,200 Gibbons, Yutaka, 120-21 Givon, Tom, 114, 115-16, 126, 133, 134 Gnierre, Antonio, 135, 136 Gold Coast, 172 Goodenough, Ward, 128,133-34 Goodman, Morris, 47 Goree, 200 Gould, Stephen jay, 144 grammar, 5,6, 7, 14, 28,40,53,85,113, 126,170,181-82,197,218,225,234; childhood acquisition of, 124-26, 141-43; Guyanese Creole, 19,33-43, 107-10; Hawaiian Creole, 106-10, 113, 227; systemic, 6; transforma tional, 6; see also specific grammar and languages Great Britain, 4, 5, 6, 66-71, 73-75, 153; colonialism, 9, 20, 26, 164, 172-76,194 Greece. 241 Guam, 228 Guyana, 9-10,15,17-48,57,63,65, 66,81,181,194; colonial rule, 19, 20; ethnic cleansing, 20-21, 31; society, 18-21,30-32; supernatural, 31 Guyanese Creole, 19-48,57,63-65,66, 93,105,142,148, 156-58, 163,177, 181-82,227; article system, 37, 39; English compared to Guyanese, 33 44, 156-58; grammar, 19, 33-43, 107-10; Hawaiian Creole compared to, 105-10; TMA system, 41-43, 47, 48,67,68,82-84, 182; variation, 33-44,47; vocabulary, 33-36 Haiti, 57,164,182,190 Haitian Creole, 14,34,40,57,139,148, 155-56,190 263 Hall, Robert, Jr., 12 Hamlet (Shakespeare), 158 Hammer, Barbara, 131 Hancock, Ian, 68-69, 76, 108 haole, 79,80,81,82,219 hapa-haole, 81, 209 Hawaii, 14,65,71-72,75-76,77-114, 115-16,132,140,188.207;annexed by the U.S., 79-80, 219; children, 101-104,106-10,219-20,223-29; court records, 2l4-15, English in early years of, 213-23; haoles, 79-80, 81,82,219; history oflanguage in, 80-81, 209-11; justice system, 214; leprosy, 211; literacy, 210, 227; monarchy, 79, 80; pidgin, 209-25; pidgin to Creole in, 97-114, 125, 141; sociery, 78-80, 82, 101-107, 209-12,226-29; statehood, 82,105; sugar, 79,100,209,214,218,221, 222,227; supernatural, 31, 90-91; tourism, 78 Hawaiian Creole, 81-114,123, l41, 162, 166,182,190,219-29; article system, 83,212; children and, 101-104, 106 10,114,219-20,223-29; diffusion and, 220-22; grammar, 106-10, 113, 227; Guyanese Creole compared to, 105-10; pidgin interface, 97-1l4, 125, 141; Saramaccan compared to, 170; TMA system, 82-84, 107 Hawaii Sugar Producers Association, 100 Hebrew, 242 Helmreich, Bob, 128 Holm, John, 85 home sign, 232, 234 homesteading, 153, 160, 172 Honolulu, 80, 83, 105, 215, 219, 222 lIocano,91 imbecile jargons, 14-15 264 \ r I. !
Grave New World: The End of Globalization, the Return of History by Stephen D. King
9 dash line, Admiral Zheng, air freight, Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, bilateral investment treaty, bitcoin, blockchain, Bonfire of the Vanities, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, central bank independence, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, corporate governance, credit crunch, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, debt deflation, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, eurozone crisis, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, George Akerlof, global supply chain, global value chain, hydraulic fracturing, Hyman Minsky, imperial preference, income inequality, income per capita, incomplete markets, inflation targeting, information asymmetry, Internet of things, invisible hand, joint-stock company, Kickstarter, Long Term Capital Management, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, moral hazard, Nixon shock, offshore financial centre, oil shock, old age dependency ratio, paradox of thrift, Peace of Westphalia, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, profit maximization, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, reserve currency, reshoring, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Second Machine Age, Skype, South China Sea, special drawing rights, technology bubble, The Great Moderation, The Market for Lemons, the market place, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, trade liberalization, trade route, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game
Hobbes was, however, no fan of democracy, arguing that a sovereign was less likely to be corrupt than those with vaunting political ambitions keen to gain the support of the people. Of modern-day political systems, he might have expressed a preference for, say, Lee Kuan Yew’s Singapore, which enjoyed huge increases in living standards over a handful of decades thanks to a strong legal system (a legacy of British colonial rule), a benevolent leader who also happened to be a Cambridge-educated lawyer, and a high level of political stability (helped by restrictions on civil liberties of which Hobbes might well have approved). Hobbes certainly would not have favoured the separation of powers between legislature and executive incorporated within the US Constitution, an outcome that owed a great deal to the writings of John Locke (1632–1704), who, unlike Hobbes, thought a monarch should not be allowed to rule supreme when men (and, presumably, women) were by nature free and equal.
Over the next two decades, large numbers also arrived from the Indian subcontinent, a mixture of Hindus from Gujarat, Sikhs from the East Punjab and Muslims from both Pakistan and modern-day Bangladesh (not that the indigenous British population was very interested in the distinctions between these various groups). And in 1972, thanks to Idi Amin’s brutal racism, over 27,000 East African Asians, whose forebears had arrived in East Africa under nineteenth-century British colonial rule, found sanctuary in the UK. In Amin’s own words, ‘Our deliberate policy is to transfer the economic control of Uganda into the hands of Ugandans, for the first time in our country’s history.’ Still, Amin was not the only politician suspicious of the ‘foreigner’ in his midst. Enoch Powell, in his notorious April 1968 ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech, argued: For reasons they could not comprehend [the existing UK population] found themselves made strangers in their own country … The Race Relations Bill … is the means of showing that the immigrant communities can organise to consolidate their members, to agitate and campaign against their fellow citizens, and to overawe and dominate the rest with the legal weapons which the ignorant and the ill-informed have provided.
Thieves of State: Why Corruption Threatens Global Security by Sarah Chayes
Celtic Tiger, colonial rule, crony capitalism, drone strike, failed state, income inequality, microcredit, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, structural adjustment programs, trade route, ultimatum game, WikiLeaks, winner-take-all economy, young professional
Muhammed Tabiu, a Kano lawyer and deputy program manager for a Nigeria-wide access-to-justice project called J4A, sees the movement within the historical context of the region’s desire for shari’a law. “We’ve had shari’a law here historically. But under colonial rule and even afterward, those courts were seen as the courts of the people in power. In 2000 the people wanted ‘our’ shari’a courts. The whole agitation for shari’a was a search for a solution to corruption. You can’t get a fair deal. You have to bribe. The law itself is alien. You can’t get justice. People felt that boko—Western education that traced back to the mechanics of colonial rule—was the way we got to this state of affairs.” Indeed, Western Africanists and residents of countries from Nigeria to South Africa alike deplore what they see as a pattern: that post-independence elites seem to have left much of the structure of colonial-era administration intact, just taking over as beneficiaries of the oppressive and extractive system in positions left vacant by the departed colonizers.
This America: The Case for the Nation by Jill Lepore
“We will not bind ourselves to any foreign nation at this time. Neither will we go with you on a wild and reckless adventure which we know will lead us only to a total ruin.” This form of nationalism was largely ignored by American historians. So were other forms. Even as nationalism was on the rise in many parts of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, in nations that declared their independence after decades of colonial rule, scholars in Europe and the United States generally turned a blind eye. “The neglect of nationalism within the academy after 1945 is easily explained,” as one scholar later observed. “Nationalism was blamed for the onset of war in 1939.” Nationalism and After was the title of the English historian E. H. Carr’s study of the subject in 1945, one of many early announcements of the end of nationalism.
Escape From Rome: The Failure of Empire and the Road to Prosperity by Walter Scheidel
agricultural Revolution, barriers to entry, British Empire, colonial rule, conceptual framework, creative destruction, currency manipulation / currency intervention, dark matter, disruptive innovation, Eratosthenes, European colonialism, financial innovation, financial intermediation, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Johannes Kepler, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, mandelbrot fractal, means of production, Network effects, out of africa, Peace of Westphalia, peer-to-peer lending, plutocrats, Plutocrats, principal–agent problem, purchasing power parity, rent-seeking, Republic of Letters, secular stagnation, South China Sea, spinning jenny, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transaction costs, zero-sum game
From early on, the Portuguese state had been strongly involved in trade: Subrahmanyam 2012: 48–52. For the development of the Portuguese overseas empire, see Disney 2009. 80. Thus Hoffman 2015, esp. 7–15 for a summary (quote: 7). Sharman 2019 disagrees. Outgrowth: Mann 2006: 380–83 (quote: 383). 81. Global share: Hoffman 2015: 2n4; see also Etemad 2007: 119–87 for quantitative analysis of the evolution of territory and population under colonial rule. For 1938 (42 percent of territory and 32 percent of population under colonial rule), see Etemad 2007: 123, table 7.1. 1760–1830: Etemad 2007: 125, table 7.2. 82. See, e.g., Darwin 2008; S. Dale 2010; Stanziani 2012. 83. Hoffman 2015: 69–81 (China) (see also I. Morris 2014: 176), 81–85 (Japan), 85–89 (India), 89–94 (Ottomans and Russia). 84. Hoffman 2015: 94, 97–98 (prerequisites), 11–12, 96 (allies); Férnandez-Armesto 2006: 148–49 (withdrawal). 85.
The MENA region lies in between, with empires not as pervasively dominant as in East Asia yet more resilient than in South Asia. Smaller regions in other parts of the world add little of substance to this picture. Polities in the Pre-Columbian New World operated on a much smaller demographic scale. In Mesoamerica, uncertainties surround the political reach of Teotihuacan and the nature of the Toltec polity. In the end, the eventual ascent of the Aztec empire and subsequent universal Spanish colonial rule across Central America snuffed out any semblance of polycentrism for hundreds of years. In the Andean region, the extent of Tiwanaku and Wari rule in the second half of the first millennium remains unclear. A period of fragmentation in the early second millennium preceded the rise of the Inka empire that captured what must have been a very large share of the total population of western South America until it too was absorbed into the global Spanish colonial empire.
On the continent, the Angkorian Khmer empire occupied a dominant position from the ninth through the fourteenth centuries, followed by several coexisting major powers (Ayutthaya, Khmer and Lan Xang), short-lived Taungoo Burmese expansion in the late sixteenth century, more intense fragmentation in the eighteenth century, and dominance by the Rattanakosin kingdom of Siam around 1800. In Malaya and Indonesia, the Srivijaya empire exercised hegemony from the seventh through the thirteenth centuries, succeeded on the islands by the Singhasari empire of the thirteenth century and the Majapahit empire of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Dutch colonial rule eventually took over in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Yet anything resembling hegemonic empire was always conspicuously absent from this region. Even during the most noteworthy peaks, demographic imperial dominance remained rather limited: perhaps one-third of the region’s population under Angkor and Rattanakosin, and less for other imperial ventures. State formation never quite bridged the divide between continental Southeast Asia north of the Malayan peninsula and the Malay archipelago.
Empire by Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri
Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, colonial rule, conceptual framework, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global pandemic, global village, Haight Ashbury, informal economy, invisible hand, late capitalism, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, open borders, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, Scramble for Africa, social intelligence, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, urban planning
This global utopian vein in Marx is nonetheless ambiguous, perhaps even more so than in the other two cases, as we can see clearly from the series of articles he wrote for the New York Daily T H E D I A L E C T I C S O F C O L O N I A L S O V E R E I G N T Y 119 Tribune in 1853 on British rule in India. Marx’s primary goal in these articles was to explain the debate going on at the time in the British Parliament over the status ofthe East India Company and situate the debate in the history ofBritish colonial rule. Marx is of course quick to note the brutality ofthe introduction ofBritish ‘‘civilization’’ into India and the havoc and suffering wrought by the rapacious greed ofBritish capital and the British government. He immediately warns, however, in terms that bring us right back to the revolutionary face of the Renaissance, against simply reacting to the barbarity ofthe British by supporting blindly the status quo ofIndian society.
The dia- chronic stages ofhumanity’s evolution toward civilization were thus conceived as present synchronically in the various primitive peoples and cultures spread across the globe.23 The anthropological presentation ofnon-European others within this evolutionary the- ory ofcivilizations served to confirm and validate the eminent position ofEuropeans and thereby legitimate the colonialist project as a whole. Important segments ofthe discipline ofhistory were also deeply embedded in the scholarly and popular production ofalterity, and thus also in the legitimation ofcolonial rule. For example, upon arriving in India and finding no historiography they could use, British administrators had to write their own ‘‘Indian history’’ to sustain and further the interests of colonial rule. The British had to historicize the Indian past in order to have access to it and put it to work. This British creation ofan Indian history, however, like the formation of the colonial state, could be achieved only by imposing European colonial logics and models on Indian reality.24 India’s past was thus annexed so as to become merely a portion of British history—or rather, British scholars and administrators created an Indian history and exported it to India.
Once we recognize postmodernist discourses as an attack on the dialectical form of modern sovereignty, then we can see more clearly how they contest systems ofdomination such as racism and sexism by deconstructing the boundaries that maintain the S Y M P T O M S O F P A S S A G E 141 hierarchies between white and black, masculine and feminine, and so forth. This is how postmodernists can conceive their theoretical practice as heir to an entire spectrum ofmodern and contemporary liberation struggles. The history ofchallenges to European political- economic hegemony and its colonial rule, the successes ofnational liberation movements, women’s movements, and antiracist strug- gles, are all interpreted as the heritage ofpostmodernist politics because they, too, aim at disrupting the order and the dualisms of modern sovereignty. Ifthe modern is the field ofpower ofthe white, the male, and the European, then in perfectly symmetrical fashion the postmodern will be the field of liberation of the non- white, the non-male, and the non-European.
Disrupt and Deny: Spies, Special Forces, and the Secret Pursuit of British Foreign Policy by Rory Cormac
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, currency manipulation / currency intervention, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Etonian, illegal immigration, land reform, Malacca Straits, Mikhail Gorbachev, private military company, Ronald Reagan, Stuxnet, trade route, union organizing, WikiLeaks, Yom Kippur War
It was approved by the foreign secretary and Ivone Kirkpatrick, as permanent under-secretary. No details about Razzle exist in the declassified archives; it was discussed only orally by the few in the know. One Treasury official, however, jotted down just four tantalizing words in pencil next to a fleeting mention: ‘Yemen. Imam Dying. Friends’.40 ‘Friends’ likely refers to SIS involvement and Britain would certainly have wanted rid of the troublesome Imam Ahmad. He had long opposed colonial rule in Aden and, in addition to authorizing trade deals with the Soviets, by 1956 had signed a defensive pact with Nasser’s Egypt. Perhaps there were plans to rig the system and ensure a more amenable successor. But whatever the mysterious Razzle entailed, Ahmad did not die until 1962, despite suffering regular bouts of ill health. Syria formed a more urgent target. By the middle of the decade, the country had become increasingly entangled with both communism and the OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 06/02/18, SPi E x pa nsion: Cov e rt Act ion be for e Su e z115 pan-Arabism espoused by Nasser.
As the 1950s gave way to the 1960s, Britain’s policy in the Middle East and Southeast Asia was at odds with that of the State Department and the new president, John Kennedy. It spawned an unhappy period of drift for Britain’s covert action planners. OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 06/02/18, SPi 8 Decolonization and Drift The Battle for Influence after Empire From my point of view there is no doctrinal objection to the use of clandestine and covert activities. Alan Lennox-Boyd, 1955 1 B ritain’s colonial rule was built on information management and it is no exaggeration to describe the British Empire as an ‘empire of intelligence.’2 Swathes of information, gathered as part of the process of colonial governance, were vital to allow a few administrators to govern vast territories such as India. Intelligence in the colonies had developed differently from intelligence in Whitehall: it remained more informal, less glamorous, part of the quotidian administration.
The third, Operation Alismah, somehow involved the nationalist political and religious leader Abd al-Rahman al-Mahdi. However, in what appears to be another case of Britain hiding behind someone else—likely Israel—to maximize deniability, the plan merely involved SIS giving a guarantee of up to £250,000 while hoping not actually to spend anything.37 Al-Mahdi had long been a thorn in the side of colonial rule but was seen as the lesser evil after a Nasserite People’s Democratic Party established itself in 1956. Details of the covert action are sparse, but the Umma Party, of which al-Mahdi was a leading figure, won the most seats in the 1958 elections. In November, a military coup overthrew the civilian government OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 06/02/18, SPi T h e Bat t le for I n f lu e nce a f t e r E m pi r e147 altogether.
Globish: How the English Language Became the World's Language by Robert McCrum
Alistair Cooke, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, call centre, Charles Lindbergh, colonial rule, credit crunch, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Etonian, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, invention of movable type, invention of writing, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, jimmy wales, knowledge economy, Livingstone, I presume, Martin Wolf, Naomi Klein, Norman Mailer, Parag Khanna, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, sceptred isle, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, Steven Pinker, the new new thing, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, upwardly mobile
In 1773 another riot, against the importation of cheap tea, became the ‘Boston Tea Party’, an impromptu protest with a long afterlife. Britain was now at war throughout New England. With many misgivings, all the colonies rallied in support of Massachusetts. The next year, 1774, the first American Congress met in Philadelphia. American nationalism was building from a mood of sullen opposition to colonial rule towards a convulsion of revolutionary fury. If there was to be a storm, there first had to be a lightning strike. This necessary explosion was ignited by a little book, attributed to an unnamed ‘Englishman’, and published by Robert Bell from a print shop on Third Street, Philadelphia, on 9 January 1776. The book was Common Sense, the best selling American pamphlet of the eighteenth century.
Privately, Harris was serious about his representation of slave culture, and paid tribute to the rich tradition of speech and narrative he was trying to preserve: ‘If the language of Uncle Remus fails to give vivid hints of the really poetic imagination of the Negro’, Harris wrote, then he would have failed to capture its essence. 6 The half-century between the American Civil War and the First World War saw two contrasting, but equally humiliating, sets of experience for black people in the English-speaking world. In Africa, Britain became engaged on an imperial competition, the ‘scramble for Africa’, with rival European powers that saw the whole continent subjugated to colonial rule. In America, meanwhile, the slaves, finally liberated in December 1865, found themselves catapulted from servitude to legal equality and then reduced to a state almost as degrading as slavery. Four million African-Americans were freed at the end of the Civil War, and an old English legal phrase, ‘civil rights’, entered the American lexicon for the first time. Once the last Federal troops were withdrawn from the defeated Confederacy, the South hit back, passing ‘Jim Crow’ laws to limit the rights of former slaves.
The New Harvest: Agricultural Innovation in Africa by Calestous Juma
agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, barriers to entry, bioinformatics, business climate, carbon footprint, clean water, colonial rule, conceptual framework, creative destruction, double helix, energy security, energy transition, global value chain, income per capita, industrial cluster, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, land tenure, M-Pesa, microcredit, mobile money, non-tariff barriers, off grid, out of africa, precision agriculture, Second Machine Age, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, structural adjustment programs, supply-chain management, total factor productivity, undersea cable
These tanks were an important component of rain-fed agriculture systems and provided a reservoir that helped mitigate the effects of flooding and sustain agriculture and drinking-water needs throughout the dry season by capturing rainwater. The Vayalagams were groups of community leaders who managed the distribution of water resources to maximize resources and sustainability, and to ensure that the whole community participated in, and benefited from, the appropriate maintenance of the tanks. Under British colonial rule, and later under the independent Indian government, Agricultural Innovation Systems 109 irrigation systems became centralized, and communities were no longer encouraged to use the tanks, so both the physical structures and the organizations that managed them fell into disrepair. As the tank-fed systems fell apart and agricultural systems changed, rural communities began to suffer from the lack of sufficient water to grow crops.
See also education: clusters and, 106, 114; economicagricultural linkages and, 20, 146, 152; entrepreneurship and, 208–9; future and, 253; gender and, 148; infrastructure and, 118; innovation and, xvii, 114, 146–47, 234 Index hunger: data on Africa’s levels of, 14; economicagricultural linkages and, 12, 14–15, 132; Einstein on, xv; food processing as means of addressing, 217; free trade as a means of addressing, 247; Green Revolution and, 68; policy challenges presented by, xv–xvi, 27; Strategy for Africa 2024 (STISA-2024) and, 224 Hyundai Rotem, 140 iCow (mobile technology platform), 203–4 ICRISAT (International Crops Research Institute for the SemiArid Tropics), 161, 164 IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority for Development), 133 IITA (International Institute of Tropical Agriculture), 88–90, 199 Illumina, 81 Imperial Bakeries, 201 Improved Management of Agriculture Water in Eastern and Southern Africa (organization), 133 incomes: biotechnology and, 68, 79; economic-agricultural linkages and, xx, 1, 12, 14–15, 17, 23; education and, 147, 151, 224; entrepreneurship and, 132, 189–90, 192, 207, 214, 216–17; growth in Africa’s overall, 22, 26; infrastructure and, 118, 120, 129 independent power projects (IPPs), 125–27 India: brinjal production in, 71–72; cotton production in, 65, 69–70; diaspora population from, 311 240; drought-resistant crops in, 74; e-Choupal system in, 133–34; entrepreneurship in, 191–94, 210; geographic information systems (GIS) programs and, 52; Green Revolution in, 13, 192; immigration policy in, 244; infrastructure in, 129, 131, 134–35, 143–44; innovation and, 233, 240; irrigation in, 130–31; National Innovation Council in, 210, 230; National Knowledge Commission in, 240; rice production in, 75; state seed corporations in, 192–94; sugarcane cultivation in, 130; technology and, 134–35, 242; transgenic crops in, 65, 69–72, 74–75; Vayalagam system of, 108–9 Indian Seed Act (1966), 192 Indonesia, 74 infrastructure: climate change and, 257; clusters and, 95, 105, 107, 114; definition of, xxii, 117; economic-agricultural linkages and, 17, 19–20, 79, 118; education and, 118–19, 145, 147, 158, 167, 177, 179, 182; energy and, 6, 42, 118, 123–28, 134, 141, 143–45; entrepreneurship and, 11, 190, 197, 207–8, 217; future and, 253, 255, 257–63; innovation and, xx–xxii, 111–12, 117–20, 129–45, 220–22, 224, 228–31, 234, 237, 241, 246–47, 251; investments and, xvii, 10, 19–20, 27, 30, 32–33, 41–42, 111–12, 118–20, 123, 128–29, 132–45, 261; rural deficiencies regarding, 29–30; “social infrastructure” and, 49; social service delivery and, 121; technology and, 134–41; value chains and, 26 312 Index Ingredion, 7 innovation and innovation systems: African diasporas and, 239–42; biotechnology and, xviii, 23, 41, 63–70, 190, 239, 242–43, 251; clusters and, xxi, 94–116; for cocoa, 4–5, 92–94; definition of, xxi; economic-agricultural linkages and, xxi, 37, 45, 49, 83–84; education and, xxii, 10, 20, 87, 91, 94–95, 151, 160–61, 163, 165–69, 173–80, 182, 224, 229, 231, 234, 236–38, 241, 258; entrepreneurship and, xxii–xxiii, 4, 10–11, 37, 99, 101–2, 185–86, 198–202, 204, 206, 223–24, 243, 259–62; “farm firms” and, 86; food security and, 132, 221, 224, 251; fostering culture of, xvi–xix, xxi, xxiii; future and, 265–66; governance of, xvii, xix, 84, 90, 96, 101, 219, 221, 224, 231, 237, 243; infrastructure and, xx–xxii, 111–12, 117–20, 129–45, 220–22, 224, 228–31, 234, 237, 241, 246–47, 251; intellectual property rights and, 246; investment and, 4, 7–8, 23, 26, 30, 85, 93–94, 119, 221, 228, 232, 235–40; knowledge and, xviii, xx–xxi, 20, 28, 43, 84–86, 90–91, 94, 96, 102, 144, 219, 225–26, 234–35, 238, 240–41, 243–44, 246, 255–58, 260–63, 265; latecomer advantages and, 40–45, 48–49; leadership and, xvi, xix, 8–10, 38, 218, 220, 222, 226–27, 232–33, 237, 240–41, 245, 251; mechanization of agriculture and, 25; prizes for, 231–32, 238–39; regulation and, 248–50; research and, 26–27, 41, 44–46, 55, 83–90, 92–93, 102–4, 110–13, 219, 224–25, 227, 229, 232, 234–37, 239–40, 243, 252; sustainability and, 83; technology and, xvii–xxi, 6, 19, 26, 33, 37, 39–40, 43–47, 52, 55–57, 74–75, 84, 86, 89–90, 98–99, 101, 219–20, 222–33, 228, 235–36, 238–39, 242–46, 248–51, 254–59, 264 insecticides, 53, 55, 65, 67–72, 74, 77, 108 insect-resistant (IR) agricultural crops, 65–67, 69–70, 72, 75 Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD), 133 International Centre for the Improvement of Maize and Wheat (CIMMYT), 58, 75 International Civil Aviation Organization, 122 International Crops Research Institute for the Semi- Arid Tropics (ICRISAT), 161, 164 International Institute of Tropical Agriculture (IITA), 88–90, 199 International Monetary Fund (IMF), 9 International Rice Research Institute (IRRI), 58, 75 International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation, 59 International Water Management Institute, 133 Internet: business and, 50; education and, 179, 261; entrepreneurship and, 186; innovation and, 59, 96, 179; open access movement and, 59; penetration by and access to, 50–51, 134, 186, 203, 261; research and, 50, 179 investments: clusters and, 107; community development funds and, 32; developed world’s declining levels of, 80; Index economic-agricultural linkages and, 8, 15, 18–19, 30; education and, 162, 179; in energy, 43; entrepreneurship and, 191, 194; foreign direct (FDI), 30–31, 187; future and, 261; government initiatives to attract, 28–31, 34; infrastructure and, xvii, 10, 19–20, 27, 30, 32–33, 41–42, 111–12, 118–20, 123, 128–29, 132–45, 261; innovation and, 4, 7–8, 23, 26, 30, 85, 93–94, 119, 221, 228, 232, 235–40; land tenure rules and, 31; in research, 44–45, 85; returns on, 93; technology and, 54, 85, 111, 113 IPPs (independent power projects), 125–27 Ireland, 9, 89 irrigation: Africa’s levels in international context, 15, 19–21, 131; Africa’s potential and, xvi, 20; colonial rule in India and, 109; economic-agricultural linkages and, 10, 14, 16, 100; entrepreneurship and, 191; infrastructure and, 10, 27, 30, 42, 119, 128–35, 141–43, 145; innovations in, 68, 102, 128–32, 163, 167; investments in, 131, 261; yields improved by, 45 Israel, 181, 208 Italy, 102 ITC (Indian company), 134–35 Japan, 66, 244 John Innes Centre (UK), 73 Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology (JKUAT), 57–58 Jonathan, Goodluck, 2, 6–7, 10, 199 Junior Farmer’s Field School (South Africa), 159 313 Kamano Seeds, 194 Kampala (Uganda), 121 Kenya: aquaculture in, 24; banana crops in, 71; breadfruit trees in, 213; CAADP and, 28; cassava crops in, 79; climate change and, 36; coffee production in, 174; COMESA research laboratory in, 210; droughtresistant crops in, 65–66, 74; education in, 175, 194, 238; Electricity Regulatory Board in, 127; entrepreneurship in, 194, 196–97; export-led agricultural innovation in, 120; fertilizer use in, 16; fruit exports from, 197; gender inequality in, 149; independent power projects (IPPs) in, 126–27; infrastructure of, 120–21; innovation and, 120; land tenure system in, 31; maize crops in, 75; Ministry of Industrialization in, 57; mobile phones in, 49, 203; national academy of science and technology in, 230; One Acre Fund in, 205–6; Power Africa initiative in, 127; risk insurance in, 37; school gardens in, 157; smallholders in, 184–85, 194; tax-supported research institutes in, 236; technology and, 49, 136, 203, 238; Water Efficient Maize for Africa (WEMA) program and, 75; weather stations in, 136 Kenya Multimedia University, 238 Kigali (Rwanda), 121 Kikwete, Jakaya, 2 King’s College Hospital (London), 241 Kisumu (Kenya), 121 314 Index knowledge: clusters and, 96, 100, 105–8, 114–16; economicagricultural linkages and, 37, 39, 42; education and, 147, 156, 165, 169, 171, 173–74, 176, 179, 258; entrepreneurship and, xvii, 183, 185–86, 201, 203, 215, 260–61; future and, 262–63, 265; Green Revolution and, xx, 39; human capacity and, 40; indigenous forms of, 39, 107–9; infrastructure and, 117, 128, 138, 257; innovation and, xviii, xx–xxi, 20, 28, 43, 84–86, 90–91, 94, 96, 102, 144, 219, 225–26, 234–35, 238, 240–41, 243–44, 246, 255–58, 260–63, 265; prospecting and, 185–86; rate of growth of, 40, 44; sustainability and, xxii, 43, 83, 117; technology and, 40–41, 43–44, 46–47, 50, 54, 59, 257, 262 Korea, South, 45, 67, 136–41, 244 Korean High-Speed Rail Construction Authority (KHRC), 139–40 Korean Train Express (KTX), 136–40 Korea Railroad Research Institute (KRRI), 141 Kotler, Steven, 40 Lake Victoria region, 136 La Molina (national agricultural university of Peru), 180–82 land policy and land records, 31–32 Latin America.
Powers and Prospects by Noam Chomsky
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, colonial rule, declining real wages, deindustrialization, deskilling, Fall of the Berlin Wall, invisible hand, Jacques de Vaucanson, John von Neumann, liberation theology, Monroe Doctrine, old-boy network, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, theory of mind, Tobin tax, Turing test
One of the leading historians of Africa, Basil Davidson, observes that modernising reforms in West Africa’s Fanti Confederation and Asante kingdom were similar to those implemented by Japan at the same time, and indeed were seen in that light by African commentators and historians, one of whom wrote bitterly a few years later that ‘The same laudable object was before them both, [but] the African’s attempt was ruthlessly crushed and his plans frustrated’ by British force. Davidson’s own view is that the potential ‘was in substance no different from the potential realised by the Japanese after 1867’. But West Africa joins Egypt and India, not Japan and the United States, which were able to pursue an independent path, free from colonial rule and the strictures of economic rationality.9 By the 1920s, England could not compete with more efficient Japanese industry. It therefore called the game off, returning to the practices that allowed it to develop in the first place. The empire was effectively closed to Japanese trade; Dutch and Americans followed suit. These were among the steps on the road to the Pacific phase of World War II, and among those ignored in the 50th anniversary commemorations.
Independent nationalism would interfere with the project, hence could not be tolerated. For most of the world, ‘complementary development’ was the most that could be allowed; there are interesting exceptions in the region of Japanese influence, where the two major former Japanese colonies, largely under the stimulus of Vietnam War ‘military Keynesianism’, were able to renew the rapid economic development that had taken place under the harsh colonial rule of Japan, which, unlike the West, developed its colonies. From the outset, the US was on a collision course with Third World nationalism, one of the major themes of postwar history, generally concealed in a Cold War framework. The Western hemisphere and the world’s major energy resources of the Middle East were assigned to the global ruler itself. Africa was to be handed over to its traditional colonial masters to be ‘exploited’, as George Kennan put it, for their reconstruction, an opportunity that might also give Europeans a needed psychological lift, he felt.
Zero-Sum Future: American Power in an Age of Anxiety by Gideon Rachman
Asian financial crisis, bank run, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, borderless world, Bretton Woods, BRICs, capital controls, centre right, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, colonial rule, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, energy security, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, global reserve currency, greed is good, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, laissez-faire capitalism, Live Aid, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, open borders, open economy, Peace of Westphalia, peak oil, pension reform, plutocrats, Plutocrats, popular capitalism, price stability, RAND corporation, reserve currency, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Sinatra Doctrine, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, The Myth of the Rational Market, Thomas Malthus, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, zero-sum game
. … Trade freely with China, and time is on our side.”16 The underlying American assumptions about globalization and democratic peace remained unchanged throughout the Age of Optimism. But what did the rising powers of Asia think? 14 THE OPTIMISTIC EAST KISHORE MAHBUBANI AND THE ASIAN CENTURY On the night of June 30, 1997, the Foreign Correspondents Club in Hong Kong was packed. The crowd had gathered to watch television coverage of the ceremonies marking the end of British colonial rule over Hong Kong and its return to China. The people at the bar were journalists, they were Westerners, and they were drunk—so the mood was raucous and irreverent. The official ceremonies, with their anthems, flags and somber-looking officials, were greeted with jeers and laughter. Suddenly, from behind the bar, there was a shout: “Shut up, all of you!” It was a Chinese woman, one of the bar staff.
The forced ceding of the territory to Britain after the Opium Wars was one of the more humiliating moments of China’s “century of humiliation.” Margaret Thatcher, who handled the negotiations with the Chinese during the 1980s, found it hard to believe that it was really necessary to hand over Hong Kong, which she regarded as a temple of free-market capitalism and a tribute to the wisdom of British colonial rule. Again and again, British officials had to explain to Thatcher that, in a phrase that she herself made famous in another context, “there is no alternative.” International law, power politics, and time were all on China’s side. The Chinese side played their hand with skill, patience, and determination. The Hong Kong handover was accomplished without force. It was just made clear that Hong Kong could not hope to survive beyond the expiration of the British lease in 1997 without Chinese approval.
The Cold War: A New History by John Lewis Gaddis
American ideology, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, full employment, land reform, long peace, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Potemkin village, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine
But in 1905, Japan, a rising non-European power, won a war it had started with Russia, one of the weakest of the European empires: that victory shattered the illusion that the Europeans, if challenged, would always win. The Europeans themselves then shattered another illusion—that of unity among themselves—by going to war in 1914. World War I, in turn, produced two compelling justifications for an end to colonial rule. One came out of the Bolshevik Revolution, when Lenin called for an end to “imperialism” in all its forms. The other came from the United States. When Woodrow Wilson made the principle of self-determination one of his Fourteen Points his intent had been to undercut the appeal of Bolshevism, but the effect was to excite opponents of imperialism throughout Asia, the Middle East, and Africa. Among those excited were Mohandas Gandhi in British India, Ho Chi Minh in French Indochina, Syngman Rhee in Japanese-occupied Korea, and an obscure young librarian in China named Mao Zedong.4 It took World War II, however, to exhaust colonialism once and for all: the war set in motion processes that would, over the next two decades, end the age of European empires that had begun five centuries earlier.
Stalin had succumbed to these when he allowed Kim Il-sung to attack South Korea, while simultaneously encouraging Ho Chi Minh’s war against the French in Indochina. The old dictator knew little about the “third world,” however, and undertook no sustained effort to project Soviet influence into it. Khrushchev was more energetic: unlike Stalin, he loved to travel abroad and rarely missed a chance to do so. Among his favored destinations were the newly independent countries that were emerging from European colonial rule. “I’m not an adventurer,” Khrushchev explained, “but we must aid national liberation movements.”6 The Americans feared precisely this. Colonialism, they believed, was an antiquated institution that could only discredit the West in the regions where it had existed, while weakening its practitioners in Europe, where they needed to be strong. But the United States could not detach itself from its British, French, Dutch, and Portuguese allies just because they still maintained colonial possessions: restoring security and prosperity in postwar Europe was too important.
Age of Anger: A History of the Present by Pankaj Mishra
anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, continuation of politics by other means, creative destruction, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Fellow of the Royal Society, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Santayana, global village, Gunnar Myrdal, informal economy, invisible hand, liberal capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Marshall McLuhan, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Nelson Mandela, Peter Thiel, Philip Mirowski, planetary scale, plutocrats, Plutocrats, precariat, Republic of Letters, Scientific racism, Silicon Valley, smart cities, Snapchat, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, traveling salesman, urban planning, Vilfredo Pareto, wage slave, women in the workforce, zero-sum game
Imperialism had not only imposed inapposite ideologies and institutions upon societies that had developed, over centuries, their own political units and social structures; it had also deprived many of them of the resources to pursue Western-style economic development. Despite, or because of, this disadvantage, the explicitly defined aim of Asia and Africa’s first nationalist icons (Atatürk, Nehru, Mao, Sukarno, Nasser and Nkrumah) was ‘catch-up’ with the West. Immense problems – partly the consequence of colonial rule – confronted these many catch-up modernizations soon after independence. The antagonisms and alliances of the Cold War aggravated them further. Left-wing regimes across Asia, Africa and Latin America were embargoed or overthrown by the representatives of the free world; explicitly communist movements, as in Indonesia and Egypt, were brutally suppressed by their local allies. Those that survived became increasingly authoritarian and erratic.
His thesis, submitted to a university in Hamburg, passed with high marks. A few months later this same young man by the name of Mohammed Atta was told that he been chosen to lead a mission to destroy America’s most famous skyscrapers. * * * ‘Imperialism has not allowed us to achieve historical normality,’ Octavio Paz lamented in The Labyrinth of Solitude (1950). Paz was surveying the confused inheritance of Mexico from colonial rule, and the failure of its many political and socio-economic programmes, derived from Enlightenment principles of secularism and reason. Paz himself was convinced that Mexico had to forge a modern politics and economy for itself. But, writing in the late 1940s, he found himself commending the ‘traditionalism’ of the revolutionary Emiliano Zapata. It was Zapata, he wrote, who had freed ‘Mexican reality from the constricting schemes of liberalism, and the abuses of the conservatives and neo-conservatives’.
A Pelican Introduction Economics: A User's Guide by Ha-Joon Chang
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, Berlin Wall, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, discovery of the americas, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, experimental economics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, global value chain, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, Gunnar Myrdal, Haber-Bosch Process, happiness index / gross national happiness, high net worth, income inequality, income per capita, information asymmetry, intangible asset, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, inventory management, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, liberation theology, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, market clearing, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Nelson Mandela, Northern Rock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, post-industrial society, precariat, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, Scramble for Africa, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, sovereign wealth fund, spinning jenny, structural adjustment programs, The Great Moderation, The Market for Lemons, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, transaction costs, transfer pricing, trickle-down economics, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, working-age population, World Values Survey
At the time, Britain accounted for 20 per cent of world manufacturing output (as of 1860) and 46 per cent of world trade in manufactured goods (as of 1870), despite having only 2.5 per cent of the world population; these numbers can be put into perspective by noting that the corresponding figures for China today are 15 per cent and 14 per cent, despite its having 19 per cent of the world population. The US as the champion of protectionism The US case is yet more interesting. Under British colonial rule, its development of manufacturing was deliberately suppressed. It is reported that, upon hearing about the first attempts by the American colonists to engage in manufacturing, William Pitt the Elder, the British prime minister (1766–8), said that they should ‘not be permitted to manufacture so much as a horseshoe nail’. After gaining independence, many Americans argued that their country should industrialize if it was to rub shoulders with the likes of Britain and France.
Between the 1820s and the 1850s, a string of other countries were forced to sign them – the Ottoman Empire (Turkey’s predecessor), Persia (Iran today) and Siam (today’s Thailand), and even Japan. The Latin American unequal treaties expired in the 1870s and the 1880s, but the Asian ones lasted well into the twentieth century. The inability to protect and promote their infant industries, whether due to direct colonial rule or to unequal treaties, was a huge contributing factor to the economic retrogression in Asia and Latin America during this period, when they saw negative per capita income growths (at the rates of -0.1 and -0.04 per cent per year, respectively). 1870–1913: High Noon Capitalism gets into a higher gear: the rise of mass production The development of capitalism began to accelerate around 1870.
Owning the Earth: The Transforming History of Land Ownership by Andro Linklater
agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, Anton Chekhov, Ayatollah Khomeini, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, British Empire, business cycle, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, facts on the ground, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Google Earth, income inequality, invisible hand, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kibera, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, light touch regulation, market clearing, means of production, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monkeys Reject Unequal Pay, mortgage debt, Northern Rock, Peace of Westphalia, Pearl River Delta, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, profit motive, quantitative easing, Ralph Waldo Emerson, refrigerator car, Right to Buy, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, spinning jenny, The Chicago School, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, ultimatum game, wage slave, WikiLeaks, wikimedia commons, working poor
The costs had fallen squarely on the shoulders of British taxpayers who were confronted by a national debt that had risen from £72 million in 1755 to £130 million in 1764. The proposed American taxes and duties on sugar, official documents, and imported goods, including tea, comprised the sort of indirect taxation that the British had become used to. To the colonists, however, they came as a shock, partly because internal taxation was light, and partly because after years of benign neglect, London’s demands were a reminder of the realities of colonial rule. But the Americans’ explosive reaction when the 1765 Stamp Act was introduced pointed to the change of outlook that had taken place in the new, young generation of colonists. As poor, undermanned settlements, the colonies had had no choice but to accept London’s rule—the restrictions on what could be manufactured, from hats to pig iron, the prohibition on New England shippers selling cod to French sugar planters, the duties on Virginian tobacco, and the impressment, or forcible enlistment, of sailors from American vessels; but in the previous thirty years they had grown into wealthy, populous societies that resented and resisted affronts by an outside power.
When Ladejinsky was appointed personal advisor to President Diem in 1955, a post he would hold for the next six years, it was on the clear understanding that he would have to act with the agreement of the regime. Nevertheless, in a country that was primarily divided between the basin of the Mekong River in the south, source of most of the region’s rice, and the immense rubber plantations and mountainous, untouched forest in the north, the disparity of ownership was so gross that even Diem had promised land reform when he took power in 1954 following the collapse of French colonial rule. One in three of South Vietnam’s seven million peasants owned no land at all and most of the remainder worked plots of less than three acres that they did not own, while more than half the cultivated land belonged to an elite 3 percent of landlords with holdings that extended to thousands of acres containing several villages, each with twenty or thirty families paying as much as 60 percent of the value of their crops to rent the land.
Across a flat expanse of red dust and grit, it spreads out into a gigantic inland delta where green fields of maize and rice grow around a web of ditches and canals that irrigate about half a million acres of land. Like many Islamic desert societies, ownership evolved a communal pattern, with tribes claiming use of particular areas and controlling access to unirrigated pasture and reserve land, while specific parcels of land, measuring around three acres, were recognized as belonging to individual families though liable to redistribution by village elders according to need and to rank. Under French colonial rule, ownership of the water, without which the land was useless, was vested in a shadowy government body, the Office du Niger. In 2009, however, this traditional shape was upset by forces from outside. The first of the outside elements was a sovereign fund from Colonel Muammur Gaddafi’s Libya that leased the water rights to a quarter of a million acres from the Office du Niger. It was followed by investors from the Saudi royal family, from China, and by the Millennium Challenge Corporation (the MCC) from the United States, who together secured leases covering about four hundred thousand acres.
The Long Twentieth Century: Money, Power, and the Origins of Our Times by Giovanni Arrighi
anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, barriers to entry, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, business process, colonial rule, commoditize, Corn Laws, creative destruction, cuban missile crisis, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, double entry bookkeeping, European colonialism, financial independence, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, late capitalism, London Interbank Offered Rate, means of production, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, new economy, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Peace of Westphalia, profit maximization, Project for a New American Century, RAND corporation, reserve currency, spice trade, the market place, The Nature of the Firm, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, upwardly mobile, Yom Kippur War
A different but equally striking combination of ultramodern and early modern traits is present in the quasi-states on which Robert Jackson has focused his attention: In Third World regions such as Africa and South Asia, a student of Western history cannot help noticing apparent disjunctions between the existence of Western-looking twentieth-century armies, on the one hand, and the prevalence of military politics reminiscent of the Renaissance, between the apparatus of representative government and the arbitrary use of state power against citizens, between the installation of apparently conventional bureaucracies and the widespread use of governmental organization for individual gain. These disjunctions are more visible in states that have recently escaped from colonial rule than in the rest of the Third World. (Tilly 1990: 204) The resurgence of early modern forms of military politics in an ultraor post-modern world is not confined to Third World regions that have recently shaken off colonial rule. Well before the Second World of Communist regimes disintegrated into a host of ethno-nations actually or potentially at war with one another, a RAND report stressed the tendency for warfare to revert to early modern patterns: With continuous, sporadic armed conflict, blurred in time and space, waged on several levels by a large array of national and subnational forces, warfare in the last quarter of the twentieth century may well come to resemble warfare in the Italian Renaissance or warfare in the early seventeenth century, before 80 THE LONG TWENTIETH CENTURY the emergence of national armies and more organized modern warfare.
Britain’s free-trade imperialism carried this division one step further. While the zone of amity and civilized behavior was extended to include the newly independent settler states of the Americas, and the right of Western nations to pursue wealth was elevated above the absolute rights of government of their rulers, non-Western peoples were deprived both in principle and in practice of the most elementary rights to self-determination through despotic colonial rule and the invention of appropriate ideologies, such as “Orientalism” (cf. Said 1978). At the same time, the nations that had become the constituent units of THE THREE I-IEGEMONIES OF HISTORICAL CAPITALISM 65 the interstate system under British hegemony were as a rule communities ofproperty-holders from which the propertyless were effectively excluded. The right of propertied subjects to pursue wealth was thus elevated not just above the absolute rights of government of rulers, but also above the age-old rights to a livelihood of the propertyless masses (cf.
The Great Mental Models: General Thinking Concepts by Shane Parrish
Albert Einstein, Atul Gawande, Barry Marshall: ulcers, bitcoin, Black Swan, colonial rule, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, delayed gratification, feminist movement, index fund, Isaac Newton, Jane Jacobs, mandelbrot fractal, Pierre-Simon Laplace, Ponzi scheme, Richard Feynman, statistical model, stem cell, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the map is not the territory, the scientific method, Thomas Bayes, Torches of Freedom
When they tried to do something good, or even just benign, and instead brought calamity, we can safely assume the negative outcomes weren’t factored into the original thinking. Very often, the second level of effects is not considered until it’s too late. This concept is often referred to as the “Law of Unintended Consequences” for this very reason. We see examples of this throughout history. During their colonial rule of India, the British government began to worry about the number of venomous cobras in Delhi. To reduce the numbers, they instituted a reward for every dead snake brought to officials. In response, Indian citizens dutifully complied and began breeding the snakes to slaughter and bring to officials. The snake problem was worse than when it started because the British officials didn’t think at the second level.
Poisoned Wells: The Dirty Politics of African Oil by Nicholas Shaxson
Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, business climate, clean water, colonial rule, energy security, Exxon Valdez, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Hernando de Soto, income per capita, inflation targeting, Kickstarter, Martin Wolf, mobile money, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game
She turned Fela on to the hedonistic, drug taking, sexually liberated American counterculture, and tuned him in to the Black Power movement and the ideas of thinkers like Malcolm X and Marcus Garvey. “For the first time, I heard things I’d never heard before about Africa,” Fela later said. “She was the one who opened my eyes.”29 18 Fela Kuti These ideas intertwined in his mind with pan-African ideals that he had imbibed from his fiery mother, a leading agitator against British colonial rule who had often thrashed Fela as a child. He hung pictures of Kwame Nkrumah and other pan-African heroes at the Afrika Shrine in Lagos, the chaotic musical commune where he proclaimed himself chief priest and where traditional leaders offered libations as Fela worshiped his ancestors. (One visitor said the Shrine looked like a cross between a Black Panther safe house and the Playboy mansion.) It became the center of West Africa’s music scene, and Motown even offered Fela a million-dollar deal (despite Fela’s tendency to play hour-long songs, and never to play old material.)
Spanishspeaking Equatorial Guinea, however, was just outside the francophone orbit so its influence was weak; the French had as much trouble trying to get anything done here as anyone else did. A third way of organizing the world is what most people in the West are familiar with: open markets, economic and political freedom, and the rule of law. This had clearly not rooted deeply in Malabo, either. Over the centuries, competing foreign powers had often tried to pull Equatorial Guinea into their orbits. At one point during colonial rule the Spanish here exported up to 40,000 tons per year of the world’s finest cocoa, grown on Bioko’s fertile volcanic soils. The colonizers grew rich, but scores died from malaria and yellow fever; and the lives of the conquered inhabitants were far worse. The residue from this colonial wrestling, and years of dictatorship, had—as my BBC friend had warned me—turned this into a peculiar place. Yet it was after I left that I was to have my oddest experience of all.
Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader: North Korea and the Kim Dynasty by Bradley K. Martin
anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, four colour theorem, illegal immigration, informal economy, kremlinology, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Potemkin village, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, special economic zone, stakhanovite, UNCLOS, upwardly mobile, uranium enrichment, women in the workforce, zero-sum game
The family had lived in Manchuria since the start of the century, he said, and one could imagine their feelings “at the sight of the independent homeland, a country of freedom and a state which was now rising magnificently on the debris, beneath the banner of self-reliance.”35 More significant was to prove the case of Korean nationals who had lived and labored in Japan as an oppressed minority since the period of Japanese colonial rule over Korea. In 1955, in accordance with Kim’s instruction that “the overseas citizens’ movement had to contribute to the Korean revolution,” pro-Pyongyang Korean residents banded together in Chongryon, the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan.36 Most of the members actually hailed from the southern part of the peninsula; their identification with the North over the South reflected leftist sentiment as well as the widespread perception that the North was doing better than the South economically.
After all, Kim Il-sung had demonstrated his own purity by refusing to deviate even slightly from opposition to the Japanese colonialists. According to one account, the young man displayed open contempt toward any Korean of his father’s generation who had shown any weakness toward the enemy and thus failed to meet Kim Il-sung’s high standard. “Comrade, how much did you devote yourself to the revolution at the time of the Japanese colonial rule?” he would ask one of his elders. “Did you ever commit anti-revolutionary acts?” (I encountered a similar attitude in a great many South Korean youngsters, of his and subsequent generations, who had little direct knowledge of the pressures and complexities of life under Japanese rule. They-were eager to reject and despise any authority figures—from parents right up to the late South Korean President Park Chung-hee, a former Japanese soldier—on the ground of insufficient patriotism.)
Under the roofs of houses in a ruined country even the traitors who live in luxury as a re-ward for betraying their country will not be able to sleep in peace. Even though they are alive, the people are worse than gutter dogs, and even if the mountains and rivers remain the same, they will not retain their beauty. —KIM IL-SUNG Writing those words in the memoirs that he began publishing in 1992,1 Kim Il-sung meant to contrast the horrors of Japanese colonial rule with the wonders achieved during his rule of nearly half a century. The main ruination brought by colonialism, in his view, was to national dignity. But by the time of his death in 1994 it would have been clear to almost any reader of his words that the harsh description applied, in material even if not in nationalistic terms, to the North Korea that he had created. Indeed Kim Il-sung himself seems to have begun in the final three years of his life to contemplate some new approaches to dealing with his country’s immense problems. *** Yoshimi Tanaka was one of nine Japanese Red Army terrorists who hijacked a Japan Airlines jumbo jet in March 1970 and flew to North Korea.
The Anarchy: The Relentless Rise of the East India Company by William Dalrymple
British Empire, colonial rule, crony capitalism, Dava Sobel, deindustrialization, European colonialism, Fellow of the Royal Society, global reserve currency, John Harrison: Longitude, joint-stock company, land reform, lone genius, megacity, offshore financial centre, reserve currency, spice trade, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, upwardly mobile
See also Sushil Chaudhury, ‘The banking and mercantile house of Jagat Seths of Bengal’, in Studies in People’s History, 2, 1 (2015), pp. 85–95; Lakshmi Subramanian, ‘Banias and the British: the role of indigenous credit in the Process of Imperial Expansion in Western India in the second half of the Eighteenth century’, Modern Asian Studies, 21, 3 (1987); Kumkum Chatterjee, ‘Collaboration and Conflict: Bankers and Early Colonial Rule in India: 1757–1813’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol. 30, 3 (1993); Thomas A. Timberg, The Marwaris: From Jagat Seth to the Birlas, New Delhi, 2014, p. 22; Lokanatha Gosha, The Modern History of the Indian Chiefs, Rajas, Zamindars, & C., Calcutta, 1881. For the wider Indian economy at this time see also Rajat Datt, ‘Commercialisation, Tribute and the Transition from late Mughal to Early Colonial in India’, Medieval History Journal, vol. 6, no. 2 (2003), pp. 259–91; D.
Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World 1780–1914, Oxford, 2004, p. 111. 64Anderson Correspondence, BL, Add Mss 45, 427, Wm Palmer to David Anderson, 12 November 1786, f. 196. 65Marshall, Bengal: The British Bridgehead, pp. 122–5. 66Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, p. 111; Marshall, Bengal: The British Bridgehead, pp. 122–5; C. A. Bayly, Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion, Cambridge, 1983, pp. 466–7, 474, 479; Bayly, Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire, pp. 108, 150. 67Kumkum Chatterjee, ‘Collaboration and Conflict: Bankers and Early Colonial Rule in India: 1757–1813’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, 30, 3 (1993), pp. 296–7. This whole argument was first made in the 1980s by Christopher Bayly in Rulers, Townsmen and Bazaars and by Karen Leonard in her groundbreaking essay ‘The Great Firm Theory of the Decline of the Mughal Empire’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 21, 2 (1979), and in ‘Banking Firms in Nineteenth-Century Hyderabad Politics’, Modern Asian Studies, 15, 2 (1981).
Park, Urban Bengal, East Lansing, 1969 Carlos, Ann M. and Nicholas, Stephen, ‘Giants of an Earlier Capitalism: The chartered trading companies as modern multinationals’, Business History Review, vol. 62, no. 3 (Autumn 1988), pp. 398–419 Chandra, Satish, Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court, 1717–1740, New Delhi, 1972 Chandra, Satish, ‘Social Background to the Rise of the Maratha Movement During the 17th Century’, The Indian Economic & Social History Review, x, (1973) Chatterjee, Indrani, Gender, Slavery and Law in Colonial India, New Delhi, 1999 Chatterjee, Kumkum, ‘Collaboration and Conflict: Bankers and Early Colonial Rule in India: 1757–1813’, The Indian Economic and Social History Review, vol. 30, no. 3 (1993) Chatterjee, Kumkum, Merchants, Politics & Society in Early Modern India, Bihar: 1733–1820, Leiden, 1996 Chatterjee, Kumkum, ‘History as Self-Representation: The Recasting of a Political Tradition in Late Eighteenth Century Eastern India’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (1998) Chatterjee, Partha, The Black Hole of Empire: History of a Global Practice of Power, New Delhi, 2012 Chatterji, Nandlal, Mir Qasim, Nawab of Bengal, 1760–1763, Allahabad, 1935 Chatterji, Nandlal, Verelst’s Rule in India, 1939 Chaudhuri, K.
A United Ireland: Why Unification Is Inevitable and How It Will Come About by Kevin Meagher
Boris Johnson, British Empire, Celtic Tiger, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, deindustrialization, knowledge economy, kremlinology, land reform, Nelson Mandela, period drama, Right to Buy, trade route, transaction costs
Engagement and encouragement, and, indeed, validation, of the kind offered by Corbyn and many others on Labour’s left during the 1980s spurred on those in Sinn Féin who wanted to go down the political route. Indeed, without such support, the balance may well have tipped towards the militarists who were content to make ‘the long war’ against the British state even longer. Like many on the left, Corbyn saw Ireland as a classic struggle for national selfdetermination against colonial rule. But he was by no means alone. Nelson Mandela may be the safest of safe options for any politician responding to the question ‘who do you most admire in politics?’ but he was also a strong supporter of Irish Republicanism. It was an association that weathered his transformation into international statesman. Indeed, Gerry Adams was part of the honour guard for Mandela’s funeral. No British politicians or antiapartheid activists were granted similar status.
Empire: What Ruling the World Did to the British by Jeremy Paxman
British Empire, call centre, Cape to Cairo, colonial rule, conceptual framework, Etonian, European colonialism, Fellow of the Royal Society, imperial preference, joint-stock company, Khartoum Gordon, Kibera, land tenure, Livingstone, I presume, mass immigration, offshore financial centre, polynesian navigation, Scramble for Africa, transatlantic slave trade
Women confident enough to reject the role assigned to them by men could sometimes become forceful enemies of the very masculine business of imperialism. Like the Victorian socialist Annie Besant, they could find the colourful abundance of Indian spiritualism an intoxicating alternative: when she moved to India in 1893, Besant took to wearing Hindu mourning dress in grief at what the British had done to the country, and spent decades encouraging Indians to throw off colonial rule. Subversive figures like these were, of course, hugely outnumbered by the conventional memsahibs, exerting what they considered a civilizing influence in the military cantonments, towns, cities and hill stations. How many younger officers wanted to cohabit with an Indian woman when the colonel’s wife so clearly disapproved? Indian sexual gymnastics were no match for raised British eyebrows.
Increasing exhaustion and lassitude left him moody and short-tempered under pressure: British policy was in the hands of a man whose physical condition almost precluded measured judgement. At one point he spluttered about Nasser on an open telephone line to his junior minister at the Foreign Office: ‘I want him murdered.’ The assassination did not happen. But the French government, which already loathed Nasser for his vocal support of Algerian nationalists fighting to escape French colonial rule, weighed in on Britain’s side. The political influence of both these colonial powers had been eclipsed by the United States, which continued to warn that world opinion would not tolerate a military intervention to regain the canal. But British newspapers thundered on, the Daily Herald pronouncing on its front page that ‘Britain and the other Powers must swiftly show Nasser that they are going to tolerate no more Hitlers!
A Game as Old as Empire: The Secret World of Economic Hit Men and the Web of Global Corruption by Steven Hiatt; John Perkins
addicted to oil, airline deregulation, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, big-box store, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, corporate governance, corporate personhood, deglobalization, deindustrialization, Doha Development Round, energy security, European colonialism, financial deregulation, financial independence, full employment, global village, high net worth, land reform, large denomination, liberal capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, new economy, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, statistical model, structural adjustment programs, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transatlantic slave trade, transfer pricing, union organizing, Washington Consensus, working-age population, Yom Kippur War
He singled out Britain for special mention: “We, the Ijaw and Niger Delta people, want to remind the people of the world that Great Britain has facilitated the illegal, criminal and inhuman occupation and exploitation of our lands for 112 years.”51 It is interesting that Asari blamed the old colonial power for the problems of the Niger Delta, just as the new powers—America and China—were beginning to fight over Nigeria’s oil. There is no doubt that Shell benefited from British colonial rule in Nigeria, and its continuing dominance of the Nigerian oil industry is a colonial legacy. Its monopolistic position means that, ironically, for Shell, Nigeria remains a lethal legacy, too. In February 2006, Citigroup released an in-depth study on Nigeria. “Our analysis,” it said, “suggests that Nigeria is the major growth region for Shell to the turn of the decade.” Although much of Shell’s growth will be from deepwater offshore oil fields, Watson-Clark’s experience shows that operating offshore does not insulate the industry from community grievances.
., and administration 66, 271, 278 and Iraq War 13, 28 Bush Agenda, The (Juhasz) 4, 275 Cabot Corporation 104, 112n32 Cameroon, foreign debt of 249 Canada 99, 101, 201, 268, 271 Canadian Export Development Corp. 201, 202, 203, 204, 206 capital flight 24, 43–44, 231–36, 253, 258n27 Carter, Jimmy 76, 140 Casey, William 70, 82, 90 Cavallo, Domingo Felipe 238 Cayman Islands, as offshore banking haven 65, 72, 73, 74, 75, 86 Center for Global Energy Studies 145 Center for Strategic and International Studies 119, 120 Central African Republic 231 Central Intelligence Agency 3, 5, 15 Afghan rebels and 70–71 BCCI and 69, 70, 71–72, 73, 76, 78, 79–82, 85 Saudi intelligence services and 75 Chad, foreign debt of 249 Chavez, Hugo 3, 25, 273 Cheney, Dick 28, 133 Chevron Oil 135, 138, 139, 144, 153 in Nigeria 123–24 Chile 236 1973 coup in 27 China 4, 229, 236 foreign debt 222–23 Third World resources and 5, 117–18, 120–21, 124, 126–27, 130 Chomsky, Noam Hegemony or Survival 4 Christian Peacemaker Team 96, 106–8 Citibank, Citigroup 75, 100, 130, 138, 226, 238, 268 Clifford, Clark 78–79, 85, 86, 88 Clinton, Bill, and administration 119, 120, 126, 212, 271 Coalition of Immokalee Workers 272, 280 COFACE 201, 205, 212 Cogecom 100 cold war 4 and decolonization 16–17 Colombia, human rights in 107 colonialism, decline of formal 13–14 coltan: efforts to control 5, 26, 95 shortages of 95 uses for 94 Commission for Africa 251 Communism: appeal of 14 fall of 4, 13, 27, 137–38, 238 Confessions of an Economic Hit Man (Perkins) 1–4, 6, 17 Congo, Democratic Republic of (Zaire): civil war in 26, 94–96, 108n3 corruption in 24, 254 foreign debt 220, 230, 247, 249 human rights in 107–8 rape as a weapon of war in 93, 96–98 Western role in 98–105, 109n4, 111n29 World Bank and 158 Congo Republic 230, 247, 249 cooperatives 276–77 corporations, as legal persons 277 CorpWatch 278 corruption: culture of 51–54 IMF/World Bank and 24–25, 157–74 offshore banking and 44–45, 52- power and 24 privatization and 24–25, 256n12 COSEC 209–10 Council on Foreign Relations 119–20 dam projects, 209–12 Dar al-Mal al-Islami 89 Daukoru, Edmund 125–27, 128 Davos see World Economic Forum DeBeers Group 101, 103 decolonization 13, 16–17 debt/flight cycle 231–36, 253, 258n27 debt relief, campaigns for 246, 252–55, 268 in U.S. 235 debt, Third World 32, 35 amount of relief 224–29 banks and 226–27, 229, 232–34 business loans 35–37, 227 cold war strategy and 17 corruption and 230, 231, 232, 253, 254, 257n23 1982 crisis 39, 55 disunity among debtor nations 237–39 dubious debts and 230, 235, 247, 253, 257n23, 261n68 growth of 18–19, 181, 229–36 as means of control 17, 23, 183–84 payments on 19, 190–91, 223, 228, 231, 247–48, 275 relief plans 220–22, 225–29, 239–52, 274 size of 221–24, 259n37, 260n46 social/economic impacts of 190–91, 231–36, 247–48 democracy: debt crisis and 236 economic reform and 276–79 global justice and 279–81 in Iraq 151–54 Deutsche Bank 226 drug trade 70, 80, 87 Dubai 73 Dulles, Alan 15 Eagle Wings Resources International 104 East Timor 205 economic development strategies: “big projects” and 16–17 debt-led 18–19 state-led 16–17, 19 economic forecasting 3 economic hit men 5 definition 1, 3, 18 John Perkins and 1–4, 17 types of 5, 18 Ecuador 236, 266 foreign debt 244 Egypt 14 Suez Crisis 15–16 Eisenhower, Dwight, and administration 15 elites, wealthy 4, 18, 57, 176, 183, 228, 232, 253 use of tax havens 43–44, 54–56, 65–66, 226, 232–34 El Salvador 26 empire see imperialism Eni SpA 144, 153 Enron 53, 54, 208–9 Ethiopia 230, 249 European Union 51 agricultural subsidies 22 environment degradation: development projects and 199, 200–211, 257n23 oil production and 115–16 export credit agencies: arms exports and 204–5 campaigns against 209–16 corruption and 200, 202–3, 205, 207–8 debt and 200 environmental effects 199, 200–211 nuclear power and 202, 205–6 operation of 197–201 secrecy of 205, 210–12 size of 201 World Bank and 199, 201, 202, 204 Export Credit Group 210, 215 Export Credits Guarantee Department 201, 205, 211 Export Finance and Investment Corp. 203, 204 export processing zones 178 Export Risk Guarantee 203, 211, 213 ExxonMobil 144 fair trade movement 280 Faisal, Mohammad al-89 Faux, Jeff Global Class War, The 4 Federal Bureau of Investigation 71 Federal Reserve Bank of New York 87 Federal Reserve System 78, 82, 88 Ferguson, Niall 13 First American Bankshares 78, 79, 82, 83, 85, 88 First Quantum Materials 101 First, Ruth 26 Focus on the Global South 187, 273 foreign aid 19 in Congo civil war 99–100 France 236, 244 empire 13 Suez Crisis and 15 free trade 4, 19, 21–23, 268, 271 British development and 21 U.S. development and 21 Free Trade Area of the Americas 271 Friends of the Earth 104, 269 G8 summits 212, 213, 219–20, 221, 246, 250, 271, 275 Gambia 243, 249 García, Alan 74 Gates, Robert 85 Gécamines 100, 104 General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade agricultural trade 186–87 establishment of 267 TRIPS 23 Uruguay Round 23, 267 General Union of Oil Employees 135–36, 141–44 Georgia 207 Germany 212, 213, 216, 236 export credit agency 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 209–11, 212, 215–16 Green Party 206, 215 Ghana 16 development projects in 16, 207 foreign debt 230, 247, 249 impact of IMF SAP 5, 22 Giuliani, Carlo 271 Global Awareness Collective 278 Global Class War, The (Faux) 4 Global Exchange 278 globalization 3 alternatives to corporate 275–79 economic 176–79, 230, 236 impacts of 185–90, 234, 236, 263–65 of the financial system 55, 63–66 Globalization and Its Discontents (Stiglitz) 3, 4 Global justice movement: achievements of 276–79 campaigns 269–72, 274–75 in Global North 268–69, 271–72, 274 in Global South 271–74 origins of 268–69 proposals of 275–79 protests by 265–66, 270–71 Global South see Third World Gonzalez, Henry 72, 90 Gorbachev, Mikhail 137 Goulart, João 27 Groupement pour le Traitment des Scories du Terril de Lubumbashi 104 Guatemala 14, 236 Arbenz government 26 Guinea, foreign debt of 249 Guinea-Bassau 26, 247, 249 Guyana: export credit agencies and 203 environmental problems 203 foreign debt 241, 243, 244, 246, 247, 249 Haiti 236, 249 World Bank and 158 Halliburton 3, 133, 278 Hankey, Sir Maurice 145 Harken Energy Corp. 77, 78 Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative 221, 225, 226, 230, 242–48, 275 conditions of 243–45 results of 248–50 Hegemony or Survival (Chomsky) 4 Hekmatyar, Gulbuddin 70 Helms, Richard 82 Henwood, Doug 23, 177–79 Heritage Foundation 121 Heritage Oil and Gas 100 Hermes Guarantee 201, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 209, 211, 212, 215–16 Honduras, foreign debt of 249 Hope in the Dark (Solnit) 281 Hungary, Soviet intervention in 16 Hussein, Saddam 28, 90, 141–42 and BCCI 72 Hutu people 94–96 Hypovereinsbank 209 Ijaw people 116, 121–23, 128 Illaje people 123 immigrant rights movement 281 imperialism 13–14 coups d’état and 27 divide-and-rule tactics 25, 26, 265 post-cold war changes 4–5 pressure on uncooperative countries 25, 142 resistance to 28, 115–17, 121–30, 143–44, 151–54, 176, 191–92, 265–66 resources and 98–106, 118–21, 133–34, 136, 139–40, 145 as system of control 17–28, 176 use of force 5, 25–28, 111n22, 113–14, 115–17, 123, 111n22 India 16, 119, 229, 236, 266 foreign debt 222, 223 export credit agencies and 206, 208 Maheshwar Dam 209–10 Indonesia 236 corruption in 202–3 export credit agencies and 200, 202–3, 205, 207, 216 foreign debt 228, 230, 244 inequality 44 Institute for Policy Studies 278 International Bank for Reconstruction and Development 157 International Development Association 157, 242 International Forum on Globalization 266 International Monetary Fund 3, 4, 19, 135, 275 conflicts of interest 244 debt relief and 221–22, 224, 226, 237, 240, 243–46, 250–51, 252 Iraq and 151–53 Malaysia and 273 neoliberalism and 176–79, 222 offshore banking and 43, 234 protests against 266 structural adjustment programs 22, 23, 245, 265–66 Rwanda and 100 Uganda and 100 International Tax and Investment Center 134–35, 138–39, 144–54 International Trade Organization 267 Iran 14, 90, 145, 200 coup against Mossadegh 14–15 nationalization of oil industry 14 Iran-Contra affair 71–72 Iraq: BCCI and 72 foreign debt 152 Gulf War and 28, 72, 140, 141, 146 human rights in 105–6 oil production and reserves 135–36, 139–54 production sharing agreements in 147–54 sanctions against 72, 142 social conditions in 135, 142, 143 U.S. occupation of 28, 140, 141–42, 146, 250, 275, 278 Israel: and Suez Crisis 15 Yom Kippur War and 17 Ivory Coast 230 foreign debt 244, 249 “jackals” 25–26 James, Deborah 273 Japan 216, 236 Japan Bank for International Cooperation 201, 202, 203, 241 Jersey 88 banking boom in 46–47 impact on island 46, 51–52, 56–62 as offshore banking haven 43, 45, 56–61 Johnson, Chalmers Sorrows of Empire 4 Jordan 241, 266 Jordan, Vernon 100 JPMorganChase 226, 238 Jubilee South 190 Jubilee 2000 268 Juhasz, Antonia Bush Agenda, The 4, 275 Juma’a, Hassan 135–36, 140, 142–44, 154 Kabila, Joseph 96 Kabila, Laurent 94, 96, 99 Kagame, Paul 94, 98–99 ties to U.S. 99 Kazakhstan 138, 139, 144, 150 Keating, Charles 83 Kenya 236 foreign debt 243, 244 Kerry, John 76 investigation of BCCI 79–83, 87, 89 Kirchner, Nestor 273 Korea, Republic of 229, 272 Korten, David When Corporations Rule the World 4 KPMG 52 Krauthammer, Charles 13 Krushchev, Nikita 16 Kurdistan 211–12, 214 Kuwait 133, 141, 146, 152, 154 labor exports 235–36 Lake, Anthony 119–20 Lance, Bert 77 Lawson, Nigel 242 Lawson Plan 221, 242 Lee Kyung Hae 272 Liberia, World Bank lending to 159–67 Liberty Tree Foundation 276 Li Zhaoxing 117–18, 124 Lu Guozeng 117 Lumumba, Patrice 26 Luxembourg, as offshore banking haven 72, 73, 74 Madagascar, foreign debt of 249 Mahathir, Mohamad 273 Malawi 254 foreign debt 243, 249 Malaysia 41–43, 229 defiance of IMF 273 Mali, foreign debt of 246, 249 Marcos, Ferdinand 31, 48, 175, 176, 181–85 markets, corporate domination of 16 Martin, Paul 54 mass media, manipulation of 25 Mauritania, foreign debt of 247, 249 McKinney, Cynthia; hearing on Congo 98–99, 110n11 McLure, Charles 137–39 mercenaries: in Congo 111n22 in Nigeria 5, 25–26, 113–14, 115–17 Mexico 207, 256n14, 273 foreign debt 55, 227, 228, 230, 233, 240–41, 244 labor exports 236 Zapatista uprising 272 Middle East, and struggle for oil 27–28 military-industrial complex 99 military interventions 27–28 Mizban, Faraj Rabat 141 Mitterand Plan 221 Mobutu Sese Seko 24, overthrow of 94 Mondlane, Eduardo 26 Mongolia 207 Morales, Evo 277 Morganthau, Robert 69, 84–87 Moscow, John 58, 87 Mossadegh, Mohammad 3, 14–15, 27 Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta 122–24, 129 Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (Landless Workers’ Movement) 272 Mozambique 26, 27, 230 foreign debt 241, 246, 249 Mueller, Robert 87 mujahadeen (Afghanistan): and BCCI 70 and drug trade 70 Mulroney, Brian 100 Multilateral Agreement on Investment 269–70, 281 Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative 222, 225, 230, 250–52 Multilateral Investment Agreement 269 multinational corporations: export credit agencies and 209–11 export processing zones and 178 globalization, pressure for 138, 268, 275 mercenaries, use of 25–26, 111n22, 113–14, 115–17, 123 resources and 101–6, 111n29, 112n31, 112n32 scandals 5 transfer mispricing by 49–51 offshore banks, use of 24, 49–51 patents, control of 23 Museveni, Yoweri 95 Myanmar, foreign debt of 230 Nada, Youssef Mustafa 71–72 Namibia 95 export credit agencies and 207 Nasser, Gamal Abdel 15–16 National Commercial Bank of Saudi Arabia 88–89 National Family Farm Coalition 272 nationalism: pan-Arab 15 Iranian 14 Nehru, Jawaharlal 16 neocolonialism see imperialism neoliberalism 4, 19 critique of 176–79, 190–92, 234, 236 defined 176–77 economic development and 176–79, 232 economic strategies 178–81, 222, 230, 231, 236 Netherlands, overseas empire of 13 Newmont Mining Corp. 244 New World Order 27–28 Nicaragua 207 foreign debt 225, 230, 247, 249 U.S. proxy war against 26, 27, 79 Nicpil, Liddy 190–91, 192 Nidal, Adu 73 Niger, foreign debt of 241, 249 Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force 121, 123 Niger Delta Volunteer Service 122 Niger Delta region: attack on oil platforms 116–17 as “Next Gulf” 118–21 pollution from oil production 115–16 struggle against Shell 115–16, 121–24 Nigeria 200, 266 China and 117–18 colonial rule 115 corruption in 44–45, 230 foreign debt 223, 230, 233, 243, 244 oil production 115–16, 125–27 World Bank lending in 158, 167–69 Nkrumah, Kwame 16 nongovernmental organizations 239, 250 Noriega, Manuel 80 and BCCI 72, 79 North American Free Trade Agreement 4, 268, 272 nuclear power 205–6, 210 Obasanjo, Olusegun 125, 127 Obiang, Teodoro 48 O’Connor, Brian 144–45 OECD Watch 105 offshore banking havens: arms trade and 71–73 campaign against 62–64 central role in world trade 44, 47–48, 64–65 corruption and 24, 44–45, 52–56, 64, 231–33, 253 drug trade and 70 extraction of wealth 43, 54–56, 64–65, 226, 231–33, 253, 258n58 financial centers and 234, ignored by academia 44, 234 secrecy and 47–48, 53, 66 tax evasion and 43, 48, 49–51, 54, 57–59, 64–65, 226, 232 terrorism and 71, 88 Ogoni people 122–23, 125 Okadigbo, Chuba 116 Okonjo-Iweala, Ngozi 118 Okuntimo, Paul 123 Oil Change International 278 oil price spikes 236 oil production and reserves: future shortages of 28, 140 Indonesia 207 Iraqi 135–36, 144–54 Nigerian 113–14, 128–29 strategies to control 25–26, 27–28, 139–40 OM Group, Inc. 104, 112n31 OPEC 125–26, 128 1973 oil embargo by 17 dollar deposits in First World 17–18 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development 135, 269 “Action Statement on Bribery” 216 export credit agencies and 210, 215 Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises 101, 102, 105–6, 112n31 “OECD Arrangement” 215 Overseas Private Investment Corp. 204, 206–9 Oxfam 43, 62–63, 250 Pakistan 90 Afghan mujahadeen and 70–71 BCCI and 70 export credit agencies and 207 foreign debt 244 Panama 3, 26, 72 as offshore banking haven 73, 74 Papua New Guinea: export credit agencies and 204 mining and environmental problems 204 Paris Club of creditors 220, 225–26, 227, 228, 242, 252 Peru 74 foreign debt 241 impact of IMF SAP 22 petrodollars, recycling of 17–18 Perkins, John 19 Confessions of an Economic Hit Man 1–2, 17 Pharaon, Ghaith 76, 77, 86, 87, 88 Philippines, the 31–34, 35–36 corruption in 181–82 democratic movements in 182–85, 236 economic decline in 187–89 emigration from 189, 236 foreign debt 181, 190–91, 230, 241, 244 Marcos regime 31, 34, 175, 176, 180–85, 261n61 martial law in 180–85 social conditions in 179–80, 185–86, 189–91 U.S. rule 175–76 World Bank and 158, 178–81 Pinochet, General Augusto 27, 45–46, 48 PLATFORM 140, 156n28 Portugal 209–10 Posada Carriles, Luis 26 poverty reduction strategy programs see structural adjustment programs Price Waterhouse 83–84 privatization 191 production sharing agreements 147–54 protectionism 21, 181, 186–87 proxy wars 27, 70–71 Public Citizen 269, 273 public utilities, privatization of 191, 261n61, 277 Rahman, Masihur 85 Reagan, Ronald, and administration 19, 79, 87, 136–37, 239 Iran-Contra affair 72 Rich, Marc 90 Rights and Accountability in Development 101, 104, 105 Rio Tinto Zinc 204 Ritch, Lee 79–80 Robson, John 138 Roldós, Jaime 3, 26 Roosevelt, Kermit 15 Rumsfeld, Donald 138 rural economic development 183, 186–87 Russia: debt relief and 225 oil industry 154 transition to capitalism 137–39, 258n28 Rutledge, Ian 149 Rwanda 94–96, 98, 249 massacre in 94, 99 SACE 201 Sachs Plan 221 Saleh, Salim 95 Saõ Tomé, foreign debt of 247, 249 Saud al-Fulaij, Faisal 86, 87 Saudi Arabia 3, 88 and BCCI 70, 75 Saro-Wiwa, Ken 125–26 Scholz, Wesley S. 104 Scowcroft, Brent 72 Senegal 16, 249 Senghor, Léopold 16 September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks 71 Shell Oil 144 Nigeria and 113–15, 122, 123, 125–29 at World Economic Forum 127 Shinawatra, Thaksin 54 Sierra Club 269 Sierra Leone 247 SmartMeme 276 Solnit, Rebecca Hope in the Dark 281 Somalia 251 Sorrows of Empire (Johnson) 4 South Africa 236 military interventions 27 Truth and Reconciliation Commission 26 Soviet Union 13, 14 de-Stalinization 16 Hungary, intervention in 16 influence in Third World 14 U.S. and 137 Stephens, Jackson 76, 77 Stiglitz, Joseph 24 Globalization and Its Discontents 3, 4 structural adjustment programs (SAPs) 19, 229–30 in Ghana 5, 22 in Peru 22 in the Philippines 176–79, 183–85, 190–92 in Zambia 22 Sudan 230, 251 Suharto 200, 202–3 Syria 211 Switzerland, as offshore banking haven 45, 65, 72 Taco Bell, boycott of 280 Tanzania, foreign debt of 247, 249 tax evasion 43, 48, 49–51, 54, 57–59, 64–65 Tax Foundation 137–38 tax havens see offshore banking havens Tax Justice Network 63 Tax Reform Act of 1986 138 Tenke Mining 99 terrorism: as EHM strategy 26, 72 financing of 42, 88–89 inequality and 44 Islamist 71–72, 89 Palestinian 73 Thatcher, Margaret 19, 138 Third World: as commodity producers 17, 23 conditions in 5, 96–97, 106–8, 116, 179–80, 185–90, 234, 236 development strategies 176–79 divisions among countries 265–68 elites in 25, 28, 43–44, 176, 226, 232–34 emergence of 14 lack of development in 232, 237 terms of trade and 22, 178–79 Third World Network 269 Tidewater Inc. 113 Torrijos, Omar 3, 26 Total S.A. 144, 153 trade unions 135–36, 141–44, 180, 186, 269, 274 transfer mispricing 49–51 cost to Third World 50 Transparency International 45 Turkey: export credit agencies and 206 Ilisu Dam 211–14 Turkmenistan 200 Uganda 94–96 foreign debt 241, 246, 249 Union Bank of Switzerland 57, 58, 77, 226, 250 United Arab Emirates 69, 73 United Fruit Company 15 United Kingdom 213 NCP for Congo 102–3 empire 13–14, 115, 129, 145 Iran and 14–15 Iraq occupation and 146, 151, 152 offshore banking and; Suez Crisis and 15 United Nations: trade issues and 265, 276 Panel of Experts, Congo 100–106, 112n32 United Nations Conference on Trade and Development 220, 265, 267 United States: agricultural subsidies 22 aid 98 as empire 13, 28 cold war strategy of 16, 17, 24, 26 in Congo 99, 104, 105 debt-led development strategy of 176–79 Iran coup and 14–15 Iraqi oil and 133–34, 136, 139–40 Iraq wars 72, 133, 141–42 Islamists and 26 Nigerian oil and 118–21 Philippines and 175–76, 180 strategic doctrines 27–28, 118–19 support of Contras 72 trade deficit 23 trade policies 267 U.S.
From the Ruins of Empire: The Intellectuals Who Remade Asia by Pankaj Mishra
anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, British Empire, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, financial innovation, invention of the telegraph, joint-stock company, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Monroe Doctrine, New Urbanism, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Scramble for Africa, the scientific method, upwardly mobile, urban planning, Washington Consensus, young professional
In April 1943, the ‘liberation of Asia’ became Japan’s official war objective; later that year, the Greater East Asia Congress in Tokyo revealed that pan-Asianism was more than a Japanese fantasy.11 Jawaharlal Nehru had spoken often of how ‘we feel as Asiatics a common bond uniting us against the aggression of Europe’.12 Writing from a British prison in 1940, just seven years away from India’s freedom from colonial rule, Nehru said, ‘My own picture of the future is a federation which includes China and India, Burma and Ceylon, Afghanistan and possibly other countries.’13 In Tokyo, Subhas Chandra Bose, surrounded by adoring Indian students, described the congress as a ‘family party’ where all the guests were Asians.14 The Philippines’ ambassador to Japan claimed that ‘the time has come for the Filipinos to discard Anglo-Saxon civilization and its enervating influence … and to recapture their charm and original virtues as an oriental people’.15 The Burmese leader Ba Maw (1893 – 1977) felt the ‘call of Asiatic blood’.16 ‘We were Asians,’ he later recalled, ‘rediscovering Asia.’17 Ba Maw later said that the congress of 1943 created the spirit that then went into the Bandung Conference of 1955, where some of Asia’s greatest leaders gathered and subsequently formed the Non-Aligned Movement.
This revolutionary recipe for self-strengthening and pride, generous in its emancipatory promise, consisted of the institutions and practices of the nation-state: clear boundaries, orderly government, a loyal bureaucracy, a code of rights to protect citizens, rapid economic growth through industrial capitalism or socialism, mass literacy programmes, technical knowledge and the development of a sense of common origins within a national community. Fulfilling either some or the barest minimum of these conditions, an assortment of new nation-states filled the immense vacuum created by the dissolution of European empires. In the period following the end of the Second World War, many Asian countries achieved independence from colonial rule; and more than fifty new states with new names, borders and currencies appeared in just two decades after 1945. Formal decolonization itself was always unlikely to guarantee true sovereignty and dignity to Asian nations. In the 1950s, Nehru often stressed the urgent task facing postcolonial leaders like himself: ‘What Europe did in a hundred or a hundred and fifty years, we must do in ten or fifteen years.’
The Hundred Years' War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonialism and Resistance, 1917–2017 by Rashid Khalidi
But in the words of George Orwell, “sooner or later a false belief bumps up against solid reality, usually on a battlefield,”83 which is precisely what happened on the battlefield in the Great Revolt, to the Palestinians’ lasting detriment. * * * AFTER 1917, THE Palestinians found themselves in a triple bind, which may have been unique in the history of resistance to colonial-settler movements. Unlike most other peoples who fell under colonial rule, they not only had to contend with the colonial power in the metropole, in this case London, but also with a singular colonial-settler movement that, while beholden to Britain, was independent of it, had its own national mission, a seductive biblical justification, and an established international base and financing. According to the British official responsible for “Migration and Statistics,” the British government was not “the colonizing power here; the Jewish people are the colonizing power.”84 Making matters worse was that Britain did not rule Palestine outright; it did so as a mandatory power of the League of Nations.
They had neither the capacity to raise the necessary funding, nor international assent to creating state institutions. When Palestinian envoys had managed to meet with foreign officials, whether in London or Geneva, they were condescendingly told that they had no official standing, and that their meetings were therefore private rather than official.18 The comparison with the Irish, the only people to succeed in (partially) freeing themselves of colonial rule between World Wars I and II, is striking. In spite of divisions in their ranks, their clandestine parliament, the Dail Eirann, their nascent branches of government, and their centralized military forces ultimately out-administered and outfought the British.19 During these critical years leading up to the Nakba, Palestinian disarray in regard to institution-building was profound. The rudimentary nature of the organizational structures available to the Palestinians is clear from the recollections of Yusif Sayigh, who was appointed as the first director-general of the newly created Arab National Fund in 1946.20 The fund had been established by the Arab Higher Committee in 1944 to serve as a state treasury and an equivalent to the Jewish National Fund, which by then was almost half a century old.
Dancing in the Glory of Monsters: The Collapse of the Congo and the Great War of Africa by Jason Stearns
Berlin Wall, business climate, clean water, colonial rule, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, land tenure, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, microcredit, Nelson Mandela, technology bubble, transfer pricing, unemployed young men, working-age population, éminence grise
On the other hand, despite their partners’ profligacy, Mobutu’s army was rarely able to deal effectively with even the most amateurish challenge. On numerous occasions, Mobutu had to call on his foreign allies or mercenaries to prop up his floundering army. The roots of the army’s weakness lie in the Belgian colonial state. The Force Publique, as the army was then called, was formed to maintain law and order and suppress any challenge to colonial rule. It conflated military and policing functions, and control of military units was strongly decentralized to serve the needs of the territorial administrators, who used the army for civilian tasks as well as to suppress dissent. The Belgian authorities never thought to create a strong army; up until the late 1950s, they thought that independence was still decades away and that they would continue to control the state and its security forces.
Since the seventeenth and eighteenth century, when European and Arab slave traders penetrated deep into the country and captured hundreds of thousands of slaves, often in complicity with local chiefs, hastening the disintegration of the great kingdoms of the savannah that ruled from the Atlantic seaboard throughout the center and south of the country, the Congo has suffered a social and political dissolution. It was the victim of one of the most brutal episodes of colonial rule, when it was turned into the private business empire of King Leopold; under his reign and the subsequent rule by the republican Belgian government, the Congo’s remaining customary chiefs were fought, co-opted, or sent into exile. Religious leaders who defied the orthodoxy of the European-run churches faced the same fate: The prophet Simon Kimbangu died after thirty years in prison for his anticolonial rhetoric.
1946: The Making of the Modern World by Victor Sebestyen
anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, Etonian, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, illegal immigration, imperial preference, Kickstarter, land reform, long peace, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, operation paperclip
The contrast between America’s new wealth and the poverty of its enemies and allies was of profound importance in the aftermath of the war. In much of Asia ‘liberation’ is not exactly the right word for events following the surrender of Japan. The European empires attempted to reassert their dominion over their old colonies: the French in Indo-china, the Dutch in the East Indies, the British in Malaya and Singapore, but they couldn’t sustain traditional-style colonial rule for long. The agony of withdrawal was worse and more bloody for some than others – humiliatingly for France in Vietnam for example. In the sub-continent, the British were desperate to leave as soon as they could; with indecent haste according to many critics, who argue that the British ‘scuttled’ and caused the violence that accompanied the partition of India and Pakistan. It seems to me imperial folly to imagine that the British could have prevented the massacres, short of despatching hundreds of thousands of troops.
[we] will be punishing the Jews in a way the race dislikes as much as any – by striking at their pockets and showing our contempt for them.3 The letter was leaked, and made headlines everywhere. The line about ‘striking at their pockets’ shocked millions of people, especially in the United States. Instead of the earlier sympathy of a few, the balanced editorials suggesting that Britain did not have entirely easy decisions to make in Palestine, there was now scorn for the arrogance and intolerance of British colonial rule. Attlee gave Barker a personal reprimand, and he was sent home in disgrace. But the damage to British prestige was immense and long-lasting. The contempt for Barker would have been even greater – and the loathing the Jews had for him more profound – if people had known his private views. Barker, married and the father of a small child back in England, was having a passionate affair with one of the most famous women in Palestine, Katy Antonius.
In Spite of the Gods: The Rise of Modern India by Edward Luce
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Bretton Woods, call centre, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, demographic dividend, energy security, financial independence, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, Haight Ashbury, informal economy, job-hopping, Kickstarter, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, megacity, new economy, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, purchasing power parity, Silicon Valley, trade liberalization, upwardly mobile, uranium enrichment, urban planning, women in the workforce, working-age population, Y2K
But it felt as though we had met on many previous occasions. I was on a short visit to Auroville, a town in south India founded in 1968 by Mira Alfassa, a nonagenarian Frenchwoman whom everybody calls Mother. She had named the town after Sri Aurobindo, one of India’s most celebrated spiritual leaders, whose life’s journey, from student years at Cambridge to underground activism against British colonial rule and finally incarnating as a teacher-savant in a charming corner of peninsular India, merits a book or two in itself. Mother, André told me, had “departed her body” in 1973, twenty-three years after Sri Aurobindo, but, fortunately for the questing Frenchman, several months after he had arrived in Auroville. Since André had moved to Auroville, the town—really an extended ashram—had grown to include several thousand people, most of whom, like the Frenchman, were Westerners who had come in search of the elixir of Indian philosophy.
I wanted to know why India exerted such a powerful spiritual pull on so many foreigners, since it had not had that effect on me. What I did not say was that I felt India had labored too long under the burden of spiritual greatness that Westerners have for centuries thrust upon it and which Indians had themselves got into the habit of picking up and sending back (with a cherry on top). Over the centuries, and particularly during the era of British colonial rule and its aftermath, many Indians endorsed in one form or another the view that India was a uniquely metaphysical civilization. To most Indians this self-image was certainly preferable to the belittlement that was doled out by many, although not all, of India’s colonial rulers. Lord Macaulay, who authored India’s first national penal code, infamously wrote that the entire corpus of Indian philosophy and literature was not worth a single bookshelf of Western writing.
Year 501 by Noam Chomsky
"Robert Solow", anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, Bolshevik threat, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, land reform, land tenure, long peace, mass incarceration, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor
The slave masters provided France with enormous wealth from the labor of their 450,000 slaves, much as in the British West Indian colonies. The white population, including poor overseers and artisans, numbered 40,000. Some 30,000 mulattoes and free Negroes enjoyed economic privileges but not social and political equality, the origins of the class difference that led to harsh repression after independence, with renewed violence today. Cubans may have seemed “of dubious whiteness,” but the rebels who overthrew colonial rule did not approach that status. The slave revolt, which had reached serious proportions by the end of 1791, appalled Europe, as well as the European outpost that had just declared its own independence. Britain invaded in 1793; victory would offer “a monopoly of sugar, indigo, cotton and coffee” from an island which “for ages, would give such aid and force to industry as would be most happily felt in every part of the empire,” a British military officer wrote to Prime Minister Pitt.
If Japan could have achieved these ends by accepting Western norms, then why did the British, the Americans, and the other imperial states not simply abandon the high tariff walls they had erected around their colonies to bar Japan? Or, assuming that such idealism would be too much to ask, why did Hull not at least accept the Japanese offer for mutuality of exploitation? Such thoughts go beyond legitimate bounds, reaching into the forbidden territory of “American motives.” In the real world, Japan’s aggression gave an impetus to the nationalist movements that displaced colonial rule in favor of the more subtle mechanisms of domination of the postwar period. Furthermore, the war left the US in a position to design the new world order. Under these new conditions, Japan could be offered its “Empire toward the South” (as Kennan put it) under US control, though within limits: the US intended to maintain its “power over what Japan imports in the way of oil and such other things” so that “we would have veto power on what she does need in the military and industrial field,” as Kennan advised in 1949.20 This stance was maintained until unexpected factors intervened, notably the Vietnam war with its costs to the US and benefits to Japan and other industrial rivals.
Surveillance Valley: The Rise of the Military-Digital Complex by Yasha Levine
23andMe, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Airbnb, AltaVista, Amazon Web Services, Anne Wojcicki, anti-communist, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, bitcoin, borderless world, British Empire, call centre, Chelsea Manning, cloud computing, collaborative editing, colonial rule, computer age, computerized markets, corporate governance, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, digital map, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, drone strike, Edward Snowden, El Camino Real, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, Elon Musk, fault tolerance, George Gilder, ghettoisation, global village, Google Chrome, Google Earth, Google Hangouts, Howard Zinn, hypertext link, IBM and the Holocaust, index card, Jacob Appelbaum, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, John Markoff, John von Neumann, Julian Assange, Kevin Kelly, Kickstarter, life extension, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, Menlo Park, Mitch Kapor, natural language processing, Network effects, new economy, Norbert Wiener, packet switching, PageRank, Paul Buchheit, peer-to-peer, Peter Thiel, Philip Mirowski, plutocrats, Plutocrats, private military company, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ross Ulbricht, Satoshi Nakamoto, self-driving car, sentiment analysis, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, slashdot, Snapchat, speech recognition, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Steven Levy, Stewart Brand, Telecommunications Act of 1996, telepresence, telepresence robot, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Hackers Conference, uber lyft, Whole Earth Catalog, Whole Earth Review, WikiLeaks
It was one of the rebels’ greatest tactical advantages, allowing them to move people and supplies through neighboring Laos and Cambodia undetected and launch deadly raids deep in South Vietnamese territory. With Project Agile, Godel was determined to take that advantage away. The British Empire had pioneered the use of defoliants as a form of chemical warfare, using them against local movements that opposed colonial rule. In the fight against communist rebels in Malaya, Britain ruthlessly deployed them to destroy food supplies and jungle cover.5 British military planners described defoliants as “a form of sanction against a recalcitrant nation which would be more speedy than blockade and less repugnant than the atomic bomb.” Godel followed Britain’s lead. Under Project Agile, chemists at a secret US Army lab at Fort Detrick, Maryland, had tested and isolated potential defoliant chemicals that could eat away at the dense jungle cover.
The bulk of French military efforts seemed to focus on protecting their supply convoy lines, which were constantly attacked by massive guerrilla forces that seemed to materialize out of the jungle, deploying up to six thousand men along a three-mile stretch of road. The French were essentially stuck in their fortifications. They had “lost most of their offensive spirit” and were “pinned to their occupied areas,” Godel’s colleague described. “The way Godel saw it, the French colonialists were trying to fight the Viet Minh guerrillas according to colonial rules of war. But the South Vietnamese, who were receiving weapons and training from the French forces, were actually fighting a different kind of war, based on different rules,” writes Annie Jacobsen, who excavates William Godel’s forgotten story in The Pentagon’s Brain, her history of ARPA.30 This “different kind of war” had a name: counterinsurgency. Godel understood that the United States was on a deliberate collision path with insurgencies all over the world: Southeast Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America.
Super Continent: The Logic of Eurasian Integration by Kent E. Calder
3D printing, air freight, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, blockchain, Bretton Woods, business intelligence, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, cloud computing, colonial rule, Credit Default Swap, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, disruptive innovation, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, energy transition, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Gini coefficient, housing crisis, income inequality, industrial cluster, industrial robot, interest rate swap, intermodal, Internet of things, invention of movable type, inventory management, John Markoff, liberal world order, Malacca Straits, Mikhail Gorbachev, mittelstand, money market fund, moral hazard, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, seigniorage, smart cities, smart grid, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, special economic zone, supply-chain management, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, trade route, transcontinental railway, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, union organizing, Washington Consensus, working-age population, zero-sum game
The first wave came as merchants arrived, becoming central figures in such trading centers as Palembang and Surabaya in the course of the fourteenth century, although they were largely assimilated into the local population over the following two hundred years.3 The second and most numerous wave of migration arrived in Southeast Asia at the high tide of European colonialism during the late nineteenth century, with many being driven from China by the poverty and ruin caused by the Taiping rebellion (1850 –1864). In Southeast Asia, the Dutch, French, and British colonizers used these new migrants not only as laborers on plantations but often also as tax collectors and low-level administrators of colonial rule. This socially complex work earned them not only modest wealth but also frequently the enmity of indigenous populations such as the pribumi of Indonesia. The turbulence of early twentieth-century China, the revolution of 1949, the Cultural Revolution, Hong Kong’s 1997 reversion, and the Chinese globalization that followed all produced new waves of migrants from China to Southeast Asia. Yet it was the migrations of the late nineteenth century, complicated by the conflicted intermediary roles into which the overseas Chinese were forced by colonial rulers, that most significantly colored Southeast Asia’s relations with both China and the broader world.
History has been kindest to the overseas Chinese in Thailand, which has the second largest haiwai huaren population in the region, as indicated in Table 6.1. Chinese immigrants were fortunate at an early stage to be befriended and highly evaluated by Thai royalty; indeed, King Rama I, who founded the present Chakri dynasty in 1782, was partly Chinese.4 For over four hundred years, Thai and Chinese elites have thus intermingled and assimilated, without the complexities of colonial rule that set Chinese and indigenous peoples against one another across the rest of Southeast Asia. History thus provides a solid platform for a major Chinese political- economic presence in Thailand, centering on the massive overseas Chinese community of Yaowarat, Bangkok’s Chinatown, which constituted over half of the capital’s population until the 1950s.5 Even today, overseas Chinese make Southeast Asia 125 ta b l e 6 . 1 The varied patterns of overseas Chinese presence in Southeast Asia (2011) Country Indonesia Thailand Malaysia Singapore Philippines Myanmar Vietnam Laos Cambodia Brunei Total Overseas Chinese Population (thousands) 8,010.72 7,512.60 6,540.80 2,808.30 1,243.16 1,053.75 992.60 176.49 147.02 51.00 28,536.44 Total Population (millions) 248.00 64.26 28.73 5.26 95.83 62.42 89.32 6.56 14.43 0.41 615.22 Overseas Chinese Share of Total Population (%) 3.23 11.69 22.77 53.39 1.30 1.69 1.11 2.69 1.02 12.44 4.64 Assimilated?
Stuff White People Like: A Definitive Guide to the Unique Taste of Millions by Christian Lander
Being noncompetitive, you might think that yoga can just be done in any type of clothes that allow for a full range of motion; again you would be wrong. Yoga is much more than just an activity, it is a chance to showcase $80 pants that are tailor-made for the rigors of yoga. And last, but not least, yoga feels exotic and foreign. It has become sort of like a religion that prizes flexibility and expensive clothes. Also, deep down, white people feel that their participation makes up for years of colonial rule in India. 16 Gifted Children White people love “gifted” children. Do you know why? Because an astounding 100 percent of their kids are gifted! Isn’t that amazing? I’m pretty sure the last nongifted white child was born in 1962 in Reseda, California. Since then, it’s been a pretty sweet run. The way it works is that white kids who are actually smart are quickly identified as “gifted” and take special classes and eventually end up in college and then law school or med school.
Power Systems: Conversations on Global Democratic Uprisings and the New Challenges to U.S. Empire by Noam Chomsky, David Barsamian
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, American ideology, Chelsea Manning, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate personhood, David Brooks, discovery of DNA, double helix, drone strike, failed state, Howard Zinn, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, inflation targeting, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Julian Assange, land reform, Martin Wolf, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, pattern recognition, Powell Memorandum, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, single-payer health, sovereign wealth fund, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, Tobin tax, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks
Germany didn’t go along.12 Turkey even tried to block the first NATO actions and later on joined in reluctantly.13 Egypt didn’t want anything to do with it.14 The AU is particularly interesting. Libya is an African country. The AU came out in the middle of the bombing, reiterating its call for diplomacy and making detailed proposals, in this case about a peacekeeping force.15 They were totally dismissed, of course. You don’t listen to Africans. The AU had a pretty interesting explanation of its stand. Essentially they were saying, Africa has been trying to free itself from brutal colonial rule and slavery for years. The way we’ve been doing it is by establishing the principle of sovereignty in order to protect ourselves from a return of Western colonization. And we have to perceive an attack on an African country over the objections of Africa, without any concern for sovereign rights, as a step toward recolonization that is very threatening to the whole continent. Frontline magazine in India had detailed reporting of the AU position.16 I didn’t notice a word about it here.
This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. The Climate by Naomi Klein
1960s counterculture, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, big-box store, bilateral investment treaty, British Empire, business climate, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carbon footprint, clean water, Climategate, cognitive dissonance, coherent worldview, colonial rule, Community Supported Agriculture, complexity theory, crony capitalism, decarbonisation, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, different worldview, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, energy security, energy transition, equal pay for equal work, Exxon Valdez, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, financial deregulation, food miles, Food sovereignty, global supply chain, hydraulic fracturing, ice-free Arctic, immigration reform, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Internet Archive, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Jones Act, Kickstarter, light touch regulation, market fundamentalism, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, new economy, Nixon shock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, open borders, patent troll, Pearl River Delta, planetary scale, post-oil, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Rana Plaza, renewable energy transition, Ronald Reagan, smart grid, special economic zone, Stephen Hawking, Stewart Brand, structural adjustment programs, Ted Kaczynski, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, trickle-down economics, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, urban planning, urban sprawl, wages for housework, walkable city, Washington Consensus, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks
Operation Climate Change While the scale and connectivity of this kind of anti-extraction activism is certainly new, the movement began long before the fight against Keystone XL. If it’s possible to trace this wave back to a time and place, it should probably be the 1990s in what is surely the most oil-ravaged place on the planet: the Niger Delta. Since the doors to foreign investors were flung open near the end of British colonial rule, oil companies have pumped hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of crude out of Nigeria, most from the Niger Delta, while consistently treating its land, water, and people with undisguised disdain. Wastewater was dumped directly into rivers, streams, and the sea; canals from the ocean were dug willy-nilly, turning precious freshwater sources salty, and pipelines were left exposed and unmaintained, contributing to thousands of spills.
Burning fossil fuels is of course not the moral equivalent of owning slaves or occupying countries. (Though heading an oil company that actively sabotages climate science, lobbies aggressively against emission controls while laying claim to enough interred carbon to drown populous nations like Bangladesh and boil sub-Saharan Africa is indeed a heinous moral crime.) Nor were the movements that ended slavery and defeated colonial rule in any way bloodless: nonviolent tactics like boycotts and protests played major roles, but slavery in the Caribbean was only outlawed after numerous slave rebellions were brutally suppressed, and, of course, abolition in the United States came only after the carnage of the Civil War. Another problem with the analogy is that, though the liberation of millions of slaves in this period—some 800,000 in the British colonies and four million in the U.S.
There is, however, another way of looking at this track record: these economic demands—for basic public services that work, for decent housing, for land redistribution—represent nothing less than the unfinished business of the most powerful liberation movements of the past two centuries, from civil rights to feminism to Indigenous sovereignty. The massive global investments required to respond to the climate threat—to adapt humanely and equitably to the heavy weather we have already locked in, and to avert the truly catastrophic warming we can still avoid—is a chance to change all that; and to get it right this time. It could deliver the equitable redistribution of agricultural lands that was supposed to follow independence from colonial rule and dictatorship; it could bring the jobs and homes that Martin Luther King dreamed of; it could bring jobs and clean water to Native communities; it could at last turn on the lights and running water in every South African township. Such is the promise of a Marshall Plan for the Earth. The fact that our most heroic social justice movements won on the legal front but suffered big losses on the economic front is precisely why our world is as fundamentally unequal and unfair as it remains.
The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World by Oona A. Hathaway, Scott J. Shapiro
9 dash line, Albert Einstein, anti-globalists, bank run, Bartolomé de las Casas, battle of ideas, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, continuation of politics by other means, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Donald Trump, facts on the ground, failed state, humanitarian revolution, index card, long peace, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, open economy, Peace of Westphalia, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Scramble for Africa, South China Sea, spice trade, Steven Pinker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, uranium enrichment, zero-sum game
As British foreign secretary Jack Straw put it in 2002, “A lot of the problems we are having to deal with now, I have to deal with now, are a consequence of our colonial past . . . the contradictory assurances which were being given to Palestinians in private at the same time as they were being given to the Israelis—again, an interesting history for us but not an entirely honourable one.”10 Israel is far from the only botched handoff. In Korea, Japan’s unconditional surrender in 1945 meant the end of Japanese colonial rule. But Japan was in no position to make contingency plans for maintaining legal order. The collapse of colonial rule set off a rush by the Soviets and Americans to establish control. In a hasty deal established to prevent conflicts between wartime allies, the Americans and Soviets drew a line at the 38th parallel to delineate the two occupying forces. The Korean War was the attempt by Koreans on either side of this temporary line to establish their sovereignty over the entire peninsula.
Though benefiting much from the ancien régime, Genêt now distanced himself from its decadence and used the unpretentious title of “Citoyen,” or Citizen.14 Citizen Genêt remained in Charleston, where he went to work. He liberally dispersed his letters of marque at the bustling waterfront, commissioning four ships of privateers and rechristening them the Républicain, Anti-George, Sans Culotte, and Patriote Genêt. He empowered local French consuls to act as prize courts, thus bypassing the American judicial system. He also assembled bands of adventurers to overthrow British and Spanish colonial rule. Having completed this phase of his mission, Genêt traveled overland to Philadelphia so that he could bask in the adulation of the crowds along the way, a detour that took him twenty-eight days to complete.15 Given his leisurely pace, news of Genêt’s exploits preceded his arrival on May 16. George Hammond, the British ambassador, had complained to Thomas Jefferson, the secretary of state, about the commissions and outfitting of privateers in Charleston.
Why Orwell Matters by Christopher Hitchens
anti-communist, British Empire, colonial rule, deindustrialization, Etonian, hiring and firing, land reform, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, nuclear winter, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, sensible shoes
Ever since the white-settler revolt in Southern Rhodesia in 1965, I had involved myself with the white and black advocates of majority rule and independence. I made several visits to the country, and interviewed many of the guerrilla leaders in exile, of whom the most impressive was Robert Mugabe. His ultimate election victory in 1980, transforming Rhodesia into Zimbabwe, was a foretaste of the later triumph of Nelson Mandela. But the abolition of racism and the end of colonial rule was succeeded by a dirty war in Matabeleland against the supporters of Mugabe’s rival Joshua Nkomo, and by the awarding of confiscated agricultural property to the party loyalists of the regime. Displaying signs of megalomania, especially after the tragic death of his wife, Mr Mugabe set up a ‘youth brigade’ that was named the 21st February Movement in honour of his own birthday. He invited North Korean ‘advisors’ to train his army.
American Secession: The Looming Threat of a National Breakup by F. H. Buckley
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrei Shleifer, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, Cass Sunstein, colonial rule, crony capitalism, desegregation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, hindsight bias, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, old-boy network, race to the bottom, Republic of Letters, reserve currency, Ronald Coase, transaction costs, Washington Consensus, wealth creators
Both Buchanan and Lincoln declined to meet with them, however. 48 The 1983 Vienna Convention on Succession of States in Respect of State Property, Archives and Debts would require a seceding state to assume an undefined “equitable” portion of the national debt, but it has been signed by only 22 countries and not by Canada or the United States. Daniel S. Blum, “The Apportionment of Public Debt and Assets during State Secession,” Case Western Reserve Journal of International Law, vol. 29, no. 2 (1997): 263–98. Seceding states that emerge from colonial rule, as America did in 1776, would begin with a clean state, however. CHAPTER 4—BIGNESS AND BADNESS 1 James Boswell, “An Account of my last Interview with David Hume, Esq.,” in Boswell in Extremes 1776–78, ed. Charles Weis and F. A. Pottle (New York: McGraw Hill, 1970), p. 11. 2 David Hume, “The Life of David Hume, Esq., Written by Himself: My Own Life,” in The History of England from the Invasion of Julius Caesar to the Revolution in 1688, Foreword by William B.
One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility by Zack Furness, Zachary Mooradian Furness
active transport: walking or cycling, affirmative action, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, back-to-the-land, Build a better mousetrap, Burning Man, car-free, carbon footprint, clean water, colonial rule, conceptual framework, dumpster diving, Enrique Peñalosa, European colonialism, feminist movement, ghettoisation, Golden Gate Park, interchangeable parts, intermodal, Internet Archive, Jane Jacobs, Kickstarter, market fundamentalism, means of production, Naomi Klein, New Urbanism, peak oil, place-making, post scarcity, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, sustainable-tourism, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, urban planning, Whole Earth Catalog, Whole Earth Review, working poor, Yom Kippur War
Heike Behrend and Ute luig (Madison: University of Wisconsin press, 1999), 131. rubber was also extracted from parts of Central and South america and in several african countries, most notably liberia. See Marc Edelman, “a Central american Genocide: rubber, Slavery, nationalism, and the Destruction of the Guatusos-Malekus,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 40, no. 2 (2004): 356–390; Emily lynn Osborn, “‘rubber Fever’ Commerce and French Colonial rule in Upper Guinée 1890– 1913,” Journal of African History 45, no. 3 (2004): 445–465; robtel pailey, “Slavery ain’t Dead, it’s Manufactured in liberia’s rubber,” in From the Slave Trade to “Free” Trade: How Trade Undermines Democracy and Justice in Africa, ed. patrick Burnett and Firoze Manji (nairobi: Fahamu, 2007), 77–83. Osumaka likaka, Rural Society and Cotton in Colonial Zaire (Madison: University of Wisconsin press, 1997), 60.
Oregon Bicycle Constructors association. available at http://www.oregonframebuilders. org. O’rourke, Morgan. “locked Out.” Risk Management 51, no. 12 (2004): 8–9. O’rourke, p. J. Republican Party Reptile: Essays and Outrages. new york: atlantic Monthly press, 1987. O’russell, David. I Heart Huckabees. Fox Searchlight pictures, 2004. Film. Osborn, Emily lynn. “‘rubber Fever’ Commerce and French Colonial rule in Upper Guinée 1890–1913.” Journal of African History 45, no. 3 (2004): 445–465. O’Toole, randal. The Best-Laid Plans: How Government Planning Harms Your Quality of Life, Your Pocketbook, and Your Future. Washington, DC: Cato institute, 2007. ———. “is Urban planning ‘Creeping Socialism’?” The Independent Review 4, no. 4 (2000): 501–516. “Our programs.” League of American Bicyclists. available at http://www.bikeleague.org/ programs/index.php.
Yucatan: Cancun & Cozumel by Bruce Conord, June Conord
Jacinto was captured, tortured and executed, gruesomely drawn and quartered in the plaza of Mérida. Eight companions were garroted and 200 were flogged and had one ear cut off to mark them as rebels. One result of the crackdown by conservatives was the expulsion of the Jesuit order, who had been rivals of the Franciscans. This impaired the peninsula’s educational system, further retarding social progress. n Independence Day On September 28, 1821 three centuries of Spanish Colonial rule ended and Mexico, a free nation, was born. By then, the Yucatán reflected the turmoil that was going on back in Europe, where the French had overthrown the Spanish monarchy; and in Mexico, where elements of liberalism agitated for civil rights. Soon blood spilled. Traditional rivals, Campeche and Mérida fought for power while the entire peninsula ignored the rest of Mexico, which was embroiled in a series of continuing revolutions.
The massive but plain façade of the Catedral de la Concepción !DA! (open mornings and evenings) dominates the plaza. A church was built on this location by Montejo in 1541, almost as soon as the Spanish had established themselves in the peninsula, but the cathedral that replaced it – begun in 1639 – wasn’t finished for a century and a half. One of its spires is known as the “Spanish Tower” because it was completed during Colonial rule in 1760. The other is “La Campechana,” which was finished in 1850. Farther down Calle 10 is the Mansion Carvajal !E!. This stately building has rich marble floors, undulating Arabic arches and a sweeping staircase. It was the former home of Don Fernando Carvajal Estrada, one of Campeche’s richest hacienda owners. The magnificent Moorish-styled mansion now houses government offices and handicraft shops, open daily except Sunday.
Killing Hope: Us Military and Cia Interventions Since World War 2 by William Blum
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bolshevik threat, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, kremlinology, land reform, liberation theology, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, nuremberg principles, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, trickle-down economics, union organizing
John Gunther, hardly a radical, summed up the situation this way: "So the first—and best—chance for building a united Korea was tossed away."21 And Alfred Crofts, a member of the American military government at the time, has written that "A potential unifying agency became thus one of the fifty-four splinter groups in South Korean political life."22 Syngman Rhee would be Washington's man: eminently pro-American, strongly anti-Communist, sufficiently controllable. His regime was one in which landlords, collaborators, the wealthy, and other conservative elements readily found a home. Crofts has pointed out that "Before the American landings, a political Right, associated in popular thought with colonial rule, could not exist; but shortly afterward we were to foster at least three conservative factions."23 Committed to establishing free enterprise, the USAMGIK sold off vast amounts of confiscated Japanese property, homes, businesses, industrial raw materials and other valuables. Those who could most afford to purchase these assets were collaborators who had grown rich under the Japanese, and other profiteers.
The perception seems insane, particularly coming from the National Security Council, which really does have the power to end all human life within hours.4 Patrice Lumumba became the Congo's first prime minister after his party received a plurality of the votes in national elections. He called for the nation's economic as well as political liberation and did not shy away from contact with socialist countries. At the Independence Day ceremonies he probably managed to alienate all the attending foreign dignitaries with his speech, which read in part: Our lot was eighty years of colonial rule ... We have known tiring labor exacted in exchange for salary which did not allow us to satisfy out hunger ... We have known ironies, insults, blows which we had to endure morning, noon, and night because we were "Negroes" ... We have known that the law was never the same depending on whether it concerned a white or a Negro ... We have known the atrocious sufferings of those banished for political opinions or religious beliefs ...
Overbooked: The Exploding Business of Travel and Tourism by Elizabeth Becker
airport security, Asian financial crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, BRICs, car-free, carbon footprint, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, computer age, corporate governance, Costa Concordia, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, Exxon Valdez, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, global village, happiness index / gross national happiness, haute cuisine, indoor plumbing, Kickstarter, Masdar, Murano, Venice glass, open borders, out of africa, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, statistical model, sustainable-tourism, the market place, union organizing, urban renewal, wage slave, young professional, éminence grise
History was everywhere, especially in nature. During an African safari in Zambia, the normal road to our base camp was flooded, forcing our Land Cruiser to take a circuitous route through the hills and allowing me a rare glimpse, at twilight, of one of Africa’s majestic sable antelopes. They could disappear, I was told repeatedly, since those wildlife parks are still viewed suspiciously as a legacy of white colonial rule rather than as an essential part of Africa’s culture. The most familiar countries offered surprises. During my first research trip to Cambodia I asked the minister of tourism a basic question: what is the most popular tourist spot in Phnom Penh, the capital? His answer was “Tuol Sleng.” I nearly dropped my pen. Tuol Sleng is the former torture and execution center of the Khmer Rouge. Like other researchers, I have spent countless hours studying its files, doubling over with horror at the story they tell of sadism and pain: the antithesis of “tourism.”
It found its way into the Swahili language and was adopted by British colonialists to mean a specifically African journey or adventure. Beneath the surface, the idea of a safari is loaded with the baggage of European colonization begun in the late-nineteenth-century “scramble for Africa” that didn’t fully end until the 1960s and beyond. The Europeans conquered some 10 million square miles of territory, tore apart traditional African nations and tribes, reassembling the land into thirty colonies ruled by white foreigners: British, French, German, Belgium, Portuguese and Italian. They extracted great wealth and treasure and subjugated the natives in a rivalry for empire. The Europeans also treated the immense continent as their private hunting ground, killing Africa’s magnificent animals for trophies and sport at such a rate that some Europeans began to worry. Something had to be done to save the elephants, lions and native antelopes from European rifles and extinction.
The Great Turning: From Empire to Earth Community by David C. Korten
Albert Einstein, banks create money, big-box store, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, clean water, colonial rule, Community Supported Agriculture, death of newspapers, declining real wages, different worldview, European colonialism, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, George Gilder, global supply chain, global village, God and Mammon, Hernando de Soto, Howard Zinn, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Monroe Doctrine, Naomi Klein, neoliberal agenda, new economy, peak oil, planetary scale, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Project for a New American Century, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, sexual politics, shared worldview, social intelligence, source of truth, South Sea Bubble, stem cell, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, trade route, Washington Consensus, wealth creators, World Values Survey
Corporate CEOs have suggested, only partly in jest, that in their ideal world their corporate headquarters would be located on a private island outside the jurisdiction of any government and their plants would be on barges that could be moved on a moment’s notice to wherever labor is cheapest, public subsidies and tax breaks most generous, and regulations most lax. DEMOCRATIC CHALLENGE Absolutism, the belief in the absolute right of kings, had been put to rest in England by 1689. The monarchy remained, however, and the nobles and other men of property who had secured the power of the vote for themselves showed no enthusiasm for broadening the democratic franchise at home or ending colonial rule abroad. Absolutist monarchy remained strong in much of the rest of Europe, particularly France, for another hundred years. However, the erosion of monarchy had begun. End of Monarchy As the American Revolution of 1776 challenged the concept of foreign rule, so the French Revolution of 1789 was a direct challenge to the institution of monarchy. It began as a revolt of the French middle class against the power of the nobles and the clergy.
When they found that land insufﬁcient to their needs, they embarked on an imperial westward expansion to appropriate by force all of the Native and Mexican lands between themselves and the 200 PART III: AMERIC A, THE UNFINISHED PROJECT far distant Paciﬁc Ocean, displacing or killing the original inhabitants as they went. Reaching out beyond our own borders, we converted cooperative dictatorships into client states by giving their ruling classes a choice of aligning themselves with our economic and political interests and sharing in the booty or being eliminated by military force. Following World War II, when the classic forms of colonial rule became unacceptable, we turned to international debt as our favored instrument for imperial control and later to trade agreements that opened foreign economies to direct ownership and control by transnational corporations. As our history makes clear, democracy is not a gift granted by benevolent power holders. Those to whom it has been denied achieve it only through organization and sustained struggle.
Dictatorland: The Men Who Stole Africa by Paul Kenyon
agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, British Empire, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, Etonian, European colonialism, falling living standards, friendly fire, land reform, mandatory minimum, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, oil rush, oil shale / tar sands, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Scramble for Africa, transatlantic slave trade, Yom Kippur War
Instead it was rubber-stamped as a decree, and the ‘Houphouet-Boigny Law’ was passed. The ecstatic celebrations that followed were not confined to Côte d’Ivoire. Forced labour had become a brutal fixture in other French territories too – in the rubber plantations of French Guinea, and the salt mines of Senegal – and now it was over, thanks to Felix the Battering Ram. He had eliminated the hated symbol of colonial rule, and, in doing so, created a legend around himself overnight. Other decrees granted at the same time brought about the abolition of the indigénat, the harsh system of arbitrary justice in the colonies, and also opened the way for the establishment of African political parties. But it was the Houphouet-Boigny Law of 3 April 1946 that earned the Ivoirian leader the gratitude that would sustain him in power over the next five decades.
He was photographed beside his friend, the justice minister François Mitterrand, white silk scarf knotted flamboyantly, trilby in hand, footmen helping him with his heavy coat. There were cocktail parties, lavish meals, visits to the theatre. He purchased properties around the capital, and spent more time in France than at home. But the winds of change sweeping across British territories had also reached those of the French. Many were no longer content living under colonial rule, albeit with democratic tweaks. Only self-government would do – a complete break with Paris. When change came, it was through France’s most bloody colonial conflict. By 1958 the French grip on its most promising source of oil – Algeria – was weakening, at the hands of the nationalist guerrillas of the FLN, the Front de Libération Nationale. Twenty-five thousand French soldiers had been killed.
Lemon Tree: An Arab, a Jew, and the Heart of the Middle East by Sandy Tolan
Albert Einstein, British Empire, Buy land – they’re not making it any more, colonial rule, en.wikipedia.org, facts on the ground, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, one-state solution, The Spirit Level, Yom Kippur War
Arabs inside Palestine competed for power in the ex-mufti's absence, but philosophical differences, personal rivalries, and profound mistrust prevented a unified leadership from emerging. Much of the friction had its roots in the Arab Rebellion. Nationalists, aligned with the ex-mufti, saw the elite or "notable" class as too willing to sell out Palestine to the Jews; for the notables, it was better to get something than nothing: Arabs had to accept the reality of the Zionists. The surrounding Arab states, just emerging from colonial rule into fledgling independence, had their own agendas. Publicly, Arab governments proclaimed their support for the ex-mufti's goal of a single independent state in Palestine and pledged to send armies to defend the Palestinian Arabs if necessary. Privately, however, some Arab leaders harbored deep reservations about joining any future conflict and were wary of one another's territorial ambitions for Palestine.
Whatever the circumstances, the news itself would not be forgotten: On the recommendation of the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine, the UN General Assembly had voted, thirty-three states in favor, thirteen opposed, with ten abstaining, to partition Palestine into two separate states—one for the Arabs and one for the Jews. A UN minority report, which recommended a single state for Arabs and Jews, with a constitution respecting "human rights and fundamental freedoms without distinction as to race, sex, language or religions," was rejected. Palestine was to be divided. After three decades of colonial rule, the British would leave on May 15, 1948. If all went according to plan, the Arab and Jewish states would be born on the same day. The Khairis were in shock. Under the UN partition plan, their hometown of al-Ramla, along with neighboring Lydda and the coastal city of Jaffa, was to become part of an Arab Palestinian state. The plan stipulated that 54.5 percent of Palestine and more than 80 percent of its cultivated citrus and grain plantations would go to a Jewish state.
Lancaster by John Nichol
A fellow crewman, Sam King, a future Mayor of Southwark (the first black mayor in London, and one of the founders of the Notting Hill Carnival), remarked that, ‘The RAF taught me two things: the importance of discipline and the importance of honesty.’4 * * * Cy’s friend, eighteen-year-old William ‘Billy’ Strachan, had left school in Kingston, Jamaica, in December 1939 and started work as a Civil Service clerk. Like so many of his contemporaries, he still regarded Britain as the Mother Country, even though there had been nothing particularly motherly about her administration in the Caribbean. There had been some slow improvement in the twentieth century, but colonial rule had been divisive and discriminatory. By the mid-1930s, the seeds of independence were already sown, but when Billy heard appeals on the radio to members of the Empire to take part in the war effort, he was inspired by the spirit of adventure and the desire to prevent an evil regime from imposing itself on humanity. He duly presented himself at Up-Park Camp, the local headquarters of the British Army since 1774, to volunteer for the RAF.5 After being passed medically fit, Billy asked when he’d be sent to Britain to join the RAF; surely they would be extremely keen to get him into service?
I think that’s why he didn’t seem to seek any glory or recognition for his RAF contribution. I also think that his awareness of my mother’s huge suffering and loss in war made him feel that his experience was somewhat privileged.’8 * * * Former Lancaster pilot Billy Strachan hoped to settle once more in Jamaica with his wife Joyce and their three young sons. The spirited youth was now a war hero held in high regard, but gaining promotion in the Civil Service under white colonial rule remained as difficult as ever. He returned to Britain, where he became a senior Law Court clerk, and later head of equal opportunities with the Inner London Education Authority. After playing his part in the defeat of Nazism, he found himself immersed in a lifelong battle for equality. ‘We passionately believed that the abolition of exploitation of man by man, of oppression and of human degradation, could be achieved.’
Empire of Cotton: A Global History by Sven Beckert
agricultural Revolution, Bartolomé de las Casas, British Empire, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, Corn Laws, creative destruction, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, European colonialism, Francisco Pizarro, imperial preference, industrial cluster, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, laissez-faire capitalism, land tenure, Mahatma Gandhi, market fundamentalism, race to the bottom, Silicon Valley, spice trade, spinning jenny, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, union organizing, women in the workforce
This was only a minuscule part of German cotton imports (indeed, Germany never got more than half a percent of its cotton supply from its colonies), but the rate of expansion (increasing by a factor of thirty-five in seven years) suggested that colonial cotton would have a bright future.64 Yet despite such a promising beginning, after 1909, further increases in cotton exports eluded the Tuskegee experts, the Colonial Economic Committee, and the German colonial administration. In 1913, the last full year of German colonial rule in Togo, cotton exports were slightly lower than they had been in 1909. The limits to such an expansion were largely rooted in the ways cotton fitted into the agricultural schemes of local producers. Ewe cultivators, after all, had their own ideas about commodity production, ideas that did not necessarily correspond with those of the Tuskegee experts or the German colonialists. As elsewhere in the global countryside, cultivators desired to maintain economic and social patterns that gave them control over their work, subsistence, and lives.
There too, the promotion of cotton industrialization became a deliberate project of the state.42 Japan experienced an even greater boom in cotton manufacturing. Indeed, it was of such magnitude that Japan became in the course of just a few decades the world’s dominant cotton manufacturing power.43 Japan’s history shares some features with Brazil in the late nineteenth century: Neither of these countries was subject to direct colonial rule, but they were vulnerable to significant influences from abroad. They faced huge cotton textile imports. Their economic elites were rooted in a political economy radically different from that of domestic industrialization, but those elites saw new elements emerging that altered the sources of their income and the policy predilections of their class. At the turn of the twentieth century, they were poised for a revolutionary transformation of the state, made no less revolutionary by sharp differences in outcomes.
Branner, Cotton in the Empire of Brazil; The Antiquity, Methods and Extent of Its Cultivation; Together with Statistics of Exportation and Home Consumption (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1885), 23–27; National Association of Cotton Manufacturers, The Year Book of the National Association of Cotton Manufacturers and Cotton Manufacturers Manual (1922), 83, accessed August 3, 2009, http://ia311228.us.archive.org/1/items/yearbookofnation1922nati/yearbookofnation1922nati.pdf; International Institute of Agriculture, Statistical Bureau, The Cotton-Growing Countries: Production and Trade (Rome: International Institute of Agriculture, 1922), 127; League of Nations, Economic Intelligence Service, Statistical Year-book of the League of Nations 1939/40 (Geneva: Series of League of Nations Publications, 1940), 122; United Nations, Department for Economic and Social Affairs, Statistics Division, Statistical Yearbook, vol. 4 (New York: Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Statistical Office, United Nations, 1952), 72; United States Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agricultural Service, Table 04 Cotton Area, Yield, and Production, accessed August 3, 2009, http://www.fas.usda.gov/psdonline/psdReport.aspx?hidReportRetrievalName=Table+04+Cotton+Area%2c+Yield%2c+and+Production&hidReportRetrievalID=851&hidReportRetrievalTemplateID=1; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 3. 42. Revue des cultures coloniales 12–13 (1903): 302. 43. For Central Asia, see for example Richard A. Pierce, Russian Central Asia, 1867–1917: A Study in Colonial Rule (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960), 135–36; Toksöz, “Çukurova,” 1, 13, 37, 79; Osterhammel, Kolonialismus, 17ff. 44. Nebol’sin, Ocherki torgovli Rossii, 25; Kostenko, Sredniaia Aziia, 213. 45. Nebol’sin, Ocherki torgovli Rossii, 25; Rozhkova, Ekonomicheskiie, 68; Whitman, “Turkestan Cotton,” 199, 200; Schanz, “Die Baumwolle,” 88, 368; Biedermann, “Die Versorgung,” 72; Sahadeo, “Cultures,” 3. 46.
The Devil's Chessboard: Allen Dulles, the CIA, and the Rise of America's Secret Government by David Talbot
Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, drone strike, information retrieval, Internet Archive, land reform, means of production, Naomi Klein, Norman Mailer, operation paperclip, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation
But, in fact, the Dulles old guard was deeply reluctant to give up power to the New Frontier team. In fact, the power struggle between the new president and his CIA director started before Kennedy was even sworn in, when Dulles took advantage of the transition period to carry out a brazen act of insubordination. Patrice Lumumba was fleeing for his life. Sworn in less than six months earlier as the Congo’s first democratically elected leader, following the end of Belgium’s brutal colonial rule, Lumumba was now on the run from the CIA-backed Congolese military forces that had deposed him. Lumumba had broken free from house arrest in the capital, Leopoldville, on the evening of November 27, 1960. He was now making his way through a tropical downpour across the countryside to Stanleyville, a bastion of loyal nationalism some 750 miles to the east, where he hoped to raise an army and reclaim his office.
As he continued to wrestle with fallout from the Bay of Pigs crisis, JFK was suddenly besieged with howls of outrage from a major ally, accusing his own security services of seditious activity. It was a stinging embarrassment for the new American president, who was scheduled to fly to Paris for a state visit the following month. To add to the insult, the coup had been triggered by de Gaulle’s efforts to bring French colonial rule in Algeria to an end—a goal that JFK himself had ardently championed. The CIA’s support for the coup was one more defiant display of contempt—a back of the hand aimed not only at de Gaulle but at Kennedy. JFK took pains to assure Paris that he strongly supported de Gaulle’s presidency, phoning Hervé Alphand, the French ambassador in Washington, to directly communicate these assurances. But, according to Alphand, Kennedy’s disavowal of official U.S. involvement in the coup came with a disturbing addendum—the American president could not vouch for his own intelligence agency.
If you go to Ireland, people will say it’s just a pleasure trip.” But to Kennedy—exhausted from the constant barrage of Cold War crises abroad and the turmoil within his own administration—that sounded exactly like what he wanted: a pleasure trip to Ireland. For Kennedy—whose eight great-grandparents had all left Ireland for Boston, part of the heartbreaking depopulation of the island under British colonial rule—returning to Ireland was both a homecoming and a farewell. The first U.S. president to visit Ireland—and an Irish American one at that—JFK was embraced by the Irish people as one of their own as he traveled throughout the island, visiting his ancestral homes and drinking tea and eating cold salmon sandwiches with his few remaining Irish relatives. The young and old poured into the streets in Dublin and Galway and Cork and Limerick, cheering and frantically waving little American flags.
What Went Wrong? Western Impact and Middle Eastern Response by Bernard Lewis
The rise of Japan had been an encouragement, but also a reproach. The later rise of the other new Asian economic powers brought only reproach. The proud heirs of ancient civilizations had got used to hiring Western firms to carry out tasks that their own contractors and technicians were apparently not capable of doing. Now they found themselves inviting contractors and technicians from Korea—only recently emerged from Japanese colonial rule—to perform these same tasks. Following is bad enough; limping in the rear is far worse. By all the standards that matter in the modern world—economic development and job creation, literacy and educational and scientific achievement, political freedom and respect for human rights—what was once a mighty civilization has indeed fallen low. “Who did this to us?” is of course a common human response when things are going badly, and there have been indeed many in the Middle East, past and present, who have asked this question.
Nonviolence: The History of a Dangerous Idea by Mark Kurlansky
Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, continuation of politics by other means, desegregation, European colonialism, Khyber Pass, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, polynesian navigation, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, working poor
Religious philosopher Reinhold Niebuhr, for one, in his long-standing disagreements with Abraham Johannes Muste, a Calvinist minister turned labor organizer turned peace activist, argued, “Pacifism was irrelevant in dealing with Hitler.” There are several problems with this argument, the first being that the Danes and isolated groups of religious pacifists in other countries had demonstrated that even against Nazis nonviolence could achieve some goals. But those who dismiss Gandhi's accomplishments because they were “only against the British” are also overlooking how ruthless and brutal British colonial rule could be. The history of British rule on the Subcontinent belies this myth, especially their treatment of the Pathans along the Hindu Kush, with its strategic Khyber Pass, where the British tried to control by fear the gateway from Afghanistan to India for a century. In 1842 the British attempted to secure the area by sending their 4,500-man Army of the Indus through the Khyber Pass. One survivor made it to Fort Jalalabad.
Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism by Peter Marshall
agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, anti-globalists, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, David Graeber, different worldview, do-ocracy, feminist movement, garden city movement, hive mind, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, Lao Tzu, liberation theology, Machinery of Freedom by David Friedman, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Naomi Klein, open borders, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post scarcity, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, the market place, union organizing, wage slave, washing machines reduced drudgery
Despite his enormous prestige, he failed to unite the warring factions. Winston Churchill’s ‘half-naked fakir’ had helped bring an empire to its knees but he was unable to hold back the violent passions checked by colonial rule. After being shot by a fellow Hindu in January 1948, the funeral of the penniless anarchist and pacifist became a huge State affair, organized by the military authorities, with a British general in charge. It was the final irony of a complex life. Gandhi once defined himself as a politician trying to be a saint. He was certainly a practical politician, ready to make compromises and forge temporary alliances in his overriding drive to make India independent of colonial rule. Even so, as George Orwell observed, he managed to shake empires by sheer spiritual power and ‘compared with the other leading political figures of our time, how clean a smell he has managed to leave behind!’.
He was opposed to excessive regulation and centralization. He wanted to restrict government to the regulation of contracts and provision of public works. Yet in arguing his case for representative government, he called for plural voting in which the educated would have more votes than the ignorant. Above all, he followed Rousseau in arguing that ‘Despotism is a legitimate mode of government in dealing with barbarians,’ thereby justifying colonial rule.11 It is Mill’s belief in the guiding role of an intellectual elite which prevents him from being regarded as an anarchist. He may have been a great libertarian in his defence of the freedoms of thought, expression and individuality, but he frequently stresses the need for intellectual authority rather than ‘intellectual anarchy’.12 He often pictured the happy society as one in which the people are voluntarily led by an elite of wise guardians.
P. 378 Pol Pot 629 The Pole Star 310, 366 pulis 71, 564, 603, 608, 613 Polish nationalism 33, 255, 270, 271, 285, 310 Politics 502 Poll Tax riots (London) 494, 638 Pope, Alexander 15 Popular Front (Spain) 657 popular sovereignty 125–6 Popular State 325–6 Popular Will 305 population growth 198, 212, 331, 620, 627 Porete, Marguérite 88 Portugese Revolution 468 Possibilist Party 436 Post-Impressionism 431, 664 post-anarchism 677–9 post-left anarchism 672, 676, 679–80 post-modern anarchism 672, 678–9 post-structuralist anarchism 672, 677–8 Pouget, Emile 437, 441, 442 poverty 210, 237, 243, 326, 388 power 45–8, 647–8; Ballou 82; Comfort 594; Foucault 585–6; Nietzsche 159, 585; will to 47, 159, 232, 561; see also authority Powys, John Cowper 492 Prada, Manuel 509 Prague: Congress (1848) 271; rising (1848) 272; (1968) xiv Pravda 466 primirivism 683–4, 689 prisons 31, 585 El Productor 514–15 progress 202, 340 proletariat, dictatorship of 259, 297, 301, 304, 477, 508; see also class promises 205 property: State ownership 282; workers’ associations 281–2 property, views on: Aquinas 76; Bakunin 277, 281–2; Carpenter 169; De Sade 145, 147; Gandhi 531; Godwin 76, 210–11; Goldman 403; Kropotkin 326; Landauer 413; Malatesta 360; Morelly 118, 239; Proudhon 145, 211. 230, 238–9, 243–4, 253–4, 385; Reclus 343; Rousseau 123–4; Stirner 227, 230; Tolstoy 376, 378; Tucker 390; Warren 385; Winstanley 99 La Protesta 505 Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph 234–62; anarchist position ix, x, xiii, 5, 238, 239, 433–4, 682; association 625–7; attitude to women 49, 157, 256; authority 43; Bakunin 269–70; Christianity 74, 80; competition 218, 627; contracts 23, 247; democracy 23; direct action 7; equality 49, 255–7, 277; ethics 249–52; federalism 252–3, 255, 259; Fourier’s influence 149, 237–8, 242; freedom 40; government 1, 19–20; Holyoake on 134; human nature 248–9, 260, 322; ideal 303; imprisonment 245; influence 262, 270, 364–5, 366, 375, 431, 435, 446, 469, 479, 490, 498, 507, 543, 574, 587, 632, 682; justice 39, 49, 250, 255, 260; law 247; liberty 16, 575; Marx’s attack 26, 27; Morelly 118; motivation 156; nationalism 32, 33; natural order 16, 17, 592; politics 252–62; 657; property 145, 211, 230, 238–9, 243–4, 253–4, 497; revolution 658; society 13, 625, 628; Spencer on 167; State 245–6, 391; Tolstoy meeting 366; translations of works 389, 413, 453, 479, 498 Proudhonism 7, 236 Prove 553–4 Provo movement xiv, 485–6, 553–4, 638, 699 Prussia 285 psychiatry 31 public opinion, role of 649, 650–1; Bakunin’s view 278, 299; Godwin 31, 217, 329, 338, 372; Kropotkin 31, 329, 338; Proudhon 251; Tolstoy 372, 377; see also censure Pugachev, Yemelyan Ivanovich 283, 469 punishment, views on: anarchist 649; Foucault 585, 649; Godwin 29–31, 208; Kropotkin 31, 314–15; Stirner 230–1; Tolstoy 29, 380–1; Warren 387; Wilde 178–9 Purchase, Graham 689 Qobbath, King 86 Quakers 102–3, 496 La Questione Sociale 347, 505 Quit India movement 425 Rabelais, François 37, 108–9, 114, 344, 431, 604 race, views on: Bakunir 270, 306; Kroporkin 328; Proudhon 256–7; Reclus 340–1 Radical Review 389 Radin, Paul 607 Radowitsky, Simon 505 Ramaer, Hans 486 Rand, Ayn 561, 562 Ranters 4, 77–8, 96, 100, 102–7, 392, 487 Raspail, François Vincent 244 Ravachol, François-Gaudius 343, 438, 440 Rawls, John 50 Razin, Stepan Timofeyevich (Stenka) 283, 469 Read, Herbert 587–93, 602; anarchism 492, 580; Camus preface 582, Carpenter’s influence 169; education 589–90, 600; liberty and freedom 36; Nietzsche 155; Stirner 220, 221 Reagan, Ronald xiii, 559 Reason 249, 487, 592, 612 El Rebelde 516 Reclaim the Streets 697 Reclus, Elie 437 Reclus, Elisée 339–44, 437, 605, 693, 703; anarchy 189, 436; Bakunin correspondence 305; Bakunin’s funeral 436; First World War 353; food production 627; freedom 37; imprisonment 435; influence 439, 515, 516, 520, 689; Ishikawa 525; Kropotkin editions 313; Malatesta friendship 347; revolution 634 Red Brigades 452, 558 Red International 498 Reformation 78, 93, 96 Regeneración 510, 512 Reich, Wilhelm 41, 149, 540, 586, 592, 596 Reid, Jamie 493 Reinsdorf, August 481 Reitman, Ben 407–8 religion: Bakunin 80–1; De Sade 147; Godwin 201; Huxley’s Island 572–3; Left-Hegelians 223; relationship with anarchy 75; see also Buddhism, Christianity, Church, God Renaissance 4, 96, 108–9, 324 Le Représentant du Peuple 243 Resistance 502 Revelation, Book of 75, 87 Revolt 492 La Révolte 313, 341, 437 Le Revulté 313, 437, 632 La Revolution Ptolétarienne 584 revolution, views on: Bakunin 283–8, 299–308; Bookchin 616, 617; Camus 582, 583, 593; Comfort 596; Engels 637; Foucault 586; Godwin 218, 630; Goldman 405; Kropotkin 325–6; Landauer 412; Malatesta 357–8, 360; Most 416; Proudhon 243; Reclus 344; Stirner 583, 593 Rexroth, Kenneth 502 rhizomes 696 Rhodakanaty, Plotino 509–10 Richard, Albert 286 Richard II, King 90–1 Richards, Vernon 401, 465, 492 rights: anarcho-capitalist view 564; Bakunin’s view 296; Godwin 204–5; natural 110, 134; Paine 204; Stirner 226; Wollstonecraft 204 Ristori, Oreste 508 Ritter, Alan 40, 44 Rivera y Orbaneja, Miguel Primo de 457 Robbe-Grillet, Alain 148 Robespierre, Maximilien Marie Isidore de 128, 144, 146–7, 432, 629 Rocker, Rudolf 417–21, 482; anarchism 641; Arbeter Fraint 417–18, 482, 490; Chelčický 92; imprisonment 351; influence 578, 674; Jungen 417, 481; La Boétie 111; Landauer 414; Nation-State 34–5, 419; Nietzsche 155; revolutionary plans 444; Russian regime 477; wealth 356 Rodosha Rentai Undo 527 Roig de San Martin, Enrique 514 Roman: Church 75; Empire 18; Stoics 70 Romans, Epistle to 75, 106 Romanticism 122 Roosevelt, Theodore ix, 499–500 Rose Street Club 489 Rossetti, Arthur 491 Rossetti, Helen 491 Rossetti, Olivia 491 Rossetti, William Michael 491 Rossi, Giovanni 508 Roszak, Theodore 543, 603 Rothbard, Murray 561–2; anarchist position 641; individual bargaining power 46; La Boétie’s influence 112; Lockean position 560; Right libertarianism 642; Spooner’s influence 389, 502; Tucker’s influence 502 Rotten, Johnny 493–4 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques 121–8, 683, 684: civil liberty 37, 127; colonial rule 165; Enlightenment 115; freedom 38, 127; general will 18, 119, 127; influence 153, 246, 363, 431, 524; laws 126–7, 269; nationalism 32, 33; natural order 15, 124, 169, 643, 686; popular sovereignty 125–6; social contract 22, 126, 224, 228; State 18, 124, 126 Roux, Jacques 433 Royal Geographical Society 315 Rubin, Jerry 502, 543 Ruge, Arnold 222, 267, 268–9, 479 Rumpff (police officer) 481 Ruskin, John 331, 422 Russell, Bertrand 566–70, 676; anarchism xv; education 578; Goldman 400; law 648, 651; power 45; Rocker 419; State 645; work 655; world government 572 Russell, Dora 569 Russia 469–78, 699–70; empire 33; famine (1891–2) 370; Goldman’s stay 399–400, 404–5; narodniks 236, 311–12; Soviet Republic 334; Tsarist 266, 269, 273–4, 283, 309–13, 362–6, 370, 378–9, 382; see also Soviet Union, Ukraine Russian Revolution (1905) 379, 470 Russian Revolution (1917) x-xi, 5, 27, 333–4, 337, 353, 399–400, 470–1, 501, 504, 516, 524, 637, 681 Russo-Japanese War 524 Sacco, Nicola 501, 568, 634 Sadduccees 85 Sainte-Beuve, Charles Augustin 234 St George’s Hill, Surrey see George’s Hill Saint-lmier Conference (1877) 505, 510 Saint-lmier International (1872) 302, 484 St Petersburg 311–12 Saint-Simon, Claude Henri de Rouvroy, comte de 17, 152, 164, 238, 256, 479 Salmon, Joseph 102 Salome, Lou 157 Salt, Henry 491 Samuels, H.
"They Take Our Jobs!": And 20 Other Myths About Immigration by Aviva Chomsky
affirmative action, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, call centre, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, European colonialism, full employment, guest worker program, illegal immigration, immigration reform, informal economy, invisible hand, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, mass incarceration, new economy, out of africa, postindustrial economy, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, thinkpad, trickle-down economics, union organizing, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce
The new wave of immigrants was also different because they came from countries in Latin America and Asia that had a history of U.S. interventions and political and economic domination. In this respect, postindustrial immigration to the United States was not unique. European countries were experiencing the same phenomenon. Industrialization had been accompanied, everywhere that it occurred in the late nineteenth century, by colonial expansion—military, political, and economic. (Sometimes this expansion took the form of direct colonial rule; sometimes it consisted of informal means of control.) Deindustrialization, in the late twentieth century, was accompanied by immigration from former colonies. These different events were part of an interconnected historical process, and to understand the differences between the two waves of immigration, we need to understand the entire historical process. These issues of race and the global economy were also interrelated.
Finding Zero: A Mathematician's Odyssey to Uncover the Origins of Numbers by Amir D. Aczel
On the other hand, with two fingers per hand and two toes per foot, maybe their number system would be octal (based on 8). It was fun to speculate on such things, and it kept me entertained as I waited to hear about the fate of my precious find. In Bangkok, it helped me relieve the immense tension of waiting for news about the fate of K-127 and whether Hab Touch would follow through on his promise. George Cœdès returned to his native France some years after French colonial rule in Indochina ended, as these new nations grappled with questions of democracy, parliaments, monarchy, and Communism. In Paris, he had a prestigious academic position and continued to write papers and books about Southeast Asia. He was highly decorated, having been awarded the rank of commander in Thailand’s Order of the White Elephant, as well as France’s prestigious Legion of Honor. He died in Paris in October 1969—a month before K-127 was brought to Angkor Conservation.
Heroic Failure: Brexit and the Politics of Pain by Fintan O'Toole
Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, British Empire, colonial rule, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, Desert Island Discs, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, full employment, Khartoum Gordon, Peter Thiel, Potemkin village, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Stanford marshmallow experiment
They stopped grieving over their defeat in the Hundred Years War in the exhilaration of discovering and colonising a New World. They stopped grieving over the loss of the thirteen American Colonies in the exhilaration of making the Industrial Revolution and acquiring a new empire in India. In our day we have had recourse to this simple but effective British philosophy once again in meeting our own generation’s ordeal. Recognising, as we did in good time, that the days of colonial rule were numbered, we decided to make the liquidation of our 19th-century Empire into a festival instead of a funeral. We christened it the transformation of the Empire into the Commonwealth… Simultaneously we found another new world to win within the coasts of our own island. In our generation we have won not only the Commonwealth but the Welfare State… The Welfare State and the Commonwealth are obviously two of those exhilarating enterprises that are England’s traditional prescription for easing the painfulness of change.
Strange Rebels: 1979 and the Birth of the 21st Century by Christian Caryl
anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, financial deregulation, financial independence, friendly fire, full employment, income inequality, industrial robot, Internet Archive, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, liberal capitalism, liberation theology, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Mont Pelerin Society, Neil Kinnock, new economy, New Urbanism, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Pearl River Delta, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special economic zone, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, Yom Kippur War
For centuries, scholars from all over the Muslim world have come to Cairo to study at al-Azhar University, the Islamic world’s leading academic institution. Among them were many Afghans, figures of considerable learning and stature who transmitted the new ideas of the Muslim Brothers back to their home country. One of the most influential Islamists of the century was neither an Arab nor a Persian. Abul Ala Mawdudi was born under British colonial rule in India in 1903. Mawdudi chose a religious education, but for family reasons he ended up attending several seminaries rather than completing his studies at a single one, as was the norm. This exposure to a variety of schools, as well as his fluency in English, uniquely predisposed him to a vision of Islam that ignored parochial bounds. A talented publicist as well as a theologian, Mawdudi eventually gained control over a leading journal that he quickly turned into an outlet for his unorthodox views, which went further than just about anyone else’s in depicting Islam as a force for violent social change.
In 1898 the British signed a lease with the imperial government in Beijing that gave London control over the New Territories, directly to the north of Hong Kong Island and Kowloon, for ninety-nine years. By the time the lease approached its renewal date, it was clear that the era of colonialism had passed and that the Chinese government was no longer willing to consider an extension of the arrangement. And if Britain could no longer control the New Territories, it could no longer hope to hang on to Hong Kong proper, either. It was time for colonial rule to end. But there is, of course, a deeper logic to the visual union of Thatcher and Deng—though it is not mentioned on the commemorative plaque. It was these two figures who did more to promote the market-driven globalization of the late twentieth century than just about anyone else. Their ideological origins could not have been further apart—Deng the devoted Communist, Thatcher the dedicated Cold Warrior—but their rhetoric was often strikingly similar.
The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements, 1967-1977 by Gershom Gorenberg
Its goal is to awaken an apathetic populace; its means is atrocity, beyond any conventional use of force. Terrorism, says Rapoport, was invented to “provoke government to respond indiscriminately, undermining…its own credibility and legitimacy.”14 Fatah cribbed the strategy from The Wretched of the Earth, psychiatrist and revolutionary Frantz Fanon’s treatise on decolonization, which anointed “absolute violence” as the only means of ending colonial rule. By killing, rebels would spur rulers to slaughter, in turn provoking more of the oppressed to rise up. Murder, wrote Fanon, is also therapeutic; it “frees the native from his inferiority complex…it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect.”15 Put bluntly, he prescribed killing to heal the injured masculinity of the colonized. In Ramallah, Aziz Shehadeh’s son responded to the presence of Israeli soldiers with long guns and half-buttoned shirts by forlornly trying to get his father to notice he was shaving and by listening to the urgent masculine voices on Palestinian radio broadcasts.
Dayan said his proposed cities and the roads linking them to Israel would stay Israeli “till the end of all generations.” The rest of the land could conceivably, in some indefinite future, be turned over to Jordan, he said, though the economic ties would remain. Explaining why Israel should spend money on social services for the territories, he recalled a visit to the West African country of Togo. People still had good memories there of German colonial rule before World War I, he said; the Germans “left orchards and culture.” Israel, he argued, should follow the example of benevolent colonialism. “I’m going to explode,” Sapir interrupted, saying he cared more about poverty inside Israel than “the Bedouin woman in the Sinai you describe so emotionally,” and insisting that Dayan’s “integration” meant annexation.38 Sapir had more support in the cabinet than in Beersheba, and Dayan’s proposals were rejected.
The Pentagon's Brain: An Uncensored History of DARPA, America's Top-Secret Military Research Agency by Annie Jacobsen
Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, colonial rule, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Dean Kamen, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Fall of the Berlin Wall, game design, John Markoff, John von Neumann, license plate recognition, Livingstone, I presume, low earth orbit, megacity, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, Murray Gell-Mann, mutually assured destruction, Norman Mailer, operation paperclip, place-making, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, social intelligence, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, zero-sum game
On its face, the mission to Southeast Asia in July 1950, led by Erskine and the diplomat John F. Melby, was a joint State Department–Defense Department diplomatic effort to determine the long-range nature of American objectives in the region. Its real purpose, classified secret, was to examine how communist-backed fighters, also called insurgents or guerrillas, were resisting and undermining French colonial rule in Vietnam. When the Melby-Erskine team arrived in Vietnam, French military officers handed General Erskine and his associates five thousand pages of reports to read. Erskine found the request ridiculous. The French “haven’t won a war since Napoleon,” he told Godel and the team. “Why listen to a bunch of second raters when they are losing this war?” Instead, General Erskine told his team to go out into the field with South Vietnamese army units of the French Expeditionary Corps and make military intelligence assessments of their own.
“The Vietnamese refused to bring back heads with bodies still attached to them,” Thorpe wrote. To Godel, the ramifications were profound. The French wanted the soldiers’ minds; the South Vietnamese brought them heads. French commanders wanted intelligence; South Vietnamese soldiers wanted revenge. The way Godel saw it, the French colonialists were trying to fight the Viet Minh guerrillas according to colonial rules of war. But the South Vietnamese, who were receiving weapons and training from the French forces, were actually fighting a different kind of war, based on different rules. Guerrilla warfare was irrational. It was asymmetrical. It was about cutting off the enemy’s head to send a message back home. When, in the spring of 1950, William Godel witnessed guerrilla warfare firsthand in Vietnam, it shifted his perspective on how the United States would need to fight future wars.
The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism by Noam Chomsky
anti-communist, business climate, colonial rule, declining real wages, deliberate practice, European colonialism, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, income inequality, income per capita, land reform, land tenure, new economy, RAND corporation, strikebreaker, union organizing
One wrote that the Filipinos have already accepted the arbitrament of war, and war is the worst condition conceivable, especially when waged by an Anglo-Saxon race which despises its opponent as an alien or inferior people. Yet the Filipinos accepted it with a full knowledge of its horror and of the sacrifices in life and property which they knew they would be called upon to make.108 The period of explicit colonial rule, lasting from 1898 to 1946 (with a brief World War II interregnum of Japanese occupation), was characterized by economic and political domination by U.S. administrators and a local and U.S.-based economic elite. The local elite was made up largely of major landholders whose interests were cemented to those of the United States by the privileged U.S. market position of Philippine sugar, though there was also a business class, partly independent but much of it servicing predominant U.S. economic interests.
The Philippine Communist Party (PKP), which had been in the forefront of the anti-Japanese guerrilla struggle, attempted “to enter the Philippine political arena legally through a front political party, the Democratic Alliance (DA),” but “failed, as DA-elected members of the Philippine Congress were denied their seats...”110 The insurgency that followed was suppressed with extensive U.S. aid. This peasant rebellion had its roots in grievances and injustices that had become increasingly severe under U.S. colonial rule, and was a direct consequence of the violence and lawlessness of the elites linked to the U.S. colonial system and the brutal postwar repression of the anti-Japanese resistance forces by the United States, which lent its support to the Japanese collaborators among the landowning classes and devoted itself to destruction of the anti-Japanese resistance, very much as in Thailand, and for essentially the same reasons.
1968: The Year That Rocked the World by Mark Kurlansky
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, East Village, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, European colonialism, feminist movement, global village, Haight Ashbury, land reform, Marshall McLuhan, Mikhail Gorbachev, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Norman Mailer, post-industrial society, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea
His tone contrasted with that of his 1967 New Year’s message, when he had spoken of “the detestable unjust war” in Vietnam in which a “big nation” was destroying a small one. The French government had grown concerned at the level of animosity that France’s allies had been directing at it. France was enjoying a quiet and prosperous moment. After World War II, the Republic had fought its own Vietnam war, a fact that de Gaulle seemed to have forgotten. Ho Chi Minh, America’s enemy, had been born under French colonial rule the same year as de Gaulle and had spent most of his life fighting the French. He had once lived in Paris under the pseudonym Nguyen O Phap, which means “Nguyen who hates the French.” During World War II, Franklin Roosevelt had warned de Gaulle that after the war France should give Indochina its independence. But de Gaulle told Ho, even as he was enlisting his people in the fight against the Japanese, that after the war he intended to reestablish the French colony.
And of course there was the Chicago convention. Nothing like that was to happen in Mexico. Díaz Ordaz, as president of Mexico, the appointed leader of the PRI, the Institutional Revolutionary Party, was heir to the revolution and guardian of the stated contradiction in the ruling party’s carefully worded name. In 1910 Mexico had been a labyrinth of political chaos and social injustice. Centuries of inept colonial rule followed by corrupt dictatorships and foreign occupations then culminated in thirty years of one-man rule. It was a familiar pattern. After years of chaos, the dictator Porfirio Díaz offered stability. But in 1910 he was eighty years old and had arranged for no successor or any institutions to outlast him. There were no political parties, and he represented no ideology. Mexico was divided by different cultures, ethnic groups, and social classes, all with dramatically different needs and demands.
Not My Father's Son: A Memoir by Alan Cumming
It had been part of the British Empire since the early nineteenth century, and its huge rubber and tin resources made it a hugely valuable asset to the UK. But after the Second World War, Malaya saw growing unrest as its economy suffered, and soon the Malayan National Liberation Army, the military arm of the Malayan Communist Party, began a campaign to disrupt British trade in an attempt to overthrow its colonial rule. In 1948 three European plantation managers were murdered and what became known as the Malayan Emergency began. (Actually the Malayans called it the “Anti-British National Liberation War,” but the rubber and tin companies used the term “emergency” because they would not have been able to claim for any losses from Lloyds of London had the term “war” been used. Cheeky, right?) In order to fight back at the guerrillas and allow the rubber plantations to continue production, the British government set up villages to house their workers, protected by barbed wire fences and accessible only through checkpoints.
Empires of the Weak: The Real Story of European Expansion and the Creation of the New World Order by Jason Sharman
British Empire, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, death of newspapers, European colonialism, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, land tenure, offshore financial centre, passive investing, Peace of Westphalia, performance metric, profit maximization, Scramble for Africa, South China Sea, spice trade, trade route, transaction costs
Peers, Douglas M. 2011. “Revolution, Evolution, or Devolution: The Military Making of Colonial India.” In Empires and Indigenes: Intercultural Alliances, Imperial Expansion, and Warfare in the Early Modern World, edited by Wayne E. Lee, 81–106. New York: New York University Press. Peers, Douglas M. 2015. “Military Revolution and State Formation Reconsidered: Mir Qasim, Haider Ali and Transition to Colonial Rule in the 1760s.” In Chinese and Indian Warfare: From the Classical Age to 1870, edited by Roy Kaushik and Peter Lorge, 302–323. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. Perdue, Peter C. 2005. China Marches West. The Qing Conquest of Central Eurasia. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Phillips, Andrew. 2011. War, Religion and Empire: The Transformation of International Orders. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Squid Empire: The Rise and Fall of the Cephalopods by Danna Staaf
Our knowledge of these evolutionary changes owes a tremendous debt to one particular location on the planet where the soft bodies of coleoids fossilized in abundance.24 In 1883, when Palaeoctopus was first described, the rocks it came from were part of the Ottoman Empire.25 In 1944, when the French paleontologist Jean Roger published “Le plus ancien Céphalopode Octopode fossil connu,” the newly independent Lebanese government had just overturned French colonial rule.26 It’s time to take a little detour into the intertwined history of humans and fossils. Fossils in History: From Fishing Fields to Buffalo Stones People have noticed fossils of shelled cephalopods all over the world since ancient times, but soft-bodied fossils have been much harder to come by. They depend on the formation of Lagerstätte—German for “storage place,” this term refers to a rock bed with phenomenal fossil preservation.
Revolting!: How the Establishment Are Undermining Democracy and What They're Afraid Of by Mick Hume
anti-communist, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, central bank independence, colonial rule, David Brooks, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, non-tariff barriers, Occupy movement, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Slavoj Žižek, the scientific method, We are the 99%, World Values Survey
It becomes possible to see that as a lost cause before such a futile campaign even begins. To suggest that we could reform the EU in a progressive, democratic way today is on a par with those who suggested it was possible to reform England’s absolute monarchy, to make it less autocratic and meet the needs of the people, right until the morning of the execution of King Charles I in 1649; or those who proposed a reformed, more consensual form of British colonial rule at the moment when the Declaration of American independence was being signed in 1776. As Tom Paine put it, arguing for ruling monarchies to be abolished rather than reformed and preserved in the revolutionary era of the eighteenth century: ‘It will always happen when a thing is originally wrong that amendments do not make it right, and it often happens that they do as much mischief one way as good the other.’3 There are moments in history where the only hope for freedom lies with beheading the tyrant, or kicking out the oppressors.
Think Like a Freak by Steven D. Levitt, Stephen J. Dubner
Albert Einstein, Anton Chekhov, autonomous vehicles, Barry Marshall: ulcers, call centre, Cass Sunstein, colonial rule, Edward Glaeser, Everything should be made as simple as possible, food miles, Gary Taubes, income inequality, Internet Archive, Isaac Newton, medical residency, Metcalfe’s law, microbiome, prediction markets, randomized controlled trial, Richard Thaler, Scramble for Africa, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Tony Hsieh, transatlantic slave trade, éminence grise
This method might make sense if you are cutting a cherry pie. But a continent is more problematic. These new colonial borders often split up large, harmonious ethnic groups. Suddenly, some members of the group became residents of one new country; others, a second country—along with, often, members of a different ethnic group with whom the first group wasn’t so harmonious. Ethnic strife tended to be tamped down by colonial rule, but when the Europeans eventually returned to Europe, the African countries where unfriendly ethnic groups had been artificially jumbled were far more likely to devolve into war. The scars of colonialism still haunt South America as well. Spanish conquistadors who found silver or gold in Peru, Bolivia, and Colombia would enslave the locals to work in the mines. What kind of long-term effect did this have?
Economic Gangsters: Corruption, Violence, and the Poverty of Nations by Raymond Fisman, Edward Miguel
accounting loophole / creative accounting, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, barriers to entry, blood diamonds, clean water, colonial rule, congestion charging, crossover SUV, Donald Davies, European colonialism, failed state, feminist movement, George Akerlof, income inequality, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, mass immigration, megacity, oil rush, prediction markets, random walk, Scramble for Africa, selection bias, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, unemployed young men
In the name of survival, we’d probably do the same thing if we walked in their shoes. The calculus of survival can turn anyone into an economic gangster. The presence of longstanding ethnic divisions further muddies the picture. Religious, language, and racial divides form the fault lines of today’s conflict. Chad’s south is mainly Christian and black, while northerners look to the Arab and Muslim worlds for identity and inspiration. Until the start of French colonial rule in the late nineteenth century, much of Chad’s black African population was enslaved by Muslim northerners, and not just by a privileged elite: even working class Muslim fishermen on Lake Chad owned black slaves. Chad seems caught in a “conflict trap”: poverty drives a desperate population to armed violence; armed violence begets more poverty; and the growing economic desperation generates ever more recruits for warring factions.
The Politics of Pain by Fintan O'Toole
banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, British Empire, colonial rule, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, Desert Island Discs, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, full employment, Khartoum Gordon, Peter Thiel, Potemkin village, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Stanford marshmallow experiment
In 1962, Arnold Toynbee made a crucial point about the ways in which the English had historically avoided occasions for self-pity: In the past the English have avoided the awful mistake of crying over spilt milk. They have quickly found and milked new cows, instead of standing still and wringing their hands. … In our day we have had recourse to this simple but effective British philosophy once again in meeting our own generation’s ordeal. Recognising, as we did in good time, that the days of colonial rule were numbered, we decided to make the liquidation of our 19th-century Empire into a festival instead of a funeral. … Simultaneously we found another new world to win within the coasts of our own island. In our generation we have won not only the Commonwealth but the Welfare State… The Welfare State and the Commonwealth are obviously two of those exhilarating enterprises that are England’s traditional prescription for easing the painfulness of change.29 Toynbee’s point about the Commonwealth is probably, in the long term, wrong – it may have eased the pain of withdrawing from Empire but it has never been an English exhilaration.
I'm Judging You: The Do-Better Manual by Luvvie Ajayi
affirmative action, bitcoin, Burning Man, butterfly effect, citizen journalism, clean water, colonial rule, crowdsourcing, feminist movement, glass ceiling, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, Skype, Snapchat, transatlantic slave trade, uber lyft, upwardly mobile
And the fact that it can still happen in Africa is absurd. History is crowded with people who just randomly showed up in Africa and grabbed some land, like the cradle of civilization is a Monopoly board. There are too many countries on the continent that celebrate fifty-year (or less) national anniversaries because they just recently got independence from Britain, Spain, or France. The only African country to have never been under colonial rule at any point is Ethiopia. Robbing a place of its resources and pilfering the land dry can get tiring after a couple of centuries, so when colonialists decided to be done with wherever they had conquered, they left behind political, socioeconomic, and class-structure issues that rendered countries in shambles. In their wake they left deadly civil wars stemming from forcing clans and ethnic groups with major differences under the same umbrella.
The Behavioral Investor by Daniel Crosby
affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, asset allocation, availability heuristic, backtesting, bank run, Black Swan, buy and hold, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, compound rate of return, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, diversification, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, endowment effect, feminist movement, Flash crash, haute cuisine, hedonic treadmill, housing crisis, IKEA effect, impulse control, index fund, Isaac Newton, job automation, longitudinal study, loss aversion, market bubble, market fundamentalism, mental accounting, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, moral panic, Murray Gell-Mann, Nate Silver, neurotypical, passive investing, pattern recognition, Ponzi scheme, prediction markets, random walk, Richard Feynman, Richard Thaler, risk tolerance, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, science of happiness, Shai Danziger, short selling, South Sea Bubble, Stanford prison experiment, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, stocks for the long run, Thales of Miletus, The Signal and the Noise by Nate Silver, tulip mania, Vanguard fund
But it wasn’t long after the program began that the ruling class began to notice something unexpected. Rattails were being turned in by the dozens, but the rats in the street didn’t seem to be getting any less numerous. Instead, the clever Vietnamese were severing the tails, turning them in for the money, and releasing the rats back into the sewers to make more baby rats whose tails could eventually be lopped off. A similar incident was observed in India during the time of British colonial rule. A reward was set for every dead cobra and so enterprising Indians began to – you guessed it – raise cobras on snake farms. The Cobra Effect is now shorthand for what is officially referred to as Campbell’s’ Law, which states, “when a measure becomes a target, it ceases to be a good measure.” Campbell says of the tendency for measurement to corrupt efficacy, “The more any quantitative social indicator is used for social decision-making, the more subject it will be to corruption pressures and the more apt it will be to distort and corrupt the social processes it is intended to monitor.”
Straight to Hell: True Tales of Deviance, Debauchery, and Billion-Dollar Deals by John Lefevre
airport security, blood diamonds, buy and hold, colonial rule, credit crunch, fixed income, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, high net worth, income inequality, jitney, lateral thinking, market clearing, Occupy movement, Sloane Ranger, the market place
Carpet or Cock Living in the Mandarin Oriental is great while I get acclimated, but after a few months, I’m ready to move into my own apartment, which according to my company’s housing allowance turns out to be a three-bedroom on the forty-sixth floor of a brand-new luxury Mid-Levels tower. Bear in mind that the average-sized apartment for a family of four in Hong Kong is approximately 550 square feet, and that I’m coming in at over three times that size, as a single guy who will spend most of his time in the office or on an airplane. That, added to the legacy of decades of colonial rule, may help explain why there is some resentment toward expats in Hong Kong, particularly in the office. My first order of business, after taking down half the Minotti store, is to find a suitable maid. There is no shortage of experts to guide me in this process. During my many “Welcome to Asia” dinners, this becomes a frequent topic of conversation. What’s the deal with Macau? I hear Thailand is full of hoi polloi?
Half In, Half Out: Prime Ministers on Europe by Andrew Adonis
banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, centre right, colonial rule, congestion charging, Corn Laws, cuban missile crisis, Dominic Cummings, eurozone crisis, imperial preference, mass immigration, Neil Kinnock, oil shock
In many ways, Attlee’s world seems a long way away. As Bew suggests, if we are to learn lessons from his great reforming government, it is more in terms of its ethos than in its specific policy programme. We cannot go back to 1945, in foreign policy terms as much as in any other respect. Nor should we wish to. When Attlee died, Britain still had an empire and we should be proud of the role that Labour governments played in ending colonial rule over much of the world. But there are also profound challenges that any social-democratic government faces today which Attlee did not have to take into account to the same extent, notably those challenges we associate with a globalised economy and powerful multinational corporates. In the aftermath of war, Britain’s institutions and its political class emerged strengthened in the political and popular imagination.
Shorter by Alex Soojung-Kim Pang
8-hour work day, airport security, Albert Einstein, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, business process, call centre, carbon footprint, centre right, cloud computing, colonial rule, disruptive innovation, Erik Brynjolfsson, future of work, game design, gig economy, Henri Poincaré, IKEA effect, iterative process, job automation, job satisfaction, job-hopping, Johannes Kepler, Kickstarter, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, means of production, neurotypical, performance metric, race to the bottom, remote working, Second Machine Age, side project, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, telemarketer, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, women in the workforce, young professional, zero-sum game
After spending several winter nights grazing my way across Seoul’s vibrant street-food scene and following a strict diet of skewers of food grilled on open-air braziers, the private tatami room at the Millennium Hilton is a pleasant change; the quiet also makes it easier for me to hear the pair of interpreters who are with us. Korea is an unlikely laboratory for experiments in shortening the workweek. In 1953, after decades of Japanese colonial rule, World War II, and the devastation of the Korean War, South Korea was one of the poorest countries in the world. Nearly seventy years later, its economy had grown an astounding 31,000 fold, and it was one of fifteen countries in the world with an annual GDP of more than $1 trillion. Hard-driving high-tech companies like Hyundai, Samsung, and LG helped transform this small, resource-poor, and rugged country into a global economic and cultural powerhouse.
Frommer's Egypt by Matthew Carrington
airport security, centre right, colonial rule, Internet Archive, land tenure, low cost airline, Maui Hawaii, open economy, rent control, rolodex, sustainable-tourism, trade route, urban planning, urban sprawl, walkable city, Yom Kippur War
Debts driven by the expense of modernization, a profligate elite, and 1875 Egypt’s financial situation were so precarious that the country’s share of the Suez Canal was sold to the British. 301 THE BRITISH INVASION The British seizure of power was more like a bank sending in the bailiffs to secure the assets of a failed business than a military conquest. A small force of British soldiers landed in Ismailia in the fall of 1882, ostensibly to put down an army mutiny. They were to stay in Egypt until the mid1950s, propping up a series of rulers who were little more than facades maintained to provide local legitimacy to colonial rule. The major development in Egypt under the British occupation was commercialized tourism. Fueled by images of ancient ruins brought back by the French expedition, Egypt quickly became a required stop on any grand tour. At first, the reserve of the wealthy few, by the end of the 19th century, with British troops on the ground in Cairo to guarantee the safety of Her Majesty’s middle classes, Egypt had become open to anybody with time for a vacation and the money for passage on one of the regular liners.
German and Italian tank and infantry had been making rapid eastward progress that, had it not been halted, would have resulted in them capturing strategically vital supply routes and oil supplies and dealing the Allied war effort in Europe a serious blow. Ultimately victorious at Al Alamein, however, the Allies were then able to reverse the defeats of the previous months and put an end to German and Italian ambitions in the Middle East. THE MODERN PHARAOHS By the end of World War II, it was clear that the era of direct colonial rule in the region was over. The process of a negotiated British 14_259290-bapp01.qxp 7/22/08 12:40 AM Page 305 H I S TO RY 1 0 1 withdrawal from Egypt had actually started in the mid-1930s, with treaties such as the 1936 Anglo–Egyptian Treaty, which provided for the withdrawal of British troops from the country. How the process was affected by the humiliating defeat of the Egyptian army in 1948 (assisted by the armies of Lebanon, Jordan, and Syria) in the first of several wars against the newly created neighbor state of Israel, is unclear.
Free Speech: Ten Principles for a Connected World by Timothy Garton Ash
A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, activist lawyer, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrew Keen, Apple II, Ayatollah Khomeini, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, British Empire, Cass Sunstein, Chelsea Manning, citizen journalism, Clapham omnibus, colonial rule, crowdsourcing, David Attenborough, don't be evil, Donald Davies, Douglas Engelbart, Edward Snowden, Etonian, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Ferguson, Missouri, Filter Bubble, financial independence, Firefox, Galaxy Zoo, George Santayana, global village, index card, Internet Archive, invention of movable type, invention of writing, Jaron Lanier, jimmy wales, John Markoff, Julian Assange, Mark Zuckerberg, Marshall McLuhan, mass immigration, megacity, mutually assured destruction, national security letter, Nelson Mandela, Netflix Prize, Nicholas Carr, obamacare, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Thiel, pre–internet, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ray Kurzweil, Ronald Reagan, semantic web, Silicon Valley, Simon Singh, Snapchat, social graph, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wisdom of Crowds, Turing test, We are Anonymous. We are Legion, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey, Yom Kippur War
In a strange transmogrification, democratic India has imaginatively connected this legislation back to more benign and ancient Indian traditions of promoting intercommunity harmony. Moreover, the historian Neeti Nair has shown how the wording of another section of the penal code, 295A, which forbids outrage to ‘religious feelings’ and insult to the religious beliefs of any ‘class’, was actively shaped by Indian politicians and intellectuals in the 1920s, while still under colonial rule.65 Yet the results are often perverse. Section 295A has been used to go after one of India’s most famous artists, M. F. Husain, for his abstract paintings of Hindu gods and goddesses, and to ban books on important Indian historical themes. Community leaders now routinely make political capital out of demanding the prosecution of someone who has allegedly offended their community. I witnessed a textbook case of this at the Jaipur literary festival in 2013.
Whatever else, we must be free and empowered to ask: Is this restriction on open justice justified? And even if it was justified a year ago, is it still necessary now? In general, the experts agree that there is a tendency for judicial deference towards the executive on matters of national security. An example is the Indian Supreme Court which, following the wording of an Official Secrets Act originally passed under British colonial rule in 1923, almost invariably seems to leave it to the government to decide what should or should not be an official secret.54 By contrast, Israel’s Supreme Court is often cited as a model of how judges can openly scrutinise state actions justified by national security. The Israeli Supreme Court’s judgements on issues such as targeted killings and preventive detentions have on occasion exemplified careful ethical as well as legal weighing of extraordinarily difficult issues.
Prisoners of Geography: Ten Maps That Explain Everything About the World (Politics of Place) by Tim Marshall
9 dash line, Admiral Zheng, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, California gold rush, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, drone strike, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Hans Island, Kickstarter, LNG terminal, market fragmentation, megacity, Mercator projection distort size, especially Greenland and Africa, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, oil shale / tar sands, Scramble for Africa, South China Sea, trade route, transcontinental railway, Transnistria, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, zero-sum game
The people are divided into more than two hundred ethnic groups, of which the largest is the Bantu. There are several hundred languages, but the widespread use of French bridges that gap to a degree. The French comes from the DRC’s years as a Belgian colony (1908–60) and before that when King Leopold of the Belgians used it as his personal property from which to steal its natural resources to line his pockets. Belgian colonial rule made the British and French versions look positively benign and was ruthlessly brutal from start to finish, with few attempts to build any sort of infrastructure to help the inhabitants. When the Belgians left in 1960 they left behind little chance of the country holding together. The civil wars began immediately and were later intensified by a blood-soaked walk-on role in the global Cold War.
Factfulness: Ten Reasons We're Wrong About the World – and Why Things Are Better Than You Think by Hans Rosling, Ola Rosling, Anna Rosling Rönnlund
animal electricity, clean water, colonial rule, en.wikipedia.org, energy transition, first square of the chessboard, first square of the chessboard / second half of the chessboard, global pandemic, Hans Rosling, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), jimmy wales, linked data, lone genius, microcredit, purchasing power parity, Stanford marshmallow experiment, Steven Pinker, Thomas L Friedman, Walter Mischel
The protests against the Vietnam War had united a generation of activists in the West. It had moved me to send blankets and medical equipment. More than 1.5 million Vietnamese and 58,000 Americans had died. Was this how the city commemorated such a catastrophe? Seeing that I was disappointed, Niem drove me to see a bigger monument: a marble stone, 12 feet high, to commemorate independence from French colonial rule. I was still underwhelmed. Then Niem asked me if I was ready to see the proper war monument. He drove a little way further, and pointed out of the window. Above the treetops I could see a large pagoda, covered in gold. It seemed about 300 feet high. He said, “Here is where we commemorate our war heroes. Isn’t it beautiful?” This was the monument to Vietnam’s wars with China. The wars with China had lasted, on and off, for 2,000 years.
Picnic Comma Lightning: In Search of a New Reality by Laurence Scott
4chan, Airbnb, airport security, augmented reality, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, clean water, colonial rule, cryptocurrency, dematerialisation, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, housing crisis, Internet of things, Joan Didion, job automation, late capitalism, Mark Zuckerberg, Narrative Science, Productivity paradox, QR code, ride hailing / ride sharing, Saturday Night Live, sentiment analysis, Silicon Valley, Skype, Slavoj Žižek, Snapchat, Y2K
A monument in the town square, by its very position, has greater burdens of inclusivity than, say, the oil painting of an old CEO in a company’s boardroom. Statues are always at odds with the ambiguities and inconsistencies of personality. In this way, they are vertiginous things, swinging in and out of focus as their subject, Alice-like, shrinks and expands before us. There are those who acknowledge the disrepute of these historical, statuesque subjects – the architects and administrators of colonial rule, for instance – but who feel that to erase their public prominence is an unhelpful purge of the past. They argue that the plinth should become a kind of stocks, or a less gruesome version of the head-on-a-spike, in which disgraced figures are preserved for posterity, lest we forget. This approach demands a more complex attitude to commemoration, whereby a statue may both be an honour and a rebuke.
A Swamp Full of Dollars: Pipelines and Paramilitaries at Nigeria's Oil Frontier by Michael Peel
banking crisis, British Empire, colonial rule, energy security, informal economy, Kickstarter, megacity, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, race to the bottom, Scramble for Africa, trade route, UNCLOS, wage slave
Other writers well worth looking up if you 208 A SWAMP FULL OF DOLLARS don’t know them already include Adewale Maja-Pearce, Okey Ndibe, Dulue Mbachu, Elechi Amadi and Buchi Emecheta. Among non-fiction, Where Vultures Feast by Oronto Douglas and Ike Okonta is a passionate and insightful account of the crisis in the Niger Delta. The Next Gulf by Andrew Rowell, James Marriott and Lorne Stockman takes a broad and helpful look at Nigeria and the politics of world oil. I found both Michael Crowder’s A History of West Africa Under Colonial Rule and the British National Archives records very useful in understanding Nigeria’s place in the world imperialist jigsaw. Finally, Omoyele Sowore and his colleagues at Sahara Reporters – www.saharareporters.com – have delivered regular brilliant exposés on the vast nexus of corruption around oil in Nigeria. STARK ILLITERATES AND JUNKIES 209 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Two pages are scant space to pay tribute to the many people who have given me companionship, ideas and material during the eight years of my association with Nigeria.
The New Economics: A Bigger Picture by David Boyle, Andrew Simms
Asian financial crisis, back-to-the-land, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, capital controls, carbon footprint, clean water, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, Community Supported Agriculture, congestion charging, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, delayed gratification, deskilling, en.wikipedia.org, energy transition, financial deregulation, financial exclusion, financial innovation, full employment, garden city movement, happiness index / gross national happiness, if you build it, they will come, income inequality, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Jane Jacobs, Kickstarter, land reform, light touch regulation, loss aversion, mega-rich, microcredit, Mikhail Gorbachev, mortgage debt, neoliberal agenda, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, oil shock, peak oil, pensions crisis, profit motive, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, Ronald Reagan, seigniorage, Simon Kuznets, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, wealth creators, working-age population
Of course, interdependence is neither a bad thing in itself – quite the reverse – nor is it anything new. When Russia threatened to turn the gas off from the Ukraine pipeline if it joined Nato, that was one of the problems of interdependence. But the cultural awareness of interdependence can be traced back at least as far as the depiction of city life depending on its rural hinterland in Virgil’s Eclogues, written over 2000 years ago. More recently, during India’s struggle to escape British colonial rule in the first half of the 20th century, Gandhi went to great lengths to demonstrate the simultaneous importance of interdependence. In 1929, he said: Interdependence is and ought to be as much the ideal of man as selfsufficiency. Man is a social being… If man were so placed or could so place himself as to be absolutely above all dependence on his fellow beings, he would become so proud and arrogant as to be a veritable burden and nuisance to the world.4 The UN conference on human rights in 1993, which produced the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, said that: ‘All human rights are universal, indivisible, interdependent and interrelated.’
The Global Minotaur by Yanis Varoufakis, Paul Mason
active measures, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, corporate governance, correlation coefficient, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, debt deflation, declining real wages, deindustrialization, endogenous growth, eurozone crisis, financial innovation, first-past-the-post, full employment, Hyman Minsky, industrial robot, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, labour market flexibility, light touch regulation, liquidity trap, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, market fundamentalism, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, money market fund, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, negative equity, new economy, Northern Rock, paper trading, Paul Samuelson, planetary scale, post-oil, price stability, quantitative easing, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, structural adjustment programs, systematic trading, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, urban renewal, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks, Yom Kippur War
So, when the fiscal weakness of the British state came to the fore, its fast-declining industry proved unable to provide London with the necessary revenues, the Labour Party swept to power in 1945, and Britain’s political elite displayed a certain reluctance to come to terms with the impending end of empire, the scene was set for Britain’s marginalization. The final straw was the slide of the pound to eventual non-convertibility. It gave the New Dealers an excuse to leave Britain on the margins of the Global Plan. It took the 1956 Suez Canal trauma and the CIA’s constant undermining of its colonial rule in Cyprus throughout the 1950s for Britain to realize this turn in US thinking.6 Once Britain was deemed ‘inappropriate’, the choice of Germany and Japan appeared increasingly logical. Both countries had been rendered dependable (thanks to the overwhelming presence of the US military); both featured solid industrial bases; and both offered a highly skilled workforce and a people that would jump at the opportunity of rising, phoenix-like, from the ashes.
Live Work Work Work Die: A Journey Into the Savage Heart of Silicon Valley by Corey Pein
23andMe, 4chan, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Anne Wojcicki, artificial general intelligence, bank run, barriers to entry, Benevolent Dictator For Life (BDFL), Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, Build a better mousetrap, California gold rush, cashless society, colonial rule, computer age, cryptocurrency, data is the new oil, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Douglas Hofstadter, Elon Musk, Extropian, gig economy, Google bus, Google Glasses, Google X / Alphabet X, hacker house, hive mind, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Internet of things, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, job automation, Kevin Kelly, Khan Academy, Law of Accelerating Returns, Lean Startup, life extension, Lyft, Mahatma Gandhi, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, minimum viable product, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, mutually assured destruction, obamacare, passive income, patent troll, Paul Graham, peer-to-peer lending, Peter H. Diamandis: Planetary Resources, Peter Thiel, platform as a service, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, post-work, Ray Kurzweil, regulatory arbitrage, rent control, RFID, Robert Mercer, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Ross Ulbricht, Ruby on Rails, Sam Altman, Sand Hill Road, Scientific racism, self-driving car, sharing economy, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Singularitarianism, Skype, Snapchat, social software, software as a service, source of truth, South of Market, San Francisco, Startup school, stealth mode startup, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, TaskRabbit, technological singularity, technoutopianism, telepresence, too big to fail, Travis Kalanick, tulip mania, Uber for X, uber lyft, ubercab, upwardly mobile, Vernor Vinge, X Prize, Y Combinator
“I am not a white nationalist, but I do read white-nationalist blogs, and I’m not afraid to link to them,” Yarvin insisted. “I am not exactly allergic to the stuff.” Indeed. He praised a blogger who advocated the deportation of Muslims and the closure of mosques as “probably the most imaginative and interesting right-wing writer on the planet.” Hectoring a Swarthmore history professor in the comments section of the academic’s personal blog, Yarvin rhapsodized on the superiority of colonial rule in southern Africa. He expressed special fondness for the former colony of Rhodesia, where wealth and land ownership were prerequisite to political enfranchisement. Yarvin also declared that blacks in South Africa were better off under apartheid. As more people came to know what the name Moldbug stood for, Yarvin began to have more trouble in mixed company. In 2015, organizers of the Strange Loop programmers’ conference in St.
The Twittering Machine by Richard Seymour
4chan, anti-communist, augmented reality, Bernie Sanders, Cal Newport, Cass Sunstein, Chelsea Manning, citizen journalism, colonial rule, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, crowdsourcing, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Erik Brynjolfsson, Filter Bubble, Google Chrome, Google Earth, hive mind, informal economy, Internet of things, invention of movable type, invention of writing, Jaron Lanier, Jony Ive, Kevin Kelly, knowledge economy, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, Mark Zuckerberg, Marshall McLuhan, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mohammed Bouazizi, moral panic, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, Network effects, new economy, packet switching, patent troll, Philip Mirowski, post scarcity, post-industrial society, RAND corporation, Rat Park, rent-seeking, replication crisis, sentiment analysis, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, smart cities, Snapchat, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, Stuxnet, TaskRabbit, technoutopianism, the scientific method, Tim Cook: Apple, undersea cable, upwardly mobile, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks
As long as he had the means to observe behaviour up close, he didn’t need to infer anything about mental states.44 The utopian undercurrent of this approach was the belief that human behaviour could be regulated to avoid unnecessary harm. This was first fully outlined in Skinner’s bestselling science-fiction utopian novel, Walden Two.45 The title evoked the libertine philosophy of Henry David Thoreau, and Skinner even expressed some interest in nineteenth-century anarchism. But the utopian community of the book is closer to the ‘Bensalem’ of Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis, a New World colony ruled by a scientific caste dedicated to enlightenment. Rather than being run by scientists directly, however, Walden Two is ruled by behavioural engineering: a sort of algorithm, manipulating the environment to produce good citizens. The algorithm could go on being updated to account for the latest scientific research, and it would be free of the moralism and bullying associated with doctrines of ‘free will’.
Hostile Environment: How Immigrants Became Scapegoats by Maya Goodfellow
Boris Johnson, British Empire, call centre, collective bargaining, colonial rule, creative destruction, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, European colonialism, falling living standards, G4S, housing crisis, illegal immigration, low skilled workers, mass immigration, megacity, moral panic, open borders, race to the bottom, Right to Buy, Scientific racism, Winter of Discontent, working poor
But people coming from the colonies didn’t arrive naïve to the racism they would experience; some had been involved in dynamic anti-colonial struggle and understood the nature of British oppression. Radical black activists rejected the term ‘migrant’, calling themselves instead ‘failed refugees’, coming from independent countries that hadn’t achieved transformative emancipation after formal colonial rule ended.42 ‘We’re here because you were there’ became one of the rallying cries of the movement against racism. Decolonisation and anti-colonial movements had challenged the supposed wisdom of the racial hierarchy, producing anxiety that the UK’s mythical superiority was going to be exposed for what it was. To preserve these distinctions, difference was continually being reasserted. Racism was woven into the structures of British society.
How to Write Like Tolstoy: A Journey Into the Minds of Our Greatest Writers by Richard Cohen
How much are we to trust the “I” voice in Lolita (an obsessed scholar-murderer), The Catcher in the Rye (an angst-ridden and alienated teenager), Rebecca (a naïve young woman almost brainwashed into suicide), Flann O’Brien’s The Third Policeman (where the narrator has been dead for most of the novel), or William Golding’s Pincher Martin (in which the narrator is drowned on the very first page)? In an essay of 1992, printed eleven years after Midnight’s Children was published, Salman Rushdie discusses the unreliable narrator at the heart of that novel. “I hope,” he writes, “that Midnight’s Children is far from being an authoritative guide to the history of post-independence India.” The years after colonial rule are seen through the eyes of Saleem Sinai, who makes various mistakes of reporting during the course of the book. Rushdie points out that, although he did make some errors unintentionally (in his description of the Amritsar massacre, for example, he describes the “fifty white troops” who opened fire, when in fact they were not white), he went to some trouble to get things wrong. His intention, he says, was “Proustian,” because what interested him was the process of filtration itself.
The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution by Francis Fukuyama
Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, California gold rush, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, conceptual framework, correlation does not imply causation, currency manipulation / currency intervention, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, double entry bookkeeping, endogenous growth, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, Hernando de Soto, hiring and firing, invention of agriculture, invention of the printing press, Khyber Pass, land reform, land tenure, means of production, offshore financial centre, out of africa, Peace of Westphalia, principal–agent problem, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Right to Buy, Scramble for Africa, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), spice trade, Stephen Hawking, Steven Pinker, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transaction costs, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game
This account ignores two important contextual factors: first, the miners were all products of an Anglo-American culture where respect for individual property rights was deeply embedded; second, these rights came at the expense of the customary rights to these territories on the part of the various indigenous peoples living there, which were not respected by the miners. 6 Charles K. Meek, Land Law and Custom in the Colonies, 2d ed. (London: Frank Cass, 1968), p. 26. 7 Quoted in Elizabeth Colson, “The Impact of the Colonial Period on the Definition of Land Rights,” in Victor Turner, ed., Colonialism in Africa 1870–1960. Vol. 3: Profiles in Change: African Society and Colonial Rule (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1971), p. 203. 8 Meek, Land Law and Custom, p. 6. 9 Colson, “Impact of the Colonial Period,” p. 200. 10 Paul Vinogradoff, Historical Jurisprudence (London: Oxford University Press, 1923), p. 327. 11 Meek, Land Law and Custom, p. 17. 12 Vinogradoff, Historical Jurisprudence, p. 322. 13 For a discussion of the pros and cons of traditional land tenure, see Curtin, Holzknecht, and Larmour, Land Registration in Papua New Guinea. 14 For a detailed account of the difficulties of negotiating property rights in Papua New Guinea, see Whimp, “Indigenous Land Owners and Representation in PNG and Australia.” 15 The modern economic theory of property rights does not specify the social unit over which individual property rights extend for the system to be efficient.
The Old Regime and the Revolution, Vol. One. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ———. 2000. Democracy in America. Trans. Harvey C. Mansfield and Delba Winthrop. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Trivers, Robert. 1971. “The Evolution of Reciprocal Altruism.” Quarterly Review of Biology 46:35–56. Turner, Victor, ed. 1971. Colonialism in Africa 1870–1960, Vol. 3: Profiles in Change: African Society and Colonial Rule. New York: Cambridge University Press. Twitchett, Denis, ed. 1979. The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 3: Sui and T’ang China, 589–906, Part I. New York: Cambridge University Press. ———, and Michael Loewe, eds. 1986. The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 1: The Ch’in and Han Empires, 221 B.C.–A.D. 220. New York: Cambridge University Press. ———, and Frederick W. Mote, eds. 1978. The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 8: The Ming Dynasty, 1368–1644, Part 2.
The Vast Unknown: America's First Ascent of Everest by Broughton Coburn
India was also keen to gather as much intelligence as it could on the Chinese threat. The Indian military had been beefing up its northern borders ever since the Sino-Indian War of 1962, when the Chinese Army (with its better-acclimatized and better-equipped troops) stormed through a string of border outposts in northeast India. At the same time, Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru was hesitant about partnering with America. The legacy of British colonial rule had made India distrustful of the Western world. India was also offended that the United States was providing military support to Pakistan, their mortal enemy. The United States had previously been conducting overflights of China with the U-2 spy plane, based out of an airfield in Pakistan. But Pakistan withdrew the use of its airfield in 1960 when a U-2 piloted by Francis Gary Powers was shot down over the Soviet Union.
Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization by Branko Milanovic
"Robert Solow", Asian financial crisis, assortative mating, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, Black Swan, Branko Milanovic, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, labor-force participation, liberal capitalism, low skilled workers, Martin Wolf, means of production, mittelstand, moral hazard, Nash equilibrium, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, Paul Samuelson, place-making, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post scarcity, post-industrial society, profit motive, purchasing power parity, Ralph Nader, Second Machine Age, seigniorage, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, special economic zone, stakhanovite, trade route, transfer pricing, very high income, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce
In 1914, almost 42 percent of the world population lived in colonies. The most important powers were Great Britain, which controlled 24 percent of the world population, and France, with about 6 percent. 12. In some individual cases, however, Europeans might have fared better by going to colonies than by staying at home. 13. “Marxist analysis should be always slightly stretched when we deal with the colonial rule.… It is neither the act of owning factories, nor [landed] estates, nor a bank balance which distinguishes the governing classes. The governing class is first and foremost those who come from elsewhere, those who are unlike the original inhabitants, ‘the others’ ” (Fanon 2005, 5). 14. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Sochineniya, xxii, 360 (quoted in Carr  1973, 187). As Carr writes, the idea was first voiced by Engels in a letter to Marx in 1858. 15.
Strength in What Remains by Tracy Kidder
He had dreamed of building clinics for the country ever since that abortive attempt to build one in Sangaza. In the present, medical school comprised a world all its own, both to him and, he thought, to most of his classmates. It claimed most of his time and energy. But by now even he couldn’t help paying some attention to politics, first of all to nearby international politics. There was war up north in Rwanda. Its roots lay in the late 1950s and early 1960s, when colonial rule had ended. In Burundi, Tutsi elites had claimed power. But in Rwanda the opposite had happened: Hutu elites had supplanted the former Tutsi aristocracy. In Rwanda, during the struggle for power, thousands of Tutsis had been killed, and hundreds of thousands had fled. Some had settled in Uganda. For decades, Rwanda’s governments had refused to repatriate those refugees, and like most countries where exiles tried to make new homes, Uganda didn’t want them either.
The Powerhouse: Inside the Invention of a Battery to Save the World by Steve Levine
The lab’s next recruit would complete its special tandem—a pair of battery men who sat astride both the scientific and commercial worlds. 9 The Man from Casablanca The Moroccan village of Benahmed is a quick half-hour drive down a smooth highway from Casablanca. But when Khalil Amine was growing up there in the 1960s and 1970s, the trip took twice as long, winding down narrow roads on a bus. Benahmed was a clean, bright town with a small French population that stayed on after the end of colonial rule a few years before. Amine’s father, an Arab intellectual who taught school, and his mother, a Berber, produced seven boys. Khalil was the second. Of his mother’s family, Amine said, “The Berbers are extremely good in business.” Family lore went back to the first decade or so of the twentieth century, when Amine’s maternal grandfather, Benadir, was a twelve-year-old shepherd in the mountains around the port of Agadir.
Leading From the Emerging Future: From Ego-System to Eco-System Economies by Otto Scharmer, Katrin Kaufer
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, Basel III, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, cloud computing, collaborative consumption, collapse of Lehman Brothers, colonial rule, Community Supported Agriculture, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, dematerialisation, Deng Xiaoping, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, Fractional reserve banking, global supply chain, happiness index / gross national happiness, high net worth, housing crisis, income inequality, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, market bubble, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, new economy, offshore financial centre, peak oil, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, smart grid, Steve Jobs, technology bubble, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, Washington Consensus, working poor, Zipcar
Current levels of corruption and the growing tensions in the overall system create new challenges for which 1.0, 2.0, and even 3.0 economies can offer no satisfying answers. BRAZIL With more than 200 million inhabitants, Brazil is the world’s fifth most populous country. Recognized as having the greatest biodiversity on the planet, Brazil has an economy that has grown swiftly in the twenty-first century, and it has pioneered conditional cash transfer programs that have lifted millions of people out of poverty. After three centuries of Portuguese colonial rule, Brazil declared its independence in 1822, abolished slavery in 1888, and became a presidential republic in 1889. For much of the twentieth century, until 1985, it was shaped by authoritarian military regimes that guided the country through various more or less 1.0 (state-centric) stages of economic development. With Fernando Henrique Cardoso as minister of finance (1992–94) and then as president (1994–2002), the country created a solid 2.0 economic foundation, which President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva was able to leverage while taking the economy to 3.0—that is, to a social-market economy that creates growth by putting money into the hands of the most marginalized citizens (through conditional cash transfers).
Broad Band: The Untold Story of the Women Who Made the Internet by Claire L. Evans
"side hustle", 4chan, Ada Lovelace, Albert Einstein, British Empire, colonial rule, computer age, crowdsourcing, dark matter, dematerialisation, Doomsday Book, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Hofstadter, East Village, Edward Charles Pickering, game design, glass ceiling, Grace Hopper, Gödel, Escher, Bach, Haight Ashbury, Harvard Computers: women astronomers, Honoré de Balzac, Howard Rheingold, HyperCard, hypertext link, index card, information retrieval, Internet Archive, Jacquard loom, John von Neumann, Joseph-Marie Jacquard, knowledge worker, Leonard Kleinrock, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, Mother of all demos, Network effects, old-boy network, On the Economy of Machinery and Manufactures, packet switching, pets.com, rent control, RFC: Request For Comment, rolodex, semantic web, Silicon Valley, Skype, South of Market, San Francisco, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, Stewart Brand, subscription business, technoutopianism, Ted Nelson, telepresence, Whole Earth Catalog, Whole Earth Review, women in the workforce, Works Progress Administration, Y2K
This “linkbase” communicated with documents without leaving a mark on any underlying document, making a link in Microcosm a kind of flexible information overlay, rather than a structural change to the material. Wendy Hall demonstrating Microcosm in her research lab in the Department of Computer Science at the University of Southampton. To use one of Wendy’s examples, say I’m browsing the Mountbatten archive using her system, Microcosm, circa 1989. I’m interested in Mountbatten’s career in India, a two-year period during which he oversaw the country’s transition from colonial rule to independent statehood. This history has its recurring characters: his field marshal, the leader of the Indian National Congress, Jawaharlal Nehru, and of course, Mahatma Gandhi, whose name is everywhere in the source material. Say also that within the Microcosm linkbase, an instance of the name “Mahatma Gandhi” has been linked to some multimedia information—a video, perhaps, of a Gandhi speech.
No Such Thing as a Free Gift: The Gates Foundation and the Price of Philanthropy by Linsey McGoey
activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, American Legislative Exchange Council, bitcoin, Bob Geldof, cashless society, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, colonial rule, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, crony capitalism, effective altruism, Etonian, financial innovation, Food sovereignty, Ford paid five dollars a day, germ theory of disease, hiring and firing, Howard Zinn, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, M-Pesa, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microcredit, Mitch Kapor, Mont Pelerin Society, Naomi Klein, obamacare, Peter Singer: altruism, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price mechanism, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, school choice, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), Silicon Valley, Slavoj Žižek, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trickle-down economics, urban planning, wealth creators
Because the comment struck the audience as an amusing, if somewhat infuriating example of how the Gates Foundation’s work in developing nations is widely perceived by casual observers in the west. Surprising as it may be, African nations didn’t suddenly sprout medical systems the moment the Gates Foundation emerged on the global health scene less than twenty years ago. African communities have been battling to improve community-based infrastructures since before the colonial era.31 After independence from colonial rule, many incumbent governments treated healthcare as a fundamental goal. Ghana, for example, implemented free public healthcare services to all after gaining independence from Britain in the 1950s. Its health system slowly deteriorated under economic stagnation in the 1970s, compounded by IMF and World Bank lending requirements. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, these loan conditions led to reductions in government spending.