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Reagan at Reykjavik: Forty-Eight Hours That Ended the Cold War by Ken Adelman
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Haight Ashbury, Kitchen Debate, kremlinology, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, old-boy network, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, Sinatra Doctrine, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra
Chancellor Helmut Kohl would never forget what was said there and who said it. He later called Reagan “a stroke of luck for the world, especially for Europe.” But some traditional diplomats, even gifted ones, never grasped the power of public diplomacy nor the role that Reagan’s campaign to delegitimize the Soviet system played in bending history. George Shultz, in his thousand-plus-page memoir, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State, makes no mention of Reagan’s speech that day. Nor does Jack Matlock in his book, Reagan and Gorbachev: How the Cold War Ended. Nor did Paul Nitze in his five-hundred-page memoir. Nonetheless, “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this Wall” became the hallmark, if not the highlight, of Reagan’s foreign policy, and, as Time declared twenty years later, the most famous words of his presidency.
This he did consistently—from his first presidential press conference, when he said that “they reserve unto themselves the right to commit any crime, to lie, to cheat” to further the Communist goal of world domination, to his Farewell Address, when he urged that we must “keep up our guard” when dealing with Communists. Reagan intended to create a safer world by developing SDI, sharing it with the Soviets, building up America’s strength, building down nuclear arsenals, and having Gorbachev “tear down this Wall.” He would end his predecessors’ policy of détente, considering it piecemeal at best and craven at worst. If this be a hollow subject, it is one with considerable substance in it. Reagan got the big issues right while his smarter, more knowledgeable skeptics seemed to get so many of them wrong. The role of lifeguard was central to Reagan’s self-image and surviving the 1981 assassination attempt affected him profoundly. Saving others when he was young and being saved when he was old were two formative experiences in his life. Reagan can best be known by his deeds. The great architect Christopher Wren is buried in his masterpiece, Saint Paul’s Cathedral in London.
Screens had been set up to protect him against any East German sniper. The president called out, “Mr. Gorbachev,” paused, and then repeated the name for emphasis—“Mr. Gorbachev—tear down this Wall!” It had an electrifying effect that day, and was evoked again when the Wall fell two years later. (Ronald Reagan Library) Raisa Gorbachev and Nancy Reagan were mostly just tolerating each other by the time of the welcoming ceremonies for the Gorbachevs’ arrival at the Washington Summit on December 7, 1987. (Dirck Halstead/Time Life Pictures/Getty Images) When Reagan repeated his favorite Russian adage, Doveryai, no proveryai—“Trust but verify”—during the signing ceremonies for the most sweeping arms accord in history, held on December 8, 1987, in the East Room of the White House, Gorbachev ribbed him.
The Year That Changed the World: The Untold Story Behind the Fall of the Berlin Wall by Michael Meyer
Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, BRICs, call centre, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, haute couture, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, union organizing
Chamber of Commerce, November 6, 2003; Eulogy at the National Funeral Service for Ronald Wilson Reagan at the National Cathedral in Washington, June 11, 2004; Speech to the National Endowment for Democracy, Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center in Washington, October 6, 2005; Commencement Address at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, May 27, 2006; Remarks at the Dedication of the Victims of Communism Memorial, June 12, 2007; Remarks to Conservative Union at the Omni Shoreham Hotel in Washington, February 8, 2008. I drew additional background from contemporary news accounts, including “Raze Berlin Wall, Reagan Urges Soviet” by Gerald M. Boyd, the New York Times, June 13, 1987, as well as retrospectives on the twentieth anniversary of the speech: Bild, “The Great Speech That Changed the World”; Associated Press, “Reagan’s ‘Tear Down This Wall’ Speech Turns 20”; Time, “20 Years After ‘Tear Down This Wall’ ”; American Conservative, review of Rise of the Vulcans, by Georgie Anne Geyer, June 7, 2004.
Boyd, the New York Times, June 13, 1987, as well as retrospectives on the twentieth anniversary of the speech: Bild, “The Great Speech That Changed the World”; Associated Press, “Reagan’s ‘Tear Down This Wall’ Speech Turns 20”; Time, “20 Years After ‘Tear Down This Wall’ ”; American Conservative, review of Rise of the Vulcans, by Georgie Anne Geyer, June 7, 2004. For George H. W. Bush’s reaction to the fall of the Wall, see Michael R. Beschloss and Strobe Talbott, At the Highest Levels: The Inside Story of the End of the Cold War, 1993. Peter Robinson’s fascinating book, How Ronald Reagan Changed My Life, 2003, was a key source for the background on Reagan’s immortal speech. Additional references: Hoover Digest, “Tearing Down That Wall,” by Peter M. Robinson, reprinted from the Weekly Standard, June 23, 1997. Also by Robinson, “Why Reagan Matters,” Speech to the Commonwealth Club, January 7, 2004. Ronald Reagan: Remarks at the Brandenburg Gate, West Berlin, June 12, 1987; Address to the Students of Moscow University, May 31, 1988.
“We stood our ground” in Afghanistan and Iraq. “We stood our ground” for America as a “leading light, a guiding star, the greatest nation on the face of the Earth”—language inspired directly by Reagan. Then he concluded with the ultimate exculpation, as if he were a latter-day Saint Sebastian: “Ronald Reagan, too, was called a ‘warmonger,’ an ‘amiable dunce,’ an actor detached from reality. Yet within a few years after President Reagan left office, the Berlin Wall came down, the Evil Empire collapsed, the Cold War was won.” Everyone hears the echo. Everyone knows the reference. “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” A generation of speechwriters wish they had crafted that clarion call. A generation of statesmen wish they had uttered it, among them many who belittled it at the time. Rightly, it is included in collections of the century’s great presidential addresses.
The Collapse: The Accidental Opening of the Berlin Wall by Mary Elise Sarotte
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, conceptual framework, Deng Xiaoping, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, hindsight bias, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, urban decay, éminence grise
It is possible to research this speech in the original sources at the Reagan Library: see in particular RRPL, White House Staff Member and Office Files, Files of Peter M. Robinson, Files 1983–1988, Series I, Drafts, Box 9, Subject File, Notes from Berlin Pre-Advance. Also useful are the speechwriter’s own comments; see Peter Robinson, It’s My Party: A Republican’s Messy Love Affair with the GOP (New York: Warner Books, 2000), and Peter M. Robinson, “Four Words That Moved the World: ‘Tear Down This Wall,’” Wall Street Journal, June 9, 2012. See also Romesh Ratnesar, Tear Down This Wall: A City, a President, and the Speech That Ended the Cold War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2009), which includes the text of the speech; the quotation from Reagan’s speech is at 210. 16. On Gorbachev-Reagan summits and Soviet-US relations, see Melvyn Leffler, For the Soul of Mankind: The United States, the Soviet Union, and the Cold War (New York: Hill and Wang, 2007); Jack F.
Even decades later, the most famous call for an end to that division—delivered by Reagan himself on June 12, 1987—did not result in any opening of the barriers. Reagan made this call in a speech delivered at the same location in front of the Berlin Wall from which Brokaw would broadcast the actual, chaotic opening two and a half years later. In his address, Reagan challenged the Soviet leader personally: “General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace . . . come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!”15 Despite these dramatic lines—which some of Reagan’s own advisors had attempted to cut from the speech because they found them too confrontational—no opening of the gate, or even tentative agreement or provision for a future opening, resulted. Gorbachev and Reagan met at a number of summits, agreed on arms control measures, and ratcheted down Soviet-US hostility, but they did not produce a plan for the end of the German division, either before or after Reagan left office in January 1989 and his successor, former Vice President George H.
To cite just two of the many examples: (1) Soviet expert Jonathan Haslam could still write that “Krenz . . . instructed that the barriers be raised” (Haslam, Russia’s Cold War [New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011], 391); and (2) the volume on US foreign policy in the seemingly definitive Oxford University Press History of the United States series could state that, following the ouster of “the recalcitrant hard-liner Erich Honecker,” on “November 9, his successor opened the Berlin Wall to passage without visas” (Herring, From Colony to Superpower, 905). 35. The gist of this narrative is that when Reagan speaks, “even walls fall down,” as summarized in Ratnesar, Tear Down This Wall, 195. Ratnesar does acknowledge that factors other than Reagan’s speech played a role in the opening of the Wall and acknowledges the contributions of Germans themselves elsewhere in the book, so his book is not the most strident advocate of this view. 36. See, for example, Charles Maier, “What Have We Learned Since 1989?” Contemporary European History 18, no. 3 (2009): 253–269. 37.
When They Go Low, We Go High: Speeches That Shape the World – and Why We Need Them by Philip Collins
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, collective bargaining, Copley Medal, Corn Laws, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, fear of failure, Fellow of the Royal Society, full employment, invention of the printing press, late capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, plutocrats, Plutocrats, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Rosa Parks, stakhanovite, Thomas Malthus, Torches of Freedom, World Values Survey
RONALD REAGAN Tear Down This Wall The Brandenburg Gate, Berlin 12 June 1987 The most successful electoral politician of any era of American politics, Ronald Reagan was, to use a coinage of George W. Bush, the most mis-underestimated president of modern times. He was also, as much as Wilson and Eisenhower, a war leader. Reagan’s war was the Cold War and it ended in a decisive victory. The Cold War was a war of ideas, a war conducted through cultural imperialism and fine words. It ended with a victory for the abundance of Western capitalism over the poverty of the Soviet regime. Ronald Wilson Reagan (1911–2004) was born into a poor family in Tampico, Illinois. His early life was peripatetic until his parents settled in Dixon, Illinois, where his father opened a shoe store. Reagan began his career as a radio sports announcer in Iowa and then, in 1937, signed a seven-year contract with Warner Brothers for whom, over the next three decades, he appeared in more than fifty films.
Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall! The chief writer of this speech, Peter Robinson, struggled to formulate the best line. His first draft read: ‘Herr Gorbachev, bring down this wall.’ In the second draft he wrote ‘take down’ instead. Then he tried it in German: ‘Herr Gorbachev, machen Sie dieses Tor auf.’ Eventually, at a Berlin dinner party Robinson heard a lady called Ingeborg Elz almost supply the right phrase: take down that wall. That was when the trouble really started. Reagan had to contend with the opinions of so many advisers, not a problem Pericles ever had. Officials from the State Department and the National Security Council, including the deputy security adviser Colin Powell, were adamant it should not be included. Reagan had in fact made similar speeches before in Berlin.
Kennedy: Ask Not What Your Country Can Do for You, Washington DC, 20 January 1961 Barack Obama: I Have Never Been More Hopeful about America, Grant Park, Chicago, 7 November 2012 Pericles: Funeral Oration, Athens, Winter, c. 431 BC David Lloyd George: The Great Pinnacle of Sacrifice, Queen’s Hall, London, 19 September 1914 Woodrow Wilson: Making the World Safe for Democracy, Joint Session of the Two Houses of Congress, 2 April 1917 Winston Churchill: Their Finest Hour, House of Commons, 18 June 1940 Ronald Reagan: Tear Down This Wall, The Brandenburg Gate, Berlin, 12 June 1987 Elizabeth I of England: I Have the Heart and Stomach of a King, Tilbury, 9 August 1588 Benjamin Franklin: I Agree to This Constitution with All Its Faults, The Constitutional Convention, Philadelphia, 17 September 1787 Jawaharlal Nehru: A Tryst with Destiny, Constituent Assembly, Parliament House, New Delhi, 14 August 1947 Nelson Mandela: An Ideal for Which I Am Prepared to Die, Supreme Court of South Africa, Pretoria, 20 April 1964 Aung San Suu Kyi: Freedom from Fear, European Parliament, Strasbourg, 10 July 1991 William Wilberforce: Let Us Make Reparations to Africa, House of Commons, London, 12 May 1789 Emmeline Pankhurst: The Laws That Men Have Made, The Portman Rooms, 24 March 1908 Isidora Dolores Ibárruri Gómez (La Pasionaria): No Pasarán, Mestal Stadium, Valencia, 23 August 1936 Martin Luther King: I Have a Dream, The March on Washington, 28 August 1963 Neil Kinnock: Why Am I the First Kinnock in a Thousand Generations?
The End of the Cold War: 1985-1991 by Robert Service
active measures, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Kickstarter, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Neil Kinnock, Norman Mailer, nuclear winter, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, The Chicago School, Vladimir Vetrov: Farewell Dossier
Pry, War Scare: Russia and America on the Nuclear Brink (Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1999) Qian Qichen, Ten Episodes in China’s Diplomacy (New York: HarperCollins, 2005) R. Ratnesar, Tear Down This Wall: A City, a President, and the Speech That Ended the Cold War (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2009) N. Reagan, My Turn (New York: Random House, 1989) R. Reagan, An American Life: The Autobiography (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990) Reagan: A Life in Letters, ed. K. Skinner, A. Anderson and M. Anderson (New York: Free Press, 2003) The Reagan Diaries (London: HarperCollins, 2007) The Reagan Diaries Unabridged, vols 1–2 (New York: HarperCollins, 2009) The Reagan Files: The Untold Story of Reagan’s Top-Secret Efforts to Win the Cold War, ed. J. Saltoun-Ebin (privately published by the editor, 2010) Reagan in His Own Hand, ed. K. Skinner, A. Anderson and M. Anderson (New York: Free Press, 2001) R. Reagan, Speaking My Mind (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2004) T.
The General Staff’s proposals became the basis for Gorbachëv’s own unilateral declaration that month. 18. A tense moment in the tête-à-tête discussion between Gorbachëv and Reagan in Reykjavik’s Höfdi House on 11 October 1986. 19. General session at the Reykjavik summit on 11 October 1986. Gorbachëv, Shevardnadze and Shultz appear pensive while Reagan manages to smile. 20. 15 November 1986, Camp David: Margaret Thatcher gives Reagan a piece of her mind after hearing about what had passed between the two sides at the Reykjavik summit that October. 21. Yasuhiro Nakasone, Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan, Amintore Fanfani, François Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl at the G7 meeting in Venice in June 1987. 22. Reagan speaking at the Brandenburg Gate in June 1987: ‘Mr Gorbachëv, tear down this wall!’ 23. Helmut Kohl and François Mitterrand at their joint press conference in 1985.
Shevardnadze asked his officials to help him plan for the future: ‘Reagan can propose the idea of the unification of Germany. Sharp reaction of our friends [in East Germany] to this idea. Think up long-term programme of work in this direction.’29 Reagan’s speechwriter Peter Robinson was drafting a speech exactly along the lines that Soviet leaders feared. Robinson wanted the President to say: ‘Mr Gorbachëv, tear down this wall!’ Although the phrase was not a summons to rebellion, it implicitly personalized responsibility for the changes that America wished to see in Eastern Europe. Gorbachëv might well take offence. The question engaged Shultz and Powell as well as the speech-writing team.30 Powell came down in favour of toning down the rhetoric.31 But Reagan overruled him. He liked the idea of challenging Gorbachëv and had an intuitive sense that a firm political push was now appropriate.
The Cold War: A New History by John Lewis Gaddis
American ideology, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, full employment, land reform, long peace, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Potemkin village, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine
Robert Orwell, George Ostpolitik Pahlavi, Mohammad Reza Shah Paine, Thomas Pakistan Paul VI, pope “peaceful coexistence,” Pearl Harbor attack Peloponnesian War Pentagon Papers People’s Daily perestroika (restructuring) Perestroika (Gorbachev) Pershing II missiles Pervukhin, Mikhail Philby, Kim Philippines Pinochet, Augusto “Plastic People of the Universe,” Plumbers Poland John Paul II and 1989 election in rise of Solidarity in Soviet non-intervention in Politburo, Soviet Pol Pot Portugal Potsdam Conference of 1945 Powers, Francis Gary Prague spring Pravda Public Group to Promote Observance of the Helsinki Accords Quemoy and Matsu crises Radio Free Europe Rákosi, Mátyás Reagan, Ronald abolition of nuclear weapons proposed by attempted assassination of détente as target of “evil empire” speech of Gorbachev and at Reykjavik summit rise of SDI concept and Soviet Union visited by “tear down this wall” speech of U.S.-Soviet relations and Reagan Doctrine Red Guards Republican Party, U.S. Reykjavik summit of 1986 Rhee, Syngman Rice, Condoleezza Ridgway, Matthew B. Romania 1989 Revolution in Roosevelt, Franklin D. postwar settlement as seen by U.S.-Soviet alliance and Rostow, Walt Rusk, Dean Russell, Richard Russia, Imperial Russo-Japanese War of 1904–5 Sadat, Anwar-el Safire, William Sakhalin Island Sakharov, Andrei SALT, see Strategic Arms Limitation Talks SALT II Sandinistas Saudi Arabia Schabowski, Günter Schell, Jonathan Schneider, René Schumacher, Kurt Scowcroft, Brent SDI, see Strategic Defense Initiative SEATO, see Southeast Asian Treaty Organization Senate, U.S.
Gorbachev’s emergence raised the possibility of convincing a Kremlin leader himself that the “evil empire” was a lost cause, and over the next several years Reagan tried to do this. His methods included quiet persuasion, continued assistance to anti-Soviet resistance movements, and as always dramatic speeches: the most sensational one came at the Brandenburg Gate in West Berlin on June 12, 1987, when—against the advice of the State Department—the president demanded: “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!”97 For once, a Reagan performance fell flat: the reaction in Moscow was unexpectedly restrained. Despite this challenge to the most visible symbol of Soviet authority in Europe, planning went ahead for the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty and the Washington summit later that year. The reason, it is now clear, is that the Brezhnev Doctrine had died when the Politburo decided, six years earlier, against invading Poland. From that moment on Kremlin leaders depended upon threats to use force to maintain their control over Eastern Europe—but they knew that they could not actually use force.
., #11 (Winter, 1998), 5–14. 62 Interview, CNN Cold War, Episode 19, “Freeze.” 63 I have drawn, in the following two sections, upon arguments developed in further detail in Gaddis, Strategies of Containment, pp. 353–79. 64 Speech at Notre Dame University, May 17, 1981, Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Ronald Reagan, 1981 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1982), p. 434. 65 Speech to members of the British Parliament, London, June 8, 1982, Reagan Public Papers, 1982, pp. 744—47. For the drafting of this speech, see Richard Pipes, Vixi: Memoirs of a Non-Belonger (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), pp. 197–200. 66 Speech to the National Association of Evangelicals, Orlando, Florida, March 8, 1983, Reagan Public Papers, 1983, p. 364; Ronald Reagan, An American Life (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1990), pp. 569–70. 67 The figures are in Gaddis, Strategies of Containment, pp. 393–94. 68 Lettow, Ronald Reagan, p. 23; Reagan, An American Life, p. 13. 69 Radio-television address, March 23, 1983, Reagan Public Papers, 1983, pp. 442—43. 70 Ibid., p. 364. Lettow, Ronald Reagan, provides the best discussion of Reagan’s nuclear abolitionism. 71 Dobrynin, In Confidence, p. 528. 72 Ibid., p. 523. 73 Christopher Andrew and Oleg Gordievsky, KGB: The Inside Story of Its Foreign Operations from Lenin to Gorbachev (New York: HarperCollins, 1990), pp. 583–99. 74 Raymond Garthoff, The Great Transition: American-Soviet Relations and the End of the Cold War (Washington: Brookings Institution, 1994), pp. 118–31. 75 Ibid., pp. 138—41; Don Oberdorfer, From the Cold War to a New Era: The United States and the Soviet Union, 1983–1991, updated edition (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), pp. 65—68. 76 Radio-television address, January 16, 1984, Reagan Public Papers, 1984, p. 45.
The Age of Illusions: How America Squandered Its Cold War Victory by Andrew J. Bacevich
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, clean water, Columbian Exchange, Credit Default Swap, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, gig economy, global village, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, illegal immigration, income inequality, Jeff Bezos, Kickstarter, Marshall McLuhan, mass incarceration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Norman Mailer, obamacare, Occupy movement, planetary scale, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Potemkin village, price stability, Project for a New American Century, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, school choice, Silicon Valley, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, WikiLeaks
By their mere presence, Brokaw, Jennings, and Rather affirmed that developments in Berlin qualified as a truly big deal: When all three network anchors appeared in the same place covering the same story, you knew that something requiring your attention was afoot. For journalists and politicians alike, the Wall itself had long served as a made-to-order prop. Cinder block, barbed wire, armed guards, and German shepherds straining at the leash all combined to constitute a perfect metaphor for the Cold War. For this very reason, from John F. Kennedy (“Ich bin ein Berliner.”) to Ronald Reagan (“Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!”), a succession of U.S. presidents intent on scoring propaganda points had made good use of the barrier’s visual potency, denouncing it as an affront to freedom, democracy, and human decency (even as they tacitly accepted its existence). Now festooned with dancing, singing, Sekt-swilling, sledgehammer-wielding young Germans, the Wall was undergoing a radical reconceptualization before a worldwide audience in real time.
The antidote was principled assertiveness by a commander in chief who believed in the American mission. Reagan had insisted (and Rubio concurred) that cutting taxes and government spending, eliminating burdensome regulations, and balancing the budget would guarantee prosperity in which all Americans would share. Yet Reagan’s overarching message—designed to transcend differences in race, gender, ethnicity, and class—related to America’s role in the world. Under Jimmy Carter, he contended, America had ceased to lead. Under a President Reagan, it would once again stand tall. As a candidate in 1980, Reagan unveiled his intention to lead “a great national crusade to make America great again!” Prompting that crusade was a determination to reassert the country’s global preeminence, lost due to Carter’s “weakness, indecision, mediocrity and incompetence.”20 In 2016, Rubio made Reagan’s argument his own.
The nation moved on, only superficially changed by the turmoil it had endured. Dick and Ron Put Things Right Nothing better illustrates the process by which postwar normalcy was restored than the presidencies of Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. During the Cold War, only three presidents managed to win two terms. Nixon and Reagan were two of those three. Their electoral success was well deserved: Nixon and Reagan were, in fact, the nation’s two most consequential chief executives of the late twentieth century, even if more recent events have greatly diminished their legacies. Many Americans today revile Nixon; as many remember Reagan fondly. For our purposes, their personal reputations are irrelevant, as are their lapses while in office. In retrospect, the Watergate scandal that forced Nixon’s resignation has proven to be hardly more significant than the Monica Lewinsky scandal that, a quarter century later, led to the impeachment of Bill Clinton.
America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy by Francis Fukuyama
affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, European colonialism, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Internet Archive, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, New Journalism, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, transaction costs, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus
The latter position was shared by people on the left who had some sympathy for the socialist aims of communism and disagreed only with the means, and by realists on the right who accepted communism as another form of government to which Western democracies would have to accommodate themselves. Neoconservatives after Vietnam simply continued to bear the torch of the earlier Cold War view about communism as a unique evil. Ronald Reagan was ridiculed by sophisticated people on the American left and in Europe for labeling the Soviet Union and its allies an "evil empire" and for challenging Mikhail Gorbachev not just to reform his system but to "tear down this wall." His as- The Neoconservative Legacy sistant secretary of defense for international security policy, Richard Perle, was denounced as the "prince of darkness" for this uncompromising, hard-line position; and his proposal for a double zero in the intermediate-range nuclear forces negotiations (that is, the complete elimination of medium-range missiles) was attacked as hopelessly out of touch by the bien pensant centrist foreign policy experts at places like the Council on Foreign Relations and the State Department.
But it should be clear that the neoconservative heritage was a complex one that had multiple strands, and that the specific policy implications for how to deal with China, Iraq, or the Europeans that one could derive from the underlying principles were not necessarily those chosen by Kristol and Kagan. WAS RONALD REAGAN A NEOCONSERVATIVE? IS GEORGE W. BUSH? The intertwining of neoconservatives with the mainstream conservative movement in America from the 1980s on raises some The Neoconservative Legacy interesting questions about who qualifies as a neoconservative. Kristol and Kagan explicitly claimed the mantle of Reaganism and sought to derive their foreign policy from his. To what extent is the foreign policy of George W. Bush simply a continuation of the tradition of Reaganism, and, to that extent, does it qualify President Bush as a neoconservative? On one level, it seems somewhat odd to call either Reagan or Bush a neoconservative. Neoconservatives were in their origin (mostly) Jewish intellectuals who loved to read, write, argue, and debate; in a sense, it was their intellectual brilliance, their ability to reflect, and the nuance and flexibility associated with intellectual debate that was most notable about them, and what set them apart from the paleoconservatives.
It is thus not surprising that most neo-conservatives were broadly supportive of Ronald Reagan's effort to remoralize the struggle between Soviet communism and liberal democracy and did not wince in embarrassment when he spoke of the Soviet Union as an "evil empire." On the other hand, from the late 1970s on it became increasingly hard to disentangle neoconservatism from other, more traditional varieties of American conservatism, whether based on small-government libertarianism, religious or social conservatism, or American nationalism. Even identifying who qualified as a neoconservative became difficult. This was true for two reasons. First, many neoconservative ideas were wholeheartedly adopted by mainstream conservatives and, indeed, by a broader American public. Ronald Reagan may have offered anecdotes of "welfare queens," but the debate about welfare turned much more serious when the link between social programs like AFDC and welfare dependency was supported by empirical social scientists in the pages of The Public Interest.
America in the World by Robert B. Zoellick
Albert Einstein, anti-communist, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Corn Laws, coronavirus, cuban missile crisis, defense in depth, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, energy security, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, hypertext link, illegal immigration, immigration reform, imperial preference, Isaac Newton, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, Norbert Wiener, Paul Samuelson, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transcontinental railway, undersea cable, Vannevar Bush, War on Poverty
In June 1987, Reagan stood before the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin and declared, “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” The president’s secretary of state, national security adviser, and most senior White House staff argued vigorously to cut the line. They worried that the president would look foolish, embarrass West German chancellor Helmut Kohl, anger Gorbachev, and stir up false hope in East Germany. The president told Ken Duberstein, deputy White House chief of staff, “[I]t stays in.” Reagan was urging Gorbachev to prove that the Soviet leader was committed to reform. The president’s speech in Berlin continued the strategy he had laid out at Westminster. Nor was the line just a one-off sound bite. The president repeated the phrase in a televised speech to the nation, used it with Republican senators, deployed it in remarks to a “Captive Nations” conference, and recalled the demand fourteen more times before he left office.
Brands, Making the Unipolar Moment, 71; Brands, Reagan, 186–87; Kiron Skinner et al., eds., Reagan, in His Own Hand: The Writings of Ronald Reagan That Reveal His Revolutionary Vision for America (New York: Touchstone, 2002), xiv–xxi. 28. See George Shultz, foreword in Skinner, Reagan, in His Own Hand, x for MacFarlane; Brands, Reagan, 734. 29. Cannon, President Reagan, 26; Brands, Reagan, 734 (flattered); Rowland and Jones, Reagan at Westminster, 30 (themes). 30. Skinner, Reagan, in His Own Hand, especially 4–14. 31. Rowland and Jones, Reagan at Westminster, 38; see Skinner, Reagan, in His Own Hand, ix for Shultz. 32. Brands, Reagan, 734; see Skinner, Reagan, in His Own Hand, ix for Shultz. 33. Hayward, Age of Reagan, 3–4; Brands, Reagan, 157. 34. Hayward, Age of Reagan, 3; Brands, Reagan, 12, 725. 35. Brands, Reagan, 734; Cannon, President Reagan, 12. 36.
Link, “The Higher Realism of Woodrow Wilson,” Journal of Presbyterian History 41, no. 1 (March 1963), 1–13; Ernest May, The World War and American Isolation: 1914–1917 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1959), 437; Francis Gavin, “The Wilsonian Legacy in the Twentieth Century,” Orbis 41, no. 4 (Autumn 1997), 632; David Halberstam, The Best and the Brightest (New York: Random House, 1972), 56. More broadly, see Martin Walker, “Woodrow Wilson and the Cold War: ‘Tear Down This Wall, Mr. Gorbachev,’” in Cooper, Reconsidering Woodrow Wilson, 279, 282. 77. See Throntveit, Power Without Victory, though WW did not consider himself to be a “pragmatist” (see 10). See also idem., “ ‘Common Counsel’: Woodrow Wilson’s Pragmatic Progressivism,” in Cooper, Reconsidering Woodrow Wilson, 25. 78. Kissinger, Diplomacy, 55; see Thomas J. Knock, “Kennan Versus Wilson,” and Kennan, “Comments,” in John Milton Cooper Jr., and Charles E.
1983: Reagan, Andropov, and a World on the Brink by Taylor Downing
active measures, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, kremlinology, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, nuclear paranoia, nuclear winter, RAND corporation, Robert Hanssen: Double agent, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Stanislav Petrov, Vladimir Vetrov: Farewell Dossier, Yom Kippur War
Echoing President Kennedy’s great speech in the same city in 1963 in which he announced that all free men could be proud to say they were Berliners, Reagan addressed a crowd of about 20,000 people just to the west of the Brandenburg Gate, in the very shadow of the Wall that had divided Berlin for more than a quarter of a century and become one of the great symbols of Cold War division. To the crowd, Reagan proclaimed, ‘General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and eastern Europe, if you seek liberalisation, come here to this gate! Mr Gorbachev, open this gate.’ Then, reaching his climax, and to growing cheers from the Berlin crowd, Reagan, with his actor’s sense of timing, called out, ‘Mr Gorbachev, Mr Gorbachev, tear down this wall!’23 The speech did much to revive his reputation as a Cold War warrior. And it forever linked Reagan with the fall of the Wall, even though this came two years later, in very different circumstances and well after he had left the White House.
Johnson, American Cryptology during the Cold War, 1945–89: Book IV, Cryptologic Rebirth 1981–89, National Security Agency, 1999, Top Secret, p.271ff. 6 Lawrence Freedman, The Cold War, p.190ff. 7 Garthoff, The Great Transition, p.35. 8 NSA: Reagan’s Nuclear War Briefing Declassified; and Reed, At the Abyss, p.242. 9 Reagan, An American Life, p.258. 10 Speakes, Speaking Out, p.8. 11 There was some confusion over exactly what Weinberger had done, as he had put SAC on a higher alert but had not increased the DEFCON standing of the military as a whole; see Fitzgerald, Way Out There in the Blue, pp.170 & 515. 12 Reagan, An American Life, p.269. 13 Ronald Reagan, The Reagan Diaries, pp.14–15. 14 Reagan, An American Life, pp.272–3. 15 NSA: Reagan’s Nuclear War Briefing Declassified, Briefing Book no. 575: Documents 12 & 13. 16 Reed, At the Abyss, p.243. 17 Ibid., p.244. 18 Ibid., p.244. 19 NSA: Reagan’s Nuclear War Briefing Declassified, Briefing Book no. 575: Documents 15, 16 & 17. 20 Reagan, An American Life, p.13. 21 Ibid., p.550. 22 Ibid., p.257. 23 REAGAN: Address at Commencement Exercises at Eureka College, Illinois, 9 May 1982. 24 Anatoly Dobrynin, In Confidence, p.502. 25 Reagan, The Reagan Diaries, p.75. 26 Nate Jones, Able Archer 83, p.9. 27 REAGAN: Address to Members of the British Parliament, 8 June 1982. 28 REAGAN: Remarks at the Annual Convention of the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando, Florida, 8 March 1983. 29 Reagan, An American Life, p.570. 4 Operation RYaN 1 The story was later told by General Adrian Danilevich to American Defense officials after the Cold War; see NSA: John G.
In his memoirs Teller describes being disappointed at the meeting as he felt he had not been able to get his message across to Reagan, of whom he was a great admirer: see Edward Teller, Memoirs, p.530. 13 Reagan, The Reagan Diaries, p.100. 14 Anderson, Revolution, p.97; and Hoffman, The Dead Hand, p.50. 15 Lou Cannon, President Reagan, pp.329–30; Hoffman, The Dead Hand, p.52; and Fitzgerald, Way Out There in the Blue, p.197. There are slightly different accounts of this meeting by those present but the gist is exactly the same, that the Joint Chiefs of Staff were keen to find a way around the MX impasse and eagerly put forward the defence initiative, that McFarlane took this up with enthusiasm, and that Watkins used the final phrase about ‘protecting’ rather than ‘avenging’ the American people. 16 Reagan, The Reagan Diaries, p.130. 17 Cannon, President Reagan, pp.330–1. 18 Reagan, The Reagan Diaries, p.139. 19 REAGAN: Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security, 23 March 1983. 20 Reagan, The Reagan Diaries, p.140. 21 Fitzgerald, Way Out There in the Blue, p.210ff; and Morgan, Reagan, p.218. 22 Dobrynin, In Confidence, p.528. 23 Pravda, 27 March 1983, quoted in Isaacs and Downing, Cold War, pp.390–1. 6 Lack of Intelligence 1 NSA: CIA Biographical Profile of Yuriy Vladimirovich Andropov, 11 January 1983. 2 Gates, From the Shadows, p.199. 3 Ibid., pp.203–7. 4 Ibid., p.238. 5 Reagan, An American Life, p.551. 6 FLASHBACK: Interview with Robert Gates. 7 Gates, From the Shadows, p.259. 8 George Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, p.5. 9 Ibid., p.165. 10 Dobrynin, In Confidence, pp.484–5. 11 Reagan, The Reagan Diaries, p.131. 12 Dobrynin, In Confidence, pp.517–22. 13 Reagan, An American Life, p.551. 14 Gates, From the Shadows, p.264. 7 Double Agents 1 In line with most of the Soviet bloc intelligence organisations, officers in the KGB held military ranks.
On the Road: Adventures From Nixon to Trump by James Naughtie
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Alistair Cooke, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, Donald Trump, Ferguson, Missouri, Haight Ashbury, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Julian Assange, Mikhail Gorbachev, Norman Mailer, obamacare, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-work, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, South China Sea, trickle-down economics, white flight, WikiLeaks, Yom Kippur War, young professional, zero-sum game
Long afterwards – in 2018 – I spoke to one of the American diplomats most involved in the Cold War and the united Germany, John Kornblum, who’d also attended that Bush–Kohl–Gorbachev discussion. He’d seen it all in the second half of the Cold War – exchanges of spies on the Glienicke Bridge, escapes across the wall, the to-and-fro exchanges between the occupying powers in West Berlin and the Soviets in the East. He was at the Brandenburg Gate in 1987 when Reagan delivered his famous line, ‘Mr Gorbachev, tear down this wall.’ It pleased Kornblum, not least because he had written it. Looking back, he remembers it as a message not so much to Moscow, but to the West German government in Bonn. I thought up the Reagan speech and I organised it. We did it for one very specific reason, because at that time there was again a change of eras. It was the end of the Soviet Union, the one country that would profit the most from the end of the Soviet Union was trying to prop it up, and that was Germany.
Mondale had known leading figures in Labour for years – Denis Healey, in particular – and he was perplexed by the reports he was getting from London. Thatcher was proving as difficult a target as Reagan. ‘What’s happening to my friends? Why?’ He was plaintive, suspecting that electoral retreat would take a long time to reverse. The same, he acknowledged tentatively, was true for Democrats. They couldn’t assume that people would abandon Reagan, any more than a divided Labour Party could confront Thatcherism and win. What message would they have for car workers in Detroit who might be fired up by Reagan’s appeal to individualism, which he described as their birthright? Recalling that conversation much later, it was clear that he had a sharp sense that despite Democratic rhetoric about the economic prospects of many Americans under Reagan – which he could encapsulate clearly and with passion – the landscape had changed.
‘It’s morning again in America . . . and under the leadership of President Reagan, our country is prouder and stronger and better. Why would we ever want to return to where we were less than four short years ago?’ It set the tone, and Mondale could do nothing about it. In November, he won his home state of Minnesota, but the forty-nine others all voted for Reagan, many by huge margins. The industrial states were his, and so was the whole of the South. The Democratic coalition that Mondale had known all his life was gone. Reagan’s political triumph was to keep ‘morning again’ bright in American minds, even when his administration was shaken by scandal. The Iran–Contra revelations in the second term pulled his senior team apart and produced a host of indictments. But although the administration had to admit illegality – and contempt of Congress – Reagan himself suffered surprisingly little damage.
Transcending the Cold War: Summits, Statecraft, and the Dissolution of Bipolarity in Europe, 1970–1990 by Kristina Spohr, David Reynolds
anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, computer age, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Kickstarter, Kitchen Debate, liberal capitalism, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Nixon shock, oil shock, open borders, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shared worldview, Thomas L Friedman, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game
But Shultz still had to battle with administration hawks and opponents on Capitol Hill and to convince the president’s alter ego that the Soviets were serious. Privately Reagan assured his old friend William Buckley, a noted anti-communist ideologue, in May: ‘I have not changed my belief that we are dealing with an “evil empire”.’ And he kept up the propaganda war with a rousing speech in front of the Berlin Wall at the Brandenburg Gate on 12 June. Challenging the Soviet leader to show that perestroika and glasnost were more than ‘token gestures’, the president called for one ‘unmistakable’ sign of his commitment to ‘freedom and peace’: ‘Mr Gorbachev, tear down this wall!’ He had made this demand many times before but repeated it in this headline-catching venue to show he was not a politically crippled president and to prove his continued toughness in dealing with Moscow.82 Shultz also had to secure the agreement of America’s NATO allies for the ‘double-zero’ deal on INFs and SRINFs in Europe.
Hoffman, The Dead Hand: The Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race and its Dangerous Legacy (New York, 2009), 44. 6. ‘Minutes, NSC Meeting, Sanctions, 18 June 1982’, in Saltoun-Ebin, The Reagan Files, 185. 7. ‘Letter, Ronald Reagan to Liuba Vaschenko, 11 October 1984’, in Kiron Skinner, Annelise Anderson, and Martin Anderson, eds, Reagan: A Life in Letters (New York, 2003), 380. 8. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, Simi Valley CA (henceforth RRPL), Robert McFarlane files, Reorganized Archival Collection (henceforth RAC) Box 3, Memorandum, Shultz to Reagan: USG-Soviet relations, 3 March 1983. 9. Paul Lettow, Ronald Reagan and his Quest to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (New York, 2005), xi, 37–8. 10. John F. Burns, ‘Gromyko rejects Reagan arms plan’, New York Times, 3 April 1983, 10. 11. Reagan, Address to the Nation on the Soviet Attack on a Korean Civilian Airliner, 5 September 1983, The American Presidency Project (henceforth APP) website, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?
RRPL, Robert McFarlane files, RAC Box 1, NSDD-153: Shultz-Gromyko meeting, 1 January 1985, 1. 19. Matlock, Reagan and Gorbachev, 149. 20. RRPL, Jack Matlock files, Box 45, Scope paper, Shultz to Reagan: UNGA, 7 October 1985. 21. Andrei Grachev, Gorbachev’s Gamble: Soviet Foreign Policy and the End of the Cold War (Cambridge, 2008), 39, 53. 22. RRPL, Jack Matlock files, Box 45, Letter, unknown to Matlock: NSC meeting on Shevardnadze, undated. 23. RRPL, Jack Matlock files, Box 50, memorandum, MacFarlane to Reagan, ‘How to record the summit?’ 12 November 1985. 24. Letter, Gorbachev to Reagan, 24 March 1985, 3, NSAEBB no. 172, doc. 6, http://nsarchive.gwu.edu/NSAEBB/NSAEBB172/Doc6.pdf. 25. RRPL, Jack Matlock files, Box 49, Marginalia, McFarlane to Reagan: Soviet Union, 27 September 1985, Report: Soviet psychology, undated. 26.
The America That Reagan Built by J. David Woodard
affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, business cycle, colonial rule, Columbine, corporate raider, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, friendly fire, glass ceiling, global village, Gordon Gekko, gun show loophole, income inequality, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, laissez-faire capitalism, late capitalism, Live Aid, Marc Andreessen, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, new economy, postindustrial economy, Ralph Nader, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Rubik’s Cube, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, stem cell, Ted Kaczynski, The Predators' Ball, trickle-down economics, women in the workforce, Y2K, young professional
The legacy of Reykjavik was hope, and it came as much from Gorbachev as from Reagan. ‘‘We have reached agreements on many things,’’ said the Soviet General Secretary. ‘‘We have traveled a long road.’’55 The spirit of disarmament continued after the summit in various meetings with representatives of both sides, but Reagan was mired in the Iran-Contra revelations and on the political defensive through much of the spring and summer of 1987. Like presidents before him, Reagan sought solace by traveling abroad, even though at his age trips were a strain. In June, he made a ten-day tour of Europe, capped by a visit to West Berlin. There, before a worldwide audience, he challenged the Soviet Union to make good on its proposals for world peace. ‘‘If you seek liberation: Come here to the gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!’’56 The speech was the most impressive since John Kennedy confronted the Soviet Union at the same place, but this time the United States stood poised to vanquish its adversary.
., Information Please Almanac: 1997 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1977), p. 31. Notes 253 3. Lou Cannon, President Reagan (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991), p. 207. 4. Lou Cannon, President Reagan (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991), p. 58. 5. Lou Cannon, President Reagan (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991), pp. 88–92. 6. Dinesh D’Souza, Ronald Reagan (New York: Touchstone, 1997), p. 28. 7. John Kenneth White, The New Politics of Old Values (London: University Press of New England, 1988), pp. 60–61. 8. Lou Cannon, Governor Reagan (New York: Public Affairs, 2003), p. 132. 9. Lou Cannon, Governor Reagan (New York: Public Affairs, 2003), p. 79. 10. Interview with the author, March 1985. 11. Frank Van Der Linden, The Real Reagan (New York: William Morrow, 1981), p. 87. 12. Reagan’s ideas were a continuation of policies begun by Richard Nixon, whose New Federalism of general revenue grants and block grants returned money to the local level.
The review board implicated North, Poindexter, and Weinberger, but could not conclusively determine the degree of Reagan’s involvement. In the final Tower Commission report, Reagan was rebuked for not having a firm control on his national security staff.39 A partial explanation for presidential mismanagement rested with his wife. After the attempted assassination of her husband, Nancy Reagan began regular consultations with an astrologer, Joan Quigley, whose charts helped set the president’s schedule.40 Ronald Reagan was casual in his superstitions, but Nancy Reagan became convinced that Quigley’s advice had protected her husband from repeated assassination attempts. Real and imagined dangers led the White House to defer final acceptance for any event until Mrs. Reagan had approved. Much of the Bitburg fiasco was attributable to Nancy Reagan’s superstitions, and the world will never know how much of the Iran-Contra mismanagement was a consequence of Nancy Reagan and her astrologer.
The Abandonment of the West by Michael Kimmage
Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, City Beautiful movement, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, European colonialism, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global pandemic, global supply chain, Gunnar Myrdal, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, Peace of Westphalia, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, Thomas L Friedman, transatlantic slave trade, urban planning, Washington Consensus
It would be remembered for one simple phrase: “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.”21 REAGAN WAS NO hero to academics, and in the 1980s American academia and the White House were as out of sorts as they had been in the late 1960s and early 1970s. American academia was outgrowing the West. In November 1968, San Francisco State College students protested for a School of Ethnic and Area Studies. In the following year, some 524 colleges and universities witnessed similar protests. In the words of the historian Matthew Jacobson, “knowledge itself became a Civil Rights issue [after the 1960s], as students and less traditional faculty members began to theorize and contest the ways in which the ‘apartheid curriculum’ of the liberal tradition reinforced the white supremacist patterns endemic to American life.” The liberal tradition might mean one thing in Italy or France, relatively homogeneous countries that were physically connected to classical antiquity.
The neoconservative desire for a president other than Nixon shaded into an acute desire for a president other than Carter. Ronald Reagan’s affection for Commentary was one of many attributes that pleased the neoconservatives. Like them, Reagan had begun his political life as a Democrat. When he read them, Reagan associated the neoconservatives’ anticommunism with political orthodoxy, a tendency stretching from Woodrow Wilson through FDR to JFK—idealistic and optimistic and when necessary combative. World War II was one point of pride in Reagan’s understanding of the United States and the West, and the Cold War was another. In the 1950s, many of Reagan’s opinions began to coincide with those of the conservative movement. In the 1960s, Reagan was appalled by changes on the American Left and especially by the bubbling up of an antiwar movement in Berkeley and elsewhere.
Yet FDR had the Depression and the war to mobilize the nation behind him; he and Churchill had been virtuosos of wartime unity. Reagan and Thatcher were as divisive in their ideals of economic freedom as they were in their foreign policy. On foreign policy Reagan was elusive as well as divisive. The conservative movement had despised Eisenhower for his reserve and his acceptance of certain Cold War limits. Reagan, who might be a conservative FDR, would be no second Eisenhower. Reagan honored the conservative movement by decrying stasis in the Cold War, having inherited a Cold War that he wanted to revolutionize, a Cold War stalled by Nixon’s baby steps and Carter’s malaise. Against the will of the State Department, Reagan tried to make the Soviet Union publicly uncomfortable by denying any moral parity between the United States and the Soviet Union. That was the point of the evil empire reference. Reagan used invective and anticommunist jokes (often of Soviet vintage) to point out the unsustainable absurdities of Soviet atheism and Soviet political economy.
The Dead Hand: The Untold Story of the Cold War Arms Race and Its Dangerous Legacy by David Hoffman
active measures, anti-communist, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Chuck Templeton: OpenTable:, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, failed state, joint-stock company, Kickstarter, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, nuclear winter, Robert Hanssen: Double agent, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, standardized shipping container, Stanislav Petrov, Thomas L Friedman, undersea cable, uranium enrichment, Vladimir Vetrov: Farewell Dossier, zero-sum game
This will put an end to gossip about the military's opposition to Gorbachev, that he's afraid of them, and they are close to ousting him."34 On June 12, 1987, in Berlin, Reagan stood before the Brandenburg Gate, a symbol of Europe's division between East and West, and addressed Gorbachev directly. "We hear much from Moscow about a new policy of reform and openness," he said. "Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West or to strengthen the Soviet state without changing it? "General Secretary Gorbachev," Reagan declared, "if you seek peace--if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe--if you seek liberalization, come here, to this gate. Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate. Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!" The speech was classic Reagan, infused with his powerful faith in freedom and prosperity and the link between the two. Reagan recalled in his memoir that when he saw the wall, he spoke with genuine anger in his voice.
When Suzanne Massie, author of several books on Russian culture and history, came by to see Reagan on March 1, after a trip to Moscow, Reagan expressed admiration for her insights and said "she reinforced my gut feeling that it's time for me to personally meet with Chernenko."2 The next day, Reagan held a high-level meeting to plan next steps with the Soviets. The secret gathering, kept off Reagan's public schedule, brought together all of Reagan's top cabinet and staff advisers on Soviet affairs. Reagan announced at the opening of the meeting he wanted to arrange a summit, to show Chernenko he was not the sort of person who would "eat his own offspring." But the session wandered off, and ended without a decision.3 "I'm convinced the time has come for me to meet with Chernenko along about July," Reagan wrote that night. 4 On March 5, Reagan met West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl.
This would end the nuclear nightmare for the people of the United States, the Soviet Union, indeed for "all people." Gorbachev started to interrupt Reagan. Why wouldn't Reagan believe him when he said the Soviet Union would never attack? Before Reagan could answer, Gorbachev repeated the question. He again interrupted Reagan's answer to insist on a response. Gorbachev questioned Reagan's sincerity in offering to share research, saying the United States did not even share advanced technology with its allies. Reagan tried to overcome the interruptions, and in exasperation at one point spilled out one of his deepest hopes--nuclear weapons could be eliminated altogether. At another point, he asked Gorbachev whether he believed in reincarnation and then speculated that perhaps he, Reagan, had invented the shield in an earlier life. Listening to one of Reagan's pitches for cooperation on Star Wars, Gorbachev lost his cool.
Age of Greed: The Triumph of Finance and the Decline of America, 1970 to the Present by Jeff Madrick
accounting loophole / creative accounting, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, disintermediation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, financial deregulation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Akerlof, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, index fund, inflation targeting, inventory management, invisible hand, John Meriwether, Kitchen Debate, laissez-faire capitalism, locking in a profit, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, MITM: man-in-the-middle, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, Philip Mirowski, price stability, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, technology bubble, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, too big to fail, union organizing, V2 rocket, value at risk, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Y2K, Yom Kippur War
Also, Jeff Madrick, “Time for a New Deal,” New York Review of Books, September 25, 2008. 13 MANY CLAIMED, DESPITE THE LOW WAGES: See, for example, economist Jason Furman, http://www.slate.com/id/2144517. 14 SUCH AS COSTCO: See, for example, Christine Fey, “Costco’s Love of Labor,” Seattle Post-Intelligencer, March 29, 2004, http://www.seattlepi.com/business/166680_costco29.html. 15 MCKINSEY, THE CONSULTING FIRM: James Hoopes, “Tear Down This Wall,” The American Prospect, June 4, 2004, Web only, http://www.prospect.org/cs/articles?articleId=7812. 16 IT WAS NOT A MODEL: Fishman, The Wal-Mart Effect, pp. 102–8. 17 SOON, KINNEY WAS GENERATING ENOUGH PROFIT: Connie Bruck, Master of the Game (New York: Penguin, 1994), pp. 48–58. 18 THEY IN TURN RESPONDED TO HIS CHARM: Ibid., p. 129. 19 “HE WAS A GUY”: Ibid., p. 363. 20 HE EVEN CLAIMED: Ibid., p. 84. 21 WITH SO MUCH MONEY COMING IN: Ibid., p. 104. 22 BY THE END OF THE 1970S, ROSS WAS AT THE TOP: The following information is based on press releases and media reports of the periods cited. 23 TURNER WAS BORN IN 1938: What follows is based on several books about Ted Turner, many of which corroborate the same facts.
Dallek also makes much of Reagan’s fear of a loss of self-control, a more spurious claim, at least to the degree Dallek stresses it. 3 “HE SUCCEEDED IN EVERYTHING HE TRIED”: Lou Cannon, President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1991), p. 33. 4 HE SHOWED LITTLE OF THE DEEPER EMOTION: Garry Wills, Reagan’s America: Innocents at Home (New York: Doubleday, 1987), pp. 305–6. 5 REAGAN RETAINED: Edmund Morris, Dutch: A Memoir of Ronald Reagan (New York: Random House, 1999), pp. 157–60. 6 “THE PROFITS OF CORPORATIONS HAVE DOUBLED”: Dallek, Ronald Reagan, p. 27. 7 GARRY WILLS ARGUES PERSUASIVELY: Wills, Reagan’s America, pp. 288–97. 8 “THE COMMUNIST PLAN”: Reagan and Hubler, Where’s the Rest of Me?, p. 162. See also Lou Cannon, Governor Reagan: His Rise to Power (New York: PublicAffairs, 2003), pp. 85–90. 9 IT WAS LATER DISCOVERED: On the code name, T-10: Wills, Reagan’s America, pp. 290–99. Also see Morris, Dutch, p. 288. 10 BUT REAGAN HAD SAG: Cannon, Governor Reagan, pp. 103–5. 11 REAGAN WAS CALLED TO TESTIFY: Cannon, Governor Reagan, pp. 103–5. 12 “SINCE THE BEGINNING OF THE CENTURY”: Ibid., p. 123. 13 “NEAR HOPELESS HEMOPHILIC LIBERAL”: Reagan and Hubler, Where’s the Rest of Me?
., p. 312. 15 “I, IN MY OWN MIND”: Commencement address, Williams Woods College, June 1952. 16 MARTIN ANDERSON, A PRINCIPAL ECONOMIC ADVISER: Martin Anderson, Revolution: The Reagan Legacy (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988), p. 164. 17 BUT LOU CANNON WROTE: Cannon, President Reagan, p. 202. 18 “TODAY,” REAGAN SAID IN A SPEECH IN 1959: Ibid., p. 121. 19 “TO REAGAN … THERE ARE”: Dallek, Ronald Reagan, p. 132. 20 AS FOR COMMUNISM: Cannon, President Reagan, p. 292; John Patrick Diggins, Ronald Reagan: Fate, Freedom and the Making of History (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007), pp. 7–12. 21 REAGAN MENTIONED HIS FELLOW CONVERT: Reagan and Hubler, Where’s the Rest of Me?, p. 268. 22 “AT HEART,” WROTE CHAMBERS: Whittaker Chambers, Jr., Witness (New York: Random House, 1952), p. 4. 23 “WE ARE FACED WITH”: Reagan and Hubler, Where’s the Rest of Me?, p. 311. 24 IT SHOULD NOT HAVE COME AS A SURPRISE: Morris, Dutch, pp. 472–73. 25 THE STORY HE TOLD AMERICANS: In general, Wills, Reagan’s America, and in particular, p. 338. 26 “THE BASIS OF THE DRAMATIC FORM”: Reagan and Hubler, Where’s the Rest of Me?
Burning Down the Haus: Punk Rock, Revolution, and the Fall of the Berlin Wall by Tim Mohr
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Edward Snowden, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, place-making, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, sexual politics, side project
Gorbachev’s star had long since eclipsed Reagan’s in both Germanies, and there was little interest in, or West German media coverage of, the speech. The previous week, at nearly the same location as Reagan’s speech, David Bowie, the Eurythmics, and Genesis had headlined open-air shows on three successive nights as part of anniversary celebrations. Each night a couple thousand East Germans had tried to approach the Brandenburg Gate from the east in order to hear the music; for Reagan, they didn’t bother. “Mr. Gorbachev,” Reagan intoned, “tear down this wall,” And nobody on either side of the Berlin Wall gave a fuck. 51 Two days later, organizers of the Church Conference from Below met in Halle for the last major planning session prior to the event. The group still had no reason to think the church would provide space. The Berliners had determined they would squat Pfingst Church, the old punk hangout in Friedrichshain.
This was the bleak reality of life while Reagan held the nuclear launch codes. On June 11, 1987, despite rain, tens of thousands of protesters took to the streets of West Berlin. Demonstrators torched cars and smashed store windows. Police fought back with tear gas and batons. “Reagan is a murderer and a fascist!” the demonstrators chanted. Feelings for Reagan were no warmer in the East. Kids in the East had also grown up with a genuine sense of fear that the world might actually come to an end during their lifetime. That it probably would, in fact. For some, this fueled nihilistic feelings—one reason Toster from die Anderen, for instance, never got deeply political was because he stopped giving a shit. Forget changing the world, let’s have a party. To Toster, the posturing, especially from Reagan, was like a pissing contest—but one that affected the whole world.
And while Gorbachev had raised hopes a little, the future still looked dim with the tough-talking Reagan in power in the U.S. On June 12, the day following the protests in West Berlin, Reagan delivered his speech at the Brandenburg Gate, with the Berlin Wall as a backdrop. Police sealed off the entire Western district of Kreuzberg in order to contain protesters they feared would overwhelm the modest audience assembled at the site of the speech. In front of the Brandenburg Gate itself, a hand-picked crowd provided a made-for-American-TV audience for the lame-duck, Iran-Contra-scandal-ridden president. Estimates of the crowd size varied, but even the highest estimates were under 50,000. (Kennedy had drawn half a million.) Many of those present had been bused in; many had connections to the Allied military communities. Gorbachev’s star had long since eclipsed Reagan’s in both Germanies, and there was little interest in, or West German media coverage of, the speech.
The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom by Evgeny Morozov
"Robert Solow", A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, borderless world, Buckminster Fuller, Cass Sunstein, citizen journalism, cloud computing, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, computer age, conceptual framework, crowdsourcing, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, don't be evil, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global village, Google Earth, illegal immigration, invention of radio, invention of the printing press, invisible hand, John Markoff, John von Neumann, Marshall McLuhan, Mitch Kapor, Naomi Klein, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, peer-to-peer, pirate software, pre–internet, Productivity paradox, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Sinatra Doctrine, Skype, Slavoj Žižek, social graph, Steve Jobs, technoutopianism, The Wisdom of Crowds, urban planning, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce
“As in the cold war [when] you had an Iron Curtain, there is concern that authoritarian governments ... are developing a Virtual Curtain,” says Arvind Ganesan of Human Rights Watch. Journalists, always keen to sacrifice nuance in the name of supposed clarity, are the worst abusers of Cold War history for the purpose of explaining the imperative to promote Internet freedom to their audience. Roger Cohen, a foreign affairs columnist for the International Herald Tribune, writes that while “Tear down this wall!” was a twentieth-century cry, the proper cry for the twenty-first century is “Tear down this firewall!” Foreign Affairs’ David Feith argues that “just as East Germans diminished Soviet legitimacy by escaping across Checkpoint Charlie, ‘hacktivists’ today do the same by breaching Internet cyber walls.” And to dispel any suspicions that such linguistic promiscuity could be a mere coincidence, Eli Lake, a contributing editor for the New Republic, opines that “during the cold war, the dominant metaphor for describing the repression of totalitarian regimes was The Berlin Wall.
The person to blame for popularizing such views happens to be the same hero many conservatives widely believe to have won the Cold War itself: Ronald Reagan. Since he was the man in charge of all those Western radio broadcasts and spearheaded the undercover support to samizdat-printing dissidents, any account that links the fall of communism to the role of technology would invariably glorify Reagan’s own role in the process. Reagan, however, did not have to wait for future interpretations. Proclaiming that “breezes of electronic beams blow through the Iron Curtain as if it was lace,” he started the conversation that eventually degenerated into the dreamy world of “virtual curtains” and “cyber-walls.” Once Reagan announced that “information is the oxygen of the modern age” and that “it seeps through the walls topped by barbed wire, it wafts across the electrified borders,” pundits, politicians, and think-tankers knew they had a metaphorical treasure trove while Reagan’s numerous supporters saw this narrative as finally acknowledging their hero’s own gigantic contribution to ushering in democracy into Europe.
Once Reagan announced that “information is the oxygen of the modern age” and that “it seeps through the walls topped by barbed wire, it wafts across the electrified borders,” pundits, politicians, and think-tankers knew they had a metaphorical treasure trove while Reagan’s numerous supporters saw this narrative as finally acknowledging their hero’s own gigantic contribution to ushering in democracy into Europe. (China’s microchip manufacturers must have been laughing all the way to the bank when Reagan predicted that “the Goliath of totalitarianism will be brought down by the David of the microchip.”) It just took a few months to add analytical luster to Reagan’s pronouncements and turn it into something of a coherent history. In 1990, the RAND Corporation, a California-based think tank that, perhaps by the sheer virtue of its propitious location, never passes up an opportunity to praise the powers of modern technology, reached a strikingly similar conclusion.
The Unwinding: An Inner History of the New America by George Packer
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, bank run, big-box store, citizen journalism, cleantech, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, corporate raider, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, deindustrialization, diversified portfolio, East Village, El Camino Real, Elon Musk, family office, financial independence, financial innovation, fixed income, Flash crash, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, housing crisis, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, life extension, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, Marc Andreessen, margin call, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Maui Hawaii, Menlo Park, Neil Kinnock, new economy, New Journalism, obamacare, Occupy movement, oil shock, paypal mafia, peak oil, Peter Thiel, Ponzi scheme, Richard Florida, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, single-payer health, smart grid, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method, too big to fail, union organizing, urban planning, We are the 99%, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, white flight, white picket fence, zero-sum game
Now young people were protesting on Wall Street because the whole thing was hog-tied, but Dean tried to make the occupiers see the change that was coming, right there in Greensboro. In Tampa, Matt Weidner started blogging about Occupy just a few days after the protesters took the park, and didn’t let up. He compared it to Shays’ Rebellion just after the Revolutionary War, called it “the Tea Party with brains,” and in a post titled “Mr. President—Tear Down This Wall (Street),” he wrote: The Occupy Wall Street movement is just the beginning. Admittedly small, but powerful and frankly quite dangerous. Both to the established order and to the way of life that this country is currently infected by. This current way of life is not sustainable. This country has become a lie. It has become a lie because our leaders, both elected and business, have become utterly corrupt.
It took Dean six years of bartending to graduate—at one stage his education was interrupted by a five-month trip with his best friend, Chris, to California, where they lived in a VW bus and pursued girls and good times—but in 1989 he finally earned his degree, in political science. Dean was a registered Republican, and Reagan was his idol. To Dean, Reagan was like a soothing grandfather: he had that ability to communicate and inspire people, like when he spoke about “a city upon a hill.” It was something Dean thought he could do as well, since he was a good speaker and came from a family of preachers. When Reagan talked, you trusted him, and he gave you hope that America could be great again. He was the only politician who ever made Dean want to become one himself—an idea that ended the week he was busted for smoking pot on the steps of a campus building and arrested a few days later for driving under the influence.
He made damn good money for 1981, but it was the kind of job he’d always feared ending up in—the lifers around him with no ambition, spending their days talking about drinking, racing, and fucking. Dean hated it so much that he decided to go to college. The only one his father would help pay for was Bob Jones University, a Bible school in South Carolina. Bob Jones barred interracial dating and marriage, and in early 1982, a few months after Dean enrolled, the school became national news when the Reagan administration challenged an IRS decision that had denied Bob Jones tax-exempt status. After a storm of criticism, Reagan reversed himself. According to Dean, Bob Jones was the only college in the world where the barbed wire around the campus was turned inward, not outward, like at a prison. The boys had to keep their hair above their ears, and the only way to communicate with the girls on the other side of campus was to write a note and put it in a box that a runner would take from dorm to dorm.
Gorbachev by William Taubman
active measures, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, card file, conceptual framework, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fear of failure, haute couture, indoor plumbing, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, Potemkin village, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, Stanislav Petrov, trade liberalization, young professional
That’s all I have to say.”83 After this public confession, Yeltsin fell ill for two weeks and canceled several public appearances, while aides informed him that his popularity rating had dropped sharply.84 Well might Gorbachev have felt, as the end of the year approached, that at least the Yeltsin threat had receded. But not for long. CHAPTER 13 1989: TRIUMPH AND TROUBLE ABROAD IN THE LONG RUN, THE FALL of the Berlin Wall was inevitable. How could Germans remain forever separated when they were so attached (occasionally too attached) to their shared nationhood? But when and how the wall fell was not predictable. It did not fall because in the summer of 1987 President Reagan declared, “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” Nor because Gorbachev decided on his own to order the East Germans to do so. Rather, the actual fall resembled the theater of the absurd.1 Under pressure from massive opposition demonstrations in early November 1989, the East German Politburo opted for new, temporary travel rules permitting “permanent exit” from the German Democratic Republic. Drafting of the regulations was entrusted to bureaucrats, who authorized travel only for those with a passport, who also obtained a visa, a process taking at least another four weeks.
., Reagan and Gorbachev, 156. 158 Dobrynin, In Confidence, 591. 159 Regan, For the Record, 312–13. 160 Author’s interview with Gorbachev, May 2, 2007, Moscow. 161 Reagan, American Life, 12–15. 162 Regan, For the Record, 315. 163 Ronald Reagan Presidential Library and Museum, “Address at Commencement Exercises at Eureka College, Eureka, Illinois, on May 9, 1982,” Public Papers of President Ronald W. Reagan, May 9, 1982, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1982/50982a.htm. 164 FitzGerald, Way Out There, 54. 165 Nancy Reagan, My Turn: The Memoirs of Nancy Reagan (New York: Random House, 1989), 66. 166 Ibid., 336. 167 Ibid., 44–54, on astrology; Regan, For the Record, 300, on the château. 168 N. Reagan, My Turn, 336–40. 169 Regan, For the Record, 314. 170 R. Gorbachev, I Hope, 168. 171 Matlock Jr., Reagan and Gorbachev, 170. 172 Grachev, Gorbachev’s Gamble, 64. 173 Ibid., 67. 174 Gorbachev, Sobranie sochinenii, 3:205–17. 175 Matlock Jr., Reagan and Gorbachev, 177; Grachev, Gorbachev’s Gamble, 68–69. 176 Chernyaev, My Six Years with Gorbachev, 59. 177 Dobrynin, In Confidence, 597. 178 Grachev, Gorbachev’s Gamble, 67. 179 FitzGerald, Way Out There, 324; Hoffman, Dead Hand, 239. 180 Jack Matlock Jr., personal communication, January 24, 2016. 181 Gorbachev, Zhizn’, 2:22. 182 Brutents, Nesbyvsheesia, 140. 183 Gorbachev, Zhizn’, 2:23. 184 Gorbachev, Sobranie sochinenii, 4:105. 185 Ibid., 3:474. 186 Ibid., 4:84–85; Chernyaev, My Six Years with Gorbachev, 60–61. 187 Gorbachev, Sobranie sochinenii, 3:521. 188 Chernyaev, My Six Years with Gorbachev, 76. 189 Gorbachev, Sobranie sochinenii, 4:562–63; Chernyaev, My Six Years with Gorbachev, 76–77. 190 Chernyaev, My Six Years with Gorbachev, 77–78. 191 Gorbachev letter in “The Reykjavik File,” National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 203. 192 FitzGerald, Way Out There, 346. 193 Regan, For the Record, 342. 194 Matlock Jr., Reagan and Gorbachev, 213. 195 Chernyaev, My Six Years with Gorbachev, 81; Grachev, Gorbachev’s Gamble, 81–82. 196 Chernyaev’s notes on Gorbachev’s instructions to Reykjavik preparation group, October 4, 1986, in “The Reykjavik File,” National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 203. 197 Dobrynin, In Confidence, 620. 198 Interviews with Kruichkov and Baklanov conducted in connection with the Oral History Conference “The Crash of the Bipolar World,” Moscow, June 21–22, 1999. 199 Sagdeev, Making of a Soviet Scientist, 307–8. 200 Hoffman, Dead Hand, 261. 201 See both U.S. and Soviet minutes of the first Reagan-Gorbachev meeting at Reykjavik, National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 203, document nos. 9 and 10. 202 Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 760. 203 See U.S. and Soviet transcripts of second Reagan-Gorbachev session in National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 203, document nos. 11 and 12. 204 Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 762–65. 205 Reagan, American Life, 677. 206 U.S.
., Reagan and Gorbachev, 294. 71 He had originally planned to stop on the way from the airport to the Kremlin at the home of two “refuseniks,” Tatyana and Yuri Ziman, who had long been denied permission to emigrate and about whom Nancy Reagan had heard from the wife of Russian émigré pianist Vladimir Feltsman. When Gorbachev got wind of this, he was furious. Mrs. Reagan was persuaded to see the Zimans at the American ambassador’s residence, Spaso House, to which nearly a hundred dissidents had been invited to meet the Reagans. Ibid., 295–97. 72 “Memo of conversation between Reagan and Gorbachev, May 29, 1988, 3:26 to 4:37 p.m.,” in NSA Electronic Briefing Book No. 251. 73 Matlock Jr., Reagan and Gorbachev, 298. 74 “Memo of conversation between Reagan and Gorbachev, May 31, 1988, 10:08 to 11:07 a.m.,” in NSA Electronic Briefing Book No. 151. 75 Oberdorfer, From the Cold War to a New Era, 301–2. 76 Matlock Jr., Reagan and Gorbachev, 298–300; Oberdorfer, From the Cold War to a New Era, 301–3. 77 Memo of conversation, “The President’s Meeting with Monks at Danilov Monastery, May 30, 1988,” in NSA Electronic Briefing Book No. 251; Donnie Radcliffe, “The Communicator and the Communists,” Washington Post, May 31, 1988; “Gorbachev and Reagan Toasts,” New York Times, June 1, 1988; Bill Keller, “The Vintage Actor Gets Great Reviews,” ibid. 78 Steven V.
The Ghosts of Berlin: Confronting German History in the Urban Landscape by Brian Ladd
Before long, however, West Germany and its allies began to exploit the propaganda value of the Wall as a symbol of Communism's failure. 11 By the time of Kennedy's triumphal visit in June of 1963, a pilgrimage to the safely fortified forward post had become a favorite photo opportunity. Every state visitor in Bonn was if possible brought to Berlin to view the infamous Wall. President Ronald Reagan's visit in 1987, for example, sounded the metaphor of mobility and connectedness. He stood before the walled-off Brandenburg Gate and demanded, "Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate. Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall." The East could respond in kind: it declared the statements of Western politicians at the Wall to be a provocation showing the necessity and the efficacy of the border fortifications, which they, too, proudly displayed to guestsat least to carefully selected ones. One of the old guardhouses flanking the Brandenburg Gate housed an exhibition justifying the "modern border."
Kohl's way of honoring victims had already created a furor eight years before, when he persuaded President Ronald Reagan to accompany him to a German military cemetery in the town of Bitburg. The graves he asked Reagan to honor were of soldiers who had fought against U.S. troops in World War II; a few were members of the Waffen-SS. The Bitburg visit became a publicrelations disaster for Reagan, since he refused to embarrass Kohl by canceling it, despite protests from American war veterans and from Jewish groups. Under American pressure, however, the day's itinerary for May 5, 1985, was expanded to include a visit to the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp. Through their remembrance, Kohl and Reagan linked, and effectively equated, two groups of victims: concentration camp prisoners and German soldiers.
A brochure prepared for the Fort Lee auction described the segments of Wall as the perfect way to "decorate the entrance hall of your corporate headquarters, museum, or estate." 4 Some pieces were re-erected as works of artor were they just souvenirs? Others stood as victory monuments or Cold War booty, such as the piece ("hated symbol of, yes, an evil empire") proudly unveiled by former president Ronald Reagan at the dedication of his presidential library.5 It was difficult enough to define the meaning of Wall fragments removed to sites where they stood alone. The idea of leaving pieces on their original site made no sense at all to most Berliners. Proposals to preserve parts of the Wall, and to create a Wall memorial in Berlin, faced organized and unorganized opposition. Every suggestion to preserve one section or another was met with a chorus of objections, particularly from neighbors.
The Centrist Manifesto by Charles Wheelan
2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, Bernie Madoff, Bretton Woods, centre right, clean water, creative destruction, David Brooks, delayed gratification, demand response, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, income inequality, invisible hand, obamacare, profit maximization, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, Report Card for America’s Infrastructure, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, stem cell, the scientific method, transcontinental railway, Walter Mischel
National problems require federal solutions—but not all policy challenges are national in scope. We should not try to agree on a federal policy when we don’t have to. That is the beauty of a system with relatively powerful state and local governments. The Republicans have historically been strong on national defense, which is inarguably a core responsibility of the federal government. (It is hard to imagine Jimmy Carter, rather than Ronald Reagan, standing in West Berlin and declaring, “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!”) More recently, the same logic has been applied to antiterrorism efforts. No individual can protect against a terrorist attack or prevent a North Korean missile launch. Government is the mechanism by which we collectively protect ourselves against these kinds of potentially devastating threats. That still leaves many hard decisions regarding everything from the prison at Guantánamo Bay to Iran’s nuclear program, but the core tenet is important: government must protect us from external threats.
As a corollary to this point, the Republicans are right to demand that individuals be held accountable for their own actions. Government cannot possibly protect us from ourselves in situations where we should know better. Government should not be responsible for supporting people who are capable of supporting themselves; people who can work should work. The notion of welfare queens driving Cadillacs has often been overstated and exploited. (Ronald Reagan’s original anecdote to this effect appears to have been woven from whole cloth.) Still, anyone looking to redistribute income in the United States should appreciate a core element of the American psyche: no hardworking person likes to pay taxes to support people whom they perceive to be taking advantage of the system. The family has to function as the basic building block of society. This is not meant to be a moral judgment; it is merely an economic and sociological reality.
1989 The Berlin Wall: My Part in Its Downfall by Peter Millar
anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Berlin Wall, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, glass ceiling, kremlinology, Marshall McLuhan, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, pre–internet, QWERTY keyboard, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine, urban sprawl, working-age population
The East German and Soviet leaders still greeted each other on arrival and departure with the old comrades’ kiss – just as they had done in Brezhnev’s day – even if those of us who considered Soviet kisses another branch of Kremlinology couldn’t help but notice that Gorbachev puckered up as if kissing a lemon. Only a week later US President Ronald Reagan visited West Berlin and delivered a challenge to the Soviet leader that would, more than two years later, seem like a prophetic demand: ‘General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalisation, come here to this gate. Mr Gorbachev, open this gate. Mr Gorbachev, tear down this wall!’ Reagan’s speech has since been hailed as a decisive factor, if only because Gorbachev’s actions – or rather inaction – were key to the events of 1989. At the time, it just seemed Reagan was trying to compete with the ghost of John F. Kennedy. There were many in the White House who advised him to leave it out, rather than embarrass a relatively new Soviet leader with whom he was getting on remarkably well.
Leonid Brezhnev’s successor, Yuri Andropov, had been ambassador to Hungary in 1956 and played a crucial role in coordinating the Soviet invasion. He returned home to become head of the KGB and had been a leading light in advocating the brutal suppression of the 1968 Prague Spring. His promotion to the top job was greeted with despair in a Poland still labouring under martial law. Washington saw him as a fittingly sinister head for what President Ronald Reagan now termed the ‘evil empire’. A few months later, in September 1983, we reached one of those bleak moments when the awful reality of the superpower standoff came home. Soviet fighter pilots shot down a South Korean airliner which had – allegedly because of a navigational error – strayed into prohibited airspace over the Kamchatka peninsula, home to some of Moscow’s missiles sites. All 269 passengers and crew were lost.
He took some memorable snaps of me ‘cuddling’ dead rabbits that local Yakuti tribesmen had trapped and left sitting, apparently as pert and ready to bound off across the snow, outside their yurts to be skinned and eaten whenever they chose to bring them ‘in, out of the freezer’. Lev had previously been foreign minister Andrei Gromyko’s personal snapper, he boasted. Which made me realise I was now also just ‘two handshakes’ away from Josef Stalin. As links to twentieth-century tyrants went, I had done the double! Back on the Cold War front, a memorable Time magazine cover named Reagan and Andropov jointly ‘Men of the Year’, showing them standing back to back, like adversaries about to take part in a deadly duel. The American television correspondents meanwhile were engaged in a battle of their own: trying to get their domestic anchors to pronounce the new Soviet leader’s relatively simple name properly. Almost unanimously US newsreaders had taken to calling him Andropov, putting the stress – vitally important in Russian – wrongly on the first syllable.
Extreme Money: Masters of the Universe and the Cult of Risk by Satyajit Das
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, algorithmic trading, Andy Kessler, Asian financial crisis, asset allocation, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, Basel III, Benoit Mandelbrot, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Black Swan, Bonfire of the Vanities, bonus culture, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business cycle, capital asset pricing model, Carmen Reinhart, carried interest, Celtic Tiger, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, debt deflation, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, discrete time, diversification, diversified portfolio, Doomsday Clock, Edward Thorp, Emanuel Derman, en.wikipedia.org, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, Everybody Ought to Be Rich, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, financial innovation, financial thriller, fixed income, full employment, global reserve currency, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, happiness index / gross national happiness, haute cuisine, high net worth, Hyman Minsky, index fund, information asymmetry, interest rate swap, invention of the wheel, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, job automation, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, John Meriwether, joint-stock company, Jones Act, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, Kevin Kelly, laissez-faire capitalism, load shedding, locking in a profit, Long Term Capital Management, Louis Bachelier, margin call, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Marshall McLuhan, Martin Wolf, mega-rich, merger arbitrage, Mikhail Gorbachev, Milgram experiment, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, mutually assured destruction, Myron Scholes, Naomi Klein, negative equity, NetJets, Network effects, new economy, Nick Leeson, Nixon shock, Northern Rock, nuclear winter, oil shock, Own Your Own Home, Paul Samuelson, pets.com, Philip Mirowski, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price anchoring, price stability, profit maximization, quantitative easing, quantitative trading / quantitative ﬁnance, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, random walk, Ray Kurzweil, regulatory arbitrage, rent control, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Richard Feynman, Richard Thaler, Right to Buy, risk-adjusted returns, risk/return, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Rod Stewart played at Stephen Schwarzman birthday party, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Satyajit Das, savings glut, shareholder value, Sharpe ratio, short selling, Silicon Valley, six sigma, Slavoj Žižek, South Sea Bubble, special economic zone, statistical model, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, survivorship bias, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, the market place, the medium is the message, The Myth of the Rational Market, The Nature of the Firm, the new new thing, The Predators' Ball, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Turing test, Upton Sinclair, value at risk, Yogi Berra, zero-coupon bond, zero-sum game
The ideas of influential economists, like John Maynard Keynes and Milton Friedman, were subsumed into political agendas to shape the money economy. 7. Los Cee-Ca-Go Boys For a quarter of a century, the Berlin Wall symbolized the difference between the free markets of the West and the socialist economies of the East. On June 12, 1987, speaking at the Brandenburg Gate to commemorate the 750th anniversary of Berlin, U.S. President Ronald Reagan issued a challenge to Mikhail Gorbachev, the general secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union: “Tear down this wall!” On November 9, 1989, the Berlin Wall came down. At the fall of the Wall, when asked “Who won?”, Western political scientists cited the triumph of capitalism over socialism. The economists’ response was “Chicago.” The University of Chicago radically changed how the world thought about economics, politics, and business, with a system based on: “belief in the efficacy of the free market as a means for organizing resources...skepticism about government intervention into economic affairs and...emphasis on the quantity theory of money as a key factor in producing inflation.”1 In the early part of the twentieth century, work in theoretical physics was centered around the Cavendish Laboratory (Cambridge, England), Göttingen (Germany), and the Institute of Theoretical Physics (Copenhagen, Denmark).
There was the misery index—the sum of inflation and unemployment rates. In a presidential debate, Reagan delivered the killer blow: “Next Tuesday all of you will go to the polls...and make a decision. ...when you make that decision...ask yourself, are you better off than you were four years ago?” Reagan defeated President Carter easily. In the UK, Margaret Hilda Thatcher defeated the ill-fated James Callaghan and a tired Labour government in 1979 to become the first woman prime minister of the UK. Ten years earlier Thatcher had said: “no woman in my time will be Prime Minister.” Thatcher became a close ally of Reagan. An aide observed that when together a crowbar was needed to pry them apart. Like Reagan, Thatcher was elected with a mandate to reverse the country’s economic and social decline. She wrote of “a feeling of helplessness that a once great nation has somehow fallen behind.”
Election of conservative governments in the United States (under President Ronald Reagan) and in the UK (under Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher) hastened a return to free markets. Asked about her political philosophy, Thatcher produced a copy of Hayek’s The Constitution of Liberty: “This is what we believe.”15 Reagan identified the nine most terrifying words in the English language: “I’m from the government and I’m here to help.” Efficient markets rather than efficient government was the new battle cry. The Gipper and the Iron Lady In 1956, Clinton Rossiter, a political scientist, identified the skills needed by the occupant of the Oval Office: “scoutmaster, Delphic Oracle, hero of the silver screen and father of the multitudes.”16 Ronald Wilson Reagan, a Hollywood B film actor, possessed one of these qualities.
The World as It Is: A Memoir of the Obama White House by Ben Rhodes
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, demand response, different worldview, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, eurozone crisis, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Ferguson, Missouri, illegal immigration, intangible asset, Mahatma Gandhi, Mohammed Bouazizi, Nelson Mandela, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, trickle-down economics, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks
I would be responsible for the words he spoke in public, and the Berlin speech was the center of my existence for a couple of weeks. As a thirty-year-old who had never written a speech delivered outside the United States, this was like being asked to ride your first race as a jockey on the favorite horse at the Kentucky Derby. It was, after all, Berlin. Kennedy: Ich bin ein Berliner! Reagan: Tear down this wall! The two most iconic speeches delivered by American presidents abroad both took place in Berlin. I read each of them dozens of times. I’d listen to recordings of them in my apartment late at night. I wanted, more than anything else, to help put Barack Obama in that continuum, to write words that someone like me might someday read. And to the campaign staff, this was precisely the objective—to put Obama visually in that continuum.
“MBZ, ABZ, MBN,” he said, citing a few of the Gulf Arab leaders who were similarly known by their initials and who had been lobbying on behalf of Mubarak. “Who are these guys?” Gibbs said. “I don’t know,” I said to Obama, “but they’re not going to be paying for your presidential library.” CHAPTER 10 LIBYA One of my earliest memories of American foreign policy is of Ronald Reagan sitting behind the desk in the Oval Office and explaining, in his grandfatherly way, that we were bombing Libya. I was eight years old. My father loved Reagan, so to me he could do no wrong. If Reagan said we had to teach Gaddafi a lesson for sponsoring terrorist attacks, then surely he was right. Gaddafi was a villain, and our president was a hero who rode horses with the queen of England. I never imagined that Gaddafi would be at the center of events that would shape the Obama presidency and my own role in it.
And to the campaign staff, this was precisely the objective—to put Obama visually in that continuum. The one person who didn’t seem enthusiastic about giving a speech in Berlin was Obama. When Favreau and I talked to him about it, he didn’t offer much beyond suggesting we use Berlin’s story to talk about what we were proposing in our own foreign policy. Chancellor Angela Merkel rejected a request from the campaign for the speech to take place at the Brandenburg Gate, where Reagan had called on Gorbachev to tear down the wall, saying that the venue should be reserved for an actual president. When he learned about this, Obama was embarrassed and annoyed. “I never said I wanted to give a speech in front of the Brandenburg Gate,” he snapped. It spoke to a larger dynamic in the campaign: While Obama was often blamed for the cult of personality growing up around him—arty posters, celebrity anthems, and lavish settings for his events—he was rarely responsible for it, and worried that we were raising expectations too high in a world that has a way of resisting change.
Post Wall: Rebuilding the World After 1989 by Kristina Spohr
American Legislative Exchange Council, Andrei Shleifer, anti-communist, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, central bank independence, colonial exploitation, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Doomsday Clock, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, G4S, Kickstarter, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, open economy, price stability, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, software patent, South China Sea, special economic zone, Thomas L Friedman, Transnistria, uranium enrichment, zero-coupon bond
And our responsibility is to look ahead and grasp the promise of the future … For forty years, the seeds of democracy in Eastern Europe lay dormant, buried under the frozen tundra of the Cold War … But the passion for freedom cannot be denied forever. The world has waited long enough. The time is right. Let Europe be whole and free … Let Berlin be next – let Berlin be next!’ Two years before, Bush’s predecessor Ronald Reagan had stood before the Brandenburg Gate and called on the Soviet leader, ‘Mr Gorbachev, tear down this wall.’ Now in June 1989 a new US president was throwing down the gauntlet once again, mounting a new propaganda offensive against the charismatic Soviet leader. ‘Let Berlin be next’ was in one way headline-grabbing rhetoric, but it revealed that the administration was already beginning to grapple with the issue of German unification. As Bush said in his Mainz speech, ‘the frontier of barbed wire and minefields between Hungary and Austria is being removed, foot by foot, mile by mile.
Geir Lundestad ‘“Imperial Overstretch”, Mikhail Gorbachev and the End of the Cold War’ CWH 1, 1 (2000) pp. 1–20; Arne Westad The Global Cold War p. 379 Back to text 10. Reagan’s Remarks at the Annual Convention of the National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando Florida 8.3.1983 The American Presidency Project website (hereafter APP); Reagan’s Address to Members of the UK Parliament 8.6.1982 APP Back to text 11. Reagan’s Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security 23.3.1983 APP Back to text 12. On the superpower summits, see for example Jack F. Matlock Jr Reagan and Gorbachev: How the Cold War Ended Random House 2004; James Graham Wilson The Triumph of Improvisation: Gorbachev’s Adaptability, Reagan’s Engagament, and the End of the Cold War Cornell UP 2014; Svetlana Savranskaya & Thomas Blanton (eds) The Last Superpower Summits: Gorbachev, Reagan and Bush – Conversations that Ended the Cold War CEU Press 2016 (hereafter TLSS); Jonathan Hunt & David Reynolds ‘Geneva, Reykjavik, Washington, and Moscow, 1985–1991’ in Kristina Spohr & David Reynolds (eds) Transcending the Cold War: Summits, Statecraft and the Dissolution of Bipolarity in Europe, 1970–1990 Oxford UP 2016 pp. 151–79.
Seeking a less confrontational relationship with the United States, Gorbachev was keen to talk with his American opposite number. At first glance, however, US president Ronald Reagan seemed an unlikely partner. Born in 1911, and so the same age as the man Gorbachev had just replaced, Reagan was a vehement anti-communist who had intensified the arms race once he came to power in 1981. He was notorious for his denunciation of the USSR as an ‘evil empire’ and for his prediction that the ‘march of freedom and democracy’ would ‘leave Marxism–Leninism on the ash heap of history’. This all-out ideological competition, he believed, justified the military build-up of his early years. But there was another side to Reagan – the would-be peacemaker, who saw military power as a basis for diplomacy to secure ‘peace through strength’. Even more surprising, this hard-headed realist cherished a utopian belief in a nuclear-free world. During his first term, Reagan had been unable to initiate dialogue with the sick old men of the Kremlin.
The Pentagon's Brain: An Uncensored History of DARPA, America's Top-Secret Military Research Agency by Annie Jacobsen
Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, colonial rule, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Dean Kamen, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Fall of the Berlin Wall, game design, John Markoff, John von Neumann, license plate recognition, Livingstone, I presume, low earth orbit, megacity, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, Murray Gell-Mann, mutually assured destruction, Norman Mailer, operation paperclip, place-making, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, social intelligence, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, zero-sum game
“With respect to the President’s BRAIN initiative,” write DARPA program managers, “novel BCI [brain-computer interface] technologies are needed that not only extend what information can be extracted from the brain, but also who is able to conduct and participate in those studies.” For decades scientists have been trying to create artificially intelligent machines, without success. AI scientists keep hitting the same wall. To date, computers can only obey commands, following rules set forth by software algorithms. I wondered if the transhumanism programs that Michael Goldblatt pioneered at DARPA would allow the agency to tear down this wall. Were DARPA’s brain-computer interface programs the missing link? Goldblatt chuckled. He’d left DARPA a decade ago, he said. He could discuss only unclassified programs. But he pointed me in a revelatory direction. This came up when we were discussing the Jason scientists and a report they published in 2008. In this report, titled “Human Performance,” in a section called “Brain Computer Interface,” the Jasons addressed noninvasive interfaces including DARPA’s CT2WS and NIA programs.
At 8:00 p.m., in a nationally televised address, President Reagan announced to the world his decision to launch a major new research and development program to intercept Soviet ICBMs in various stages of flight. The program, the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), would require numerous advanced technology systems, the majority of which were still in the development stage. DARPA would be the lead agency in charge until SDI had its own organization. President Reagan said that the reason for this radical new initiative was simple. When he first became president, he was shocked to learn that in the event of a Soviet nuclear strike, his only option as commander in chief was to launch an all-out nuclear attack against the Soviets in response. Reagan said he was not willing to live in the shadow of nuclear Armageddon—mutual assured destruction.
Traveling at the speed of light means a DEW could hit a target on the moon in less than two seconds. After hearing Reagan’s historic announcement from a front-row seat in the White House Blue Room, Edward Teller and Charles Townes had decidedly different reactions. Teller embraced the idea and would become a leading scientist on the Strategic Defense Initiative and the follow-up program, called Brilliant Pebbles. Charles Townes did not believe Reagan’s SDI concept could work. “For a president who doesn’t know the technology one can see why [it] might be appealing,” said Townes. “It doesn’t really seem very attractive to me, or doable. But you can see how from a matter of principle it sounded good to Reagan. It’s like an imaginary story of what might be done.” The day after the speech, Senator Edward Kennedy criticized the president’s initiative, calling it a “reckless ‘Star Wars’ scheme.”
The End of Big: How the Internet Makes David the New Goliath by Nicco Mele
4chan, A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, Airbnb, Amazon Web Services, Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, big-box store, bitcoin, business climate, call centre, Cass Sunstein, centralized clearinghouse, Chelsea Manning, citizen journalism, cloud computing, collaborative consumption, collaborative editing, commoditize, creative destruction, crony capitalism, cross-subsidies, crowdsourcing, David Brooks, death of newspapers, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, en.wikipedia.org, Exxon Valdez, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Filter Bubble, Firefox, global supply chain, Google Chrome, Gordon Gekko, Hacker Ethic, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, John Markoff, Julian Assange, Kevin Kelly, Khan Academy, Kickstarter, Lean Startup, Mark Zuckerberg, minimum viable product, Mitch Kapor, Mohammed Bouazizi, Mother of all demos, Narrative Science, new economy, Occupy movement, old-boy network, peer-to-peer, period drama, Peter Thiel, pirate software, publication bias, Robert Metcalfe, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, social web, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Stewart Brand, Stuxnet, Ted Nelson, Telecommunications Act of 1996, telemarketer, The Wisdom of Crowds, transaction costs, uranium enrichment, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks, Zipcar
Who was not moved watching the great journalist choke up while announcing the president’s death? The names of two respected newspaper journalists—Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein—likewise became indelibly linked to the Watergate scandal. Network television footage of crowds at the Berlin Wall in the darkness of November 9, 1989, provided unforgettable, collective images of the end of the Cold War, echoing President Reagan’s powerful rhetoric a few years earlier: “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” And burned into the consciousness of many Americans following September 11, 2001, is the television footage of the airplanes plunging into the Twin Towers, not to mention the figure of Mayor Rudy Giuliani, standing at the podium answering questions at press conference after press conference with a mixture of calm, grief, and determination. Nowhere has the threat to existing big institutions seemed so much in evidence as in the news world.
The front-runner for their party’s nomination, Walter Mondale, didn’t stir up much excitement, and he faced an enormously popular incumbent Republican president—Ronald Reagan—who was also an incredible communicator and former movie star. Mondale represented the consummate Democratic insider. A former U.S. senator and vice president under Jimmy Carter, he had spent much of his public life preparing to run for president, working his way up the Democratic Party food chain. Conventional wisdom judged him unbeatable in the primaries because he had locked up the Democratic Party’s fund-raising machinery and most of the critical endorsements, leaving his competitors out in the cold. Still, he remained an uninspiring figure widely regarded as unable to mount a credible challenge to Reagan. Mondale easily won the Iowa caucus. But then, to everyone’s shock, he lost the New Hampshire primary to the charismatic and handsome Gary Hart, a young upstart U.S. senator from the American West.
Somebody then needed to open these checks, endorse them, and deposit them, and the campaign had to wait two to four additional weeks for out-of-state checks to clear.3 Hart literally couldn’t get the money in the bank fast enough to spend it so as to challenge Mondale in subsequent primaries. The Hart campaign remained disorganized and underfunded compared to the well-organized, well-funded establishment campaign of Walter Mondale. Mondale locked up the Democratic nomination—before losing forty-nine states to Reagan in the 1984 election. Now fast-forward to 2007. The Democratic Party again had an establishment front-runner—Hillary Clinton—who had spent her entire adult life in Democratic politics. Having served in the White House for eight years as first lady, she enjoyed one of the best political fund-raising operations ever seen, honed by decades of fund-raising for Democrats around the country. Although many Democrats harbored reservations about sending another Clinton to the White House (if Hillary won and then was reelected, that would mean twenty-eight years of either a Bush or a Clinton as chief executive), her charismatic upstart opponent, Barack Obama, was relatively unknown and unproven, not having served out a full single term as U.S. senator.
The Berlin Wall: A World Divided, 1961-1989 by Frederick Taylor
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, German hyperinflation, Kickstarter, land reform, mass immigration, mutually assured destruction, oil shock, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine, the market place, young professional, éminence grise
The only major political figure to challenge this increasingly relaxed attitude towards the Wall was the same man who, in 1978, had attracted 396 / THE BERLIN WALL the attention of the Stasi observers at Checkpoint Charlie: Ronald Reagan. Now more than half-way through his second term as president of the United States, the 76-year-old had lost none of his fierce and occasionally undiplomatic anti-Communist drive. In June 1987 he arrived in West Berlin to join the city’s 750th-anniversary celebrations. ‘General Secretary Gorbachev,’ Reagan thundered in front of the Brandenburg Gate, ‘if you seek peace-if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe-if you seek liberalisation, come here to this gate, Mr Gorbachev, open this gate. Mr Gorbachev, tear down this wall.’ All the same, three months later, Erich Honecker was received with honours in West Germany. No one was impolite enough to raise the matter of the Wall, or the deaths, or the continuing persecution of dissidents by the Stasi, or the fact that his people still had to put their hands in the fire before they wrote exit-visa applications.
Khruschev’s remarks, though not so aggresively meant as some thought at the time, did indicate a new sense of self-confidence. A quarter of a century later, Reagan’s words were intended to convey the same. There followed a period of nervous stand-off. The Pershings and ‘cruise’ missiles were introduced into Western Europe, despite protests throughout the continent. Then in 1983 Reagan pulled what many still regard as a stroke of genius. He announced his intention to break the stalemate of ‘mutually assured destruction’ by developing a futuristic anti-missile system capable of preventing Soviet warheads from reaching American soil. This idea seemed to come straight from a Hollywood sci-fi epic (much talk of laser beams) and became known as the ‘Star Wars’ project. In Moscow, Reagan’s announcement caused something approaching panic and, as the conviction strengthened that perhaps the Americans could carry out their threat, a steady sense of demoralisation.
When the filming finished, at 10.40, it was reported that they left the area. However, about four hours later they returned in a black Plymouth sedan with US Mission licence plates. An army sergeant drove them through the checkpoint and into East Berlin. Only when they presented their passports were the couple in the back of the Plymouth identified as two Americans, a man of sixty-seven and a woman ten years younger. Their names were Ronald and Nancy Reagan. The Reagans took an hour’s drive around East Berlin, like any tourists, and then returned to the West. The East German authorities had for the ENDGAME / 381 first time laid eyes on the man who, many say, would prove to be the nemesis of their regime and all it represented. However, the Stasi observers do not, at that point, even seem to have realised who the man and his wife were.1 This would change very soon.
Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House by Peter Baker
addicted to oil, anti-communist, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bob Geldof, buy low sell high, card file, clean water, collective bargaining, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, drone strike, energy security, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, friendly fire, guest worker program, hiring and firing, housing crisis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, South China Sea, stem cell, too big to fail, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, working poor, Yom Kippur War
He later used the word “evildoers” twice to describe terrorists. The speech bothered Ari Fleischer, who worried it might sound unsophisticated. In the car back to the White House, Fleischer advised Bush to go easy on the word “evil,” suggesting it was too simple. “If this isn’t good versus evil, what is?” Bush countered. He reminded Fleischer that Ronald Reagan had not gone to Berlin to say “put a gate in this wall” or “take down a few bricks.” He said “tear down this wall,” all of it. Sometimes simple was best. Bush was getting second-guessed at every turn. Not much later, Hughes broached his use of the word “folks” to describe the attackers. “Mr. President, I’m not sure you ought to be calling the terrorists ‘folks.’ It sounds like the nice people next door.” “Folks aren’t all good,” he said. “There are a lot of bad folks in the world.”
Cheney had friendships with reporters, although he disdained the conservative columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, whom he dubbed “Errors and No Facts.” He oversaw the campaign, leaning on a crafty Texas operative named James A. Baker III to wage a delegate-by-delegate battle staving off Reagan. Cheney, more in tune politically with the challenger, made a secret trip to Camp David in August 1976 to convince Ford to put Reagan on the ticket. But the scars of their primary contest were too deep. The battle went all the way to the convention, where Reagan forces extracted one last concession, a “morality in foreign policy” plank in the platform denouncing agreements with the Soviet Union—in effect, denouncing Ford’s own policies. Kissinger insisted on fighting it, but Cheney advised standing down. “We’re going to take a dive,” he told his fellow Ford aide Ron Nessen in a van bumping across Kansas City, where the convention was held.
He addressed crowds in a monotone, with none of the rhetorical flourishes or applause lines of most politicians. Pete Williams, then a young reporter covering the campaign, thought, “This guy doesn’t give a speech; he briefs the audience.” Looming over both races was Ronald Reagan. Bush’s primary opponent had worked for Reagan, who in turn sent a letter supporting him for the Texas seat, a move that might have been rooted in loyalty but also reflected the chess match then under way for the 1980 presidential nomination with Bush’s father. Cheney, for his part, had to live down his work in the 1976 primaries against Reagan, who carried the Wyoming delegation at the convention. Reluctant to “run as Jerry Ford’s guy in Wyoming,” Cheney asked his former boss not to endorse him. For Cheney, the seminal event of the campaign came late one night. He had been at his friend Bill Thomson’s house in Cheyenne, talking late into the evening.
Roller-Coaster: Europe, 1950-2017 by Ian Kershaw
airport security, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, centre right, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, Exxon Valdez, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, illegal immigration, income inequality, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, labour market flexibility, land reform, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, liberation theology, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, precariat, price stability, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, reserve currency, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine, The Chicago School, trade liberalization, union organizing, upwardly mobile, washing machines reduced drudgery, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, young professional
Hope of lasting improvement in relations between the West and the Soviet Union had grown markedly by that time. Hardly any Western European leader, however, even then could anticipate the speed of developments over the coming year, or believe that by the end of 1989 the Berlin Wall – symbol of the Cold War – would have come down. When President Reagan, standing in front of the Brandenburg Gate in West Berlin on 12 June 1987, demanded ‘Mr Gorbachev, tear down this wall!’, the sentiment was applauded but the demand itself seemed no more than a rhetorical flourish. The Wall appeared destined to last into the indefinite future and indeed, ran some arguments, it remained a welcome source of stability, permanently putting the ‘German Question’ on hold. A month later, when he met the impressive West German President, Richard von Weizsäcker, who tentatively raised the issue of German unity, Gorbachev remarked that ‘history would decide what would happen in a hundred years’.
Mrs Thatcher visibly relaxed at the joke and later, picking up the words of one of her advisers, remarked: ‘I like Mr Gorbachev. We can do business together.’ Gorbachev and Reagan also established a good personal rapport when they met in Geneva in November 1985. At a second summit, in Reykjavik in Iceland, on 11–12 October 1986, Gorbachev took Reagan completely by surprise in proposing a 50 per cent reduction in strategic nuclear arsenals on both sides, then, when the Americans hesitated, suggesting the complete elimination of intermediate-range missiles in Europe. The proposal foundered when Reagan refused to contemplate restrictions on testing for the Strategic Defence Initiative. A third summit, in Washington between 7 and 10 December 1987, achieved greater success. Gorbachev and Reagan this time signed the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty, committing the Soviet Union and the United States to the destruction of all ground-based missiles within a range of 500 to 5,500 kilometres.
It was nonetheless plain: there was nothing left of détente. The ‘Second Cold War’ had begun. For the next five years superpower relations worsened. The new American President, Ronald Reagan, a former B-movie actor whose folksy manner combined with firm conservative principles proved a winning formula in the election of 1980 after the widely viewed failure of the Carter presidency, set the tone. He was avidly backed by his most assertive ally, Margaret Thatcher. Part of restoring prestige after the Vietnam debacle was to demonstrate American strength through a readiness to confront the Soviet Union, which by 1983 Reagan was describing as ‘an evil empire’. The nuclear arms race escalated that year. The first Pershing missiles were stationed in Western Europe in November. The Soviets responded by breaking off new negotiations on long-range missiles.
Divided: Why We're Living in an Age of Walls by Tim Marshall
affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, cryptocurrency, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, end world poverty, facts on the ground, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, open borders, openstreetmap, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, the built environment, trade route, unpaid internship, urban planning
Faced by this blank expanse of steel and concrete, you are dwarfed not only by its size but by what it represents. You are on one side; ‘they’ are on the other. Thirty years ago a wall came down, ushering in what looked like a new era of openness and internationalism. In 1987 President Ronald Reagan went to the Brandenburg Gate in divided Berlin and called out to his opposite number in the Soviet Union, ‘Mr Gorbachev – tear down this wall!’ Two years later it fell. Berlin, Germany and then Europe were united once more. They were heady times in which some intellectuals predicted an end of history. However, history does not end. In recent years, the cry ‘Tear down this wall’ is losing the argument against ‘fortress mentality’. It is struggling to be heard, unable to compete with the frightening heights of mass migration, the backlash against globalization, the resurgence of nationalism, the collapse of Communism and the 9/11 attacks and their aftermath.
There had already been an increase in fence-building, but this particular statement attracted national attention and outrage, with critics dubbing the scheme the ‘Tortilla Curtain’. The issue was already in the national consciousness, but this incident helped to raise public awareness further – and it’s been rising ever since. The fence-building continued, albeit with less celebration of finger- and toe-severing, but levels of immigration did not noticeably decrease. In 1986 President Ronald Reagan did a deal: around 3 million unauthorized immigrants who had been living in the USA since before 1982 were given ‘amnesty’. In return, Congress approved more stringent regulations to prevent companies from hiring illegal immigrants, as well as tightened border security. Over the following years, additional barriers were built, but on a limited budget and on occasion using leftover materials from the Vietnam War, such as metal sheets known as perforated steel planking, which had been used as temporary aircraft landing strips.
R. 148 Nation of Islam 64–5 nation states in Africa, colonialist creation of 157, 159, 161–3, 166–7, 177 National Front, French 205, 207, 211 National Rifle Association (NRA), US 53 nationalism 6, 193, 196–7, 206–11 Native American tribes 44, 54 Ndadaye, Melchior 166 Nepal 140, 144 Netherlands 207, 211 New Scientist 160 Nigeria 161–2, 164–6, 167–8, 169, 171–2, 174 Nkrumah, Kwame 151, 169 Nordic Union 196 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) 50, 53–4 North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) 53 Northern Border Project, Saudi Arabia 107 Northern Ireland 226–9, 230, 237 Norway 200 Nowrasteh, Alex 51 Nusra Front 79 Nyerere, Julius 170 O Obama, Barack 48–9, 53, 65–6 Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA) 227 Orbán, Viktor 199, 211 Orwell, George 240–1 Ottoman Empire 106 Outer Space Treaty 248–9 P Pakistan 125–7, 130, 132 Afghanistan border 143–4 Indian border 2, 140–3, 145 Iran border 144 Palestine border tunnels 89–90 Christian population 89 disillusionment with leadership 90–1 Egyptian border 89–90 Gaza 74, 87–90, 245–6 Hamas and Fatah 87–9, 91 Middle Eastern discrimination against 91–2 national identity 197 New Charter (2017) 88 West Bank 1, 6, 71–3, 74, 76–7, 90 see also Israel and Palestine Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) 72 Palestinian Authority (PA) 87, 91 Paraguay 248 Party for Freedom, Dutch 211 Pashtuns 143–4 Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the West (PEGIDA) 209–10 Pearce, Fred 160 People’s Daily newspaper 23 perestroika 188 Persian Safavid dynasty 106 see also Iran Peru 174 Picts 220 Pinto, Lourenco 161 Poland 194, 205, 212, 235 Polisario Front (PF) 155, 156, 167 Portuguese explorers 160–1 Prohibition (1920–33) 46 Protestants and Catholics, Northern Irish 226–9 Provincial Houses of Traditional Leaders 168 Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) 227 Q Qin dynasty 16 Qin Shi Huang 16, 33 Quesada, Vicente Fox 55 Question Time 231 R Reagan, Ronald 1, 47 refugees 50–1 entering Europe 198–9, 202, 208 Syrian 106, 110 see also immigration religious persecution 6, 128, 131–2, 135, 136–7 see also Islam; Israel and Palestine Republic of Biafra 166 right-wing parties, extreme 64, 203, 206–7, 209, 250 Road to Somewhere (D. Goodhart) 232–3 Robert the Bruce 222 Robinson, Henry 227, 228 Robinson, Peter 228 Rohingya people 136–7 Roman Empire 217–20 Rozoff, James 213 Russia 2, 198, 200 Rwanda 166 S Sadat, Anwar 117 Safavid dynasty 106 Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic 155–6, 177 Salman, Crown Prince Mohammed bin 113–14 San Bernardino terrorist attacks 51 Saudi Arabia 6, 42, 104, 105, 115, 116 building barriers 42, 106, 107–8, 246 internal divisions 108–9 reforms initiated by royal family 113–14 Scandinavia 196 Schabowski, Günter 189 Scioli, Mike 48 Scotland 196–7, 219, 220 Gaelic language 223 independence referendum (2014) 223–4 relationship with England 222–4, 225–6, 229–30 Scottish parliament 223–4 Scotland Act (1998) 223 Scotland Act (2016) 224 Scottish National Party (SNP) 224 Second Intifada 74 Second Temple, Israel 82–3 Second World War 46, 250 Senegal 165 Sephardi Jews 80, 83 Serbia 2, 199 Shia Islam 4, 5, 6, 102–3, 104–6, 108, 109, 115, 116, 144 Shudras 146 Siachen Glacier 143 Silk Route 14 Singh, Maharaja Hari 141 Single European Act (1986) 194 Six-Day War 64 slavery 45, 59–60 Slovenia 2, 200 smartphones in China 30 Smith, Nathan 246–7 smuggling across borders 46, 51–2, 89–90 social media 4, 28, 29, 30, 51 Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission, UK 231 Socialist Unity Party, East Germany 184–5 South Africa 168, 171–2, 173 South Sudan 165 Soviet Union 1, 184, 194 space, ownership of outer 248–9 space race 185 Spain 43–4, 156, 167, 197, 198–9 Sri Lanka 126 Stasi 188 Strelczyk, Hans 186 Sungbo’s Eredo 162 Sunni Islam 4, 5, 6, 102, 103, 104–6, 107–8, 109, 113, 115, 116, 144 Sweden 2, 200, 204, 207, 235 Switzerland 202 Syria 42, 79, 92, 101, 105, 106–7, 110, 111, 116 Syrian–Israel border wall 78–9 T Taliban 143–4 Tanganyika 170 Tanzania 170 terrorism Bango Bhoomi theory 132–3 in Europe 200, 201, 205 in the Middle East 99–101, 103–4 radical Islam 18, 51, 79, 101, 104, 105, 107, 114, 115, 128, 137 Uighur people of China 18 United States of America 50–1 see also Hamas; Islamic State (IS) Texas 43–5, 52 Texas–Mexico Automotive SuperCluster Region 52 Tibet 17, 19, 29, 126 Tohono O’odham nation 54 ‘Tortilla Curtain’ 47 trade and industry China 18, 20–1, 30–1, 33 United States of America 52–3 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) 43, 45 tribalism, African 6, 157–8 Tripathi, Sanjeev 131 True Story of Ah Q (Lu Xun) 22 Trump, Donald 3, 6, 39–41, 43, 50, 51, 52–7, 61, 64, 93, 210 see also United States of America Tunisia 101, 106 Turkey 106, 110, 111, 199, 208, 244 Tutsis 166 2001: A Space Odyssey (film) 3 U Uighur people 17–18, 29 Ukrainian–Russian conflict 198 UNICEF 104 Unionists and Nationalists see Northern Ireland United Kingdom ‘Anywheres and Somewheres’ 232–3 Brexit 6, 196, 222, 226, 229, 231, 232 class division 231–3 colonialism and colonial guilt 161–2, 163, 240–1 Cornish nationalists 225 education 231 Hadrian’s Wall 217–18, 219, 220–1 immigration 234–6 multiculturalism and integration 238–40 Muslim population 204, 237–9 Northern Irish Protestants and Catholics 226–8 relations between England and Northern Ireland 226–7, 229, 231 relations between England and Scotland 222–4, 225–6, 229, 231 relations between England and Wales 224–5 religion 226–8, 236–9 Roman invasion 217–20 United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) 196 United Nations (UN) 109–10, 112, 114–15, 130, 136, 137, 167, 169, 172, 175–6, 248–9 United States of America 3, 6 black population 58–60 border protection agencies 40, 46, 47, 48 broadening political divide 62–3, 65 citizens rights and equality 41–2 Defense Threat Reduction Agency (DTRA) 107 education 58–9, 63–4 gated communities 173–4 Hispanic population 42–3, 56, 57 immigration 41, 46–51 Iraq War (2003–11) 100–1, 109 Marshall Plan 250 race relations/inequality 6, 56–61, 63–5 religious diversity 60 Republicans 6, 40, 50, 62 smuggling 46, 51–2 student extremism 63–4 terrorism 50–1 trade and industry 52–3 Trump’s border wall plan 39–41, 42, 43, 50, 53 US–Mexico border 43–52, 53–5 white supremacists and black separatists 64–5 Untouchables/Dalits, Indian 146–9 V Vaishyas 146 Vanguard newspaper 167–8 Varosha, Cyprus 244 virtual private networks (VPN) 28, 29 Visegard Group 196 W Wade, Field Marshal George 220–1 Wales 219, 224–5 ‘Wall Disease’ – Mauerkrankheit 186 ‘Wall of Shame’, Moroccan 155–6 ‘Walled Off Hotel’, West Bank 72–3 Washington Post 31 Weinstein, Bret 63–4 West Bank 71–3, 74, 76–7, 90, 91 see also Israel and Palestine West Germany 183, 184–5, 186, 188–9, 190–1 Western Sahara 155–7, 167 Western Wall, Israel 82–3 Wetzel, Gunter 186 Wilson, Harold 233 Women of the Wall (WOW) 82–3 World Bank 170–1 The World is Flat (T.
After the Berlin Wall by Christopher Hilton
TIMELINE 1945 7 May Germany surrenders 3 July Allied troops take over their four sectors in Berlin 16 July Potsdam Conference begins 2 August Potsdam Conference ends 1946 21 April Communist Party and Social Democrats form the SED (Socialist Unity Party) to rule East Germany 1947 5 June Marshall Plan launched 1948 21 June Deutsche Mark introduced in the West 24 June Berlin blockade and airlift begins 24 July East German Mark introduced 1949 4 April NATO formed 11 May Berlin blockade and airlift ends 24 May FRG (Federal Republic of Germany) founded in the West, merging the American, British and French Zones 7 October GDR (German Democratic Republic) founded in the East from the Soviet Zone, with East Berlin as its capital 1953 16 June GDR workers uprising over increasing work norms 1955 9 May FRG accepted into NATO 14 May Communist states, including the GDR, sign the Warsaw Pact 1958 27 October Walter Ulbricht, GDR leader, threatens West Berlin 10 November Soviet leader Nikita Khruschev says it is time to cancel Berlin’s four-power status 1961 4 June At a summit in Vienna, Khruschev tries to pressure US President John Kennedy to demilitarise Berlin 1–12 August 21,828 refugees arrive in West Berlin 13 August Berlin Wall built 1963 26 June Kennedy visits Berlin and makes his ‘Ich Bin Ein Berliner’ speech 1968 21 August Warsaw Pact countries crush Prague Spring 1970 19 March Willy Brandt visits GDR city Erfurt as part of his Ostpolitik policy 1971 3 May Ulbricht forced to resign, succeeded by Erich Honecker 1972 October Traffic Agreement signed, giving FRG citizens access to the GDR 21 December Basic Treaty signed, the FRG in effect recognising the GDR 1973 18 September The GDR and the FRG admitted to the United Nations 1985 11 March Mikhail Gorbachev elected General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party 1987 12 June Ronald Reagan speaks at the Brandenburg Gate: ‘Mr Gorbachev, tear down this wall.’ 7–11 September Honecker visits FRG 1989 2 May Hungary opens its border with Austria, allowing GDR holidaymakers to cross 7 May GDR elections with 98.85 per cent for the government and widespread allegations of fraud 4 September Leipzig demonstrations begin 30 September GDR citizens in FRG Prague Embassy told they can travel to the West 6 October GDR fortieth anniversary 18 October Honecker forced to resign, succeeded by Egon Krenz 4 November A million people demonstrate in East Berlin 9 November The Wall opens 29 November Chancellor Helmut Kohl issues plan for a ‘confederation leading to a federation in Germany’ 7 December Krenz resigns.
You have to stand, peer and concentrate because one photograph, a panoramic view, gives you everything all at once. It is so stark it does not require a caption and, like emerging from sunlight, your eyes need time to adjust. At first it seems to be a lunarscape with houses – the apartments – but as your eyes adjust it transforms itself into the Leuschnerdamm which was somewhere else altogether: depending on which side chance had placed you, a frontier community confronting Ronald Reagan’s evil empire or a frontier community confronting the imperialist-fascist-capitalist running dogs. The Wall ran where the dark tarmac holes are – they were supports for an earlier version of it – so the terraced houses and the unkempt pavement were in the West, the cobbled road in the East. The pavement became a gully; the 12ft Wall to one side of it, the apartments and their little gardens to the other.
He founded the museum which overlooked Checkpoint Charlie in 1963 and it grew into a vivid home for the artefacts of escapes (as which it remains). Hildebrandt became a propagandist for non-violent resistance all over the world and published extensively on that as well as The Wall. He loomed as a father figure, slightly eccentric, slightly innocent but right. 8. Interview in July 2008. 9. Lieutenant Oliver North, a U.S. marine, was involved in the Iran-Contra Affair when, during Ronald Reagan’s presidency, he sold weapons clandestinely to Iran. He subsequently became a right-wing commentator, appeared on Fox TV and wrote best-selling books. 10. Ulbricht’s words were used on tall posters on the Western side of The Wall pointing East so the population there could read them: NOBODY HAS ANY INTENTION OF BUILDING A WALL. Taken out of context, as this was, the words could scarcely be more ironic or damning. 11.
How the Other Half Banks: Exclusion, Exploitation, and the Threat to Democracy by Mehrsa Baradaran
access to a mobile phone, affirmative action, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, barriers to entry, British Empire, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, cashless society, credit crunch, David Graeber, disintermediation, disruptive innovation, diversification, failed state, fiat currency, financial innovation, financial intermediation, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, housing crisis, income inequality, Internet Archive, invisible hand, Kickstarter, M-Pesa, McMansion, microcredit, mobile money, moral hazard, mortgage debt, new economy, Own Your Own Home, payday loans, peer-to-peer lending, price discrimination, profit maximization, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, savings glut, the built environment, the payments system, too big to fail, trade route, transaction costs, unbanked and underbanked, underbanked, union organizing, white flight, working poor
Journalist Matt Taibbi called Goldman Sachs “a great vampire squid wrapped around the face of humanity, relentlessly jamming its blood funnel into anything that smells like money.” The Occupy Wall Street movement embodied this disdain for reckless moneylending with demands that bankers be sent to jail. Their signs could have been written by a modern-day Nehemiah or Andrew Jackson: “Tax Wall Street Leeches,” “Turn Wall Street into Tahrir Square,” “JP Morgan is a Kleptomaniac,” “Jail the Bankers,” “Tear Down this Wall Street,” “Jesus was the 99%,” and “Kick ‘M in the Junk Bonds.”29 (Timothy Geithner dismissed those who were uncomfortable with bailing out banks as demanding “Old Testament Justice,”30 which seems accurate given the admonitions against usury in the book, but the modern state is no longer persuaded by Nehemiah’s arguments.) And so, perhaps having inherited some of these long-standing prejudices and moral pronouncements, we find ourselves today in a society that disparages some mortgage holders, payday borrowers, and the bankrupt as irresponsible or even immoral.
Technology and market changes came first, and banks could not survive without a significant alteration of the New Deal rules and barriers. Something had to change, but deregulation was by no means the only option. The era also coincided with a conservative political revival in America and Europe and a deregulatory philosophy in other sectors. Ronald Reagan wanted to get the government off the people’s backs, and the banking sector needed exactly that. But deregulation was not just about Ronald Reagan. A decade later, Bill Clinton finished what Reagan had started. Additionally, other changes occurred in the United States that explain the ideological transformations of the time, such as a historic rise of income and wealth disparity and an economic boom. In the banking sector, deregulation concentrated not just on removing restrictions but was coupled with an underlying shift in thinking.
An ideological capture of key policymakers—Larry Summers, Robert Rubin, Alan Greenspan, Timothy Geithner, Henry Paulson, and others—who had spent their careers marinating in the industry, working in “captured” regulatory agencies, or captivated by extreme laissez-faire ideology, also took place during this era. Agencies also went along with or even pushed deregulation. The OCC and the OTS, agencies funded by their regulated entities (their customers), courted them through lax regulations. The executive branch was also sold on the vision of finance free from state control. Each president, from Reagan to Obama, operated with a similar view about the dangers of overregulation. Each also received significant funds from Wall Street. Agency capture is perhaps one of the most significant aspects of this political story. Because of the increased power and size of these firms, government regulators have become impotent against them—that is, those who have continued to fight. The Federal Reserve Bank of New York (FRBNY), one of the most sophisticated of all the banking regulators and the one tasked with overseeing the largest Wall Street firms, illustrates how capture works.
Boomerang: Travels in the New Third World by Michael Lewis
Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Carmen Reinhart, Celtic Tiger, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, fiat currency, financial thriller, full employment, German hyperinflation, Irish property bubble, Kenneth Rogoff, offshore financial centre, pension reform, Ponzi scheme, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, South Sea Bubble, the new new thing, tulip mania, women in the workforce
The Commerzbank chairman, Klaus-Peter Müller, actually works in Berlin, inside another very German kind of place. His office is attached to the side of the Brandenburg Gate. The Berlin Wall once ran, roughly speaking, right through the middle of it. One side of his building was once a field of fire for East German border guards, the other a backdrop for Ronald Reagan’s famous speech. (“Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate. Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!”) From looking at it you would never guess any of this. “After the wall came down we were offered the chance to buy it back,” says Müller. “This building had been ours before the war. But the condition was that we had to put everything back exactly the way it was. It all had to be hand-fabricated.” He points out the seemingly antique brass doorknobs and the seemingly antique windows.
Were You Born on the Wrong Continent? by Thomas Geoghegan
Albert Einstein, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bob Geldof, collective bargaining, corporate governance, cross-subsidies, dark matter, David Brooks, declining real wages, deindustrialization, ending welfare as we know it, facts on the ground, Gini coefficient, haute cuisine, income inequality, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, low skilled workers, Martin Wolf, McJob, minimum wage unemployment, mittelstand, offshore financial centre, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, pensions crisis, plutocrats, Plutocrats, purchasing power parity, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, union organizing, Wolfgang Streeck, women in the workforce
Well, he found the lights, and he assured me the Hotel B. was nice. We could go out to eat here, in Friedenau, famous for its war widows, etc. “Okay,” I said, “but let’s go somewhere else.” “East or west?” “East!” I said. I knew it had advanced beyond a wannabe Mister Softee truck, and I felt the thrill of going into the “Communist” darkness, but we still ended up at a yuppie-type trattoria. The East was under construction. When Reagan said, “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this Wall,” he spoke on behalf of real-estate developers from all over Europe. I never saw so many construction sites: big cranes bobbing like Big Bird even at midnight in Berlin. They had overbuilt. Whereas once the East-was-Red, now the East was in the red, in a way unimaginable for Germans, and in the years to come, many people like my friend Father L. would say: “Berlin is broke.”
If the right wins an election, that proves Europe-is-going-to-be-like-America. And if the socialist left wins, that also proves the same thing, too. Why? Here was the chain of reasoning when Gerhard Schroeder became the German chancellor: (1) he’s really just like Tony Blair, (2) Blair is really just like Clinton, (3) Clinton is really just like Bush (the first one). And the first Bush was like Reagan. So when Schroeder was elected, it just showed Europe was going to the right, and they were all more or less like Reagan. “Wait: isn’t Schroeder a socialist?” Yes. They’re all socialists! That’s why Europe is collapsing! It’s collapsing. It’s collapsed. Everyone is unemployed. It’s becoming just like America anyway. I knew a bit more than that. As a union-side labor lawyer, I wanted social democracy to succeed. The vision I had in Zurich was, like many a story about conversion experiences, one that I was unconsciously getting ready to have.
Berlin by Andrea Schulte-Peevers
Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, glass ceiling, Google Earth, indoor plumbing, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Kickstarter, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Skype, starchitect, trade route, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal
* * * top picks QUOTES THAT MADE HISTORY ‘No one has any intention of building a wall.’ Walter Ulbricht, East German head of state; 15 June 1961 ‘Berlin is the testicle of the West. When I want the West to scream, I squeeze on Berlin.’ Nikita Khrushchev, Soviet communist party secretary (1953–64) ‘Ich bin ein Berliner.’ John F Kennedy, US president; 26 June 1963 ‘Mr Gorbachev, tear down this Wall!’ Ronald Reagan, US president; 12 June 1987 ‘Private travel into foreign countries can be requested without conditions…Permission will be granted instantly.’ Günter Schabowski, East German government official; 9 November 1989 * * * The fun came to an instant end when the US stock market crashed in 1929, plunging the world into economic depression. Within weeks, half a million Berliners were jobless, and riots and demonstrations again ruled the streets.
On 24 August, 24-year-old Günter Litfin is gunned down by border guards while attempting to swim across Humboldt Harbour. 1963 US president John F Kennedy professes his solidarity with the people of Berlin when giving his famous ‘Ich bin ein Berliner’ speech at the town hall in Schöneberg on 26 June. 1967 The death of Benno Ohnesorg, an unarmed student who is shot by a policeman while demonstrating against the visit to Berlin of the Shah of Persia, draws attention to the student movement. 1971 The four Allies sign the Four Power Accord, which confirms Berlin’s independent status and eases traffic between the city and West Germany. East and West Germany recognise each other’s sovereignty in the Basic Treaty. 1976 The Palace of the Republic, which houses the GDR parliament and an entertainment centre, opens on 23 April on the site where the royal Hohenzollern palace stood for 500 years. 1987 East and West Berlin celebrate the city’s 750th birthday separately. On 12 June Ronald Reagan visits the city, proclaiming ‘Mr Gorbachev, tear down this Wall!’ while standing in front of the Brandenburg Gate. 1989 Bye, bye Berlin Wall and hello Love Parade! What would grow into the world’s biggest street party begins modestly with one truck and 150 ravers. 1991 Members of the Bundestag (German parliament) vote to reinstate Berlin as Germany’s capital and to move the federal government here. Berliners elect the first joint city government. 1994 The last British, French, Russian and American troops withdraw from Berlin, thereby ending nearly half a century of occupation and protection.
SPREEBOGENPARK Map North of Otto-von-Bismarck-Allee; Hauptbahnhof This triangular park links the government buildings with the Spree River and the Hauptbahnhof. It’s a simple, geometric space of lawns dappled with beech and oak trees. In summer, a rather commercial beach bar called Capital Beach sets up shop below the pedestrian-only bridge. Return to beginning of chapter BRANDENBURGER TOR & AROUND Here’s a trivia question for you: Who said ‘Mr Gorbachev – tear down this wall!’? Answer: former US president Ronald Reagan, during a speech in 1987, with the Brandenburger Tor trapped behind the Berlin Wall as a backdrop. Two years later, the Wall was history and the famous gate went from symbol of division to symbol of a reunited Germany. Since then, Pariser Platz, the former wasteland east of the gate, has resumed its historic role as the capital’s ‘reception room’ and is framed by embassies, banks and hotels.
Berlin Now: The City After the Wall by Peter Schneider, Sophie Schlondorff
Berlin Wall, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, mass immigration, New Urbanism, Peter Eisenman, rent control, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, young professional
And so, in the end, in its shift from vertical to horizontal, the Wall turned out to be good for something after all. EPILOGUE In early March 2013, a demonstration at the East Side Gallery brought about an unexpected turn of events. Unlikely slogans could be heard near the section by Mühlenstraße in the Friedrichshain district: “The wall must stay,” groups of demonstrators shouted, while others chanted, in English, “Mr. Wowereit, don’t tear down this wall!”—a play on Ronald Reagan’s famous call from 1987, “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” The reason for the demonstration was an investor’s attempt to cut out a sixty-two-foot-long section of the East Side Gallery to clear the way for the entrance to a new apartment tower. The plans called for the removed sections of the Hinterlandmauer to be set up again at another location. The investor had a valid contract in hand, signed by the district’s mayor, a member of the Green Party.
The World in 2050: Four Forces Shaping Civilization's Northern Future by Laurence C. Smith
Bretton Woods, BRICs, business cycle, clean water, Climategate, colonial rule, deglobalization, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, energy security, flex fuel, G4S, global supply chain, Google Earth, guest worker program, Hans Island, hydrogen economy, ice-free Arctic, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of agriculture, invisible hand, land tenure, Martin Wolf, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, peak oil, Pearl River Delta, purchasing power parity, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, side project, Silicon Valley, smart grid, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, standardized shipping container, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade liberalization, trade route, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, urban planning, Washington Consensus, Y2K
The U.S. president Gerald Ford escaped two assassination attempts (one by Charles Manson’s murderous henchwoman Lynette “Squeaky” Fromme), the Khmer Rouge had taken over Cambodia, and the movie Godfather II ran away with six Academy Awards, including one to the Italian-American actor Robert De Niro. Our fifth billion came in 1987, now just twelve years after the fourth. The Dow Jones Industrial Average closed above 2,000 for the first time in history and the Irish rock band U2 released their fifth album, The Joshua Tree. Standing outside Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate, U.S. president Ronald Reagan exhorted Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev to “tear down this wall.” The world’s last dusky seaside sparrow died of old age on a tiny island preserve in Florida’s Walt Disney World Resort. A self-absorbed college sophomore at the time, I only noticed The Joshua Tree. Our sixth billion arrived in 1999. This is now very recent history. The United Nations declared 1999 the International Year of Older Persons. The Dow Jones climbed above 11,000 for the first time in history.
Up until the demise of the Bretton Woods monetary regulatory system in the early 1970s, it presided for three decades over what some have called the “golden age of controlled capitalism.”29 But by the 1980s, “controlled capitalism” had fallen to a revolution of “neoliberalism”—the deregulation and elimination of tariffs and other controls on international trade and capital flows. The neoliberalism movement was championed by British prime minister Margaret Thatcher and U.S. president Ronald Reagan, but was rooted in the ideas of Adam Smith. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s the IMF, WTO, and World Bank aggressively pursued agendas of liberalizing (deregulating) trade markets around the world, vigorously urged on by the United States.30 A common tactic was to require developing countries to accept neoliberal reforms to qualify for IMF or World Bank loans. This practice was exemplified by the “Washington Consensus,” a controversial list of hard-nosed reforms including trade deregulation, opening to direct foreign investment, and privatization of state enterprises.31 In the United States, presidents from both political parties also worked to dismantle international trade barriers.
Pasqualetti, Martin Patrushev, Nikolai Pearce, Fred permafrost: and carbon storage; and climate change; continuous permafrost; and glaciers; and global warming and lake formation; and load bearing capacity; and U.S. policy photovoltaics Pika, Aleksandr plant biomass plug-in electric cars Poland polar bears politics: and Arctic resources; and Arctic transportation; and ethanol subsidies; and expert political judgment; and global warming; and human settlement; and inertia of global forces; and the North Pole; and oil supplies The Population Bomb (Ehrlich) population growth. See demography; specific countries Portugal Powell, James Lawrence Primorsky Territory Prince Edward Island Pripyat, Ukraine protectionism Prudhoe Bay Putin, Vladimir Qatar Quantification Settlement Agreement Québec Queen Elizabeth Island radiation railroads rain forests rainfall Reagan, Ronald RechargeIt initiative regional corporations renewable energy resources. See also specific energy types Republic of Korea reserve-to-production ratios reservoirs resource demand. See also specific resource types: and aboriginal peoples; and the Arctic economy; connection to other global forces; and the economic slowdown; and electric vehicles; and Far East Russia; as global force; historical debate on; and human settlement patterns; and hydrocarbon cities; and inertia of global forces; mineral depletion rates; and prospects for NORCs; and proven resource levels; and renewable energy; and reserve levels; and the resource curse; and the Russian Far East; and traditional resources; and urbanization; and water consumption; and West Siberian Lowlands Resource Wars (Klare) Reykjavik, Iceland Ricardo, David ringed seals Río Negro Rising Powers, Shrinking Planet: The New Geopolitics of Energy (Klare) risk assessment rivers.
Team Human by Douglas Rushkoff
1960s counterculture, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Berlin Wall, big-box store, bitcoin, blockchain, Burning Man, carbon footprint, clean water, clockwork universe, cloud computing, collective bargaining, corporate personhood, disintermediation, Donald Trump, drone strike, European colonialism, Filter Bubble, full employment, future of work, game design, gig economy, Google bus, Gödel, Escher, Bach, Internet of things, invention of the printing press, invention of writing, invisible hand, iterative process, Kevin Kelly, knowledge economy, life extension, lifelogging, Mark Zuckerberg, Marshall McLuhan, means of production, new economy, patient HM, pattern recognition, peer-to-peer, Peter Thiel, Ray Kurzweil, recommendation engine, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, social intelligence, sovereign wealth fund, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, theory of mind, trade route, Travis Kalanick, Turing test, universal basic income, Vannevar Bush, winner-take-all economy, zero-sum game
We are not advancing toward some new, totally inclusive global society, but retreating back to nativism Marshall McLuhan, Understanding Media (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1994). Even 9/11 was a simultaneously experienced, global event Jean-Marie Colombani, “Nous Sommes Tous Américains,” Le Monde, September 12, 2001. At the height of the television media era, an American president Ronald Reagan, “Tear Down This Wall!” speech, June 12, 1987. demand the construction of walls Donald Trump, speech, Phoenix, August 31, 2016. 41. In 1945, when Vannevar Bush imagined the “memex,” on which computers were based Vannevar Bush, “As We May Think,” The Atlantic, July 1945. Similar tensions are rising in India, Malaysia, and Sudan Kevin Roose, “Forget Washington. Facebook’s Problems Ahead Are Far More Disturbing,” Washington Post, October 29, 2017. 42.
We are not advancing toward some new, totally inclusive global society, but retreating back to nativism. Instead of celebrating more racial intermingling, we find many yearning for a fictional past when—people like to think—our races were distinct, and all was well. At the height of the television media era, an American president could broadcast a speech in front of the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin and demand that Russia “tear down this wall.” No more. Politicians of the digital media environment pull out of global trade blocs, and demand the construction of walls to enforce their countries’ borders. This is very different from the television environment, which engendered a “big blue marble” melting pot, hands-across-the-world, International Space Station, cooperative internationalism that still characterizes our interpretations of geopolitics.
Black Code: Inside the Battle for Cyberspace by Ronald J. Deibert
4chan, Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, Brian Krebs, call centre, citizen journalism, cloud computing, connected car, corporate social responsibility, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, data acquisition, failed state, Firefox, global supply chain, global village, Google Hangouts, Hacker Ethic, informal economy, invention of writing, Iridium satellite, jimmy wales, John Markoff, Kibera, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, low earth orbit, Marshall McLuhan, MITM: man-in-the-middle, mobile money, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, new economy, Occupy movement, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, planetary scale, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, smart grid, South China Sea, Steven Levy, Stuxnet, Ted Kaczynski, the medium is the message, Turing test, undersea cable, We are Anonymous. We are Legion, WikiLeaks, zero day
These policies are antithetical to the principles of liberal democratic government and to the system of checks and balances and public accountability upon which it rests, and yet they are being put in place. They also legitimize the growing desire of autocratic and authoritarian regimes to subject cyberspace to territorialized controls, and the censorship and surveillance practices that go along with them. By our actions in the West, we contribute to this trend abroad. We preach about the need for closed autocratic societies to “open up,” or, as Ronald Reagan famously thundered, to “tear down this wall,” and yet vis-à-vis cyberspace we are contributing to state censorship and surveillance. Although states were once thought to be powerless in the face of the Internet, the giants have awoken from their slumber. Left unchecked, these trends will result in the gradual disintegration of what is in the long-term interest of all citizens: an open and secure commons of information on a planetary scale.
The minister in charge of Britain’s armed forces, Nick Harvey, echoes a similar sentiment: “[If] a government has arrived at the conclusion that it needs, out of its sense of national interest or national security, to deliver an effect against an adversary … arguably this [Stuxnet] is quite a civilized option.” The appeal of this argument is intuitive. If we can undertake acts of sabotage without killing or physically harming people, this does seem to represent progress, a new, gentler form of warfare. In this respect, the argument is the exact inverse of the neutron bomb debates of the 1970s and 1980s. The neutron bomb was an enhanced radiation weapon under development during the Carter and Reagan administrations that would kill people while leaving buildings and infrastructure intact, through a highly concentrated dispersal of radioactive material. (Soviet General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev memorably described it as a “capitalist bomb” because it would destroy people, but not property.) Stuxnet-type weapons, on the other hand, are more like something inspired by Unabomber Ted Kaczynski: they would target industrial-technological systems, but leave people alone.
Lonely Planet Pocket Berlin by Lonely Planet, Andrea Schulte-Peevers
Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, call centre, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, G4S, haute cuisine, indoor plumbing, Peter Eisenman, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal
Potsdamer Platz Potsdamer Platz used to be a massive no-man’s-land bisected by the Berlin Wall and a ‘death strip’ several hundred metres wide. Outside the northern S-Bahn station entrance are a few Berlin Wall segments with panels pointing to other Wall memorial sites and future Wall-related projects. Brandenburg Gate The Brandenburg Gate (Click here) was where construction of the Wall began. Many statesmen gave speeches in front of it, perhaps most famously former US president Ronald Reagan who, in 1987, uttered the words: ‘Mr Gorbachev – tear down this wall!’. Two years later, the Wall was history. Art Installation On the riverwalk level of the Marie-Elisabeth-Lüders-Haus, which houses the parliamentary library, an art installation by Ben Wagin features original Wall segments, each painted with a year and the number of people killed at the border in that year. If the door’s not open, sneak a peek through the window.
The End of Jobs: Money, Meaning and Freedom Without the 9-To-5 by Taylor Pearson
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The wealth they created was not something they hoped would happen, but one which they seized. The moments which stand out in their lives are those of bold pronouncements and plans to realize them. In 1962, President Kennedy defined the future of space exploration and a country rallied behind him. “We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard.”63 President Reagan defined the future of a unified Germany: “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.” Martin Luther King had a dream and marched on the nation’s capital to make it a reality. We have abdicated this responsibility. Thiel sees this in the proliferation of “wealth re-arrangers” in today’s society. Massive industries, from law to finance, are dedicated not to creating more wealth but to simply moving money around in a circle. While we believe everything will improve (otherwise we wouldn’t invest) it’s unclear how.
The Doomsday Calculation: How an Equation That Predicts the Future Is Transforming Everything We Know About Life and the Universe by William Poundstone
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Gott, who was planning postgraduate work in astrophysics, brought a different perspective. He devised a simple trick for estimating how long the Berlin Wall would stand. He did the math in his head and announced his prediction to a friend, Chuck Allen. The wall would stand at least two and two-thirds more years but no more than twenty-four more years, he said. Gott went back to America. In 1987 President Ronald Reagan demanded, “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!” From 1990 to 1992 the wall was demolished. That was twenty-one to twenty-three years after Gott’s prediction and within the range he announced. Gott called his secret the “delta t argument.” “Delta t” means change in time. It’s also known as the Copernican method, after Nicolaus Copernicus, the great Polish astronomer of the Renaissance. Copernicus’s leap of imagination was that the Earth is not the center of the universe.
Central Europe Travel Guide by Lonely Planet
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Mitte (Berlin) Top Sights Altes MuseumE5 Brandenburg GateB6 FernsehturmG5 Hamburger BahnhofA2 PergamonmuseumE4 ReichstagA5 Sights 1Alte NationalgalerieE4 2BebelplatzD6 3Berliner DomF5 4BodemuseumE4 5Deutsches Historisches MuseumE5 6Hackesche HöfeF3 7Holocaust MemorialB6 8Humboldt UniversityD5 9Neue Synagogue & Centrum JudaicumE3 10Neues MuseumE5 11World Time ClockH4 Sleeping 12Arcotel VelvetC3 13Circus HostelF2 14Circus HotelF2 15EastsevenG1 16Garden Hotel HonigmondC1 17Hotel Adlon KempinskiB6 18Hotel HonigmondD2 19Lux 11G3 20Wombat's City HostelG3 Eating 21AsselD3 22La FoccaceriaF1 23Monsieur VuongG3 24Sankt OberholzF2 Drinking 25ReingoldC2 Entertainment 26Berliner EnsembleC4 27Kaffee BurgerG2 28Staatsoper Unter den LindenE6 29WeekendH4 Shopping 30Berlin Art & Nostalgia MarketE5 31Galeries LafayetteD6 Sights Brandenburg Gate LANDMARK (Brandenburger Tor; Click here ; Pariser Platz; S-Bahn Unter den Linden) Finished in 1791 as one of 18 city gates, the neoclassical Brandenburg Gate became an East-West crossing point after the Berlin Wall was built in 1961. A symbol of Berlin’s division, it was a place US presidents loved to grandstand. John F Kennedy passed by in 1963. Ronald Reagan appeared in 1987 to appeal to the Russian leader, ‘Mr Gorbachev, tear down this wall!’. In 1989 more than 100,000 Germans poured through it as the wall fell. Five years later, Bill Clinton somewhat belatedly noted: ‘Berlin is free’. The crowning Quadriga statue, a winged goddess in a horse-drawn chariot (once kidnapped by Napoleon and briefly taken to Paris), was cleaned in 2000 along with the rest of the structure. Reichstag HISTORIC BUILDING (Parliament; Click here ; 2273 2152; www.bundestag.de; Platz der Republik 1; admission free; 8am-midnight, last admission 10pm; S-Bahn Unter den Linden) Just northwest of the Brandenburg Gate stands the glass-domed landmark with four national flags fluttering.
Germany Travel Guide by Lonely Planet
Airbnb, Albert Einstein, bank run, Berlin Wall, bike sharing scheme, British Empire, call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, double helix, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, glass ceiling, haute couture, haute cuisine, Honoré de Balzac, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Johannes Kepler, Kickstarter, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, oil shale / tar sands, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Eisenman, post-work, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, sensible shoes, Skype, starchitect, trade route, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, V2 rocket, white picket fence
Your next stop is Potsdamer Platz which, until 1990, used to be a massive no-man’s land bifurcated by the wall and a death strip several hundred metres wide. Outside the northern S-Bahn station entrance, several Berlin Wall segments provide information about other wall memorial sites and future wall-related projects. Continue north to the Brandenburger Tor where construction of the wall began in the wee hours of 13 August 1961. Many statesmen exhorted against communism in front of it, including Ronald Reagan who, in 1987, uttered the famous words: ‘Mr Gorbachev – tear down this wall!’. Two years later, the Berlin Wall was history. Tours Bus You’ll see them everywhere around town: colourful buses (in summer, often open-top double-deckers) that tick off all the key sights on two-hour loops with basic taped commentary in eight languages. You’re free to get off and back on at any of the stops. Buses depart roughly every 15 or 30 minutes between 10am and 5pm or 6pm daily; tickets cost from €10 to €20 (half-price for teens, free for children).