affirmative action

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pages: 467 words: 116,902

The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander

affirmative action, cognitive bias, Columbine, Corrections Corporation of America, deindustrialization, desegregation, different worldview, ending welfare as we know it, friendly fire, Gunnar Myrdal, illegal immigration, land reform, large denomination, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, means of production, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

One in three young African American men is currently under the control of the criminal justice system—in prison, in jail, on probation, or on parole—yet mass incarceration tends to be categorized as a criminal justice issue as opposed to a racial justice or civil rights issue (or crisis). The attention of civil rights advocates has been largely devoted to other issues, such as affirmative action. During the past twenty years, virtually every progressive, national civil rights organization in the country has mobilized and rallied in defense of affirmative action. The struggle to preserve affirmative action in higher education, and thus maintain diversity in the nation’s most elite colleges and universities, has consumed much of the attention and resources of the civil rights community and dominated racial justice discourse in the mainstream media, leading the general public to believe that affirmative action is the main battlefront in U.S. race relations—even as our prisons fill with black and brown men. My own experience reflects this dynamic.

The claim is that racial justice advocates should reconsider the traditional approach to affirmative action because (a) it has helped to render a new caste system largely invisible; (b) it has helped to perpetuate the myth that anyone can make it if they try; (c) it has encouraged the embrace of a “trickle down theory of racial justice”; (d) it has greatly facilitated the divide-and-conquer tactics that gave rise to mass incarceration; and (e) it has inspired such polarization and media attention that the general public now (wrongly) assumes that affirmative action is the main battlefront in U.S. race relations. It may not be easy for the civil rights community to have a candid conversation about any of this. Civil rights organizations are populated with beneficiaries of affirmative action (like myself) and their friends and allies. Ending affirmative action arouses fears of annihilation.

In earlier chapters, we have seen that throughout our nation’s history, poor and working-class whites have been bought off by racial bribes. The question posed here is whether affirmative action has functioned similarly, offering relatively meager material advantages but significant psychological benefits to people of color, in exchange for the abandonment of a more radical movement that promised to alter the nation’s economic and social structure. To be clear: This is not an argument that affirmative action policies conflict with King’s dream that we might one day be “judged by the content of our character, not the color of our skin.” King himself would have almost certainly endorsed affirmative action as a remedy, at least under some circumstances. In fact, King specifically stated on numerous occasions that he believed special—even preferential—treatment for African Americans may be warranted in light of their unique circumstances.37 And this is not an argument that affirmative action has made no difference in the lives of poor or working-class African Americans—as some have claimed.

pages: 450 words: 113,173

The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties by Christopher Caldwell

1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, big data - Walmart - Pop Tarts, blue-collar work, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, computer age, crack epidemic, crony capitalism, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Attenborough, desegregation, disintermediation, disruptive innovation, Edward Snowden, Erik Brynjolfsson, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Firefox, full employment, George Gilder, global value chain, Home mortgage interest deduction, illegal immigration, immigration reform, informal economy, Jeff Bezos, John Markoff, Kevin Kelly, libertarian paternalism, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, mass incarceration, mortgage tax deduction, Nate Silver, new economy, Norman Mailer, post-industrial society, pre–internet, profit motive, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Metcalfe, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog, zero-sum game

And blacks retort, “You came after us and were nevertheless favored above us and given all the breaks, both when we were in slavery and since.” It is a question that cannot be asked without arousing emotions so strong that one wonders just how far scholarship will be allowed to go on this issue. Truth was among the first casualties of the affirmative action regime. At the simplest level the term “affirmative action” meant discarding prevailing notions of neutrality in order to redistribute educational and employment chances on the basis of race. The idea that it could be a permanent solution to the problem of racial prejudice required doublethink. “Affirmative action requires the use of race as a socially significant category of perception and representation,” as Kimberlé Crenshaw and her colleagues put it, “but the deepest elements of mainstream civil rights ideology had come to identify such race-consciousness as racism itself.”

He accepted the logic of his colleagues who found affirmative action appalling but voted with his colleagues who found it appealing. He thought it was wrong to penalize an individual like Bakke as a means of “compensation for past discrimination.” He thought admitting people on the basis of racial quotas was wrong. But he thought it would be okay for UC Davis to achieve the same result by filling its slots the way Harvard’s undergraduate admissions program did—not through quotas but through a “new definition of diversity” that allowed administrators to use race as a “plus factor.” Powell’s suggestion that Harvard College’s experience of affirmative action might serve as a model for provincial public professional schools was, to put it mildly, confused. The basic problem that affirmative action existed to solve was a shortage of blacks qualified to fill leadership positions.

Republicans and others who may have been uneasy that the constitutional baby had been thrown out with the segregationist bathwater consoled themselves with a myth: The “good” civil rights movement that the martyred Martin Luther King, Jr., had pursued in the 1960s had, they said, been “hijacked” in the 1970s by a “radical” one of affirmative action, with its quotas and diktats. Once the country came to its senses and rejected this optional, radical regime, it could have the good civil rights regime back. None of that was true. Affirmative action and political correctness were the twin pillars of the second constitution. They were what civil rights was. They were not temporary. Affirmative action was deduced judicially from the curtailments on freedom of association that the Civil Rights Act itself had put in place. Political correctness rested on a right to collective dignity extended by sympathetic judges who saw that, without such a right, forcing the races together would more likely occasion humiliation than emancipation.

pages: 440 words: 108,137

The Meritocracy Myth by Stephen J. McNamee

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American ideology, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, business cycle, collective bargaining, computer age, conceptual framework, corporate governance, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, demographic transition, desegregation, deskilling, equal pay for equal work, estate planning, failed state, fixed income, gender pay gap, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, job automation, joint-stock company, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low-wage service sector, marginal employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, New Urbanism, obamacare, occupational segregation, old-boy network, pink-collar, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, post-industrial society, prediction markets, profit motive, race to the bottom, random walk, school choice, Scientific racism, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, We are the 99%, white flight, young professional

Such proactive measures generally fall under the label of what has become known as affirmative action. Like antidiscrimination laws, the goal of affirmative action policies is to make equal opportunity a reality for members of groups that have historically been the objects of discrimination. Unlike antidiscrimination laws, which provide remedies to which individuals can appeal after they have suffered discrimination, affirmative action policies aim to keep discrimination from occurring and compensate for injustices incurred in the past. Affirmative action can prevent discrimination by replacing practices that are discriminatory, either by intent or default, with practices that safeguard against discrimination. Rather than a single policy that involves the same procedures, affirmative action comprises a complex set of policies and practices, including admission standards for schools and universities, guidelines for hiring practices, and procedures for the granting of government contracts.

Although Americans are generally in favor of the ideal of equality of opportunity, they are often opposed to affirmative action attempts to achieve that outcome. The objection is not so much against affirmative action in principle but against specific provisions of some forms of affirmative action, especially those that target minorities and women. As a result, race- or sex-based affirmative action programs are a “hard sell” to the American public, especially during periods of economic slowdown or decline (Wilson 1987; Conley 1999). This is further complicated in the case of race-based programs by increasing rates of racial intermarriage, increasingly blurred racial boundaries, and increasing multiracial identities (Winant 2012). One potential for reform, then, is to develop affirmative action programs for the economically underprivileged, regardless of race or sex.

Rather than a single policy that involves the same procedures, affirmative action comprises a complex set of policies and practices, including admission standards for schools and universities, guidelines for hiring practices, and procedures for the granting of government contracts. Affirmative action grew out of civil rights laws, presidential executive orders, court cases, federal implementation efforts, and voluntary human resource practices implemented by employers. Each has its own characteristics and complex history (Reskin 1998; Waters 2012). In a series of affirmative action cases, the U.S. Supreme Court has progressively limited affirmative action policies and practices. The most extreme and controversial form of affirmative action, using quotas or set-asides as a means to increase diversity in schools and workplaces, was ruled unconstitutional in 1978 by the U.S. Supreme Court in the landmark Regents of the University of California v.

pages: 399 words: 116,828

When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor by William Julius Wilson

affirmative action, business cycle, citizen journalism, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, declining real wages, deindustrialization, deliberate practice, desegregation, Donald Trump, edge city, ending welfare as we know it, fixed income, full employment, George Gilder, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, informal economy, jobless men, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, mass immigration, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, school choice, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

Race-based programs have helped to bring about sharp increases in the number of blacks entering higher education and gaining professional and managerial positions. Moreover, as long as minorities are underrepresented in higher-paying and desirable positions in society, affirmative action programs will be needed. Nonetheless, in response to cries from conservatives to abolish affirmative action altogether, some liberals have argued for a shift from an affirmative action based on race to one based on economic class position or need. The major distinguishing characteristic of affirmative action based on need is the recognition that the problems of the disadvantaged—low income, crime-ridden neighborhoods, broken homes, inadequate housing, poor education, cultural and linguistic differences—are not always clearly related to previous racial discrimination.

Instead of seeking remedies only for individual complaints of discrimination, as specified in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, they sought government-mandated affirmative action programs designed to ensure adequate minority representation in employment, education, and public programs. However, if the more advantaged members of minority groups benefit disproportionately from policies that embody the principle of equality of individual opportunity, they also profit disproportionately from affirmative action policies based solely on their racial group membership. Minority individuals from the most advantaged families tend to be disproportionately represented among those of their racial group most qualified for preferred status, such as college admissions, higher-paying jobs, and promotions. Thus, policies of affirmative action are likely to enhance opportunities for the more advantaged without adequately remedying the problems of the disadvantaged.

Thus, policies of affirmative action are likely to enhance opportunities for the more advantaged without adequately remedying the problems of the disadvantaged. To be sure, affirmative action was not intended solely to benefit the more advantaged minority individuals. As William L. Taylor, the former director of the United States Civil Rights Commission, has stated, “The focus of much of the [affirmative action] effort has been not just on white-collar jobs, but also on law enforcement, construction work, and craft and production in large companies—all areas in which the extension of new opportunities has provided upward mobility for less advantaged minority workers.” Taylor also notes that studies show that many minority students entering medical schools during the 1970s were from low-income families. Affirmative action policies, however, did not really open up broad avenues of upward mobility for the masses of disadvantaged blacks.

pages: 165 words: 45,129

The Economics of Inequality by Thomas Piketty, Arthur Goldhammer

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, basic income, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, deindustrialization, endogenous growth, Gini coefficient, income inequality, low skilled workers, means of production, moral hazard, Pareto efficiency, purchasing power parity, Simon Kuznets, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, very high income, working-age population

This economic theory of discrimination is similar in some ways to sociological theories that hold that inequality is often the result of a dominant discourse that becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy: if it is widely believed that the members of certain groups are unlikely to succeed, they will be discouraged from trying (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1964; 1970). Affirmative Action versus Fiscal Transfers The political implications of these theories are important. If a significant part of inequality is in fact due to perverse mechanisms of the sort described, then new redistributive instruments are needed. For example, the theory of discrimination suggests that employers should be prohibited by law from discriminating against minorities. One way to do this is to require employers to show that each hiring and promotion decision is based on unbiased objective criteria. Another is to impose affirmative action quotas, requiring employers to hire a certain percentage of minority workers, in order to break the vicious circle of self-fulfilling prophecies of failure. Such affirmative action policies became popular in the United States in the 1970s to protect African Americans, women, and other minorities.

Furthermore, this improvement also occurred in countries with “Mediterranean” (pro-natalist) tax systems (such as the family quotient in France), which discourage women’s participation in the labor force, compared with the United States, United Kingdom, and Scandinavian countries, where individuals are taxed rather than households.* In short, inequalities based on rank discrimination, such as between people of color and whites or men and women, are much more susceptible to remedy by affirmative action and changes in mentality than by any kind of fiscal redistribution. Unfortunately, the fact that an inequality is based on discrimination does not always mean that it is easy to eliminate or even reduce. For example, most observers agree that the results of affirmative action in the United States have been mixed at best. Indeed, quotas requiring employers to hire a certain percentage of people of color can reinforce rather than weaken prejudices against African Americans, “who become employable only when we are forced to employ them,” while at the same time reducing their incentive to compete for jobs like other citizens, which is precisely the opposite of the intended goal (Coate and Loury, 1993).

Such affirmative action policies became popular in the United States in the 1970s to protect African Americans, women, and other minorities. Affirmative action, which in some ways resembles earlier efforts to use labor law to limit employer discretion in hiring and promotion, is very different from the kinds of policies recommended by human capital theorists, who say that the best remedy for inequality is to make fiscal transfers to social groups whose human capital endowments are too low (within the limits imposed by the elasticity of the supply of human capital), while of course avoiding any interference in the process of production. Herrnstein and Murray (1994) challenge the very idea of discrimination and argue that racial inequality persists because low IQ and low levels of human capital are transmitted from generation to generation within African-American families.

pages: 493 words: 98,982

The Tyranny of Merit: What’s Become of the Common Good? by Michael J. Sandel

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, coronavirus, COVID-19, Credit Default Swap, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, global supply chain, helicopter parent, High speed trading, immigration reform, income inequality, Khan Academy, laissez-faire capitalism, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Nate Silver, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ronald Reagan, smart grid, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Washington Consensus

If this familiar view is right, then the problem with meritocracy is not with the principle but with our failure to live up to it. Political argument between conservatives and liberals bears this out. Our public debates are not about meritocracy itself but about how to achieve it. Conservatives argue, for example, that affirmative action policies that consider race and ethnicity as factors in admission amount to a betrayal of merit-based admission; liberals defend affirmative action as a way of remedying persisting unfairness and argue that a true meritocracy can be achieved only by leveling the playing field between the privileged and the disadvantaged. But this debate overlooks the possibility that the problem with meritocracy runs deeper. Consider again the admissions scandal. Most of the outrage focused on the cheating, and the unfairness of it.

Among the students I teach, this meritocratic faith has intensified. At first, I assumed this was because they came of age during the era of Ronald Reagan and had absorbed the individualistic philosophy of the time. But these were not, for the most part, politically conservative students. Meritocratic intuitions reach across the political spectrum. They emerge with special intensity in discussions of affirmative action in college admissions. Whether students are for or against affirmative action policies, most voice the conviction that they worked hard to qualify for admission to Harvard and therefore merited their place. The suggestion that they were admitted due to luck or other factors beyond their control provokes strong resistance. It is not hard to understand the growing meritocratic sentiment among students in selective colleges. Over the past half century, admission to elite colleges has become increasingly daunting.

But no one defends hereditary privilege outright or disputes the principle that careers should be open to talents. Most of our debates about access to jobs, education, and public office proceed from the premise of equal opportunity. Our disagreements are less about the principle itself than about what it requires. For example, critics of affirmative action in hiring and college admissions argue that such policies are inconsistent with equality of opportunity, because they judge applicants on factors other than merit. Defenders of affirmative action reply that such policies are necessary to make equality of opportunity a reality for members of groups that have suffered discrimination or disadvantage. At the level of principle at least, and political rhetoric, meritocracy has won the day. In democracies throughout the world, politicians of the center-left and center-right claim that their policies are the ones that will enable all citizens, whatever their race or ethnicity, gender or class, to compete on equal terms and to rise as far as their efforts and talents will take them.

pages: 413 words: 128,093

On the Grand Trunk Road: A Journey Into South Asia by Steve Coll

affirmative action, airport security, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, back-to-the-land, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, global village, income inequality, income per capita, Indoor air pollution, Khyber Pass, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, market bubble, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, Ponzi scheme, Ronald Reagan, upwardly mobile, urban sprawl, yellow journalism

He showed up unannounced at my front door in New Delhi one afternoon in the midst of the 1990 caste riots. An affirmative action plan promising reserved government jobs to a wide tier of India’s lower castes had sparked a violent reaction in the north. Mobs of upper-caste university students fearful of losing opportunity through reverse discrimination roamed New Delhi’s wide avenues, trashing cars and grocery stores stocked with smuggled imports from the West. Lower-caste students and farmers staged their own demonstrations, battled with police, and erected makeshift roadblocks on the highways out of the capital, where they burned buses and pelted cars with stones. Hysteria about the riots and the divisive consequences of affirmative action sang daily from the Indian national newspapers, which are owned, edited, and written by members of the upper castes.

This lowest tier is designated by the government as “scheduled castes and tribes” and has been targeted in various affirmative action programs since just after independence. In the middle, some 65 percent of the population belong to what is known these days as the “other backward classes,” lower and lower-middle castes and minorities such as Muslims and Christians. Within this grouping are some clans that have done very well since independence, some that have done very poorly, and some that have simply remained in servitude to their landlords. It was a doomed attempt by India’s crusading prime minister V. P. Singh to initiate for these other backward classes a new, sweeping affirmative action plan in public employment that sparked the caste riots of 1990, including the upper-caste self-immolations that brought the fire-extinguisher salesman to my door.

These guys [the new Sri Lankan industrialists] thought they were entrepreneurs, but they were really just traders.” On the grounds of capitalist egalitarianism, Sri Lanka also abandoned efforts to promote caste- or class-based affirmative action programs. Compared with the rest of South Asia, Sri Lanka is unusual in that the historically dominant caste group is in the numerical majority—the reverse of the situation in India. So even the best-intentioned programs of socialist democracy after independence did not promote a rise of lower castes, as in India. Instead, it reinforced the grip of dominant castes. More broadly, the Sri Lankan government rejected affirmative action during the capitalist boom because “we thought we were a much more enlightened society and ought not to acknowledge caste distinctions,” as Tiruchelvam put it. “This is essentially an upper-caste illusion....

pages: 162 words: 51,445

The Speech: The Story Behind Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. S Dream by Gary Younge

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, immigration reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, urban decay, War on Poverty, white flight

With the “problem solved,” white people could then be framed not as beneficiaries of racial inequality but as the victims of post–civil rights “social engineering” that, they claimed, sought to replicate the unfairness of Jim Crow. In 2009, when a white Connecticut firefighter blamed affirmative action for his failure to win promotion after he passed a qualifying test, he said: “I think we view discrimination as discrimination plain and simple. We were discriminated [against] based upon our race just like African Americans were in the past in other issues. So it’s just plain discrimination.” Similarly, when Jennifer Gratz was not given entrance to the University of Michigan, she sued the university, claiming that she was rejected because of affirmative action, in a case that eventually went to the Supreme Court. “They think it’s OK to discriminate against some of us in order to promote diversity on their campus,” she told me.

Those conservatives who would say “We won the American Revolution” or “We won the Second World War” (even though they were not alive) would never say “We kept slaves” or “We segregated people”; they would claim that since they were not alive, they have no responsibility and they have not benefitted. While the aim here is not to argue the pros and cons of affirmative action, it is worth pointing out that the primary beneficiaries of taking nonacademic criteria into account in university admissions are wealthy white people who are given beneficial treatment because they are legacies (their parents went to the same university) or the children of faculty, big donors, or the famous. “The preferences of privilege are nonpartisan,” writes Daniel Golden, author of The Price of Admission: How America’s Ruling Class Buys Its Way into Elite Colleges—and Who Gets Left outside the Gates: “They benefit the wealthy and powerful across the political and cultural spectrum, Democrats and Republicans, supporters and opponents of affirmative action, leftwing Hollywood movie stars and rightwing tycoons, old-money dynasties and nouveau riche.

And only then does an emphasis on the single line of the speech that says “they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character” make any sense. The misreading is most glaring today in discussions of affirmative action. King was a strong proponent of taking race and ethnicity into account in job appointments and college admissions, in order to redress historical imbalances. “It is impossible to create a formula for the future,” he wrote, “which does not take into account that our society has been doing something special against the Negro for hundreds of years.” Yet the Right has come to rely on the “content of their character” line in the speech to use King as an antiracist cover for their opposition to affirmative action. In 1986 Reagan said: “We are committed to a society in which all men and women have equal opportunities to succeed, and so we oppose the use of quotas.

pages: 198 words: 52,089

Dream Hoarders: How the American Upper Middle Class Is Leaving Everyone Else in the Dust, Why That Is a Problem, and What to Do About It by Richard V. Reeves

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, assortative mating, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, circulation of elites, cognitive dissonance, desegregation, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, income inequality, knowledge economy, land value tax, longitudinal study, mortgage tax deduction, obamacare, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, positional goods, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, unpaid internship, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, working-age population, zero-sum game

In the end, Kennedy withdrew in the face of fierce opposition from elite colleges and Republican legislators. Since then, on this issue at least, Congress has been silent. As a Brookings scholar, I am quite rightly prohibited from supporting a specific piece of legislation—but not from proposing my own. How about an Ending Hereditary Privilege in College Admissions Act? Some fear that killing legacy preferences will damage the argument for race-based affirmative action. There is an unavoidable tension inherent in affirmative action between the meritocratic principle that institutions should not discriminate on grounds of race or other categories and a desire for equality, especially for those from groups who have been subordinated in the past. But there is no such tension for legacy admissions, which are both antimeritocratic and antiequality. Legacy admissions are an embarrassment for a nation that prides itself on being a meritocracy.

Richard Kahlenberg, “10 Myths about Legacy Preferences in College Admissions,” Chronicle of Higher Education, September 22, 2010 ( 51. Quoted in Richard Kahlenberg, Affirmative Action for the Rich (New York: The Century Foundation Press, 2010), p. 67. 52. Carlton Larson, “Titles of Nobility, Hereditary Privilege, and the Unconstitutionality of Legacy Preferences in Public School Admissions,” Washington University Law Review 84, no. 6 (2006): p. 1382 ( 53. Kahlenberg, Affirmative Action for the Rich, p. 15. 54. Darren Walker, “Internships Are Not a Privilege,” New York Times, July 5, 2016. 55. Ross Eisenbrey, “Unpaid Interns Fare Worse in the Job Market,” Economic Policy Institute, July 6, 2016 ( 56.

I am grateful to a number of colleagues and former colleagues for their support and advice, especially Ted Gayer, Ron Haskins, Edward Rodrigue, Scott Winship, Gary Burtless, Joanna Venator, Kimberly Howard, Nathan Joo, Dimitrios Halikias, Allegra Pocinki, Delaney Parrish, Eleanor Krause, David Wessel, and especially Isabel Sawhill. Thanks also to Kim Giambattisto at Westchester Publishing and to Valentina Kalk, William Finan, Elliott Beard, and Carrie Engel at the Brookings Institution Press. If you find an error, please let me know and I’ll try to find someone to blame for it. INDEX Absolute vs. relative class mobility, 59–60 Adams, James Truslow, 15 Affirmative action, 91, 144 Affirmative Action for the Rich (Kahlenberg), 108 Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing (AFFH) rule, 139 African Americans, 32. See also Race and ethnicity The Age of Reform (Hofstadter), 155–56 Alon, Sigal, 86–87 American Opportunity Tax Credit, 135, 137 Anderson, John W., 112 Apprenticeships, 136 Asian Americans, 32. See also Race and ethnicity Assortative mating, 29 Autor, David, 27, 65 Azerrad, David, 97–98 Bailey, Thomas, 136 Bhattacharya, Debopam, 77 Blank, Rebecca, 90 Bloomberg, Emma, 118 Bloomberg, Michael, 118 Bonamici, Suzanne, 146 Bosworth, Barry, 34 Bratberg, Espen, 68 Brighouse, Harry, 98, 99 Bristol University, 91 Brown University, 53–54 Burd, Steven, 89–90 Burtless, Gary, 30, 34 Bush, George W., 5, 142 Bush, Jeb, 135 Cambridge University, 111 Canada, class mobility in, 68 Cannadine, David, 17 Capital (Piketty), 39 Caplan, Bryan, 43–44 The Captured Economy (Lindsey & Teles), 96 Carnevale, Anthony P., 54–56 Cashin, Sheryl, 121 Center for American Progress, 130 Century Foundation, 135 Chambers, Clare, 80 Cherlin, Andrew, 29 Chetty, Raj, 59–62, 65–66, 132 Children’s advantages, 8–9, 37–56; college education, 50–56; K–12 education, 46–50; market meritocracy, 38; parental engagement, 41–46; planning of pregnancies, 39–41 Chuprinin, Oleg, 70 Class mobility: absolute vs. relative, 59–60; and college education, 52–53, 63–65, 87–88; downward mobility, 10, 58–59, 68–74; intergenerational, 10, 40, 56, 58, 59–68; lack of, 9–10; and unintended pregnancies, 40 Class size, 131 Clegg, Nick, 147 Clinton, Bill, 5, 46 Clinton, Hillary, 23, 131, 135 College Coach, 51 College education, 50–56; admissions consultants, 51; and class mobility, 52–53, 63–65, 87–88; funding reforms, 1–2, 5, 7–8, 11, 13, 55, 133–38; and meritocratic market forces, 86–88 Coming Apart (Murray), 19, 154 Community colleges, 135–36 Competitive advantage, 99 Constitutive luck, 84 Conti, Kathleen, 127 Contraception, 13, 125–28 Conversation gaps, 43 Corak, Miles, 66, 68 The Crimson on legacy admissions, 109, 113 Cultural vocabulary, 42 Cumberworth, Erin, 67 Davidai, Shai, 68–69 Deaton, Angus, 152 De Blasio, Bill, 118, 147 De Blasio, Chiara, 118 De Blasio, Dante, 118 Declaration of Independence, 92 Deloitte, 116 Dionne, E.

pages: 271 words: 82,159

David and Goliath: Underdogs, Misfits, and the Art of Battling Giants by Malcolm Gladwell

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, delayed gratification, mass incarceration, medical residency, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, RAND corporation, school choice, Silicon Valley

Thus did Harvard begin the practice (which continues to this day) of letting in substantial numbers of gifted athletes who have academic qualifications well below the rest of their classmates. If someone is going to be cannon fodder in the classroom, the theory goes, it’s probably best if that person has an alternative avenue of fulfillment on the football field. Exactly the same logic applies to the debate over affirmative action. In the United States, there is an enormous controversy over whether colleges and professional schools should have lower admissions standards for disadvantaged minorities. Supporters of affirmative action say helping minorities get into selective schools is justified given the long history of discrimination. Opponents say that access to selective schools is so important that it ought to be done purely on academic merit. A group in the middle says that using race as the basis for preference is a mistake—and what we really should be doing is giving preference to people who are poor.

But Brown University made her feel stupid—and if she truly wanted to graduate with a science degree, the best thing for her to do would have been to go down a notch to Maryland. No sane person would say that the solution to her problems would be for her to go to an even more competitive school like Stanford or MIT. Yet when it comes to affirmative action, that’s exactly what we do. We take promising students like Caroline Sacks—but who happen to be black—and offer to bump them up a notch. And why do we do that? Because we think we’re helping them. That doesn’t mean affirmative action is wrong. It is something done with the best of intentions, and elite schools often have resources available to help poor students that other schools do not. But this does not change the fact that—as Herbert Marsh says—the blessings of the Big Pond are mixed, and it is strange how rarely the Big Pond’s downsides are mentioned.

Rather, it is a weighted number—getting a paper accepted by one of the most prestigious journals (The American Economic Review or Econometrica) counts more than getting a paper published in a less competitive journal. In other words, their numbers aren’t measuring just how many articles an academic can turn out. They are measuring how many high-quality articles an academic can get published. 6 The law professor Richard Sander is the leading proponent of the Big Pond case against affirmative action. He has written with Stuart Taylor a fascinating book on the subject called Mismatch: How Affirmative Action Hurts Students It’s Intended to Help, and Why Universities Won’t Admit It. I’ve provided a summary of some of Sander’s argument in the notes at the back of this book. For example, one of the questions Sander looks at is this. It is harder for a minority student to become a lawyer if he or she goes to a better school. That’s clear. But what if that difficulty is offset by the fact that a degree from a better school is worth more?

pages: 349 words: 114,914

We Were Eight Years in Power: An American Tragedy by Ta-Nehisi Coates

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Broken windows theory, Charles Lindbergh, crack epidemic, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, fear of failure, Ferguson, Missouri, Gunnar Myrdal, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, income inequality, jitney, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, moral panic, new economy, obamacare, payday loans, phenotype, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, War on Poverty, white flight

The urge to use the moral force of the black struggle to address broader inequalities originates in both compassion and pragmatism. But it makes for ambiguous policy. Affirmative action’s precise aims, for instance, have always proved elusive. Is it meant to make amends for the crimes heaped upon black people? Not according to the Supreme Court. In its 1978 ruling in Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, the court rejected “societal discrimination” as “an amorphous concept of injury that may be ageless in its reach into the past.” Is affirmative action meant to increase “diversity”? If so, it only tangentially relates to the specific problems of black people—the problem of what America has taken from them over several centuries. This confusion about affirmative action’s aims, along with our inability to face up to the particular history of white-imposed black disadvantage, dates back to the policy’s origins.

This confusion about affirmative action’s aims, along with our inability to face up to the particular history of white-imposed black disadvantage, dates back to the policy’s origins. “There is no fixed and firm definition of affirmative action,” an appointee in Johnson’s Department of Labor declared. “Affirmative action is anything that you have to do to get results. But this does not necessarily include preferential treatment.” Yet America was built on the preferential treatment of white people—395 years of it. Vaguely endorsing a cuddly, feel-good diversity does very little to redress this. Today, progressives are loath to invoke white supremacy as an explanation for anything. On a practical level, the hesitation comes from the dim view the Supreme Court has taken of the reforms of the 1960s. The Voting Rights Act has been gutted. The Fair Housing Act might well be next. Affirmative action is on its last legs. In substituting a broad class struggle for an anti-racist struggle, progressives hope to assemble a coalition by changing the subject.

Perhaps it does, in the most individual sense. But in the collective sense, what this country really fears is black respectability, Good Negro Government. It applauds, even celebrates, Good Negro Government in the unthreatening abstract—The Cosby Show, for instance. But when it becomes clear that Good Negro Government might, in any way, empower actual Negroes over actual whites, then the fear sets in, the affirmative-action charges begin, and birtherism emerges. And this is because, at its core, those American myths have never been colorless. They cannot be extricated from the “whole theory of slavery,” which holds that an entire class of people carry peonage in their blood. That peon class provided the foundation on which all those myths and conceptions were built. And as much as we can theoretically imagine a seamless black integration into the American myth, the white part of this country remembers the myth as it was conceived.

pages: 283 words: 73,093

Social Democratic America by Lane Kenworthy

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, basic income, business cycle, Celtic Tiger, centre right, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, David Brooks, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, endogenous growth, full employment, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, Kenneth Arrow, labor-force participation, manufacturing employment, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, school choice, shareholder value, sharing economy, Skype, Steve Jobs, too big to fail, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, union organizing, universal basic income, War on Poverty, working poor, zero day

States that have reduced imprisonment, turning to alternative punishments such as fines and community corrections programs, have experienced drops in crime similar to those in states that have increased imprisonment.47 If more states followed suit, we could avoid needlessly undermining the employment opportunities of a significant number of young men from less advantaged homes. Third, since the late 1960s, affirmative action programs for university admissions and hiring have promoted opportunity for women and members of racial and ethnic minority groups.48 Affirmative action should continue, but with family background as the focal criterion.49 How to Ensure Shared Prosperity In chapter 2, I described the slow growth of income among lower-half American households since the 1970s. But what if there is no alternative? Do globalization, heightened competition, computerization, and manufacturing decline make it impossible for more than a little of our economic growth to trickle down to households on the middle and lower rungs of the income ladder?

The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) insures against the risk that your job pays less than what’s needed for a minimally decent standard of living. Social assistance programs such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, or “food stamps”) and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) insure against the risk that you will find yourself unable to get a job but ineligible for unemployment or disability compensation. Even affirmative action programs are a form of insurance; they insure against the risk of being in a group that is, or formerly was, discriminated against. Over the past century, the United States, like other rich nations, has created a number of public insurance programs. But we haven’t done enough. From our own experience and that of other affluent countries, we know there are significant risks we could insure against but currently don’t, and others for which the protection we now provide is inadequate.8 We need the following: • Universal health insurance • One-year paid parental leave • Universal early education • Increase in the Child Tax Credit • Sickness insurance • Eased eligibility criteria for unemployment insurance • Wage insurance • Supplemental defined-contribution pension plans with automatic enrollment • Extensive, personalized job-search and (re)training support • Government as employer of last resort • Minimum wage increased modestly and indexed to prices • EITC extended farther up the income ladder and indexed to average compensation or GDP per capita • Social assistance with a higher benefit level and more support for employment • Reduced incarceration of low-level drug offenders • Affirmative action shifted to focus on family background rather than race • Expanded government investment in infrastructure and public spaces • Increase in paid holidays and vacation time Now, to some, this will look like a predictable laundry list of left goals.

From our own experience and that of other affluent countries, we know there are significant risks we could insure against but currently don’t, and others for which the protection we now provide is inadequate.8 We need the following: • Universal health insurance • One-year paid parental leave • Universal early education • Increase in the Child Tax Credit • Sickness insurance • Eased eligibility criteria for unemployment insurance • Wage insurance • Supplemental defined-contribution pension plans with automatic enrollment • Extensive, personalized job-search and (re)training support • Government as employer of last resort • Minimum wage increased modestly and indexed to prices • EITC extended farther up the income ladder and indexed to average compensation or GDP per capita • Social assistance with a higher benefit level and more support for employment • Reduced incarceration of low-level drug offenders • Affirmative action shifted to focus on family background rather than race • Expanded government investment in infrastructure and public spaces • Increase in paid holidays and vacation time Now, to some, this will look like a predictable laundry list of left goals. Yet I’ve arrived at this list not by consulting the latest edition of the “Progressives’ Handbook,”9 but by examining the problems we face and the experiences of the world’s rich nations in addressing them.

pages: 877 words: 182,093

Wealth, Poverty and Politics by Thomas Sowell

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, correlation does not imply causation, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, European colonialism, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, invention of the sewing machine, invisible hand, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, New Urbanism, profit motive, rent control, Scramble for Africa, Simon Kuznets, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, very high income, War on Poverty

The number of Hispanic students who graduated also rose substantially,55 now that minority students were being admitted to those particular campuses of the University of California system that matched their academic qualifications, rather than being mismatched with Berkeley or UCLA for the sake of demographic representation. In the wake of the ban on affirmative action, the number of black and Hispanic students who graduated in four years rose 55 percent; those who graduated with degrees in science, technology, engineering and mathematics rose by 51 percent; and those who graduated with grade point averages of 3.5 or higher rose by 63 percent. These results confirmed what many critics of affirmative action in academia had been saying for years: Students mismatched with institutions whose standards they did not meet would either fail to graduate as often as others or would manage to graduate only by avoiding difficult subjects like science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. A widely acclaimed attempt to say otherwise, that affirmative action in college admissions was successful— The Shape of the River by former college presidents William Bowen and Derek Bok— had crucial defects: 1.

One of these current notions is that lagging groups require a lowering of existing standards, so that more of their members can advance via various forms of “affirmative action.” Yet the fields in which many lagging groups have had their greatest success— especially sports and entertainment— include fields notorious for severe competition, in which even star performers whose performances begin to decline are ruthlessly cast aside. In short, lagging minorities have flourished in endeavors whose conditions are the direct opposite of those of affirmative action. They have had real achievements against unsparing competition, rather than make-believe achievements based on affirmative action quotas. Against the background of British historian Arnold Toynbee’s “challenge and response” thesis, that the necessity to overcome obstacles has spurred human achievements, what income redistributionists propose, in the form of a welfare state guarantee of “basic necessities,” is to remove fundamental and long-standing challenges from the lives of some people by guaranteeing them a livelihood without their having to lift a finger— much less develop human capital, even in the form of common decency.

Poverty Status of Families, by Type of Family, Presence of Related Children, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 1959 to 2013,” downloaded on October 23, 2014: 54. John H. Bunzel, “Affirmative-Action Admissions: How It ‘Works’ at UC Berkeley,” The Public Interest, Fall 1988, pp. 124, 125. 55. Richard Sander and Stuart Taylor, Jr., Mismatch: How Affirmative Action Hurts Students It’s Intended to Help, and Why Universities Won’t Admit It (New York: Basic Books, 2012), p. 154. 56. None of the book’s many tables separates black students who were admitted under the normal standards and those admitted under affirmative action standards. See William G. Bowen and Derek Bok, The Shape of the River: Long-Term Consequences of Considering Race in College and University Admissions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), pp. ix–xix. 57.

pages: 284 words: 85,643

What's the Matter with White People by Joan Walsh

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, banking crisis, clean water, collective bargaining, David Brooks, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, full employment, global village, Golden Gate Park, hiring and firing, impulse control, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, mass immigration, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, upwardly mobile, urban decay, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

Asian Americans have higher college completion rates than whites, and the gulf is widening. In Suicide of a Superpower, poor Pat Buchanan seemed to believe that the rapidly growing number of Asian Americans in the nation’s top schools had to do with affirmative action. I used to hear the same thing from clueless white people back before the passage of Ward Connerly’s Prop. 209 in 1997, which abolished affirmative action. Of course they were wrong—Asian American students were succeeding the old-fashioned way, with hard work. Since then, of course, the white proportion of UC students has continued to decline, even without affirmative action. Living in California it’s easy to see subtle and not so subtle signs of white status anxiety, real and imagined. I was intrigued to see, in a recent Pew Research Center survey of intermarriage trends, that intermarriage rates are going up for every group, except for Asian Americans, whose rates have long been among the highest but which are now coming down.

You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains and liberate him, bring him up to the starting line of a race and then say, “you are free to compete with all the others,” and still justly believe that you have been completely fair. Thus it is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates. Working for Johnson, Moynihan proposed public works jobs and affirmative action measures, as well as a guaranteed national income, to lift black families, whether they were headed by one or two parents, out of poverty. The biggest problem with Moynihan’s report was its timing. Written before the Watts conflagration, it was leaked around the same time, and Washington pundits and politicians found in it an excuse to exonerate white America for the urban rebellions that would soon ignite coast to coast.

It would have created a nationwide guaranteed income and provided payments to families with a father at home, reversing the incentives for family split-up he saw in traditional welfare programs. No less a liberal than Ted Kennedy would eventually lament turning down Nixon’s proposals for national health-care reform, which were arguably more far-reaching than the law enacted under President Obama forty years later. The Nixon administration pioneered affirmative action, with its 1969 “Revised Philadelphia Plan,” a proposal to integrate the city’s white building trades while providing government contracts to minority businesses. George Meany’s plumbers and my grandfather’s steamfitters were among the most segregated unions, with “apprenticeships” passed from father to son, uncle to nephew, in an unbroken white chalk line. Black advocates targeted the building trades for integration understandably: providing middle-class wages to workers without college degrees, they had offered a pathway out of poverty for white immigrants before them.

pages: 596 words: 163,682

The Third Pillar: How Markets and the State Leave the Community Behind by Raghuram Rajan

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, banking crisis, barriers to entry, basic income, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, blockchain, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Build a better mousetrap, business cycle, business process, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, central bank independence, computer vision, conceptual framework, corporate governance, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, crony capitalism, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, currency manipulation / currency intervention, data acquisition, David Brooks, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, deskilling, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, facts on the ground, financial innovation, financial repression, full employment, future of work, global supply chain, high net worth, housing crisis, illegal immigration, income inequality, industrial cluster, intangible asset, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Jaron Lanier, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, moral hazard, Network effects, new economy, Nicholas Carr, obamacare, Productivity paradox, profit maximization, race to the bottom, Richard Thaler, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, Stanford marshmallow experiment, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, The Future of Employment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, transfer pricing, Travis Kalanick, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, Upton Sinclair, Walter Mischel, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working-age population, World Values Survey, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

Otherwise, it is all too easy for monocultures to maintain themselves by saying, “They just did not meet the bar.” In the interests of leveling the playing field, affirmative action for a minority group should eventually end. But when? Some early beneficiaries from affirmative action do well enough to put their children into good schools and colleges, as did our peons at the Reserve Bank. Should affirmative action end for their children (the peon’s grandchildren)? The answer, India has decided, turns on whether the grandchildren continue to be disadvantaged or discriminated against, and whether their parent’s higher incomes are sufficient to get them out of the trap of disadvantage. For groups that do not suffer social discrimination, affirmative action ends once parents have a middle-class income. For those who still continue to face social discrimination—in India the lowest castes and tribes are still discriminated against socially, including being treated as untouchables in some areas—affirmative action does not end even when the family attains decent incomes.

Most of our peons had little education and came from underprivileged segments of Indian society (whence they qualified for affirmative action). The pay, benefits, and job security in public-sector jobs at the lower tiers typically exceed private-sector pay significantly, so getting a public-sector job is a form of affirmative action benefit. Our peons could send their children to decent schools and then to college. At periodic gatherings at my house, where I got to meet the families of office staff, the peons proudly introduced their children—here a bank manager, there a software engineer, everyone able to speak managerial English. The children had made it to comfortable middle class in a generation. It is hard to imagine this would have been possible without their father’s public-sector job. When there is a hunger to take advantage of opportunity, affirmative action seems to work. The problem, of course, is who should be allowed to take advantage of such preferences and for how long.

For some countries, unfortunately, the answer may be, “A lot!” ENABLING THE DISADVANTAGED Finally, what about affirmative action, a red rag to populist nationalist groups? Most large diverse countries have minority groups that have been discriminated against, are disadvantaged, and are underrepresented among the elite. Most such countries have scholarship and admission preferences in schools and colleges for these underprivileged minorities, as well as quotas for government jobs and preferences for government contracts. While not all these supports work well, in my previous job as the governor of the Reserve Bank in India, I had firsthand experience of the positive difference affirmative action could make. Our lowest tier of employee was the chaprasi, or office peon, a position that essentially involves managing the flow of visitors to the office and carrying messages and files from the manager to other offices.

pages: 435 words: 120,574

Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right by Arlie Russell Hochschild

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Sanders, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, clean water, collective bargaining, Deep Water Horizon, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, equal pay for equal work, Exxon Valdez, feminist movement, full employment, greed is good, guest worker program, invisible hand, knowledge economy, McMansion, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, obamacare, oil shock, payday loans, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, Thorstein Veblen, urban sprawl, working poor, Yogi Berra

Like nearly everyone I talk to, Mayor Hardey twice voted for Governor Jindal, as did his family. And were he alive today, very few Louisianans would vote for Huey Long. When I ask Hardey about his political orientation—he was a moderate Republican—he immediately answers, “I’ve had enough of poor me.” As he explains, “I don’t like the government paying unwed mothers to have a lot of kids, and I don’t go for affirmative action. I met this one black guy who complained he couldn’t get a job. Come to find out he’d been to private school. I went to a local public school like everyone else I know. No one should be getting a job to fill some mandated racial quota or getting state money not to work.” Jindal had reduced state money for “poor me’s.” With the jobs coming in now, we “ought to close the unemployment office,” Hardey declares.

The plants had allowed Bob Hardey to discover his high intelligence and capacity for leadership, his dignity, in ways his schools had failed to do. The plants allowed him to gather his entire family around him and, on a generous supervisor’s salary, keep them in high comfort. Wherever the top brass of Sasol and other incoming plants lived, Bob Hardey’s large, loving family, his church, his neighbors were all right there in Westlake. Hardey didn’t see how the federal government had helped him; if anything its affirmative action policies had almost gotten in his way. But industry had been hard on Hardey too. “Four generations of Hardeys have lived in Westlake. And now with Sasol expanding,” he tells me, “a lot of my family is forced to move. My brother has already moved. My son and his wife were finished building their dream house, and now they’re moving out.” His voice softens. “We have a family cemetery in the middle of the Sasol expansion.

Luckily the Coast Guard saw us and towed us to shore. I was glad to see him,” Mike said, adding, “He did check if we had safety vests which I guess is okay.” What image of the government was at play? Was it a nosy big brother (the Coast Guard had checked for safety vests)? Was it a remote-controlling big brother (a federal instead of state Department of Education)? A bad parent playing favorites (affirmative action)? An insistent beggar at the door (taxes)? It was all of these, but something else too. Just as Berkeley hippies of the 1960s felt proud to be “above consumerism,” to demonstrate their higher ideals of love and world harmony—even though they often depended on the parental money they were “above”—so too Mike Schaff and other Tea Party advocates seemed to be saying, “I’m above the government and all its services” to show the world their higher ideals, even though they used a host of them.

pages: 590 words: 153,208

Wealth and Poverty: A New Edition for the Twenty-First Century by George Gilder

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, cleantech, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, equal pay for equal work, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Gilder, Gunnar Myrdal, Home mortgage interest deduction, Howard Zinn, income inequality, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job-hopping, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, margin call, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, medical malpractice, minimum wage unemployment, money market fund, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, non-fiction novel, North Sea oil, paradox of thrift, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, post-industrial society, price stability, Ralph Nader, rent control, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, skunkworks, Steve Jobs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, volatility arbitrage, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, yield curve, zero-sum game

Equal pay for equal work is a principle that applies nowhere, even among men. Even in identical jobs, work effort varies vastly from worker to worker. What the EEOC implicitly demands is carte blanche powers over the entire job market and thus the destruction of the vital freedom of workers to choose their own jobs from among the competing offers of employers.2 An equal rights effort—even an affirmative action program—was feasible when concentrated on the 10 percent of the American people with real grievances. But affirmative action that potentially involves more than half the workforce is necessarily an exercise in futility regardless of whether thousands of women and lawyers are gratified. The victims of this growing mockery are black men who might have benefited from a disciplined program but are now forced to join an undignified queue with such improbable victims as Yale coeds molested by their tutors, ex-addicts denied re-employment, assistant professors at Smith rejected for tenure, and telephone operators who discover, years later, that what they had always wanted was to climb a pole.

This attitude, however, required a spirit of cultural relativism so heroic that it could not serve for long, particularly in political formulations. So new approaches emerged, allegedly more enlightened, but with implications equally far-fetched. Slavery, discrimination, and deprivation, it was said, have so abused the black psyche that all sorts of new ministrations and therapies are needed to redeem it; racism and unemployment still inflict such liabilities that vast new programs of public employment and affirmative action are required to overcome them. The reasonable inference arises that even though blacks are not genetically inferior, science proves them to be so damaged by racism and poverty that they are inferior now. Not only do these notions cause serious strain to the spirit of liberalism when confronting specific specimens of this maimed but deserving race, but such attitudes also perpetuate the idea that the poor, for whatever reason, are still very different from us.

But the poor and their children are assumed to be relatively unshaken by a plague of family breakdowns; at least any resulting lower income and employment levels are said to be due to discrimination, and the behavior of the children is regarded to be little influenced by the absence of fathers. Most American men earn more money than their wives; men that don’t tend to leave, or be left, in large numbers. Yet poor men are assumed to be unaffected by the higher relative incomes available to their wives from welfare and affirmative action, which are alleged to have no relationship to high rates of unemployment and illegitimacy. Perhaps most important of all, every successful ethnic group in our history rose up by working harder than other classes, in low-paid jobs, with a vanguard of men in entrepreneurial roles. But the current poor, so it is supposed, can leapfrog drudgery by education and credentials, or be led as a group from poverty, perhaps by welfare mothers trained for government jobs.

pages: 471 words: 97,152

Animal Spirits: How Human Psychology Drives the Economy, and Why It Matters for Global Capitalism by George A. Akerlof, Robert J. Shiller

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, business cycle, buy and hold, collateralized debt obligation, conceptual framework, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser,, experimental subject, financial innovation, full employment, George Akerlof, George Santayana, housing crisis, Hyman Minsky, income per capita, inflation targeting, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jane Jacobs, Jean Tirole, job satisfaction, Joseph Schumpeter, Long Term Capital Management, loss aversion, market bubble, market clearing, mental accounting, Mikhail Gorbachev, money market fund, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, new economy, New Urbanism, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, random walk, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, transaction costs, tulip mania, working-age population, Y2K, Yom Kippur War

In contrast, in A Country of Strangers: Blacks and Whites in America, reporter David Shipler sought out what African Americans say about themselves and about America.17 In his view there is a real divide. There is a we and a they. And affirmative action can play a significant role in breaking down this barrier between the two Americas. First and foremost is its symbolism. Affirmative action indicates that whites care about blacks. Acceptance by whites of this responsibility defuses the view that America is really two countries, with the white majority uncaring about the black minority. We appreciate that there are objections: that affirmative action is difficult to administer, that it brings up important issues of fairness, and so on. But we view these issues as secondary relative to the role of affirmative action in conveying to African Americans the message “Yes, we can. Yes, we care.”18 The naysayers, like the Thernstroms, declare that affirmative action is wrong, that there is a growing African-American middle class, that government measures are ineffective, that the problem of black-white difference should be left to the market.

In the 1990s there was a great debate about affirmative action. Two important books appeared at about the same time but reached radically different conclusions. Abigail and Stephan Thernstrom wrote an exhaustive history of affirmative action and how it grew out of the civil rights movement.16 They prided themselves on both their factual history and their statistical analysis. But the Thernstroms never came to grips with what the ethnographies reveal. They never made a part of their history what happens in the inner cities to people like Sea Cat and Tally and Richard and Leroy. They could not account for the emotions that are revealed in the ethnographies. And it is these emotions, which are unavoidable, that underlie the special case for affirmative action. In contrast, in A Country of Strangers: Blacks and Whites in America, reporter David Shipler sought out what African Americans say about themselves and about America.17 In his view there is a real divide.

., August 28, 1963 IN THE TWENTY-FOUR MONTHS after Martin Luther King spoke those words, white Americans would finally own up to the gap between black and white justice that had pervaded American history since the settlement of Jamestown.1 Congress would pass a voting rights law. African Americans would be really allowed to vote in the South. Segregation in accommodations and other forms of business would be banned. Discrimination in employment because of “an individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin” would be declared illegal. There would even be the start of some affirmative action, whose remnants are still with us today. There was at last the promise that the divisions of race that had always been the great American Dilemma would finally be overcome.2 A dreamer might have hoped for, and possibly even foreseen, the changes of the months ahead. But no one could have predicted the next shoe to drop. Forty-six years have now passed. Yet the black-white difference, instead of vanishing, has metamorphosed into something different.

Infotopia: How Many Minds Produce Knowledge by Cass R. Sunstein

affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, availability heuristic, Build a better mousetrap,, Cass Sunstein, cognitive bias, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Edward Glaeser,, feminist movement, framing effect, hindsight bias, information asymmetry, Isaac Newton, Jean Tirole, jimmy wales, market bubble, market design, minimum wage unemployment, prediction markets, profit motive, rent control, Richard Stallman, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, slashdot, stem cell, The Wisdom of Crowds, winner-take-all economy

Discussion made civil unions more popular among liberals; discussion made civil unions less popular / 45 among conservatives. Liberals favored an international treaty to control global warming before discussion; they favored it more strongly after discussion. Conservatives were neutral on that treaty before discussion; they strongly opposed it after discussion. Mildly favorable toward affirmative action before discussion, liberals became strongly favorable toward affirmative action after discussion. Firmly negative about affirmative action before discussion, conservatives became even more negative about affirmative action after discussion. Aside from increasing extremism, the experiment had an independent effect: It made both liberal groups and conservative groups significantly more homogeneous—and thus squelched diversity. Before members started to talk, many groups displayed a fair bit of internal disagreement.

.%-)/+%0-'*1% Chapter Two / The Surprising Failures of Deliberating Groups Let us begin with three examples of deliberation in action. 1. In the summer of 2005, a small experiment in democracy was held in Colorado.1 Sixty American citizens were brought together and assembled into ten groups, each consisting of five to seven people. Members of each group were asked to deliberate on three of the most controversial issues of the day: Should states allow same-sex couples to enter into civil unions? Should employers engage in “affirmative action” by giving a preference to members of traditionally disadvantaged groups? Should the United States sign an international treaty to combat global warming? As the experiment was designed, the groups consisted of either “liberal” and “conservative” members, the former from Boulder, the latter from Colorado Springs. In the parlance of election years, there were five Blue State groups and five Red State groups: five groups whose members initially tended toward liberal positions on the three issues, and five whose members tended toward conservative positions on those issues.

A major reason is that we are more confident about our judgments after they have been corroborated by others,16 an important point to which I will return. Second, deliberation usually promotes uniformity by decreasing the range of views within groups.17 After talking together, group members come into greater accord with one another.18 Recall the Colorado experiment discussed earlier; both liberal and conservative group members showed greater homogeneity on global warming, affirmative action, and civil unions for same-sex couples. A central effect of deliberation is to reduce (squelch?) the range of opinions. It is for this reason that statistical groups show far more diversity of opinion than deliberating groups. The Surprising Failures of Deliberating Groups / 55 How should we evaluate these increases in confidence and unity? If the purpose of deliberation is not simply to produce accurate outcomes, then it might be wonderful to see that deliberation ensures more uniformity and higher confidence.

pages: 255 words: 75,172

Sleeping Giant: How the New Working Class Will Transform America by Tamara Draut

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, always be closing, American ideology, battle of ideas, big-box store, blue-collar work, collective bargaining, creative destruction, David Brooks, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, ending welfare as we know it, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, full employment, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, job satisfaction, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, mass incarceration, minimum wage unemployment, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, occupational segregation, payday loans, pink-collar, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, shared worldview, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trickle-down economics, union organizing, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, white flight, women in the workforce, young professional

By 1980, sixteen years of organized activism and formal federal oversight had resulted in remarkable gains for black women, black men, and white women. But progress ground to a halt in the 1980s, with only white women advancing over the next three decades. At the national level, our political debate became increasingly racialized, particularly around the issue of affirmative action. Conservatives successfully recast affirmative action as “reverse discrimination,” and when they secured electoral advantage, they were able to transform this rhetoric into action. Upon winning the presidency, Ronald Reagan quickly knocked the teeth out of federal enforcement, slashing the budget of the EEOC and the office responsible for federal contracting.17 He appointed Clarence Thomas (now a Supreme Court justice) to head the EEOC and ordered a near stoppage to enforcement of the law.

On the other hand, most affluent whites lived in communities so far from either black or white working-class people that their children were rarely affected by busing orders.46 The Republican Party used the detachment of white elites from the implementation of integration to charge the Democratic Party with liberal elitism: championing the rights of minorities from a lofty perch on which they remain unaffected. In addition, the Republican Party cleverly began describing affirmative action as “reverse discrimination,” arguing that better-qualified whites were losing jobs to less-qualified minorities. It was a cynical and ugly ploy, but it worked. And it’s still working. Charges of reverse discrimination have resulted in Supreme Court rulings that have all but ended affirmative action. The Republicans pursued a narrative of “color blindness,” arguing that the way to overcome past and current discrimination was to bar government from considering a person’s race at all, often co-opting and distorting Martin Luther King’s famous statement that “we should judge people on the content of their character, not the color of their skin.”

Meany became a vociferous advocate for the inclusion of the equal employment opportunity section of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, testifying before the House in 1963 that “we need a federal law to help us do what we want to do: mop up those areas of discrimination which still persist in our own ranks.”24 But as I discuss more in the next chapter, racial tensions and discrimination remained deep problems in the labor movement, with many white union members abandoning the Democratic Party as policies around affirmative action and housing integration were implemented. The 1960s were a high-water mark for what is referred to as social movement unionism. Labor was an advocate not just for its members but for the entirety of the working class. In 1967, 25 percent of all political activity, such as voting and contacting legislators, was performed by union members.25 The working class was political, and its voice reverberated through state capitals across the country and through the halls of Congress.

The Origins of the Urban Crisis by Sugrue, Thomas J.

affirmative action, business climate, collective bargaining, correlation coefficient, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, deindustrialization, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Ford paid five dollars a day, George Gilder, ghettoisation, Gunnar Myrdal, hiring and firing, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, informal economy, invisible hand, job automation, jobless men, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, mass incarceration, New Urbanism, oil shock, pink-collar, postindustrial economy, rent control, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, side project, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

Lieberman, Shifting the Color Line: Race and the American Welfare State (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998); Michael K. Brown, Race, Money, and the American Welfare State (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1998); Anthony S. Chen, “From Fair Employment to Equal Opportunity Employment and Beyond: Affirmative Action and Civil Rights Politics in the New Deal Order, 19411972” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2002); Philip A. Klinkner with Rogers M. Smith, The Unsteady March: The Rise and Decline of Racial Equality in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); John David Skrentny, The Ironies of Affirmative Action (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996); Paul Frymer, “Race, Labor, and the Twentieth-Century American State,” Politics and Society 32 (2004): 475–509. 6. Kenneth D. Durr, Behind the Backlash: White Working-Class Politics in Baltimore, 1940–1980 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003); Wendell Pritchett, Brownsville, Brooklyn: Blacks, Jews, and the Changing Face of the Ghetto (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); articles by Raymond A.

The largest area of job growth since the early 1980s has been part-time, contingent work.21 Discrimination has also persisted in Detroit’s labor market, despite civil rights legislation. Employers, as a 1993 survey pointed out, continue to use race to screen prospective employees. Remedies for systematic discrimination have met with limited success, primarily in the governmental sector (a part of the economy that was already opening to blacks after World War II) and in clerical employment. In other sectors, affirmative action has had little impact. Government-enforced affirmative action programs continued the trajectory of the antidiscrimination efforts of the Urban League and the NAACP in the 1950s. They played an important role in opening employment to middle-class blacks, and in breaking the deeply rooted barriers of discrimination in the city’s police and fire departments. They resulted in the token hiring of blacks in the building trades, where their numbers still remain small.

Racial preferences in government contracts also created a lucrative niche for African American-owned businesses. Detroit’s first African American mayor, Coleman Young, much like his white predecessors, used city employment and city contracts to reward loyal supporters over the course of his twenty-year mayoralty (1974–1994). But in the private sector, companies and workers continued to resist affirmative action programs, and blacks have remained underrepresented in skilled and white collar work throughout the post-riot years. By and large untouched by affirmative action programs have been the displaced working-class and poor black Detroiters most in need of assistance.22 Detroit has also remained intensely segregated by race and by class. Open housing and antidiscrimination efforts had little effect on metropolitan Detroit’s housing market. Patterns of segregation actually worsened in the 1970s and 1980s.

Saving America's Cities: Ed Logue and the Struggle to Renew Urban America in the Suburban Age by Lizabeth Cohen

activist lawyer, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, car-free, charter city, deindustrialization, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, garden city movement, ghettoisation, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, hiring and firing, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, Jane Jacobs, land reform, megastructure, new economy, New Urbanism, Peter Eisenman, postindustrial economy, race to the bottom, rent control, Robert Gordon, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, Victor Gruen, Vilfredo Pareto, walkable city, War on Poverty, white flight, white picket fence, young professional

The UDC contracted with a minority-run operation called the Recruitment and Training Program (R-T-P, formerly the Workers Defense League) to offer technical assistance and job counseling to minority workers on many project sites and with the Contractors’ Training and Development Office to help minority-owned contracting firms acquire skills including bookkeeping, writing proposals, and securing bank loans, all required when working with a state agency like the UDC.145 That Logue made affirmative action a UDC priority was clear in his instructions to Donald Cogsville, the UDC’s African American affirmative action officer. “I want you to go out and look at those sites and make a judgment about whether there are enough minorities on these jobs. If there aren’t, complain … tell him you’ll be back in four weeks more and if you don’t see improvement, the contractor’s not going to get paid.”146 Cogsville indeed credited the agency’s well-recognized success with affirmative action to having “a guy at the head of the organization who says ‘God damn, it’s going to be done,’ and then gives the freedom to do whatever is necessary to get things done.”147 Other developers and even a black activist in fact complained that the UDC was monopolizing the state’s very small number of minority subcontractors and black construction workers.

And in its worst moments, particularly in the years after the UDC collapsed and the HUDC continued to exist as an autonomous community development corporation, it made reckless decisions and often operated as a patronage machine for board members pursuing their own self-interest, taking advantage of HUDC’s access to public and private investment dollars.139 The UDC’s effort to mount a robust affirmative action program proved less controversial and brought more acclaim than the Harlem project. Not only did it fit better with Logue’s integrationist orientation, but he could control it fully through his power as UDC president rather than having to negotiate with a politically complex set of actors, as in Harlem. Governor Rockefeller had sent a strong message that New York State was committed to affirmative action, but Logue—more than most agency heads—took that charge to heart. Of the UDC’s 500 employees, 23 percent were minority, including 15 percent of the 330 professional and technical staffers.140 As early as 1970, nine of the UDC’s fifty-four projects had been designed by minority architects, although only 1 percent of New York State’s architects were black or Puerto Rican.141 By 1973, 16 percent of the UDC’s total construction contracts, worth more than $55.5 million, had gone to minority builders.

Twin thirty-five-story octagonal towers contained six hundred mixed-income apartments and the Clarks’s Northside Center for Child Development, the first facility to offer psychological services to families in Harlem. At this cornerstone ceremony in 1973, the Clarks are flanked to the right by Logue and William H. Hayden, director of the UDC’s New York City Region field office. A subsidiary, the Harlem Urban Development Corporation, initiated other projects nearby. (URBAN DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION) PROMOTING AFFIRMATIVE ACTION. Logue made a strong commitment to affirmative action, requiring that minorities’ participation in all aspects of UDC projects be proportional to their presence in a local area. UDC-sponsored loans and technical assistance programs helped minorities compete. Here, the architectural firm Castro-Blanco, Piscioneri & Feder is working with Gruzen & Partners on Schomburg Plaza. (ANNUAL REPORT OF THE NEW YORK STATE URBAN DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION, 1972) THE BATTLE OVER FAIR SHARE HOUSING IN WESTCHESTER, 1972.

How to Be Black by Baratunde Thurston

affirmative action, carbon footprint, Columbine, dark matter, desegregation, drone strike, housing crisis, phenotype, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, supply-chain management, the scientific method, transatlantic slave trade

You might as well keep going, because there’s a lot more to being black than February. This is a book about the ideas of blackness, how those ideas are changing, and how they differ from the popular ideas promoted in mainstream media and often in the black community itself. You’re probably familiar with the popular concept of blackness: hip-hop, crime and prison, fatherless homes, high blood pressure, school dropouts, drugs, athleticism, musical talent, The Wire, affirmative action, poverty, diabetes, the Civil Rights Movement, and, recently, the U.S. presidency. Some of these concepts are stereotypes. Some are true. Most are negative. But in the age of President Barack Obama, all of them are limiting and simply inadequate to the task of capturing the reality of blackness. The ideas of blackness that make it into mainstream thought exclude too much of the full range of who black people are.

Martin Luther King Jr. marching on television, and led protests following the release of the movie Madea’s Family Reunion. Thanks for joining us, Joe . . . Part 3—Black Issues There are two types of issues: those that have to do with black people and everything else. You must be prepared to comment on both. The following is a media-approved list of official black issues: • Crime. Why do black people do so much? • Affirmative action. Why do black people take jobs from white people? • Poverty. Why are black people poor? • Racism. Why haven’t black people gotten over it already? • Drugs. Why do black people do them? • Sunflower seeds. Why do black people love them? • Welfare. Why are black people on it? • Hip-hop. Why can’t black people just let us have it already? Come on! Gimme! • The Black Vote. Who are all the black people voting for?

It’s simply not possible. If you find yourself running out of ways to blame black people, use any of the following tactics to distract your host: • Invoke the success of minority immigrants who came here voluntarily. • Cite the number of decades since the end of slavery. • Blame hip-hop. • Point to the example of Barack Obama. • Blame hip-hop again. This technique works whether for anti–affirmative action crusaders of the 1990s or black Tea Party members of the 2010s. Whichever black spokesperson path you choose, conservative or traditional, take pride in the fact that both can be equally unhelpful to your people. Beyond the Media In all likelihood, you won’t be called to perform such a high-profile task as representing all black people in the media, but you can still use this training in your everyday life.

pages: 691 words: 203,236

Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future of White Majorities by Eric Kaufmann

4chan, affirmative action, Amazon Mechanical Turk, anti-communist, anti-globalists, augmented reality, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, Chelsea Manning, cognitive dissonance, complexity theory, corporate governance, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, deindustrialization, demographic transition, Donald Trump, Elon Musk,, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Haight Ashbury, illegal immigration, immigration reform, imperial preference, income inequality, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, liberal capitalism, longitudinal study, Lyft, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral panic, Nate Silver, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, open borders, phenotype, postnationalism / post nation state, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Silicon Valley, statistical model, Steven Pinker, the built environment, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, transcontinental railway, twin studies, uber lyft, upwardly mobile, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, white flight, working-age population, World Values Survey, young professional

This is why the attempt by the Law Society of Upper Canada in 2017 to force its members to promote diversity is being challenged in the courts.34 In the 1960s, resistance to left-modernism came from formerly socialist, primarily Jewish, intellectuals like Bell, Nathan Glazer and others. Glazer was an especially influential critic of the multicultural resurgence of the 1990s.35 These criticisms shaped intellectual life on the centre-right and informed opposition to bilingualism and affirmative action in the United States. Even so, the multicultural narrative continued in the media while affirmative action was upheld by the courts and practised in elite universities. Events moved more quickly in Europe in the 1990s, where populist-right gains in countries such as France, Italy and Austria prompted mainstream politicians to abandon the rhetoric of multiculturalism. Where left-modernism was formerly able to portray national identity as dangerous, clearing the way for multiculturalism, political change desacralized multiculturalism, permitting it to be debated, whereupon it was swiftly replaced by civic nationalism.

First, when we speak about the black or Muslim interest, we refer not just to the fact individuals in these groups experience discrimination and use identity politics to stand up for their individual rights. There is also a question of collective dignity: if my group is not treated fairly and experiences poverty, even if I am rich and experience no discrimination, the group’s subaltern condition affects me. I share its pain. Whites generally are not discriminated against, but there are exceptions, such as affirmative action, which could be a source of legitimate white grievance. Here it’s noteworthy that Asian opposition to affirmative action in California is considered legitimate whereas white opposition is not. This is inconsistent. Whites may also lack community structures akin to those for minority groups when they experience failure, depression or loneliness. This is partly the legacy of their individualism and partly because they have not had to develop group institutions in the past to protect themselves.

One often sees this among, say, outsiders who have moved to ethnically distinctive regions like Cajun country or Cornwall and oppose rapid erosion of the Cajun/Cornish share of the local population. At the national level, this means some ethnic minorities – especially Hispanics and Asians in America – have a vicarious attachment to the white majority and support majority ethnic aims like reducing immigration or resisting affirmative action. As minorities increase in size, an important question for electoral politics is whether they will incline towards ethno-traditional nationalism or multiculturalism. MIGRATION AND ETHNIC GROUPS IN WORLD HISTORY In order to understand today’s populist upsurge we must stand back to take in a larger historical drama: the evolution of white-majority ethnic groups in the West. Ethnic groups such as the Persians, Jews or Chinese can be traced back over two millennia.

pages: 298 words: 89,287

Who Are We—And Should It Matter in the 21st Century? by Gary Younge

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, British Empire, call centre, David Brooks, equal pay for equal work, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, feminist movement, financial independence, glass ceiling, global village, illegal immigration, inflation targeting, invisible hand, liberal capitalism, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral panic, phenotype, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Skype, Steven Levy, upwardly mobile, Wolfgang Streeck, World Values Survey

So while the process by which the New Haven Fire Department attempted to engineer diversity was deeply flawed, its desire to do so is rooted in efforts to redress a deep-seated, longstanding racial imbalance and could and should have been attempted in some other way. However, as another story about affirmative action—the move to redress gender, racial and ethnic inequality—illustrates, the target of grievance is rarely the source of the resentment. In 1995, Jennifer Gratz, a working-class girl who finished in the top 5 percent of her high school class, was rejected by the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor. Gratz assumed she had been denied the place because of something she could not help—her race. The university used a points system when selecting applicants, and those from under-represented minorities automatically received extra points. Concluding that affirmative action had handed her place to a less qualified black student, Gratz turned, crying, to her father, her rejection letter in her hand, and asked, “Dad, can we sue?”

Rather than change the material realities that give the constructs of race and racism their meaning, the tortured logic went that, if you constructed race differently on a form, then maybe those realities and our understanding of them would change. Others, on the Right, saw the introduction of the category as a Trojan horse for the elimination of affirmative action. “The main effect of the multiracial check-off is that it will doom affirmative action, already on the run,” argued James Glassman in the Washington Post. For that very reason, many civil rights leaders argued against the multiracial box, viewing it as a direct assault on their ability to redress racial inequality that would dilute resources earmarked for minorities. “It would be much more difficult with this additional category to measure the effects of discrimination in our community and to be able to adequately redress them,” explained the NAACP leader, Kweisi Mfume.

A study in the Columbia Law Review in 2008 found a similar effect with race in voting-rights cases. “When a white judge sits on a panel with at least one African-American judge,” the study, conducted by Adam B. Cox and Thomas J. Miles, concluded, “she becomes roughly 20 percentage points more likely to find” a voting-rights violation. One of the most right-wing voices on the court, and a firm opponent of affirmative action, Antonin Scalia effectively confirmed this from his own experience. Referring to the presence of the first black justice, Thurgood Marshall, Scalia recalled: “[He] could be a persuasive force just by sitting there ... He wouldn’t have to open his mouth to affect the nature of the conference and how seriously the conference would take matters of race.” Ginsburg recalls a case involving Savana Redding, a thirteen-year-old girl who had been strip-searched at school on suspicion of hiding some ibuprofen.

pages: 470 words: 148,730

Good Economics for Hard Times: Better Answers to Our Biggest Problems by Abhijit V. Banerjee, Esther Duflo

"Robert Solow", 3D printing, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, basic income, Bernie Sanders, business cycle, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, charter city, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, decarbonisation, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser,, endowment effect, energy transition, Erik Brynjolfsson, experimental economics, experimental subject, facts on the ground, fear of failure, financial innovation, George Akerlof, high net worth, immigration reform, income inequality, Indoor air pollution, industrial cluster, industrial robot, information asymmetry, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Jane Jacobs, Jean Tirole, Jeff Bezos, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, land reform, loss aversion, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, obamacare, offshore financial centre, open economy, Paul Samuelson, place-making, price stability, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, randomized controlled trial, Richard Thaler, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, school choice, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, self-driving car, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, smart meter, social graph, spinning jenny, Steve Jobs, technology bubble, The Chicago School, The Future of Employment, The Market for Lemons, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, universal basic income, urban sprawl, very high income, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working-age population, Y2K

As a flagship producer of the next generation of leaders, Harvard clearly needs to find a place for students from all social groups, and a massive overrepresentation of any particular social group relative to its weight in the population is both perhaps undesirable in a democracy and likely to lead to political problems. But we need a more transparent social conversation about the design of affirmative action. The current implementation of affirmative action policies, which dances around the concept of race instead of directly confronting it, is probably not anywhere close to ideal. The Harvard challenge is both inevitable and perhaps desirable in that it makes society confront its own inconsistencies. From the perspective of the narrow objective of affecting preferences by increasing contact between social groups, the growing resentment of affirmative action poses a problem. Allport’s original hypothesis was that contact would reduce prejudice, but only if some conditions were satisfied. In particular, he held that reduced prejudice would result when the contact happened in a setting where there was equal status between the groups in the situation, common goals, intergroup cooperation, and the support of authorities, law, or custom.

HARVARD One implication of this evidence is that diversity in the student body of educational institutions is valuable in and of itself, because it durably affects preferences. Affirmative action was originally envisioned in the United States partly as compensation for historical injustice, and partly as a way to level the playing field between the whites, who had the advantage of many generations of advanced education, and the rest. But it goes much beyond that. What the twenty-seven RCTs on the effect of contact on tolerance imply is that this mixing is one of the most powerful instruments we have for making society more tolerant and more inclusive. The problem is that affirmative action itself is now a polarizing idea. In the spring of 2018, New York City struggled with the redesign of the admission system for its elite public schools, which is currently based on an exam and lets in very few Latinos and African Americans.

The history of independent India has been a reasonable success in terms of integrating the castes. For example, the wage gap between the traditionally disadvantaged castes (SC/STs) and others dropped from 35 percent in 1983 to 29 percent in 2004.14 This does not look so spectacular, but is more than the improvement in the wage gap between blacks and whites in the United States over a similar time period. In part this is the result of the affirmative action policies Ambedkar put into place, which gave historically discriminated groups privileged access to educational institutions, government jobs, and the various legislatures. Economic transformation also helped. Urbanization, by making people more anonymous and less dependent on their village networks, has permitted greater mixing of the castes. New jobs lowered the importance of the caste network in finding employment opportunities and increased the incentives for young people from lower castes to get educated.

Multicultural Cities: Toronto, New York, and Los Angeles by Mohammed Abdul Qadeer

affirmative action, business cycle, call centre, David Brooks, deindustrialization, desegregation, edge city,, Frank Gehry, game design, ghettoisation, global village, immigration reform, industrial cluster, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, market bubble, McMansion, new economy, New Urbanism, place-making, Richard Florida, risk tolerance, Silicon Valley, Skype, telemarketer, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method, urban planning, urban renewal, working-age population, young professional

The political right keeps bringing up arguments about national fragmentation and reverse discrimination to challenge policies of accommodating minorities. They advocate for colour- and culture-blind access for all, while overlooking the built-in structural biases of service systems. The charge of preferential treatment of minorities flies around and feeds a political backlash. Recently, the tide has been turning against affirmative-action policies. The US Supreme Court in 2014 restricted affirmative action in admissions to schools.24 In 2009 the Supreme Court invalidated New Haven, Connecticut’s preferential promotion of non-White firemen over twenty White applicants.25 Canadian human rights tribunals are inundated with claims and counterclaims of discrimination by persons of both the minority and majority The Pluralism of Urban Services 213 backgrounds.

See Michael Ornstein, Ethno-racial Groups in Toronto 1971–2001: A Demographic and Social-economic Profile (Toronto: Institute for Social Research, York University, 2006) and Camille Zubrinsky Charles, Won’t You Be My Neighbor? (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006). 300 Notes to pages 212–18 24 Bill Mears, “Michigan’s Ban on Affirmative Action Upheld by Supreme Court,” CNN News, 22 April 2014, scotus-michigan-affirmative-action/. 25 Adam Liptak, “Supreme Court Finds Bias against White Firefighters,” New York Times, 29 June 2009, .html. 10. Urban Planning for Cultural Diversity 1 These goals of planning are not always compatible in all situations. There is much debate about not only their mutual trade-offs, but also their relative significance.

Although there are some disquieting questions about the segregationist consequences of ethnic agencies, they are particularly useful in the delivery of services to new immigrants and marginalized communities.15 By providing culturally and religiously appropriate services, ethnic agencies empower these groups and enhance the adequacy of services for them. 206 Multicultural Cities Yet it is the induction of minorities and excluded groups into decision making that consolidates the cultural responsiveness of service organizations. On this score, the past fifty years have witnessed steady progress in the enactment of anti-racism laws, human rights legislation, affirmative action policies, and employment equity programs. Minorities have not achieved full equality, but the barriers to their inclusion have come down. The City of Toronto undertook a comprehensive exercise in instituting access and equity policies in its municipal operations in 1998. Not that, before this exercise, Toronto was a city of indifference to racial and ethnic inequities. The federal multiculturalism policy (1971) and Charter of Rights and Freedoms (1982) laid the basis for the introduction of equal employment programs.

Reaganland: America's Right Turn 1976-1980 by Rick Perlstein

"Robert Solow", 8-hour work day, affirmative action, airline deregulation, Alistair Cooke, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Brewster Kahle, business climate, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, COVID-19, Covid-19, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, currency peg, death of newspapers, defense in depth, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, energy security, equal pay for equal work, facts on the ground, feminist movement, financial deregulation, full employment, global village, Golden Gate Park, illegal immigration, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index card, indoor plumbing, Internet Archive, invisible hand, Julian Assange, Kitchen Debate, kremlinology, land reform, Marshall McLuhan, mass immigration, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Monroe Doctrine, moral panic, mutually assured destruction, New Journalism, oil shock, open borders, Potemkin village, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, traveling salesman, unemployed young men, union organizing, unpaid internship, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, wages for housework, walking around money, War on Poverty, white flight, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, yellow journalism, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

Robert, 139 Abourezk, James, 168, 258, 382, 395 Abrams, Morris, 883 Abscam sting, 729, 769, 814 Abzug, Bella, 84, 92, 99, 131–132, 133, 148, 150, 156, 173, 175, 178, 182, 265, 820, 821 academic academics, 286, 287 Accelerated Christian Education (ACE) program, 350 Accuracy in Media, 857 Ackley, Gardner, 292 The Act of Marriage: The Beauty of Sexual Love (Tim & Beverly LaHaye), 155 ACTION (agency), 264–265 Action Committee for Long Island, 753 Adams, Brock, 588 Adrian, Ron, 236 Advocacy for Children’s Television, 463 Advocate (newspaper), 92 affirmative action, Bakke case, 164–167 affirmative action tests, 354 Affirmative Discrimination (Glazer), 165 Afghanistan, 696–701, 700, 710–711, 711, 719 Africa Dan Crane on, 384 Reagan on racial issues, 221–222 African Americans affirmative action tests, 354 Bakke affirmative action case, 164–167, 482 Black Woman’s Agenda, 183 California anti-smoking proposition, 399 California Propositions 8 and 13, 324 Carter and, 214 Ku Klux Klan, 830–832, 851–852, 858–859 Reagan and, 368, 522, 884–885, 909 RNC recruiting black Republicans, 220 Roots miniseries, 66, 165–167 segregation academies, 349 women’s conference, 183 Agee, William, 801–802 Agent Orange, 556 Agnew, Spiro, 454, 455 agriculture, 428–431 Ahearn, Rick, 735 Ailes, Roger, 754 AIPAC.

Reported the Washington Post in its article on the amicus arguments in Bakke, “What potentially is the most influential brief has yet to be filed by the Justice Department, which has been struggling with the language of its arguments under intense pressure from civil rights leaders and the administrators of affirmative action plans in a number of federal departments.” Affirmative action was the perfect issue to keep the Democratic Party divided—which was why Richard Nixon had advocated expanding the Johnson administration’s Philadelphia Plan. On Monday, September 19, the Justice Department released its seventy-four-page Bakke brief. It was another hedging Carter administration performance. It endorsed the principle of “reasonable goals or targets,” but rejected “rigid exclusionary quotas”—without which, civil rights groups protested, the principle of affirmative action was moot. The argument was considerably to the left of an earlier, leaked draft. The administration insisted the shift had nothing to do with the flood of calls that had tied up the White House switchboard for hours after a DJ on a black radio station mistakenly announced the administration was conducting a public poll on the issue.

They were far more interested in matters like Bert Lance, Jimmy Carter’s stalled energy bill, Senate hearings on the Panama Canal treaties—and a galvanizing Supreme Court case stirring a new subject into the social issue stew: “affirmative action.” Oral arguments were set for October 12 in the case brought by a thirty-three-year-old NASA research engineer named Allan Bakke, who sued the University of California in 1973 after twice being denied admission to the medical school at UC Davis. He blamed his misfortune on the school’s policy of reserving sixteen slots for “educationally and economically disadvantaged minorities.” In September of 1976 the California Supreme Court sided with him. The university appealed to the high court—which now had received more friend-of-the-court briefs from both sides than on any case in the previous twenty years. Supporters of affirmative action argued that, far from being foreign to the American constitutional order, racial quotas were an implicit component of much Reconstruction-era legislation.

pages: 581 words: 162,518

We the Corporations: How American Businesses Won Their Civil Rights by Adam Winkler

1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, Cass Sunstein, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, corporate personhood, corporate social responsibility, desegregation, Donald Trump, financial innovation, glass ceiling, income inequality, invisible hand, joint-stock company, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, obamacare, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, profit maximization, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, refrigerator car, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, South Sea Bubble, the scientific method, too big to fail, trade route, transcontinental railway, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, yellow journalism

Beginning with a 1978 case, University of California v. Bakke, the court began to insist that affirmative action policies, such as minority set-aside programs, satisfy constitutional law’s hardest test, “strict scrutiny.” Bakke suggested strict scrutiny was necessary because race-based affirmative action was another form of racial discrimination, raising the same concerns as Jim Crow laws. The effect of Bakke was to make it easier to challenge affirmative action polices as unconstitutional.27 Although strict scrutiny for affirmative action grew out of Bakke, that case split the justices and, as a result, there was no controlling majority opinion. The first two Supreme Court cases to have a clear majority in favor of strict scrutiny for affirmative action involved business firms who claimed to be victims of racial discrimination: Adarand Constructors, Inc. and the J.

The court struck down speech restrictions targeting political dissenters, dismantled Jim Crow, and generally committed itself to preserving civil rights and civil liberties. Stone’s justification for stricter judicial review of laws burdening minorities was grounded in political power: minority groups were easily victimized by the majority. Yet in the affirmative action cases, the justices abandoned that rationale, giving special judicial protection to the white majority. It was another example of reform adopted to help the powerless that was exploited and transformed by corporations to benefit the powerful. The Supreme Court justice who first suggested that race-based affirmative action be subject to strict scrutiny was Lewis F. Powell Jr., a Nixon appointee who authored the Bakke opinion. Another area of constitutional law in which Powell would have a tremendous influence was corporate rights. For just as Daniel Webster was the Corporation’s Lawyer, Lewis Powell was the Corporation’s Justice.

The ARCO supervisor treated the company and its employees in a discriminatory manner. And he did it because the company was owned and operated by Sikhs. As a result, the court said, “Flying B undoubtedly acquired an imputed racial identity.” Here, ascribing a racial identity to a corporation was necessary to give teeth to antidiscrimination law. Corporations today can also have a legally recognized racial identity under affirmative action policies. Federal law provides that companies with 51 percent minority control and ownership can be certified as “Minority Business Enterprises,” which qualifies them for a variety of contracting, banking, and training programs for economically and socially disadvantaged groups. States have similar programs, the result of which is effectively to classify particular companies as African American, Hispanic American, or Native American.

pages: 250 words: 88,762

The Logic of Life: The Rational Economics of an Irrational World by Tim Harford

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, business cycle, colonial rule, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Glaeser,, endowment effect, European colonialism, experimental economics, experimental subject, George Akerlof, income per capita, invention of the telephone, Jane Jacobs, John von Neumann, law of one price, Martin Wolf, mutually assured destruction, New Economic Geography, new economy, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Richard Florida, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, spinning jenny, Steve Jobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas Malthus, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

Since blacks are locked into a spiral of negative incentives, we need to work out how to change those incentives. Affirmative action programs are often thought to dampen the incentives of minority groups to work hard. If you’re going to get the job anyway through some affirmative action program, why work? A badly designed program certainly could have that effect, but it doesn’t have to. Instead, affirmative action could make the difference between a young black kid giving up because he thinks he has no chance and striving on because he realizes that he does have a chance if he studies. Not all affirmative action programs are alike; what matters is what impact the program has on incentives. Given the complexities, I am not sure what a successful affirmative action program would look like, but I am sure that randomized trials, “Moving to Opportunity”–style, could pick out some success stories.

Fryer instead used a survey: Roland Fryer, with David Austen-Smith, “An Economic Analysis of ‘Acting White,’” Quarterly Journal of Economics 120 (May 2005): 551–83, papers/as_fryer_qje.pdf, and Fryer, “Acting White.” Fryer points to analogues: Roland Fryer, “A Model of Social Interactions and Endogenous Poverty Traps,” NBER Working Paper W12364,, forthcoming in Rationality and Society. Not all affirmative action programs: Roland Fryer and Glenn Loury, “Affirmative Action and Its Mythology,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 19, no. 3(Summer 2005): 147–62. Roland Fryer, who was recently: On Fryer’s randomized trial, interview with Roland Fryer, January 2007. On his appointment by the New York City education department, see Jennifer Medina, “His Charge: Find a Key to Students’ Success,” The New York Times, June 21, 2007. Psychologist Barry Schwartz attacked Fryer: Barry Schwartz, “Money for Nothing,” The New York Times, July 2, 2007.

pages: 316 words: 91,969

Gray Lady Down: What the Decline and Fall of the New York Times Means for America by William McGowan

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, corporate governance, David Brooks, different worldview, East Village, friendly fire, haute couture, illegal immigration, immigration reform, liberation theology, medical residency, New Journalism, obamacare, payday loans, postnationalism / post nation state, pre–internet, uranium enrichment, yellow journalism, young professional

The plain truth is that the only kind of diversity the paper really embraces is that of race and ethnicity. Indeed, an official report on the Jayson Blair episode included “A Note on Affirmative Action,” an appendix by Roger Wilkins, an activist who had become an urban affairs columnist and a member of the editorial board. Wilkins maintained that staff recruitment occurred within a culture where it was taught that “white men were the only people qualified to carry out the serious business of the world.” Thirty-five years of affirmative action had “blunted” but not eradicated “the preferences and prejudices that produced such results,” he argued, and therefore, “The countercultural forces of affirmative action and diversity programs are still necessary to assemble the kind of news gathering staff required to produce excellent journalism.” As for ideological diversity, the Credibility Committee report of 2005 admitted that “when numerous articles use the same assumption as a point of departure, [the resulting] monotone can leave the false impression that the paper has chosen sides.

As legitimate questions were raised about diversity as a force in news coverage, he would hear none of it. Instead, he displayed a righteous, even sanctimonious insistence that he was “setting a moral standard.” Not surprisingly, the diversity dissidents in the newsroom—and there were quite a few—became skittish. As John Leo of U.S. News and World Report put it, the paper’s “hardening line on racial issues, built around affirmative action, group representation and government intervention,” was difficult for staffers to buck. “Reporters do not thrive by resisting the deeply held views of their publisher.... When opinionated publishers are heavily committed to any cause, the staff usually responds by avoiding coverage that casts that cause in a bad light.” Or as one veteran Timesman told me when I was writing Coloring the News, no one was going to tell Arthur “We’ve gone too far.

Touching on the combustible issue of racial preferences as a factor in Blair’s rise, the report explained that he had joined the Times through a minority-only internship and then was promoted to full-time reporter in January 2001, and that his immediate supervisor, Jonathan Landman, the Metro editor, objected but ultimately deferred to the paper’s “commitment to diversity.” Landman did warn his higher-ups that editors had to “stop Jayson from writing for the Times,” but that memo had little effect. Although the Times denied any connection between Blair and the broader issue of affirmative action, such a conclusion was hard to get around. The recently retired Times columnist William Safire said, “Apparently, this 27-year-old was given too many second chances by editors eager for this ambitious black journalist to succeed.” As part of its lacerating self-inquiry, the paper held a special off-site “town meeting” of newsroom employees to address the worsening staff morale and many still-unanswered questions.

pages: 166 words: 52,755

Dignity: Seeking Respect in Back Row America by Chris Arnade

affirmative action, big-box store, clean water, Donald Trump, white flight, white picket fence, working poor

Given the absurdly narrow path available, given the overwhelming amount stacked against them, that is something most can’t do. It is also something many don’t care to do anyway—and for good reason. The direct solution we offer for minorities is affirmative action, an accelerated boost to the front row for a lucky few, and although justifiable in the short term, it is a Band-Aid for a system needing surgery. For one thing, it still presumes that the main problem is a lack of education or credentialed achievement, implying that people who value less measurable forms of meaning get what’s coming to them. For another, affirmative action inflames racial tensions as it drives another wedge between the white and black members of the back row. This is especially dangerous because the back row has been left with little to take pride in that doesn’t need credentials.

For frustrated whites, it is especially easy because it offers a community with a long (and ugly) historical legacy, boosting its sense of importance. It also offers plenty of scapegoats to punch down at. In the back row, it can feel as though everyone is sinking, making it the perfect environment for the politics of blame. That all anyone does is throw out a few lifesavers, providing an escape to a small group, makes it even more appealing. That the lifesavers are seen to unfairly go to minorities via affirmative action makes it even easier. Affirmative action is the right short-term way to try to deal with the long history of structural racism, yet if everyone—black, white, Hispanic—is sinking, it can feel unfair. If it is more about getting a larger share of a shrinking pie than a larger share of a growing pie, then it can inflame hate. Donald Trump, in 2016, exploited the dangerous and easy appeal of racial identity.

If we still hadn’t done enough, it wasn’t my fault, I figured. I could point to my childhood and say I was different from the rest of the whites in the front row, a more nuanced version of “I have black friends.” And I could tell myself I was doing everything I could for minorities. I voted for and argued for policies I saw as fighting the remaining problems—I supported criminal justice reform, I supported affirmative action, I supported expanding the social safety net, and I supported increasing my own taxes for all of this. Then I did more than drive through the Bronx or East New York. I spent time in each, and I listened, and I saw it wasn’t any better. It was just the same ol’ thing, dressed up differently. Then I got in my car, and I went to the other side of the tracks in Buffalo, in Boston, in New Haven, in Selma, in Milwaukee, in Washington, DC.

pages: 476 words: 138,420

Lost Kingdom: The Quest for Empire and the Making of the Russian Nation by Serhii Plokhy

affirmative action, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, trade route, Transnistria, union organizing, zero-sum game, éminence grise

(Cambridge, MA, 1997); Anna Procyk, Russian Nationalism and Ukraine: The Nationality Policy of the Volunteer Army During the Civil War (Edmonton, 1995); Per Anders Rudling, The Rise and Fall of Belarusian Nationalism, 1906–1931 (Pittsburgh, PA, 2015); Timothy Snyder, The Red Prince: The Secret Lives of a Habsburg Archduke (New York, 2008); Nicholas P. Vakar, Belorussia: The Making of a Nation: A Case Study (Cambridge, MA, 1956). CHAPTER 13: LENIN’S VICTORY Francine Hirsch, Empire of Nations: Ethnographic Knowledge and the Making of the Soviet Union (Ithaca, NY, 2005); Terry Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923–1939 (Ithaca, NY, 2001); idem, “An Affirmative Action Empire: The Soviet Union as the Highest Form of Imperialism,” in A State of Nations: Empire and Nation-Making in the Age of Lenin and Stalin, ed. Ronald Grigor Sunny and Terry Martin (Oxford, 2001), 67–92; Liliana Riga, The Bolsheviks and the Russian Empire (New York, 2012); Vasyl Shakhrai and Serhii Mazlakh, On the Current Situation in the Ukraine, ed.

Instead, it approved the new constitution of the Union and listened to Stalin’s oath of loyalty to Lenin and Leninism. “In departing from us, Comrade Lenin enjoined us to strengthen and expand the Union of Republics,” declared Stalin. “We swear to you, Comrade Lenin, that we shall fulfill that commandment of yours with honor!” Lenin’s vision of Great Russian chauvinism as the main threat in domestic politics, countered by the affirmative action for non-Russians, would characterize Stalin’s nationality policy for the rest of the decade. Stalin was loyal to some of Lenin’s ideas but not to others. Stalin adopted Lenin’s model of the Union but adapted it to his needs. His policy of “autonomization” of the republics was now dressed up as a federal union. Even the First All-Union Congress, which had declared the creation of the Soviet Union, was in fact a Russian Congress of Soviets joined by representatives of the soviets of the other republics.

Adopted by the Twelfth Party Congress in April 1923, when Lenin had already left the political scene, the policy was rooted in Lenin’s writings on the Ukrainian question, particularly his texts of December 1919, when the Red Army had recaptured Ukraine from the armies of Denikin and the troops of the Ukrainian People’s Republic led by Symon Petliura. Back then, Lenin had argued for bringing local cadres into Soviet institutions. Now the party launched an affirmative-action program to staff party and government structures with non-Russians, thereby creating local elites loyal to the regime in faraway Moscow. The cultural component called for the promotion of local languages and cultures, which began with support for education, publishing, and theatrical performances in those languages and ended with the obligatory Ukrainization, Belarusization, and so on of the party and government apparatus, first on the local level and then in the major cities and capitals as well.

pages: 489 words: 111,305

How the World Works by Noam Chomsky, Arthur Naiman, David Barsamian

affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, capital controls, clean water, corporate governance, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, glass ceiling, Howard Zinn, income inequality, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, land reform, liberation theology, Monroe Doctrine, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, transfer pricing, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor

One of the mechanisms to address inequality is affirmative action. What do you think of it? Many societies just take it for granted. In India, for example, a sort of affirmative action system called reservations was instituted back in the late 1940s, at the time of independence, in an effort to try to overcome very long-standing and deep-seated caste and gender differences. Any such system is going to impose hardships on some people, in order (one hopes) to develop a more equitable and just society for the future. How it works as a practical matter can be tricky. I don’t think there are any simple mechanical rules for it. The attack on affirmative action is, to a large extent, an attempt to justify the oppressive, discriminatory patterns that existed in the past. On the other hand, affirmative action should certainly be designed so that it doesn’t harm poor people who don’t happen to be in the categories designated for support.

On the other hand, affirmative action should certainly be designed so that it doesn’t harm poor people who don’t happen to be in the categories designated for support. That can be done. There have been very effective applications of affirmative action—in the universities, the construction industry, the public service field and elsewhere. If you look in detail, you find plenty of things to criticize, but the main thrust of the program is humane and appropriate. Libraries Libraries were very important to your intellectual development when you were a kid, weren’t they? I used to haunt the main public library in downtown Philadelphia, which was extremely good. That’s where I read all the offbeat anarchist and left-Marxist literature I’m always quoting. Those were days when people read, and used the libraries very extensively. Public services were richer in many ways back in the late 1930s and early 1940s.

Nobody ever said it was going to be easy. INDEX Boldfaced page numbers indicate main dis cussions. Italics indicate brief identifications of people and organizations (often supple mented by other information as well). abortion Abrams, Elliott Acheson, Dean ACLU (American Civil Liberties Union) Adams, John Quincy ADM (Archer Daniels Midland) aerospace industry, socialization of Aetna Life Insurance affirmative action Afghanistan Africa catastrophe of capitalism in deaths due to debt service in devastation by slave trade racist atrocities in African-American mortality rateSee also racism Africa Watch agro-export model of development Ahmad, Eqbal AIDS AIPAC Alabama Albanians Albright, Madeline alcohol Algeria Al Haq Allende, Salvador “alliance capitalism,” Alliance for Progress Alliance, the Allon plan alternative media.

pages: 518 words: 170,126

City for Sale: The Transformation of San Francisco by Chester W. Hartman, Sarah Carnochan

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Bay Area Rapid Transit, big-box store, business climate, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, housing crisis, illegal immigration, John Markoff, Loma Prieta earthquake, manufacturing employment, new economy, New Urbanism, profit motive, Ralph Nader, rent control, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South of Market, San Francisco, strikebreaker, union organizing, urban planning, urban renewal, very high income, young professional

This appealed to Duskin, in light of his concerns about the politics being generated around his suit and the pressures developing on him and his supporters; it seemed like a principled and graceful way to terminate his opposition.The result was another press conference, held April 14, at which three new demands were put forth as the basis for ending the arbitration claim, accompanied by an extensive list of organizational and individual endorsers. First . . . all construction and permanent jobs in the project area, both public and private, must go, wherever possible, to qualified residents of San Francisco—and half of these jobs must go to minority residents of San Francisco through an affirmative action program. All parties must agree that the San Francisco Coalition, backed by an adequate budget, will set up and monitor the affirmative action program for the jobs and contracts in the public and private blocks of YBC. . . . Second, the City must guarantee that the 400 or more units of lowincome housing struggled for and won by the people of South of Market will be built. . . . All housing agreements made with TOOR must be amended to provide the housing regardless of whether the rest of YBC goes ahead or not. . . .

The Bay Guardian reported Agency Director Arthur Evans’s admission that phone calls inviting labor leaders to the April 8 breakfast to plan and announce the April 17 demonstration went out from Redevelopment Agency offices.21 Over the next week, the City, Redevelopment Agency, and Duskin and his allies negotiated over the precise terms of the three demands. The most concrete issue—regarding TOOR’s housing—was whittled down to a commitment to release only one hundred of the four hundred units from the tie-in to construction of the convention center. The affirmative action hiring demand rapidly boiled down to how much money the San Francisco Coalition would get to undertake recruitment and monitoring activities. The squeeze the City and agency faced was that the construction trade unions were not wild about affirmative action demands to begin with; as the April 17, 1975, Chronicle noted, “Labor unions have resisted giving the group [the S.F. Coalition] that much power over jobs. . . . ” A buy-off of the coali- The Redevelopment Agency Flounders / 125 tion seemed the easiest way out, and, according to the April 21, 1975, Chronicle, “The proposed agreement would give the coalition the money it had been seeking, but would not otherwise change the programs the unions have agreed to for minority workers on the project.”

The coalition’s original demand for an annual budget of $369,000 dropped to $251,000, and they finally settled for $180,000 annually for five years—$40,000 in cash and fourteen CETA positions worth $140,000. (Up through the time the agency ended its contract with the San Francisco Coalition, in January 1981, payments totaled $459,469. The actual number of placements was minuscule;22 few community organizations participated in coalition activities, and the more important ones—Chinese for Affirmative Action, the Mission Hiring Hall, Women in Apprenticeship— had resigned; board membership was constantly changing, and there was no board control of staff;23 funds were egregiously mishandled; and some of the key figures had been convicted of various crimes.24 It was a sad story: In its eagerness to build support for and remove obstacles to the YBC project, the agency, where African Americans and other minorities had played a major role as commissioners and staff, set up a sham response to a legitimate community demand for minority jobs.)

The Case for Israel by Alan Dershowitz

affirmative action, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, different worldview, facts on the ground, Jeffrey Epstein, Nelson Mandela, one-state solution, RAND corporation, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, Thomas L Friedman, trade route, Yom Kippur War

As the London Times c07.qxd 6/25/03 62 8:17 AM Page 62 THE CASE FOR ISRAEL editorialized at the time, “It is hard to see how the Arab world, still less the Arabs of Palestine, will suffer from what is mere recognition of accomplished fact—the presence in Palestine of a compact, well organized, and virtually autonomous Jewish community.”24 Even for those who reject any blameworthiness on the part of Palestinians and Arabs for the plight of the Jewish refugees from Nazism and Islamic apartheid—an untenable position in light of the history of widespread Palestinian support for Nazism—the case for some affirmative action for a people who suffered so grievously at the hands of others is powerful. Those of us who support affirmative action with regard to African Americans do so, at least in part, on a theory of reparation for past wrongs. Although our own forebearers may bear none of the responsibility for slavery, since they were not even in the country, we must all be willing to share some of the burdens of reparation. Our children and grandchildren may be denied places in the colleges or jobs of their first choice, because these places are allocated to the descendants of slaves and other minorities.

Our children and grandchildren may be denied places in the colleges or jobs of their first choice, because these places are allocated to the descendants of slaves and other minorities. Certainly those who directly benefited from slavery bear a special responsibility for making reparations, just as those who benefited from the Holocaust bear special responsibility to those who were its victims. But in a larger sense, the entire world owes the victims of slavery, the Holocaust, and other humanly imposed genocides a special form of affirmative action. Even the Peel Commission seemed to recognize an affirmative action component in its decision to recognize the existence of a Jewish national home: It is impossible, we believe, for any unprejudiced observer to see the National Home and not wish it well. It has meant so much for the relief of unmerited suffering. It displays so much energy and enterprise and devotion to a common cause. In so far as Britain has helped towards its creation, we would claim, with Lord Balfour, that to that extent, at any rate, Christendom has shown itself “not oblivious of all the wrong it has done.”25 The Muslim world too should recognize all the wrong it has done to the Jews it historically treated as second-class noncitizens (Dhimmi).

In so far as Britain has helped towards its creation, we would claim, with Lord Balfour, that to that extent, at any rate, Christendom has shown itself “not oblivious of all the wrong it has done.”25 The Muslim world too should recognize all the wrong it has done to the Jews it historically treated as second-class noncitizens (Dhimmi). Even for those who did not believe in 1947 that partition of Palestine was just to the Palestinians, when the partition is viewed as a form of international affirmative action it seems more than fair. For those who support affirmative action based on the need for diversity, a Jewish state certainly adds considerable diversity to a world with more than forty Muslim states and numerous Christian, Hindu and Buddhist states. Although there already exists a state with a majority of Palestinians in Jordan, a new Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, governed by Palestinians, would also add an element of diversity.

pages: 434 words: 117,327

Can It Happen Here?: Authoritarianism in America by Cass R. Sunstein

active measures, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, anti-communist, anti-globalists, availability heuristic, business cycle, Cass Sunstein, David Brooks, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Estimating the Reproducibility of Psychological Science, failed state, Filter Bubble, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Isaac Newton, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, Long Term Capital Management, Nate Silver, Network effects, New Journalism, night-watchman state, obamacare, Potemkin village, random walk, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, the scientific method, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey

Some of the Justices have cited Korematsu (and often one of its dissents) as a warning about the deprivations of liberty or equality at risk in wartime, in deference to military concerns.21 Many of the federal courts of appeal continue to point to Korematsu as dangerous, as erroneous, as the result of hysteria; as lamentable, or worse.22 One dissenting appellate judge calls it an example of “constitutional casualties.”23 When cited in dissenting opinions, Korematsu is noted in appellate courts as a warning to the courts and to the nation and a path to avoid.24 Yet the Supreme Court has mainly cited the decision as establishing that the Constitution requires rigid or “strict” judicial scrutiny of rather than deference to any governmental classification drawn on racial grounds.25 In so doing, it treats the majority opinion and the case as an ordinary, accepted precedent rather than as an aberration or disturbing failure. As the Court over time subjected affirmative action initiatives meant to benefit members of minority groups to the same stringent scrutiny as that applied to classifications harming minority groups, it pointed to Korematsu for the standard of review for use of a racial classification, regardless of purpose.26 Sometimes when citing Korematsu, the Court acknowledges that even stringent review did not reject the use of the racial classification in that case and seems to treat this as a reason for vigilance in using strict scrutiny.27 Justice Clarence Thomas in particular repeatedly points to Korematsu in opinions rejecting affirmative action measures.28 In a media interview, Justice Stephen Breyer speculated that Korematsu is not likely to happen again because “[t]his country has developed a stronger tradition of civil liberties.”29 In comments during a visit to a law school, Justice Antonin Scalia without qualification treated the ruling as “wrong” and in that respect departed from some, like Judge Richard Posner, who have in recent years defended the decision.30 But Justice Scalia also warned that a similar internment might be upheld in the future: “[Y]ou are kidding yourself if you think the same thing will not happen again.

Depending on the context, the presumed malefactors of these sub-identities are whites, males, and heterosexuals. These groups are ostensibly committed, sometimes subconsciously, to safeguarding privileges rooted in history. The identitarian alliance makes itself felt most prominently on college campuses and in entertainment. Its causes include multiculturalism, the sexual revolution, curriculum diversification, and affirmative action based on identity rather than economic status. Such causes face opposition, which identitarians struggle to silence through political correctness. As they see it, policing speech and behaviors offensive to their constituents enhances study and work environments; it levels an economic, social, and intellectual playing field that has long been tilted in favor of whites, men, and heterosexuals.8 In the 2010s, political correctness shifted emphasis from suppressing hate speech targeted at its constituents to creating safe spaces that shelter them from discomforting acts and expressions.

Conservative and Nativist Intolerance The appearance of the political correctness concept reflected resistance to the agenda that it was meant to advance. Loose-knit coalitions opposed to identitarian causes were forming, many centered in conservative churches. Televangelists such as Oral Roberts, Jerry Falwell, and Pat Robertson and talk-radio hosts such as Rush Limbaugh and Glenn Beck were ringing alarm bells about the prevailing social and political trends. The most worrying transformations involved feminism, abortion, affirmative action, drug abuse, growth in government, environmental regulation, and restrictions on religious practices. On these issues, TV networks, leading newspapers, government agencies, career politicians in Washington and state capitals, the higher-education community, Hollywood, and labor unions all tended to be on the wrong side. They had united behind family-weakening, secularizing, repressive, and immoral policies inimical to the fabric of American society.12 In the mid-1990s, Fox News, a new cable network, became this opposition’s face on television.13 Fox News also championed the interests of business, including both small and large enterprises.

pages: 306 words: 78,893

After the New Economy: The Binge . . . And the Hangover That Won't Go Away by Doug Henwood

"Robert Solow", accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, barriers to entry, borderless world, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, corporate governance, corporate raider, correlation coefficient, credit crunch, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, deskilling, ending welfare as we know it, feminist movement, full employment, gender pay gap, George Gilder, glass ceiling, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, half of the world's population has never made a phone call, income inequality, indoor plumbing, intangible asset, Internet Archive, job satisfaction, joint-stock company, Kevin Kelly, labor-force participation, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, manufacturing employment, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, Naomi Klein, new economy, occupational segregation,, post-work, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, statistical model, structural adjustment programs, Telecommunications Act of 1996, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, union organizing, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game

Sam's unfortunate position, considered to be emblematic of his race, wasn't the result of "white racism," which "was not a significant problem of American blacks in 1978, and white racism had nothing to do with the problems of my lumpen-hero Mitchell 'Sam' Brewer. To the contrary, his problem was the fantasy world of bizarre expectations and entitlements fostered by constant state indulgence and favoritism towards him" (ibid, pp. xiv, xv). It was "affirmative action and Marxist teaching" that did black Americans vvTX)ng. Those and the welfare state, which Gilder found irrationally generous, and fatal to the male authority necessary to keep social discipline, since it provided a check to women independent of husbands. Gilder never repudiated any of his early positions. There's "an actual difference between male and female brains," he revealed to a Seattle Weekly journaHst (White 1999).

This is the combined result of broad income gains for black households since the early 1980s—at all income levels, except the poorest—and stagnant-to-decHning incomes for the bottom 80% of the white population. Since 1993, even the poorest fifth of black households have enjoyed stronger income gains than whites. The gap remains huge, with average black incomes just 64% of non-Hispanic whites in 2001, but there's no denying progress over the past decade. (It remains to be seen whether this progress will survive the attack on affirmative action.) For "Hispanic" households—a Census Bureau name and classification that many people object to, since it lumps together a highly diverse population into a single category—the news is mixed, with a bounce in recent years only partly compensating for a long earUer sHde. That sHde is the result of recent immigrants, many of them quite poor, bringing down the "Hispanic" average. News on the gender gap is even more dramatic.

And, more pleasingly, women's earnings have been rising across the spectrum, both because they entered high-paying and largely RACIAL CAPS: black and Hispanic men's earnings, percent of white men's 95% 907o 85% 80% - 75% hourly 807o 75% 70% 657o 60% weekly 1973 1978 1983 1988 1993 1998 1967 1972 1977 1982 1987 1992 1997 male occupations, and because they've been closing the gender gap within occupations. Until recently, women had been entering the labor force at progressively higher wage rates relative to men. Women aged 20—24 earned 76% as much as men the same age in 1979, and 96% in 1993; those between 25 and 34 went from 67% to 83%—but by 1999, both numbers had slipped a bit. It may be that weakened affirmative action programs and the male bias of the higher paying new jobs are responsible, or it may be that the predominant maleness of higher-paying jobs in high tech are the culprits, but we don't know for sure yet. Putting race and sex together, we discover that white men, though still the best paid demographic group on average, have been sHpping over the last two decades; white women have been gaining; some black men have been entering high-wage work, while others have been sHpping into 94 After the New Economy low-wage work, chronic unemployment, and prison (though the tight labor markets of the late 1990s helped narrow the racial/ethnic gap in male earnings rather sharply); some black women have been trickling into high-wage employment, though most remain concentrated in low-wage sectors; and Latino men and women have been entering the workforce in large numbers, though mostly at the poorly-paid end, with minimal penetration of higher-wage sectors (Williams 1999).

End the Fed by Ron Paul

affirmative action, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, business cycle, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, fiat currency, Fractional reserve banking, hiring and firing, housing crisis, illegal immigration, invisible hand, Khyber Pass, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, means of production, moral hazard, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, reserve currency, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, too big to fail, tulip mania, Y2K

The flawed concept of economic equality through force, a socialist notion, prompted legislation like the Community Reinvestment Act, which was really a way of institutionalizing affirmative action in the financial sector, since the borrowers who temporarily benefited (or were exploited) were disproportionately minorities. The very most one might concede is that affirmative action in making loans is based on the good intentions of many who support the programs. But as with all government actions, unintended consequences and new problems result. The problem is that, in the early stages, government economic planning and affirmative action lending look appealing. More homes are built and more people purchase homes that they otherwise would not have qualified for. Home prices soar and borrowing against the inflated prices is something the government and regulations encourage.

The process of monetary debasement, by inflating the money supply, redistributes wealth unfairly and dangerously from the middle class to the wealthy. It’s based on the principles of fraud and is equivalent to counterfeiting. Its goals are achieved through stealth and are difficult for the masses to recognize. Instead, the people are conditioned to believe that easy credit, monetizing debt, and affirmative action loans are reflective of good economic policy and are morally motivated. The tragedy is only recognized when the fraud of an immoral, unsustainable monetary inflation comes to an end. That is what we’re suffering from today. When arguing for sound money, the great concern I hear from the Keynesians is for the loss of the “benefits” of inflation; the people and the special interests argue that more of the same is needed.

pages: 372 words: 92,477

The Fourth Revolution: The Global Race to Reinvent the State by John Micklethwait, Adrian Wooldridge

Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Asian financial crisis, assortative mating, banking crisis, barriers to entry, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, cashless society, central bank independence, Chelsea Manning, circulation of elites, Clayton Christensen, Corn Laws, corporate governance, credit crunch, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, Detroit bankruptcy, disintermediation, Edward Snowden, Etonian, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, Khan Academy, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, Kodak vs Instagram, labor-force participation, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, liberal capitalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, mittelstand, mobile money, Mont Pelerin Society, Nelson Mandela, night-watchman state, Norman Macrae, obamacare, oil shale / tar sands, old age dependency ratio, open economy, Parag Khanna, Peace of Westphalia, pension reform, pensions crisis, personalized medicine, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, popular capitalism, profit maximization, rent control, rent-seeking, ride hailing / ride sharing, road to serfdom, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, school choice, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, Skype, special economic zone, too big to fail, total factor productivity, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, working-age population, zero-sum game

When Martin Luther King Jr. argued that people should not be judged “by the color of their skin but by the content of their character,” he was asking to be judged. But other progressives took a more utopian approach, demanding “equality of result.” This unleashed a huge amount of state activity. The British replaced grammar schools with comprehensives and decreased streaming by ability. The Americans introduced an increasingly aggressive form of affirmative action. Fighting discrimination no longer meant just getting rid of restrictions on people’s ability to express their ­talents. It meant ensuring proportionality: Blacks and other ethnic minorities needed to be awarded places in universities and government contracts in line with their overall numbers. Meanwhile fraternity became ever more a concept for the giver, not the receiver. The man ­receiving the welfare check or the state pension was not grateful; it was a right—and he was entitled to it.

Tawney had promised that, under the welfare state, Britain “would cease to be the rule for the rich to be rewarded, not only with riches, but with a preferential share of health and life, and for the penalty of the poor to be not merely poverty, but ignorance, sickness and premature death.”13 Yet in the 1970s the gap between Britain’s upper and lower social classes in terms of age-adjusted mortality was more than twice as large as it had been in the 1930s.14 The upper classes continued to be fitter and taller than the lower classes—3.2 centimeters taller, to be exact—as well as richer.15 In America even the architects of the “war on poverty” admitted that “unprecedented generosity . . . had not made much of a dent in the poverty, dependency, delinquency, or ­despair against which the 1964 war had been declared.”16 Many of the 1960s reforms aimed at producing equality of results, rather than just equality of opportunity, were producing very unegalitarian results, especially in education. Britain’s decision to abolish the grammar schools reduced social mobility. America’s enthusiasm for affirmative action increased the number of academic dropouts, as minority students who might have done perfectly well in less-demanding colleges struggled in elite institutions.17 A. H. Halsey, one of the ­leaders of the educational Left, was forced to declare in 1972 that “the ­essential fact of twentieth century educational history is that ­egalitarian policies have failed.”18 By the time Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher came to power, Friedman’s barbs about big government no longer seemed far-fetched.

Brian Watkin, The National Health Service: The First Phase and After: 1948–1974 (London: Allen & Unwin, 1978), p. 155. 15. Paul Addison, No Turning Back: The Peacetime Revolutions of Post-War Britain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010), p. 38. 16. Quoted in John Samples, The Struggle to Limit Government (Washington, D.C.: Cato Institute, 2010), p. 54. 17. Richard Sander and Stuart Taylor, Mismatch: How Affirmative Action Hurts Students It’s Intended to Help, and Why Universities Won’t Admit It (New York: Basic Books, 2012). 18. A. H. Halsey, ed., Department of Education and Science, Education Priority, vol. 1, Problems and Policies (London: HMSO, 1972), p. 6. Cf. A. H. Halsey, “Sociology and the Equality Debate,” Oxford Review of Education 1, no. 1 (1975), pp. 9–26. 19. The phrase came from Reyner Banham, an architectural historian. 20.

pages: 313 words: 93,214

Girls & Sex: Navigating the Complicated New Landscape by Peggy Orenstein

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Golden Gate Park, index card, longitudinal study, Menlo Park, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Skype, Snapchat, software studies

., “Generation XXX.” 36There is some indication that porn has: Regnerus, “Porn Use and Support of Same-Sex Marriage.” 36On the other hand, they’re also less likely: Wright and Funk, “Pornography Consumption and Opposition to Affirmative Action for Women.” This was true for both men and women, even when controlling for prior attitudes on affirmative action. 36Among teenage boys, regular porn use: Peter and Valkenburg, “Adolescents’ Exposure to Sexually Explicit Online Material and Recreational Attitudes Toward Sex”; Peter and Valkenburg, “The Use of Sexually Explicit Internet Material and Its Antecedents.” See also Wright and Tokunaga, “Activating the Centerfold Syndrome”; and Wright, “Show Me the Data!” 36Porn users are also more likely: Wright and Tokunaga, “Activating the Centerfold Syndrome”; Wright, “Show me the Data!” 36Male and female college students who report recent porn use: Wright and Funk, “Pornography Consumption and Opposition to Affirmative Action for Women”; Brosi, Foubert, Bannon, et al., “Effects of Women’s Pornography Use on Bystander Intervention in a Sexual Assault Situation and Rape Myth Acceptance”; Foubert, Brosi, Bannon, et al., “Pornography Viewing Among Fraternity Men.”

So it worried me to hear an eleventh-grader confide, “I watch porn because I’m a virgin and I want to figure out how sex works”; or when another high-schooler explained that she “watched it to learn how to give head”; or when a freshman in college told me, “There are some advantages: before watching porn, I didn’t know girls could squirt.” There is some indication that porn has a liberalizing effect: heterosexual male users, for instance, are more likely than peers to approve of same-sex marriage. On the other hand, they’re also less likely to support affirmative action for women. Among teenage boys, regular porn use has been correlated with seeing sex as purely physical and regarding girls as “play things.” Porn users are also more likely than their peers to measure their masculinity, social status, and self-worth by their ability to score with “hot” women (which may explain that disproportionate pressure girls report to text boys naked photos of themselves as well as the plots of most Seth Rogen films).

Pediatrics 119, no. 2 (2007): 247–57. Wright, Paul J. “Show Me the Data! Empirical Support for the ‘Centerfold Syndrome.’” Psychology of Men and Masculinity 13, no. 2 (2011): 180–98. . “A Three-Wave Longitudinal Analysis of Preexisting Beliefs, Exposure to Pornography, and Attitude Change.” Communication Reports 26, no. 1 (2013): 13–25. Wright, Paul J., and Michelle Funk. “Pornography Consumption and Opposition to Affirmative Action for Women: A Prospective Study.” Psychology of Women Quarterly 38, no. 2 (2013): 208–21. Wright, Paul J., and Robert S. Tokunaga. “Activating the Centerfold Syndrome: Recency of Exposure, Sexual Explicitness, Past Exposure to Objectifying Media.” Communications Research 20, no. 10 (2013): 1–34. Yung, Corey Rayburn. “Concealing Campus Sexual Assault: An Empirical Examination.” Psychology, Public Policy, and Law 21, no. 1 (2015): 1–9.

pages: 369 words: 90,630

Mindwise: Why We Misunderstand What Others Think, Believe, Feel, and Want by Nicholas Epley

affirmative action, airport security, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Cass Sunstein, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, drone strike, friendly fire, invisible hand, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, payday loans, Peter Singer: altruism, pirate software, Richard Thaler, school choice, social intelligence, the scientific method, theory of mind

In the scanner, reasoning about God’s beliefs looked the same as reasoning about one’s own beliefs. The most compelling evidence, however, comes from experiments in which we manipulated people’s own beliefs and measured how it affected what people think God and others believe. In one, we showed volunteers persuasive arguments either in favor of or opposed to affirmative action. The arguments worked: those who read the pro–affirmative action information became more in favor, whereas those who read the anti–affirmative action arguments became more opposed. More important, our manipulation moved our volunteers’ estimates of God’s beliefs in lockstep with their own, whereas estimates of other people’s beliefs were unaffected by the arguments the volunteers read. Creating God in one’s own image, indeed. If God is a moral compass, then the compass seems prone to pointing believers in whatever direction they are already facing.45 There’s nothing magical about God in this regard, just something ambiguous.

The American electorate has also exaggerated the magnitude of these differences, particularly in recent years, as elected officials have become more polarized in their own behavior.30 Graphical depictions that highlight the differences between “red states” and “blue states” only make matters worse, according to research, increasing the perceived differences between groups rather than merely reflecting them.31 And on specific issues ranging from affirmative action to welfare policies, people on opposing sides of each issue consistently assume that the other side is more extreme than it actually is.32 The sad fact is that real partisanship increases partly because of imagined partisanship on the other side. Disputes about abortion rights, for instance, focus both on the rights of the mother and on the rights of the unborn. Partisans in the midst of this disagreement, research demonstrates, tend to assume that the other side is opposed on the very issue that their own side holds the most dear—that is, on the defining feature of the dispute itself.

Actual versus assumed differences in construal: “Naive realism” in intergroup perception and conflict. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 68: 404–17; Farwell, L., and B. Weiner (2000). Bleeding hearts and the heartless: Popular perceptions of liberal and conservative ideologies. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 26: 845–52; Sherman, D. K., L. D. Nelson, and L.D. Ross (2003). Naive realism and affirmative action: Adversaries are more similar than they think. Basic and Applied Social Psychology 25: 275–89. 33. Fiorina, M. P., and S. J. Abrams (2008). Political polarization in the American public. Annual Review of Political Science 11: 563–88; Seyle, D. C., and M. L. Newman (2006). A house divided? The psychology of red and blue America. American Psychologist 61: 571–80. 34. Epley, N., E. M. Caruso, and M.

pages: 230 words: 71,320

Outliers: The Story of Success by Malcolm Gladwell

affirmative action, Bill Gates: Altair 8800, computer age, corporate raider, crew resource management, medical residency, old-boy network, Pearl River Delta, popular electronics, Silicon Valley, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, union organizing, upwardly mobile, why are manhole covers round?

Is it really possible to say that one student is Harvard material and another isn't, when both have identicaland perfectacademic recordsOf course not. Harvard is being dishonest. Schwartz is right. They should just have a lottery. law school, we see that the white students do better. That's not surprising: if one group has higher undergraduate grades and test scores than the other, it's almost certainly going to have higher grades in law school as well. This is one reason that affirmative action programs are so controversial. In fact, an attack on the University of Michigan's affirmative action program recently went all the way to the US Supreme Court. For many people it is troubling that an elite educational institution lets in students who are less qualified than their peers. A few years ago, however, the University of Michigan decided to look closely at how the law school's minority students had fared after they graduated. How much money did they makeHow far up in the profession did they goHow satisfied were they with their careersWhat kind of social and community contributions did they makeWhat kind of honors had they wonThey looked at everything that could conceivably be an indication of real-world success.

But he's absolutely right. A s Hudson writes (and keep in mind that he did his research at elite all-male English boarding schools in the 1950s and 1960s), “Knowledge of a boy's IQ is of little help if you are faced with aformful of clever boys.”'' Let me give you an example of the threshold effect in action. The University of Michigan law school, like many elite US educational institutions, uses a policy of affirmative action when it comes to applicants from disadvantaged backgrounds. Around 10 percent of the students Michigan enrolls each fall are members of racial minorities, and if the law school did not significantly relax its entry requirements for those studentsadmitting them with lower undergraduate grades and lower standardized-test scores than everyone elseit estimates that percentage would be less than 3 percent.

., as a hammer, keep door open, footwiper, use as rubble for path filling, chock, weight on scale, to prop up wobbly table, paperweight, as firehearth, to block up rabbit hole.” That's the second reason Nobel Prize winners come from Holy Cross as well as Harvard, because Harvard isn't selecting its students on the basis of how well they do on the “uses of a brick” testand maybe “uses of a brick” is a better predictor of Nobel Prize ability. It's also the second reason Michigan Law School couldn't find a difference between its affirmative action graduates and the rest of its alumni. Being a successful lawyer is about a lot more than IQ. It involves having the kind of fertile mind that Poole had. And just because Michigan's minority students have lower scores on convergence tests doesn't mean they don't have that other critical trait in abundance. Outliers, The Story of Success 5. This was Terman's error. He fell in love with the fact that his Termites were at the absolute pinnacle of the intellectual scaleat the ninety-ninth percentile of the ninety-ninth percentilewithout realizing how little that seemingly extraordinary fact meant.

pages: 377 words: 97,144

Singularity Rising: Surviving and Thriving in a Smarter, Richer, and More Dangerous World by James D. Miller

23andMe, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, artificial general intelligence, Asperger Syndrome, barriers to entry, brain emulation, cloud computing, cognitive bias, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping,, feminist movement, Flynn Effect, friendly AI, hive mind, impulse control, indoor plumbing, invention of agriculture, Isaac Newton, John von Neumann, knowledge worker, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, Netflix Prize, neurotypical, Norman Macrae, pattern recognition, Peter Thiel, phenotype, placebo effect, prisoner's dilemma, profit maximization, Ray Kurzweil, recommendation engine, reversible computing, Richard Feynman, Rodney Brooks, Silicon Valley, Singularitarianism, Skype, statistical model, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, supervolcano, technological singularity, The Coming Technological Singularity, the scientific method, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, Turing test, twin studies, Vernor Vinge, Von Neumann architecture

Furthermore, all else being equal, attractive high school girls probably receive more favorable treatment from many of their male teachers; to think otherwise is to come close to basically rejecting evolution. Elite colleges also use affirmative action to guarantee that their schools have an “acceptable” number of minority students. Since most couples probably want an egg donor of their own race, an egg-desirability-maximizing college would also use affirmative action as part of their admissions criteria so that they could serve minority egg buyers. Colleges often justify affirmative action by explaining that it “levels the playing field,” making up for the discrimination and inferior education that unjustly handicaps many minority applicants. But a college genuinely interested in helping high school students who have faced unfair disadvantages would give admissions preferences to unattractive, autistic, or low-IQ applicants—all traits which, coincidentally, egg buyers would find undesirable.

But a college genuinely interested in helping high school students who have faced unfair disadvantages would give admissions preferences to unattractive, autistic, or low-IQ applicants—all traits which, coincidentally, egg buyers would find undesirable. Yet, to the best of my knowledge, colleges never give students with these traits affirmative-action consideration. Colleges claim that they give admission preferences to poor students, but a study by a Princeton sociologist found that “whites from lower-class backgrounds incurred a huge admissions disadvantage . . . compared to whites from middle-class and upper-middle-class backgrounds.”201 Egg buyers would probably not consider an impoverished background an attractive feature and might even find it undesirable if it meant that the donor was raised in an unhealthy environment in which she received suboptimal nutrition.

INDEX A Adams, Douglas, 150 Adams, Scott, 43, 193 Adderall (drug). See also amphetamines; cognitive-enhancement drugs author’s use of, 104–5, 112 black market for, 102, 163, 212 focus-improving drug, xv high achievers and grade grubbers benefit from, 163 SAT tests and, 102, 162–63 at Smith College, 102–7, 112, 163 ADHD. See Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Advanced Micro Devices, 122 affirmative action, 87 Africa, 117 African Americans, 173 Age of Enlightenment, 165 aging populations, 177 agricultural jobs, 132 agricultural technology, 132 AI. See artificial intelligence (AI) air conditioning, 166 akrasia, 106–7 Alcor, Arizona (cryonics), 212, 214–216, 221 Alexander the Great, xv alien life, intelligent, 200 alien workers, 135 allele, 20 Allen, Paul, 11 Allen Institute for Brain Science, 11 Alzheimer’s, 17, 108, 169, 181, 221.

pages: 154 words: 47,880

The System: Who Rigged It, How We Fix It by Robert B. Reich

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, business cycle, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, cryptocurrency, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, financial deregulation, Gordon Gekko, immigration reform, income inequality, Jeff Bezos, job automation, London Whale, Long Term Capital Management, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, mortgage debt, Occupy movement, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, union organizing, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game

Yet the real scandal is not bribery by a few wealthy parents but how commonplace it has become for almost all wealthy parents to shell out big bucks for essay tutors, testing tutors, admissions counselors, and “enrichment” courses designed to get their kids into the college of their choice. Elite colleges are doing their part to accelerate the trend. At a time when the courts have all but ended affirmative action for black children seeking college admission, high-end universities provide preferential admission to the children of wealthy alumni—legacies, as they’re delicately called. Some prestigious colleges have even been known to make quiet deals with wealthy non-alums—admission for their kids with the expectation of a large donation to follow. Jared Kushner’s father reportedly pledged $2.5 million to Harvard just as Jared was applying. The young man gained admission despite rather mediocre grades. The most brazen affirmative-action program for children of the wealthy is the preference baked into elite admissions for graduates from private prep schools.

The story she kept hearing from them, in one form or another, is similar to the story I kept hearing in 2015: You are patiently standing in a long line for something called the American dream. You are white, Christian, of modest means, and getting along in years. You are male. There are people of color behind you, and in principle you wish them well. But you’ve waited long, worked hard, and the line is barely moving. Then you see people cutting in line ahead of you. Who are these interlopers? Some are black, others immigrants, refugees. They get affirmative action, sympathy, and welfare—checks for the listless and idle. The government wants you to feel sorry for them. The liberal media mocks you as racist or homophobic. Everywhere you look, you feel betrayed. While Hochschild finds that “race is an essential part of this story,” the other essential parts are feelings of declining social status and betrayal. These have nothing to do with people of color.

pages: 290 words: 73,000

Algorithms of Oppression: How Search Engines Reinforce Racism by Safiya Umoja Noble

A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, affirmative action, Airbnb, borderless world, cloud computing, conceptual framework, crowdsourcing, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Filter Bubble, Firefox, Google Earth, Google Glasses, housing crisis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, information retrieval, Internet Archive, Jaron Lanier, Mitch Kapor, Naomi Klein, new economy, PageRank, performance metric, phenotype, profit motive, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Snapchat, Tim Cook: Apple, union organizing, women in the workforce, yellow journalism

To conclude, I move the discussion beyond Google, to help readers think about the impact of algorithms on how people are represented in other seemingly benign business transactions. I look at the “colorblind” organizing logic of Yelp and how business owners are revolting due to loss of control over how they are represented and the impact of how the public finds them. Here, I share an interview with Kandis from New York,10 whose livelihood has been dramatically affected by public-policy changes such as the dismantling of affirmative action on college campuses, which have hurt her local Black-hair-care business in a prestigious college town. Her story brings to light the power that algorithms have on her everyday life and leaves us with more to think about in the ecosystem of algorithmic power. The book closes with a call to recognize the importance of how algorithms are shifting social relations in many ways—more ways than this book can cover—and should be regulated with more impactful public policy in the United States than we currently have.

New, neoliberal conceptions of individual freedoms (especially in the realm of technology use) are oversupported in direct opposition to protections realized through large-scale organizing to ensure collective rights. This is evident in the past thirty years of active antilabor policies put forward by several administrations47 and in increasing hostility toward unions and twenty-first-century civil rights organizations such as Black Lives Matter. These proindividual, anticommunity ideologies have been central to the antidemocratic, anti-affirmative-action, antiwelfare, antichoice, and antirace discourses that place culpability for individual failure on moral failings of the individual, not policy decisions and social systems.48 Discussions of institutional discrimination and systemic marginalization of whole classes and sectors of society have been shunted from public discourse for remediation and have given rise to viable presidential candidates such as Donald Trump, someone with a history of misogynistic violence toward women and anti-immigrant schemes.

Where would the students and faculty go to get their needs met, like their hair cared for? I mean, other students can go down the street to anyone, but the Black students have to have a car to travel thirty minutes across town? Why are they required have to have a car or transportation when no one else needs that to get their hair done? Kandis was directly impacted by the shifts away from affirmative action that decimated the admission of African Americans to colleges and universities over the past twenty years: Sometimes people are in a highly competitive arena, and they need to go to a nonjudgmental place where they can be themselves and where they don’t have to apologize for the way they speak or their culture or wonder if they go to a Caucasian hair stylist, if they can handle their hair.

pages: 432 words: 127,985

The Best Way to Rob a Bank Is to Own One: How Corporate Executives and Politicians Looted the S&L Industry by William K. Black

accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, business climate, cognitive dissonance, corporate governance, corporate raider, Donald Trump, fear of failure, financial deregulation, friendly fire, George Akerlof, hiring and firing, margin call, market bubble, money market fund, moral hazard, offshore financial centre, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, short selling, The Market for Lemons, transaction costs

So, in an indirect way, [the ERC’s recommendations] address those illegal leaks of information and the harm to Lincoln. Much like Affirmative Action addresses discrimination, it’s not directly in response, and yet it seems to be a fair way to deal with what we have on the table. (423–424) This may be the single most muddleheaded analogy in regulatory history. It was not spontaneous: Stewart had been trying it out on others for months. The irony of Stewart calling for “Affirmative Action” for Keating, one of the most privileged human beings on the planet, was rich. She was probably not aware that he was a racist and sexist bigot of truly epic proportions and that he despised affirmative action (Binstein and Bowden 1993, 236, 248, 380). Regardless of Stewart’s analogy, there was no evidence that anyone at the FHLBSF had leaked anything or that the most recent leaks could possibly have come from the FHLBSF.

The larger point, however, is that Stewart refused to bring any enforcement action against ACC and Lincoln Savings; indeed, she declined even to investigate, Stewart knew that any enforcement action would have the same effect as ordering a halt to the junk bond sales to the widows: it would expose the failure of ACC and Lincoln Savings as well as her leadership role in the Bank Board’s acquiescence in Keating’s demands. Stewart had championed affirmative action for Keating on the grounds that newspaper articles had (accurately) exposed his misdeeds. She now decided that the Bank Board should take no meaningful affirmative action on behalf of the widows or the taxpayers. Dochow, shorn of any enforcement support, issued an unenforceable “directive” to Lincoln Savings to stop a significant number of acts, but he had issued no directive to ACC to stop the bond sales in 1988. Keating, of course, violated the directive with impunity. The Bank Board took no enforcement action in response to the violations.

They represent the only time in history that a financial regulatory agency consented to what was, in substance, a cease-and-desist order against the agency and permitted an institution that it had found to be in massive violation of its rules to increase those violations. The Bank Board got no meaningful restrictions on Lincoln Savings; instead it surrendered unconditionally and provided reparations (“affirmative action,” in Stewart’s parlance). There were three documents signed on May 20, 1988. The Bank Board eventually gave copies of two of them to the CDSL, which gave us copies. The third document was not disclosed outside a small group at headquarters (and Lincoln Savings). The Bank Board got two things in the agreement: ACC agreed to contribute $10 million to Lincoln Savings to increase its capital, and Lincoln Savings agreed to recognize a relatively small number of accounting adjustments that would have the effect of reducing its capital.

pages: 470 words: 137,882

Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents by Isabel Wilkerson

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airport security, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, clean water, coronavirus, COVID-19, Covid-19, desegregation, Donald Trump, global pandemic, Gunnar Myrdal, mass incarceration, Milgram experiment, obamacare, out of africa, Peter Eisenman, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, strikebreaker, transatlantic slave trade, zero-sum game

“at the hands of persons unknown”: For more on the ritual of lynching, see Dray, Persons Unknown; Raper, Tragedy of Lynching; and Litwack, Trouble in Mind. “Whites were unified in seeing”: Myrdal, American Dilemma, vol. 2, p. 598. it is white women, and thus white families: Kimberlé W. Crenshaw, “Framing Affirmative Action,” 105 Michigan Law Review First Impressions 123 (2007),​mlr_fi/​vol105/​iss1/​4/; Victoria M. Massie, “White Women Benefit Most from Affirmative Action—and Are Among Its Fiercest Opponents,” Vox, May 25, 2016,​2016/​5/25/​11682950/​fisher-supreme-court-white-women-affirmative-action. “for structural economic problems”: Ashley Crossman, “Definition of Scapegoat, Scapegoating, and Scapegoat Theory,” ThoughtCo., August 2, 2019,​scapegoat-definition-3026572. “He never tried to comfort”: Margaret Carlson, “Presumed Innocent,” Time, June 24, 2001,​time/​magazine/​article/​0,9171,153650,00.html.

“Both occupy the lowest positions on the status hierarchies in their societies,” wrote Harvard political scientist Sidney Verba and his colleagues in a study of Dalits and African-Americans. Both have been “particularly singled out from other groups” based on characteristics ascribed to them. While doors have opened to the subordinated castes in India and in America in the decades since discrimination was officially prohibited, the same spasms of resistance have afflicted both countries. What is called “affirmative action” in the United States is called “reservations” in India, and they are equally unpopular with the upper castes in both countries, language tracking in lockstep, with complaints of reverse discrimination in one and reverse casteism in the other. There are many overarching similarities but they are not the same in how they are structured or operate. The American system was founded as a primarily two-tiered hierarchy with its contours defined by the uppermost group, those identified as white, and by the subordinated group, those identified as black, with immigrants from outside of Europe forming blurred middle castes that sought to adjust themselves within a bipolar structure.

In the United States and in India, people in the dominant caste have blamed stagnant careers or rejections in college admissions on marginalized people in the lower caste, even though African-Americans in the United States and Dalits in India are rarely in positions to decide who will get hired at corporations or admitted to universities. In the United States, it is a numerical impossibility for African-Americans to wreak such havoc in employment and higher education: there are simply not enough African-Americans to take the positions that every member of the dominant caste dreams of holding. Notably, while affirmative action grew out of the civil rights movement fought by lowest-caste people and their white allies, decades of analysis show that it is white women, and thus white families, rather than African-Americans, who became the prime beneficiaries of a plan intended to redress centuries of injustice against the lowest-caste people. Scapegoating nimbly obscures the structural forces that make life harder than it has to be for many Americans for the benefit of a few, primarily in the dominant caste.

pages: 378 words: 107,957

Cynical Theories: How Activist Scholarship Made Everything About Race, Gender, and Identity―and Why This Harms Everybody by Helen Pluckrose, James A. Lindsay

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, barriers to entry, battle of ideas, centre right, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, conceptual framework, desegregation, Donald Trump, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, feminist movement, germ theory of disease, Isaac Newton, late capitalism, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral panic, neurotypical, phenotype, sexual politics, Stephen Hawking, Steven Pinker, the scientific method, transatlantic slave trade, white flight, women in the workforce

The theory of education (pedagogy) has been particularly strongly affected. As Delgado and Stefancic observe, Although CRT [critical race Theory] began as a movement in the law, it has rapidly spread beyond that discipline. Today, many scholars in the field of education consider themselves critical race theorists who use CRT’s ideas to understand issues of school discipline and hierarchy, tracking, affirmative action, high-stakes testing, controversies over curriculum and history, bilingual and multicultural education, and alternative and charter schools.26 They list critical race Theory’s strongest footholds, indicating how effectively it can embed itself in other disciplines: Political scientists ponder voting strategies coined by critical race theorists, while women’s studies professors teach about intersectionality—the predicament of women of color and others who sit at the intersection of two or more categories.

Delgado and Stefancic regard this as positive: As this book went to press, students on several dozen campuses were demonstrating for “safe spaces” and protection from racially hostile climates with daily insults, epithets, slurs, and displays of Confederate symbols and flags. These “campus climate” issues are prompting serious reconsideration among university administrators, and for good reason. With affirmative action under sharp attack, universities need to assure that their campuses are as welcoming as possible. At the same time, a new generation of millennials seems to be demonstrating a renewed willingness to confront illegitimate authority.29 Critical race Theory has become very much a part of campus culture in many universities and, interestingly, is most evident at the most elite institutions. Intersectionality is central to this culture and has also taken on a life of its own outside it.

Theory insists that only by understanding the various groups and the social constructions around those groups can one truly understand society, people, and their experiences. This conceptual shift facilitates group identity and thus identity politics, which are often radical. Because of intersectionality’s sheer versatility as a tool, it appeals to those involved in many different forms of engagement, ranging from legal activism and academic analysis to affirmative action and educational theory.52 Mainstream activism has also eagerly embraced intersectionality—especially its concept of privilege, an idea that is vigorously insisted upon, often to the point of bullying and browbeating. THE MEME OF SOCIAL JUSTICE The expansion of intersectionality’s sphere of influence has been considerable and perhaps unavoidable. Ange-Marie Hancock, in her book about the intellectual history of intersectionality, remarks on its growing popularity in both the intellectual and academic realms and as a kind of meme, noting that there are many different definitions and conceptualizations of intersectionality available online.53 Hancock writes, “As a result, intersectionality as an analytical framework is in the process of reaching maximal salience across academe, the nonprofit sector (including global philanthropy), and politics.”54 In popular culture, Hancock notes, intersectionality is often evoked to cancel people, and public figures as diverse as Michelle Obama and the feminist group Code Pink have been criticized for failing “to understand and act from a place deeply cognizant of the multicategory dynamics of power at play.”55 Applying critical race Theory, Hancock argues that the mainstreaming of intersectionality is itself problematic because it whitens and “memeifies” intersectionality.

Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism by Pippa Norris, Ronald Inglehart

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Cass Sunstein, centre right, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, declining real wages, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, job automation, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, land reform, liberal world order, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, obamacare, open borders, open economy, post-industrial society, post-materialism, precariat, purchasing power parity, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, statistical model, stem cell, War on Poverty, white flight, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, working-age population, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

A second item also codes favorable references to ‘under-­privileged minorities’ – specified as ‘handicapped, homosexuals, immigrants, and indigenous populations.’ But there is no explicit reference to coding the range of contemporary policy issues revolving around the politics of sexuality and gender, including sex equality, affirmative action, and equal opportunities policies, women’s rights, equal pay laws, feminism, maternity or paternity Part III From Values to Votes 229 leave, maternity health and childcare, gender and sexual identities, gay and transsexual rights, affirmative action in the workplace and public sphere, rights to same sex marriage and civil unions, gender quotas in elected bodies, sexual harassment, domestic violence, women serving in the military, and so on. The CMP contains an item coding policy statements for or against traditional morality, such as support for abortion/divorce, traditional families, and the role of religious institutions in the state, but this is unlikely to capture the full dimension of policy debates over cultural issues.

In foreign affairs, this viewpoint favors the protection of national sovereignty, secure borders, a strong military, and trade protectionism (‘America First’), rather than membership of the European Union, diplomatic alliances, human rights, international engagement, and multilateral cooperation within the G7, NATO, and United Nations. Moreover, Authoritarian Populism favors policies where the state actively intervenes to restrict non-­traditional lifestyles, typically by limiting same sex marriage, LGBTQ rights and gender equality, access to contraception and abortion, and affirmative action or quotas – unless, in some cases, these types of liberal policies are framed as a defense of national cultures against attacks by ‘others.’ Finally, in the public sphere, since liberal democracy has been delegitimized, authoritarian populists favor strong governance preserving order and security against perceived threat (‘They are sending rapists’ ‘radical Islamic terrorists’), even at the expense of democratic norms protecting judicial independence, freedom of the media, human rights and civil liberties, the oversight role of representative assemblies, and standards of electoral integrity.

Hence, social psychologists have found that the public expression of prejudice is strongly related to perceptions of prevailing social norms.43 People may continue to be prejudiced – such attitudes do not change readily – but they may hesitate to express their views. Such self-­censorship seems to underlie resentment against ‘political correctness.’ If this argument is correct, a snowball or band-­wagon effect should be observable in the public square as socially liberal values are seen to gain acceptance in society, such as support for non-­traditional families, gay marriage, affirmative action for women and minorities, legalizing recreational drugs, animal rights movements, environmental protection, and transgender rights. This reaction depends on whether people are aware of changing social norms – which may not happen – for example where distinctive sub-­ cultures persist within isolated communities, or if the cues about what is socially acceptable come from media bubbles or dominant opinion leaders, or during periods of rapid transition and intense polarized debate where it may be unclear what social norms should guide acceptable ideas and behavior.44 Moreover, conservatives who perceive that orthodox moral beliefs are slipping to marginal status within their societies are likely to feel threatened by the loss of respect for their values.

pages: 167 words: 50,652

Alternatives to Capitalism by Robin Hahnel, Erik Olin Wright

affirmative action, basic income, crowdsourcing, inventory management, iterative process, Kickstarter, loose coupling, means of production, Pareto efficiency, profit maximization, race to the bottom, transaction costs

Real utopias, in contrast, envision the contours of an alternative social world that embodies emancipatory ideals and then look for social innovations we can create in the world as it is that move us towards that destination. Now sometimes this turns out to be the same as an ameliorative reform, but often ameliorative reforms do not constitute building blocks of an emancipatory alternative. Consider, for example, affirmative action policies around race. Affirmative action is one of the critical policies for combating the pernicious effects of ongoing racism, not merely the legacies of racism in the past. But affirmative action is not itself a building block of a world of racial justice and emancipation. It is a necessary means to neutralize severe harms of racism in the world as it exists, but it is not itself a constitutive element of the alternative that we seek. The same could be said of food stamps: it is a critical policy for alleviating hunger generated by brutal forms of inequality generated in American capitalism, but the imagined world of social emancipation beyond capitalism is not one characterized by a massive expansion of food stamps for all.

pages: 177 words: 50,167

The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics by John B. Judis

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, mass immigration, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent

A Gallup study of the demographics of the 1968 Wallace vote found his constituency to be identical to that of Warren’s MARs. In other words, Wallace’s base was among voters who saw themselves as “middle class”—the American equivalent of “the people”—and who saw themselves locked in conflict with those below and above. Like Wallace, they remained New Deal liberals in many of their views, but not on matters that bore on race or law and order. In these cases, they adamantly rejected the welfare and busing and affirmative action policies that 1972 Democratic presidential candidate George McGovern and many liberal Democrats favored. They had begun the political journey from Democrat to Independent to Republican that would finally conclude in the 1994 congressional elections. Wallace, like Long, was a movement unto himself. When he was shot and forced to drop out of the presidential campaign, it ended his attempt to transform American politics.

He would serve as governor again, and would repudiate and apologize for his own opposition to racial integration. He would end his career much as he began—as a New Deal Democrat. But Wallace and his followers had already had a profound influence on the two-party system. Wallace’s campaigns were the opening wedge in the realignment of the parties in the South. The Republicans would subsequently accommodate Wallace’s positions on big government, welfare, busing, and affirmative action. And Nixon had already begun to do that. As Kevin Phillips understood in his prescient 1969 book, The Emerging Republican Majority, Wallace’s votes would migrate to the Republican Party. In 1972, Nixon’s percentage vote against McGovern closely resembled the total of Nixon and Wallace’s votes in 1968 in 45 of 50 states. In 14 states, the percentages were almost identical. The Democratic and Republican coalitions that would emerge after Wallace’s 1968 run and McGovern’s 1972 campaign would be significantly different from the coalitions of the New Deal era.

Operatives crafted a majority coalition that was composed of the traditional Republican business class, small businesses and farmers, and white working-class voters who had began fleeing the Democratic Party because of its support for civil rights, feminism, and the secular counterculture. There was an implicit arrangement by which the major business lobbies would acquiesce in Republican opposition to abortion, gun control, or affirmative action in exchange for working-class support for reductions in regulations and taxes. The one area in which Republican business and the new white working-class Republicans could wholeheartedly agree was cutting social spending. Businesses generally favored any spending cuts that would lower pressure to raise taxes on them and their stockholders. The working and middle classes, with some justification, believed they would have to pay the bulk of the taxes to support programs that they believed would primarily benefit minorities and the poor and not themselves.

pages: 532 words: 155,470

One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility by Zack Furness, Zachary Mooradian Furness

active transport: walking or cycling, affirmative action, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, back-to-the-land, Build a better mousetrap, Burning Man, car-free, carbon footprint, clean water, colonial rule, conceptual framework, dumpster diving, Enrique Peñalosa, European colonialism, feminist movement, ghettoisation, Golden Gate Park, interchangeable parts, intermodal, Internet Archive, Jane Jacobs, Kickstarter, market fundamentalism, means of production, Naomi Klein, New Urbanism, peak oil, place-making, post scarcity, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, sustainable-tourism, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, urban planning, Whole Earth Catalog, Whole Earth Review, working poor, Yom Kippur War

Surely there are some black Basque lesbian quadriplegic pro-life vehicular cyclists you can have on the committee.”129 perhaps the most disingenuous aspect of vehicular cyclists mocking the issues of diversity and affirmative action is the total lack of reservation shown in formulating advocacy strategies that appropriate such terms to manipulate public opinion. a brief dialogue about advocacy strategies illustrates this point: Might it be possible to rally an adequate number of pedestrian advocates and bicyclist advocates behind the non-prejudicial “universal access” cause, and away from the anti-car affirmative-action campaigns that ensure prolonged friction between user groups, in order to speed the adoption of constructive public policy? My hope for “universal access” is to provide a paradigm and buzz-word for pedestrian and bicyclist advocates to say “yes” to without having to promote an anti-car cause.

Shouldn’t the audience that could be infected by such a meme be larger than the population that simply hates cars and the people who drive them? —Steven Goodridge your Universal access paradigm is excellent. The only problems are overcoming current inertia and getting its message out to a critical mass. Exponential numbers of people must be infected by the meme. affirmative action for bicyclists has a huge following. affirmative action in civil rights does too. it may be a better strategy to couch it as segregationist vs. integrationist. it’s harsher, which i think is necessary to convert/enlighten bike lane and path devotees. —Wayne pein130 resorting to such convoluted measures to convert people away from simply having their own opinion, or preference, for travel shows how little credence most vC advocates actually give to those who either lack their cycling instructor credentials or deviate from a hard-line stance that effectively shields automobility from any and all forms of criticism.

On the basis of self-interest, the roadway users—cyclists and motorists—should be in one corner and the anti-traffic forces—political bicyclists, residentialists, and environmentalists—in the other. . . . assume, until you know otherwise, that those who have initiated contact with you are political bicyclists, and that real cyclists have seen no useful reason to contact government.124 instead of praising cyclists for taking an active role in the political process or working toward a more egalitarian vision of mobility, Forester and his supporters frame government-funded bicycle facilities as restrictive, choosing to champion equality as a reaganite ethos of every man for himself: “Same roads—Same rights—Same rules.”125 Equality, in this sense of sameness, is conceived not as the rectification of a national problem whereby one form of mobility (auto transportation) dominates public thoroughfares, receives a grossly disproportionate amount of government subsidies, and poses undue physical threats to pedestrians, cyclists, the elderly, children, and people of color. rather, it functions as an ideological and political rationale for voluntary cyclists (those who ride out of choice as opposed to low income) to legitimize their participation in an already unequal matrix of public spaces.126 The idea that the street is somehow a space of equality, or neutrality, that one accesses by simply disciplining and ultimately demonstrating one’s cycling skill is a premise that holds true only if one decontextualizes, if not totally ignores, all the relevant socioeconomic, physical, material, and cultural factors that influence—and in most cases dictate—everyday transportation choices. it virtually mirrors the claims of cyclists in the nineteenth century who, by virtue of their socioeconomic and/or racial status, could easily ignore the cultural restraints on public mobility because they were never subject to them in the first place. not coincidentally, it is a group of mainly white, middle- to upper-class men who now reproduce this same ideology with recourse to similar vulgar psychological explanations. The main difference now is the brazen manner in which vC proponents use racially loaded terms like segregationists (bikeway advocates) and ghettoization (being forced into bike lanes) while they promote a paradigm that explicitly, and openly, condemns what they see as “affirmative action” policies.127 One can peruse the archives of the Chain Guard, an online discussion list for vC advocates, to see just how pointedly the issue of bicycle transportation is framed in such terms. One person writes: i despair of responding at length to all the unending preferences for prioritizing the “special needs” of all the presumed incapable bike riders while we continue to ignore the development of informed, intelligent, safe, enjoyable, efficient transportation by driving a bicycle on normal roads with normal training and education easily achieved by almost all of us, while we promote equal rights.128 The lip service given to equal rights is nicely highlighted in later discussion about the formation of Bicycle advisory Committees, which are groups that recommend localized policies for cycling.

pages: 868 words: 147,152

How Asia Works by Joe Studwell

affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, collective bargaining, crony capitalism, cross-subsidies, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, financial deregulation, financial repression, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, land reform, land tenure, large denomination, liberal capitalism, market fragmentation, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open economy, passive investing, purchasing power parity, rent control, rent-seeking, Right to Buy, Ronald Coase, South China Sea, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, working-age population

When the fall came, he blamed the managers. A third complication was that Mahathir mixed up industrial policy with affirmative action. He came to power promising to raise up the indigenous bumiputera150 population. In so doing, he painted himself into a racial corner where he decided he could not use Malaysia’s mostly ethnic Chinese and Tamil established entrepreneurs to run his new heavy industrial investments. Instead, he tried to implement effective industrial policy and create a new generation of Malay entrepreneurs at the same time. This was always going to be difficult. In the absence of export discipline and private sector competition, it was impossible. Affirmative action led to the cruellest irony of Mahathir’s industrialisation programme. He sent bumiputeras with minimal business experience – frequently civil servants – to run industrial ventures which were supposed to achieve global levels of competitiveness.

His best-known book, The Malay Dilemma, is a rambling discourse on the plight of the Malays that contrasts powerfully with Park Chung Hee’s two books of the early 1960s, which contained much more practical analysis of what Korea needed to do to in order to ascend the industrial learning curve.135 Mahathir had had his political reckoning with the Tunku after the anti-Chinese riots in Kuala Lumpur in May 1969 left around 200 people dead.136 He wrote an open letter to the prime minister blaming his witless premiership for the killings and suggesting he was likely playing poker – the Tunku, like many members of the Malaysian upper class, was fond of gambling – while KL burned. As a result Mahathir was expelled from UMNO. The Tunku, however, had become a political liability and was eased out of power by other senior politicians. In 1971, Malaysia introduced an affirmative action plan called the New Economic Policy to ease racial tensions. With the Tunku gone, Mahathir was readmitted to UMNO after only three years, and a year after that he became Minister of Education. When the second prime minister, Razak, and his deputy both died prematurely of natural causes, Hussein Onn took over and in 1976 turned, quite unexpectedly, to Mahathir to be his deputy. The entrepreneurial Mahathir then grabbed the job he wanted in order to figure out how to change Malaysia – Minister for Trade and Industry.

It did not begin life with export competitiveness as its driving ambition. The choice of the east coast was also commercially dubious because most steel in Malaysia is consumed on the much more populous and industrialised west coast. It would have made more business sense to pipe the gas fuel supply from the nearby offshore fields to the west side of the peninsula and to make steel where it is needed. None the less, Mahathir’s determination to marry affirmative action – by building the plant in what is called ‘the Malay heartland’ – with industrial policy was not of itself enough to wreck this project. Instead, he made a series of compounding errors. The most egregious of these were to have no export requirement and to fail to critique the project recommended by Perwaja’s Japanese partner, a consortium led by Nippon Steel (the same partner the Koreans had).

pages: 456 words: 185,658

More Guns, Less Crime: Understanding Crime and Gun-Control Laws by John R. Lott

affirmative action, Columbine, crack epidemic, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, G4S, gun show loophole, income per capita, More Guns, Less Crime, Sam Peltzman, selection bias, statistical model, the medium is the message, transaction costs

Phoenix: Bloomfield Press, 1999. ———. Gun Laws of America. Phoenix: Bloomfield Press, 1997. 432 | BIBLIOGRAPHY ———. The Texas Gun Owner’s Guide. Phoenix: Bloomfield Press, 1998. Leamer, Edward E. “Let’s Take the Con Out of Econometrics.” American Economic Review 73 (Mar. 1983): 31–43. Lott, John R., Jr. “Does a Helping Hand Put Others at Risk? Affirmative Action, Police Departments, and Crime.” Economic Inquiry, vol. 38 (April 2000), forthcoming. ———. “Who Is Really Hurt by Affirmative Action?” Subject to Debate, May 1998, pp. 1, 3. Lott, John R., Jr., and John E. Whitley. “Safe Storage Gun Laws: Accidental Deaths, Suicides, and Crime.” Yale Law School working paper, October 1, 1999. Ludwig, Jens. “Concealed-Gun-Carrying Law and Violent Crime: Evidence from State Panel Data.” International Review of Law and Economics 18 (Sept. 1998): 239–54.

Handgun Control and the Violence Policy Center spread claims such as “Lott has argued that the hiring of more 204 | CHAPTER NINE women and minorities in law enforcement has actually increased crime rates.”48 They have made this claim on their Web sites, in debates, and on radio programs.49 In fact, I had stated that this would be the wrong conclusion to reach. The paper argued: “But it would be a serious mistake not to realize that this simple relationship is masking that the new rules reduce the quality of new hires from other groups.”50 The affirmative action rules which changed the testing standards lowered the quality of new police hires across the board, and that was showing itself in the simple relationship between minority hires and crime.51 On the upside, many have come to my defense. One academic review of my book noted, “The personal (and, to those who know him, completely unfounded) attacks on John Lott’s integrity were made with such ferocity and in so many media outlets nationwide that one can only conclude that Lott was, with apologies to our gracious First Lady [Hillary Clinton], the target of a vast left-wing conspiracy to discredit his politically incorrect findings.”52 Another academic review wrote: “the ease with which guncontrol advocates could get misleading and even false claims published by the press raises important public choice questions.

Craig Jarvis, “Pizza Worker’s Husband Shoots Masked Bandit,” Raleigh News and Observer, Dec. 11, 1996, p. B3. 3. Other work that I have done indicates that while hiring certain types of police officers can be quite effective in reducing crime rates, the net benefit from hiring an additional police officer is about a quarter of the benefit from spending an equivalent amount on concealed handguns. See John R. Lott, Jr., “Does a Helping Hand Put Others At Risk? Affirmative Action, Police Departments, and Crime,” University of Chicago working paper (July 1997). 4. The cost of public prisons runs about twice this rate; see Mike Flaherty, “Prisons for Profit; Can Texas System Work for Wisconsin’s Overflowing System,” Wisconsin State Journal, Feb. 16, 1997, p. Al. 5. Fox Butterfield, “Serious Crime Decreased for Fifth Year in a Row,” New York Times, Jan. 5, 1997, p. 10. 396 | N OT E S TO PA G E S 1 6 6 – 1 6 9 6.

We Need New Stories: Challenging the Toxic Myths Behind Our Age of Discontent by Nesrine Malik

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, cognitive dissonance, continuation of politics by other means, currency peg, Donald Trump, feminist movement, financial independence, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, gender pay gap, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, illegal immigration, invisible hand, mass immigration, moral panic, Nate Silver, obamacare, old-boy network, payday loans, planetary scale, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, sexual politics, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Thomas L Friedman, transatlantic slave trade

The time that I have spent writing these words is, ironically, a triumph of Frequency Scrambling, in that this chapter is dedicated to rebutting false allegations of political correctness, but the myth is so deeply ingrained that first it must be dispelled, before the facts can be argued. Every time an issue is presented as one of PC, the air is sucked out of it and it cannot catch fire. If minorities demand some form of affirmative action, we end up discussing the non-minorities who might be victimised as a result, as opposed to why affirmative action is needed in the first place. If women demand that there be a new way of speaking to and about them in the workplace, we end up discussing the men who will be bewildered and prone to victimisation, rather than why women have made the demand in the first place. It is a diversion tool that depends on couching demands in terms of their impact on others, rather than their inherent merit.

Its stated mission is to ‘formulate and promote conservative public policies based on the principles of free enterprise, limited government, individual freedom, traditional American values, and a strong national defense’. It is particularly obsessed with political correctness and has been since its inception. In 1991, the foundation published a report entitled ‘Political Correctness and the Suicide of the Intellect’ which criticises affirmative action because ‘two wrongs don’t make a right’. ‘We mustn’t let things get by that we know are wrong,’ it concludes, ‘we must start to raise a little hell.’ Searching the foundation’s site for articles containing the phrase ‘political correctness’ throws up 13,839 results. That’s an average of 512 posts a year, or 1.4 a day. The foundation is churning out anti-PC propaganda on a daily basis. Other organisations practically sponsored public ‘intellectuals’ into being.

Other organisations practically sponsored public ‘intellectuals’ into being. Dinesh D’Souza, one of the most successful far-right conservative commentators in the US, was positively incubated by them. He started his career as editor of the Dartmouth Review in the early 1980s. At the time, the paper harassed an African-American faculty member and published a criticism of affirmative action that was so racist in tone that it pierced the niche academic discourse to capture nationwide attention. The Review was receiving thousands of dollars from the rightist Olin Foundation, which also sponsored D’Souza during a stint at the American Enterprise Institute, the end result of which was a book about illiberalism. The point of rehearsing this history is to demonstrate that political correctness has been overestimated from the moment of inception.

pages: 386 words: 122,595

Naked Economics: Undressing the Dismal Science (Fully Revised and Updated) by Charles Wheelan

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bretton Woods, business cycle, buy and hold, capital controls, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, congestion charging, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, demographic transition, diversified portfolio, Doha Development Round, Exxon Valdez, financial innovation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, happiness index / gross national happiness, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, index fund, interest rate swap, invisible hand, job automation, John Markoff, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, libertarian paternalism, low skilled workers, Malacca Straits, market bubble, microcredit, money market fund, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Network effects, new economy, open economy, presumed consent, price discrimination, price stability, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, random walk, rent control, Richard Thaler, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, The Market for Lemons, the rule of 72, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, Yogi Berra, young professional, zero-sum game

Nine of the job candidates are white and one is black. The hiring company has an affirmative action policy stipulating that when minority and nonminority candidates are of equal merit, the minority candidate will be hired. Further suppose that there are two top candidates; one is white, the other is black. True to policy, the firm hires the black candidate. Loury (who is black) makes this subtle but simple point: Only one of the white candidates has suffered from affirmative action; the other eight wouldn’t have gotten the job anyway. Yet all nine white candidates go away angry, feeling that they have been discriminated against. Loury is not necessarily a foe of affirmative action. He merely adds nuance to a discussion that usually has none. Affirmative action can harm the very race relations that it seeks to heal.

Economics is filed away with calculus and chemistry—rigorous subjects that required a lot of memorization and have little to do with anything that will come later in life. And, of course, a lot of bright students avoid the course in the first place. This is a shame on two levels. First, many intellectually curious people are missing a subject that is provocative, powerful, and highly relevant to almost every aspect of our lives. Economics offers insight into policy problems ranging from organ donation to affirmative action. The discipline is intuitive at times and delightfully counterintuitive at others. It is peppered with great thinkers. Some, such as Adam Smith and Milton Friedman, have captured mainstream attention. But others, such as Gary Becker and George Akerlof, have not gotten the recognition outside of academe that they deserve. Too many people who would gladly curl up with a book on the Civil War or a biography of Samuel Johnson have been scared away from a subject that should be accessible and fascinating.

pages: 692 words: 127,032

Fool Me Twice: Fighting the Assault on Science in America by Shawn Lawrence Otto

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anthropic principle, Berlin Wall, Brownian motion, carbon footprint, Cepheid variable, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, commoditize, cosmological constant, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Dean Kamen, desegregation, different worldview, double helix, energy security, Exxon Valdez, fudge factor, ghettoisation, global pandemic, Harlow Shapley and Heber Curtis, Harvard Computers: women astronomers, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Louis Pasteur, mutually assured destruction, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, shareholder value, sharing economy, smart grid, Solar eclipse in 1919, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, transaction costs, University of East Anglia, War on Poverty, white flight, Winter of Discontent, working poor, yellow journalism, zero-sum game

In politics, this thinking became entwined with the goals of the civil rights movement: examination of power structures, discovery of voices not valued by history, cultural tolerance, acceptance of diverse viewpoints, affirmative action, mindfulness of the biases of the speaker, a pullback from Western exceptionalism and white supremacy, and the celebration of the self-evident truth that lies at the foundation of the nation—that all people are created equal. If science was the voice of the Western white male culture, then it was not the voice of other, discounted cultures. Academics, writers, politicians, and teachers, in a sort of intellectual affirmative action, took the idea to its logical conclusion: from all people being created equal to the notion that all cultures are created equal and from that to the idea that all ideas are created equal.

In the American humanities, and subsequently in American politics and education, this came to mean that all systems of thought had equal merit and only had to be internally consistent. They were all just different “languages” or “constructs” for assembling our experience of reality. Thus, postmodernists thought of themselves as tolerant and nonjudgmental. In America, this thinking merged with new political ideas about affirmative action and became widespread. Postmodernism provided a secular, progressive, inclusive interpretation of reality for those who felt that there were many worthy groups like African Americans, women, Native Americans, gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transgendered persons, and others who had been disenfranchised by the Western white male dominant culture, of which science was a powerful part. The postmodern view fit well with the growing ambivalence toward science after the bomb and during the cold war.

Scientists (“the Man”) resist new (baby boomer) ideas, clinging to old (Western white male), outdated theories even as the evidence they are being willfully blind to accumulates (discrimination) like energy in an electron until it finally becomes overwhelming (the civil rights movement). Then, suddenly, in a crystallizing moment (revelation), the ruling order is displaced (comeuppance) and the intellectual understanding of the old (bigoted) paradigm (attitude) shifts to a new, wider-orbiting (more tolerant and inclusive) paradigm that incorporates (affirmative action) previously discounted outliers (disempowered groups). Kuhn was striving to describe science not as we think it is, but as it really is, and so was likely strongly influenced by his times. He pointed to several past scientific revolutions as examples and argued that they had not been intellectual so much as sociological upheavals. As evidence he quoted Max Planck, who, along with Einstein, founded the revolutionary field of quantum mechanics.

pages: 320 words: 96,006

The End of Men: And the Rise of Women by Hanna Rosin

affirmative action, call centre, cognitive dissonance, David Brooks, delayed gratification, edge city, facts on the ground, financial independence, hiring and firing, housing crisis, income inequality, informal economy, job satisfaction, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, meta analysis, meta-analysis, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, Northern Rock, post-work, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, Results Only Work Environment, Silicon Valley, social intelligence, Stanford prison experiment, Steven Pinker, union organizing, upwardly mobile, white picket fence, women in the workforce, young professional

In other words, if Heriot was reading the chart correctly, American private colleges had quietly begun to practice affirmative action . . . for men. The quotes that follow in the accompanying story seemed to confirm Heriot’s suspicion. Men should be given some extra allowance because they “have perspectives to offer that a woman doesn’t have,” one student suggested. A college counselor advised that they should “emphasize their maleness.” If they happened to have a gender-ambiguous name like Alex or Madison, they should not hesitate to send in a picture or brag about sports in order to “catch an admission officer’s eye.” Different perspectives to offer. A distinct admissions advantage. Send in a picture. These are the kinds of euphemisms admissions officers have historically offered up to minorities and women. How could it be that affirmative action, an institution set up to break white men’s exclusive hold on power, was now the crutch they needed to get by?

Heriot wrote up a proposal for the commission’s approval, suggesting it might be an “open secret” among private colleges that they let in men over more highly qualified women, and her proposal was accepted. For private universities, sex discrimination in admissions is perfectly legal; unlike public universities they are not bound by Title IX. But Heriot thought this issue was serious enough that it might be covered by a more general statute against discrimination. And because she seems inclined against affirmative action anyway, she wanted to force the education establishment into a confession so that they could begin to figure out why men weren’t succeeding, rather than to continue just shuffling them among institutions. The commissioners picked nineteen colleges randomly with the aim of covering the basic categories—big, small, religiously affiliated, selective, less selective, and historically African-American.

Meyerson, “An Organizational Approach to Undoing Gender: The Unlikely Case of Offshore Oil Platforms,” Research in Organizational Behavior 30, no. 30 (2010): 3–34. INDEX The page numbers in this index refer to the printed version of this book. To find the corresponding locations in the text of this digital version, please use the “search” function on your e-reader. Note that not all terms may be searchable. Accounting, 108, 118, 124, 226 Addiction, 46 drug, 87, 88 Advanced Placement (AP) exams, 153 Afghanistan, 42 Affirmative action, 146, 147 African-Americans, 53, 94, 101, 147, 155, 157, 180 college-educated, 89–90, 94 in manufacturing jobs, 88 Aggression, 170 female, 173, 176, 183, 185–87, 189 male, 174–76 Alabama, 91–92, 110. See also specific cities, counties, and towns Alabama, University of, Huntsville, 178 Alexander City (Alabama), 79–88, 95, 97–106 Allen, Woody, 190 Alvin Ho (Look), 190 American Council on Education, 155 American Journal of Pharmaceutical Education, 119 American Psycho (Ellis), 173 Anal sex, 17, 27, 42, 44 Anderson, Sherwood, 128 Andrews, Steven and Sarah, 70–77 Apatow, Judd, 56, 138 Apple, William S., 134 Arab Spring, 151 Argentina, 28, 150 Ark & Pancom, 244 Armstrong, Elizabeth, 22–25 Arnett, Will, 265 Arthur Colton Company, 127–28 Asian Debate Institute, 231 Ask For It (Babcock and Laschever), 209 Atlanta (Georgia), 81 Atlantic magazine, 14, 160, 221 Attractiveness, 30, 131, 256 Auburn (Alabama), 103, 106–10 Auburn University, 97, 105, 106, 108 Economic & Community Development Institute, 86 Austen, Jane, 114 Australia, 150, 166, 167, 245 Automatic Pill Making Machines, 127–28 Auto industry, 87 Korean, 111, 204, 234, 250 Autor, David, 87, 125 Babcock, Linda, 207–9 Babies, sex preference for, 12–14 Bahrain, 150 Bangalore, 193 Baron-Cohen, Simon, 174, 262 Baum, Sandy, 158 Baumbach, Noah, 56 Baumeister, Roy, 37, 41, 42 Beauty premium.

pages: 334 words: 104,382

Brotopia: Breaking Up the Boys' Club of Silicon Valley by Emily Chang

23andMe, 4chan, Ada Lovelace, affirmative action, Airbnb, Apple II, augmented reality, autonomous vehicles, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, Burning Man, California gold rush, Chuck Templeton: OpenTable:, David Brooks, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, equal pay for equal work, Ferguson, Missouri, game design, gender pay gap, Google Glasses, Google X / Alphabet X, Grace Hopper, high net worth, Hyperloop, Jeff Bezos, job satisfaction, Khan Academy, Lyft, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Maui Hawaii, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microservices, paypal mafia, Peter Thiel, post-work, pull request, ride hailing / ride sharing, rolodex, Saturday Night Live, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, Snapchat, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Steven Levy, subscription business, Tim Cook: Apple, Travis Kalanick, uber lyft, women in the workforce

Thiel himself told me: Peter Thiel, “Venture Capitalist Peter Thiel: Studio 1.0 (12/18) Bloomberg, Dec. 18, 2014, video, 27:34, Stanford began by instituting: News release, Stanford News Service, April 22, 1991, lawsuit against Harvard: Anemona Hartocollis and Stephanie Saul, “Affirmative Action Battle Has a New Focus: Asian-Americans,” New York Times, Aug. 2, 2017, The Stanford Review also targeted feminism: Lisa Koven and David Sacks, “Rape at Stanford,” Stanford Review, Jan. 21, 1992. The word “RAPE”: Ibid., 1. “If you’re male and heterosexual at Stanford”: Ibid., 4. “Faggot! Hope you die”: “Officials Condemn Homophobic Incident; No Prosecution Planned,” Stanford News Service, Feb. 12, 1992,

Universities should be blind to gender and race, they argued. Whites and Asians should not lose academic posts to candidates from more underrepresented groups. Only measurable achievement and academic merit should matter. They also questioned the value of diversity and the idea that universities, companies, and governments function better when a broad range of people participate. “We were pretty critical of affirmative action. We forecast how it was going to play out, saying it’s going to really, really penalize Asians, and that’s exactly what happened,” Rabois told me, referencing a recent lawsuit against Harvard University that alleges Asian Americans are discriminated against in the admissions process. The Stanford Review also targeted feminism. David Sacks, a Stanford Review columnist, who would become the early COO at PayPal while Thiel was CEO, authored several pieces in a twelve-page issue devoted entirely to criticizing the new awareness about date rape and sexual assault.

“I know there are many remarkable women who would flourish in the venture business,” he wrote. “We’re working hard to find them and would be ecstatic if more joined Sequoia or other firms.” Sequoia Capital followed up with a tweet from its official account: “We need to do better.” A few months later, Moritz managed to give new life to the controversy while taking questions from journalists at the San Francisco Exploratorium, saying, “We’re not going to run an affirmative action [program]. And I happen to think it’s an insult to a woman we hire, a black we hire, or a Hispanic we hire, to feel like they’re coming to work at Sequoia because of their gender or their race. The people who want to come to work for us want to be the very best.” He again mentioned the “spectacular” female analyst Sequoia had recently hired: “If she had five sisters we’d hire them all!” Moritz’s comments dogged him, illustrating the almost comical difficulties late-career VCs have in navigating this unfamiliar terrain.

pages: 437 words: 105,934

#Republic: Divided Democracy in the Age of Social Media by Cass R. Sunstein

A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Sanders, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, Donald Trump, drone strike, Erik Brynjolfsson, Filter Bubble, friendly fire, global village, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, loss aversion, Mark Zuckerberg, obamacare, prediction markets, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, Snapchat, stem cell, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wisdom of Crowds, WikiLeaks

Discussion made civil unions more popular among liberals; discussion made civil unions less popular among conservatives. Liberals favored an international treaty to control global warming before discussion; they favored it more strongly after discussion. Conservatives were neutral on that treaty before discussion; they strongly opposed it after discussion. Mildly favorable toward affirmative action before discussion, liberals became strongly favorable toward it after discussion. Firmly negative about affirmative action before discussion, conservatives became even more negative about it afterward. Aside from increasing extremism, the experiment had an independent effect: it made both liberal and conservative groups significantly more homogeneous—and thus squelched diversity. Before members started to talk, many groups displayed a fair bit of internal disagreement.

For an initial glimpse of the problem, let us put the Internet to one side and consider a small experiment in democracy that was held in Colorado in 2005.6 About sixty US citizens were brought together and assembled into ten groups, each consisting of six people. Members of each group were asked to deliberate on three of the most controversial issues of the day: Should states allow same-sex couples to enter into civil unions? Should employers engage in “affirmative action” by giving a preference to members of traditionally disadvantaged groups? Should the United States sign an international treaty to combat global warming? As the experiment was designed, the groups consisted of “liberal” and “conservative” members—the former from Boulder, the latter from Colorado Springs. It is widely known that Boulder tends to be liberal and that Colorado Springs tends to be conservative.

IDENTITY AND CULTURE A revealing body of research, coming largely from Yale Law School professor Dan Kahan, finds that “cultural cognition” shapes our reactions to science—and that our values affect our assessment of purely factual claims, even in highly technical areas.60 As a result, Americans predictably polarize on factual questions involving, for example, gun control, climate change, nuclear waste disposal, and nanotechnology. Kahan’s striking claim is that people’s judgments stem, in large part, from their sense of identity—of what kind of person they consider themselves to be. As a result, seemingly disparate views cluster. Among conservatives, for instance, gun control is a bad idea, and so is affirmative action; climate change is not a big problem; the Supreme Court should not have recognized same-sex marriage; and the minimum wage should not be increased. In principle, it might be possible to identify specific values that link these apparently diverse conclusions. But Kahan’s claim is that the real source of people’s views, at least on certain controversial questions, is their understanding of their identity, and their effort to protect it.

pages: 273 words: 78,850

The Millionaire Next Door: The Surprising Secrets of America's Wealthy by Thomas Stanley, William Danko

affirmative action, estate planning, financial independence, high net worth, index fund, money market fund, mortgage tax deduction, the market place, very high income, Yogi Berra

They also contend that their sons-in-law “can never be fully trusted … to remain loyal … [to] support [and] protect” their daughters. Actually, the affluent are rather perceptive in this regard. Our data indicate that more than four in ten of their daughters who marry will be divorced at least once. AFFIRMATIVE ACTION FOR WOMEN Affluent parents understand that the income-generating opportunities facing men and women in this country are very different. These parents tend to have their own form of economic affirmative action. Consider the following facts: ♦ Women account for 46 percent of the workers in this country but represent fewer than 20 percent of the individuals who earn $100,000 or more annually. In 1980, fewer than 40,000 women had annualincomes of $100,000 or more. In 1995, approximately 400,000 women were in this income category.

ISBN Mobipocket edition: 9780795314858 For Janet, Sarah, and Brad—a million Christmases, a trillion Fourth of Julys –T. J. Stanley For my loving wife, Connie, and my dear children, Christy, Todd, and David –W. D. Danko Contents Tables Preface Introduction 1: Meet the Millionaire Next Door 2: Frugal Frugal Frugal 3: Time, Energy, and Money 4: You Aren’t What You Drive 5: Economic Outpatient Care 6: Affirmative Action, Family Style 7: Find Your Niche 8: Jobs: Millionaires versus Heirs Acknowledgments Appendix 1 Appendix 2 Appendix 3 Tables 1-1: The Top Ten Ancestry Groups of American Millionaires 1-2: The Top Fifteen Economically Productive Small Population Ancestry Groups 2-1: Prices Paid by Millionaires for Clothing and Accessories 2-2: Credit Cards of Millionaire Household Members 2-3: Contrasts among American Taxpayers 3-1: Concerns, Fears, and Worries: Dr.

pages: 411 words: 114,717

Breakout Nations: In Pursuit of the Next Economic Miracles by Ruchir Sharma

3D printing, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, American energy revolution, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, BRICs, British Empire, business climate, business cycle, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, cloud computing, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate governance, creative destruction, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, eurozone crisis, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, inflation targeting, informal economy, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, land reform, M-Pesa, Mahatma Gandhi, Marc Andreessen, market bubble, mass immigration, megacity, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Nelson Mandela, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, Peter Thiel, planetary scale, quantitative easing, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Shenzhen was a fishing village, Silicon Valley, software is eating the world, sovereign wealth fund, The Great Moderation, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, working-age population, zero-sum game

When the overall size of Singapore’s economy surpassed Malaysia’s in 2011, there was bitterness in Kuala Lumpur: Mahathir commented that Singapore had gotten where it is by focusing only on growth, not on “a fair distribution of wealth between races as we have in Malaysia.” Malaysia’s problems go beyond race and old rivalries. Every nation in Southeast Asia has seen protests against the Chinese business class at some point in the postcolonial period, but only Malaysia keeps the fires burning as a matter of public policy. Even before Mahathir took power in 1981, Malaysia had created a program of affirmative action to give Bumiputeras greater ownership stakes in companies. Mahathir built that program into a sprawling system of racial quotas and subsidies for all walks of life, from schools to government posts. Even today the 60 percent Malay majority feels they do not have a fair share of the economic pie, but the 30 percent Chinese minority feels just as marginalized, trying to compete against favored Malay tycoons.

Malaysia’s first five-year plan dates to 1955, two years before independence, and its government has been planning with gusto ever since. Officials greet visitors with a blizzard of acronyms, describing their many schemes to recapture growth, and as a whole they get the problems pretty much right. With manufacturing flagging, and corporations moving abroad, they understand the need to regain competitiveness, restart investment, raise the skill level of the workforce, even to make the ubiquitous affirmative action system more transparent and market friendly. These goals are all built into the NEM (new economic model), which was unveiled in March 2010 and aims to double Malaysia’s per capita income by 2020. The NEM includes both an ETP (economic transformation program) and a GTP (government transformation program), which have targeted dozens of NKEAs (national key economic areas) for reform, and launched no fewer than 131 EPPs (entry point projects) to fix those targets.

South Africa will soon spend more on welfare than on education—or, put another way, more on cushioning citizens from joblessness than preparing them for jobs. When it first came to power, the ANC created a modicum of upward mobility for some black South Africans, helping to ease discontent, at least for a time. Normally a rising middle class is the natural by-product of an expanding economic pie, but in South Africa the growth was mainly the product of an affirmative-action program launched in the most fortuitous possible circumstances. The Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) set specific targets for all but the smallest companies to increase the role of black owners, managers, and workers, and tried to create a new class of black-owned companies as well. The program came into effect in 2003, the same year that the flood of easy money pouring out of the United States triggered a boom across all the emerging markets.

pages: 425 words: 116,409

Hidden Figures by Margot Lee Shetterly

affirmative action, Charles Lindbergh, cognitive dissonance, desegregation,, European colonialism, glass ceiling, Gunnar Myrdal, low earth orbit, Mahatma Gandhi, New Journalism, orbital mechanics / astrodynamics, RAND corporation, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, upwardly mobile, women in the workforce, éminence grise

The launch date for Project Mercury’s first manned mission slipped into 1961, a year that announced itself as unpredictable from the start: on January 3, the United States cut diplomatic relations with Cuba, another step down the road in the Cold War with the Soviet Union. President Dwight Eisenhower, in his farewell speech in January 1961, railed against the United States’ growing military-industrial complex. On March 6, 1961, President John F. Kennedy, newly inaugurated, announced Executive Order 10925, ordering the federal government and its contractors to take “affirmative action” to ensure equal opportunity for all of their employees and applicants, regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin. Through it all, the Space Task Group, the Langley Research Group, the other NASA centers, and thousands of NASA contractors pressed forward on their aerodynamic, structural, materials, and component tests, closing in on a target launch date in May. “We could have beaten them, we should have beaten them,” Project Mercury flight director Chris Kraft recalled decades later.

Newport News, VA: City of Newport News, 1946. Rice, Connie Park. Our Monongalia: A History of African Americans in Monongalia County, West Virginia. Terra Alta, WV: Headline Books, 1999. Roland, Alex. Model Research: The National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics, 1915–1958. Washington, DC: National Aeronautics and Space Administration, 1985. Rossiter, Margaret W. Women Scientists in America: Before Affirmative Action 1940–1972. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995. Rouse, Jr. Parke S. The Good Old Days in Hampton and Newport News. Petersburg, VA: Dietz Press, 2001. Smith, Bob. They Closed Their Schools: Prince Edward County, Virginia, 1951–1964. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 1965. Sparrow, James T. Warfare State: World War II Americans and the Age of Big Government. New York: Oxford University Press, 2011.

Dubois, “The Negro Scientist,” The American Scholar 8, no. 3 (Summer 1939): 316. 74 “The [white] libraries”: Ibid. 74 “no opportunity to go to scientific meetings”: Jacqueline Giles-Girron, “Black Pioneers in Mathematics: Brown [sic], Granville, Cox, Claytor and Blackwell,” Focus: the Newsletter of the Mathematical Association of America 11, no. 1 (January–February 1991): 18. 74 just over a hundred women: Margaret Rossiter, Women Scientists in America: Before Affirmative Action 1940–1972 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 137. 74 Irish and Jewish women with math degrees: David Alan Grier, When Computers Were Human (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), 208–9. 74 “But where will I find a job?” Johnson interview, December 27, 2010. 74 they got married, telling no one: Johnson interview, March 13, 2011. 74 waiting outside her classroom: Johnson interview, September 27, 2013. 75 walked away from an offer of $4 million: Albert P.

pages: 431 words: 118,074

The Ultimate Engineer: The Remarkable Life of NASA's Visionary Leader George M. Low by Richard Jurek

additive manufacturing, affirmative action, Charles Lindbergh, cognitive dissonance,, fudge factor, John Conway, low earth orbit, Mars Rover, operation paperclip, orbital mechanics / astrodynamics, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Stewart Brand, undersea cable, uranium enrichment, Whole Earth Catalog, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce

Included among them were the needs to provide an up-to-date computing system that would put RPI in the lead among schools in the nation; to hire in key open positions, such as a vice president for administration and budget and a vice president of student affairs; to revamp the engineering curriculum; and to successfully complete the new campus facilities, as well as a very real need to support affirmative action. “We have been giving lip service in this area, with no real action,” he noted. “It is an area where I am going to start to get tough.” He underscored the need for more minorities and women on the faculty and staff, as well as a need for more minority and women students. “Not one of you is doing your job as faculty, staff, or administrators, if you are not doing your best in affirmative action,” he warned. “I will consider your performance in this regard as much as I will consider your performance in other areas.”42 Low’s philosophy for the future of RPI was inspired and informed by the work of Frederick Terman at Stanford.43 A trained chemist and engineer who did his undergraduate work at Stanford and his graduate work in engineering at MIT, Terman is widely credited with being the father of Silicon Valley.

Acknowledging that there is no better form of government than the one in the United States, he warned—based on his experience of trying to save NASA in a post-Apollo world—that “the elected leadership can no longer establish a strong sense of direction, nor can it impose the discipline to follow the course promised by its political party. . . . The result is disorder and confusion, wherein the special interest wins at the expense of the general interest.” He did not, however, want to be misunderstood: I strongly support the need to make continued progress toward our societal goals. I will fight for affirmative action, for protection of health and safety on the job, for clean air and water, for human rights and human liberties. But I also know that to achieve these goals, we need the underpinning of a stable economy. Without regaining that, as a first priority, our progress in all other areas will not only come to a halt—we will lose ground. The only way that I know to reestablish economic growth and to make steady progress toward all of our goals is to do so in a planned and measured way, optimized in the general interest of our nation.

Genesis: The Story of Apollo 8, the First Manned Flight to Another World. New York: Four Walls Eight Windows, 1998. Index Page numbers refer to the print edition. Abbey, George W. S., 37, 104–5, 107, 120–21, 200, 226–27 Advanced Applications Program (AAP), 84, 85, 86, 147 Advanced Research Project Agency (ARPA), 29, 30 aeronautical engineering and research, 11, 12, 15–17, 31, 235 affirmative action, 213, 219 Allen, Joe, 206 all-up testing, 84 Always Another Dawn (Crossfield), 16 American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 157, 189, 236 Anders, Bill, 139, 158–60, 192, 201, 231, 233 Anderson, Clinton P., 185, 187 Angern Castle, 4, 5, 6 animal-testing approach, 51, 55, 56 Apollo 1 fire: about, xi, 1, 17; and astronauts, 92, 99; causes of, 93; and insulation problem, 114; and spacecraft testing, 91; and space program, 93 Apollo 4, 120, 125 Apollo 6, 125, 135 Apollo 7, 124–28, 130–31, 133–35, 147 Apollo 8: about, 1, 12; as astounding flight of firsts, 133; and Bob Gilruth, 130, 132; decision related to, 127–31; launch of, 138; into lunar missions, 125–27; meeting about, 134–35; planning state of, 131; reading from Genesis on, 144; success of, 138–39; and toggle switch issue, 1, 136, 137, 138, 216 Apollo 9, 112, 120, 126 Apollo 11, 84, 112, 141–43, 145–47, 183, 227 Apollo 13, 123, 179–81, 186 Apollo 14, 154, 170, 173, 181, 183 Apollo 15, 181–83, 185–86, 188 Apollo 17, 121, 154, 170, 186, 225, 226 Apollo missions, 120, 133, 147, 151–52, 154, 181 Apollo-Soyuz Test Project (ASTP), 49, 186, 191, 193, 196–97, 236 Apollo spacecraft: about, 1; anecdote about, 140; CCB meetings for, 117–18; design philosophy of, 117–18; and hatch issue, 99–100; industry studies of, 55; and parachute system, 117; rework of, 123; software for, 115–17; testing of, 118.

Au Contraire: Figuring Out the French by Gilles Asselin, Ruth Mastron

affirmative action, business climate, feminist movement, haute cuisine, old-boy network, rolodex, Rosa Parks

Many female politicians and commentators agreed in general terms that more women should be included in politics at the national level but rejected the call for quotas, maintaining that they are simply not necessary, since equality is already guar- With Politics 121 anteed by the Constitution. In concrete terms, the amendment in effect requires that political parties must choose equal numbers of female and male candidates. Quotas indeed violate the French universalist principle. Some Frenchwomen echo the fears expressed in the American affirmative action debate: that a woman who gains a position because of a quota will be perceived as less than competent. People may assume she would not have achieved success on her own merits. Despite such concern, women in the United States have been less reluctant to use quotas to their advantage. Nobody likes quotas, but that’s the only way to make things change, to get women into positions of power so they can show what they know, what they can do.

Universalism is a republican value that informs the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, the social protection system (as the French call it), labor laws, and many other vital areas of social life. Based on this fundamental principle, the government enacts laws that give each individual access to the same privileges. It does not in principle differentiate either positively or negatively based on the origin or specific situation of the person. With Society 133 Affirmative action laws such as those that have been on the books in the United States—though they are beginning to disappear—would be hard to implement in France. They exemplify the principle of differentiation, granting different rights and privileges for cultural or historical reasons on the basis of past oppression or discrimination. From a French point of view, this kind of differentiation would inevitably lead to the creation of separate societies, a precept that goes against the very principles that constitute the French Republic and its social fabric.

If you need a detailed explanation of any monument, battle, invasion, or French victory or defeat, people will usually come to your rescue. Acknowledge their help gratefully and ask follow-up questions. There is a big difference between asking for information or exchanging ideas about a certain topic and bluntly passing judgment on it. Important differences exist, for example, between diversity à la française and à l’américaine, as reflected in French labor laws and American affirmative action practices. Telling French people categorically that they should manage their diversity issues in the American way reflects a lack of knowledge of and respect for your hosts’ culture. An open discussion, comparing and contrasting American and French situations and practices, is a much better way to go about a conversation. Similarly, if your French friends start talking enthusiastically about the thirtyfive-hour workweek, listen to what they have to say.

pages: 285 words: 86,174

Twilight of the Elites: America After Meritocracy by Chris Hayes

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, asset-backed security, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, carried interest, circulation of elites, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, dark matter, David Brooks, David Graeber, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, fixed income, full employment, George Akerlof, Gunnar Myrdal, hiring and firing, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, jimmy wales, Julian Assange, Kenneth Arrow, Mark Zuckerberg, mass affluent, mass incarceration, means of production, meta analysis, meta-analysis, money market fund, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, Nate Silver, peak oil, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rolodex, The Spirit Level, too big to fail, University of East Anglia, Vilfredo Pareto, We are the 99%, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce

“We’re still using this method of identifying children of so-called merit,” says Kupferstein Torres. And it has yielded predictable results. “The overwhelming majority of students offered admission through our test process are Asian and white,” she says. I asked Kupferstein Torres to explain why Hunter was admitting fewer and fewer black and Latino students. “There are certain things that emerge immediately,” she says, pointing to the dismantling of affirmative action at Hunter (about which more in a moment) and the persistent and growing inequality of opportunity in New York City. On top of that, she notes, “There was no test prep culture thirty years ago. Stanley Kaplan—the founder of Kaplan Test Prep—was probably tutoring one person.” The test prep industry for national standardized tests like the SAT is now a booming, multimillion-dollar business, and it is at least part of the reason (along with wide variety in school quality and parental educational attainment) that one of the best ways to predict a student’s SAT score is to look at his parents’ income: the more money they make, the higher the score is likely to be.

While minorities make up 10 to 15 percent of a typical student body, affluent whites dominate other preferred groups: recruited athletes (10 to 25 percent of students); alumni children, also known as legacies (10 to 25 percent); development cases (2 to 5 percent); children of celebrities and politicians (1 to 2 percent); and children of faculty members (1 to 3 percent). This doesn’t even count the advantages that wealthy children have in terms of private tutors, test prep, and access to expensive private high schools and college counselors adept at navigating the politics of admissions. All together this layered system of preferences for the children of the privileged amounts to, in Golden’s words, “affirmative action for rich white people.” It is not so much the meritocracy as idealized and celebrated but rather the ancient practice of “elites mastering the art of perpetuating themselves.” A pure functioning meritocracy, like that conjured by Michael Young, would produce a society with growing inequality, but that inequality would come along with a correlated increase in social mobility. As the educational system and business world got better and better at finding inherent merit wherever it lay, you would see the bright kids of the poor boosted to the upper echelons of society, with the untalented progeny of the best and brightest relegated to the bottom of the social pyramid where they belong.

., p. 342. 44 “It is organization which gives birth”: Ibid., p. 365. 45 “The treasure in the fable may well symbolize democracy”: Ibid., p. 368. 46 “At least one third of the students at elite universities”: Daniel Golden, The Price of Admission: How America’s Ruling Class Buys Its Way into Elite Colleges—and Who Gets Left Outside the Gates (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2007), p. 6. 47 “affirmative action for rich white people” … “elites mastering the art of perpetuating themselves”: Ibid., pp. 6 and 10. 48 “The Great Divergence”: See Paul Krugman, “Introducing This Blog,”, accessed January 7, 2012. 49 In 1928, the top 10 percent of earners captured 46 percent of national income.… Between 1979 and 2005, nearly 88 percent of the entire economy’s income gains went to the top 1 percent: Emmanuel Saez, “Striking It Richer: The Evolution of Top Incomes in the United States,” March 15, 2008,, accessed January 7, 2012, and Arloc Sherman and Chad Stone, “Income Gaps Between Very Rich and Everyone Else More Than Tripled in Last Three Decades, New Data Show,” Center on Budget and Policy Priorities,

pages: 271 words: 83,944

The Sellout: A Novel by Paul Beatty

affirmative action, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, desegregation, El Camino Real, haute couture, illegal immigration, Lao Tzu, late fees, mass incarceration, p-value, publish or perish, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, telemarketer, theory of mind, War on Poverty, white flight, yellow journalism

Carbon-date my pipe and determine whether I’m a direct descendant of Dred Scott, that colored conundrum who, as a slave living in a free state, was man enough for his wife and kids, man enough to sue his master for his freedom, but not man enough for the Constitution, because in the eyes of the Court he was simply property: a black biped “with no rights the white man was bound to respect.” They’ll pore over the legal briefs and thumb through the antebellum vellum and try to determine whether or not the outcome of this case confirms or overturns Plessy v. Ferguson. They’ll scour the plantations, the projects, and the Tudor suburban subdivision affirmative-action palaces, digging up backyards looking for remnants of the ghosts of discrimination past in the fossilized dice and domino bones, brush the dust off the petrified rights and writs buried in bound legal volumes, and pronounce me as “unforeseen hip-hop generation precedent” in the vein of Luther “Luke Skyywalker” Campbell, the gap-toothed rapper who fought for his right to party and parody the white man the way he’d done us for years.

That incessant Black History Month loop of barking dogs, gushing fire hoses, and carbuncles oozing blood through two-dollar haircuts, colorless blood spilling down faces shiny with sweat and the light of the evening news, these are the pictures that form our collective 16 mm superego. But today I’m all medulla oblongata and I can’t concentrate. The film inside my head begins to skip and sputter. The sound cuts out, and protesters falling like dominoes in Selma, Alabama, begin to look like Keystone Negroes slipping en masse on an affirmative-action banana peel and tumbling to the street, a tangled mess of legs and dreams akimbo. The marchers on Washington become civil rights zombies, one hundred thousand strong, somnambulating lockstep onto the mall, stretching out their stiff, needy fingers for their pound of flesh. The head zombie looks exhausted from being raised from the dead every time someone wants to make a point about what black people should and shouldn’t do, can and cannot have.

I’m so fucking high right now…” “Did you order the Code Red?” “You’re goddamn right I did! And I’d do it again, because this pot is fucking unbelievable.” Fred’s breaking character. “What’s it called?” It being the joint he’s holding in his hand. “It doesn’t have a name yet, but Code Red sounds pretty good.” Fred has sketched all the important cases: same-sex marriage, the end of the Voting Rights Act, and the demise of affirmative action in higher education and, by extension, everywhere else. He says that in his thirty years of courtroom artistry, this is the first time he’s ever seen the court adjourn for dinner. First time he’s ever seen the Justices raise their voices and stare each other down. He shows me an artist’s rendering of today’s session. In it a conservative Catholic Justice flips off a liberal Catholic Justice from the Bronx with a surreptitious cheek scratch.

Magical Urbanism: Latinos Reinvent the US City by Mike Davis

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, business cycle, clean water, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, desegregation, edge city, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Internet Archive, invisible hand, job automation, longitudinal study, manufacturing employment, market bubble, mass immigration, new economy, occupational segregation, postnationalism / post nation state, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, white picket fence, women in the workforce, working poor

After analyzing the employment records of the thirty-three lead- ing Silicon Valey firms and interviewing hundreds of executives, academics and activists, the Chronicle concluded that massive un- derrepresentation of the region's Black and Latino populations in managerial and professional jobs was the result of the dearth of science and math education five factors: 1) in minority-majority schools; 2) failure to enforce federal affirmative action laws ("violators rarely tin pay fines and are almost never disqualified from government contracts"; 3) get- job recruiters' neglect of campuses with substantial minority enrollments; 4) absence of supportive "networks" ("there are virtually no top-ranking blacks and Lati- nos in Silicon Valley to inspire and mentor younger employees"); 5) pervasive image. racism on a scale that belies that Valley's progressive MAGICAL URBANISM 102 Table 9 The Digital Divide: Unequal Opportunity in Silicon Valley (Percentage of the Workforce) Silicon Bay Area Oracle^ Sun- white 56 61 73 71 Asian 21 28 20 22 Latino 14 7 3 4 8 4 3 3 Black * Percentages for 33 ^ VaUey* Mountain View, major high-tech firms. 11, 3 85 Source: San Francisco Chronicie, Indeed, ' Redwood Shores, some of May 4, been fined or sued the worst offenders are cyber-capital icons all of whom for racial discrimination or failure to federal diversity deadlines.

Intellectually, Palo Alto-based Unz is the love-child of Mickey Kaus and Thomas Sowell, the New Republic and Commentary, not the traditional California right. to see them quickly He assimilated without undue in the marketplace of talent. Accordingly, 187 (to punish immigrants" but wants "likes state interference he opposed Proposition undocumented immigrants) in 1994 almost as vig- orously as he campaigned in favor of Proposition 209 (to end affirmative action) in 1996. Moreover, in the best Silicon Valley tradition, he has come up with an invention that he hopes will reframe the national debate about immigration and multiculturalism (and help pave his own way to poHtical office). Unz-designed Proposition 227 ("English for Children"), which be- came California law in June 1998 despite the 63 percent of Latino voters, Only as a rescue stream.

pages: 460 words: 131,579

Masters of Management: How the Business Gurus and Their Ideas Have Changed the World—for Better and for Worse by Adrian Wooldridge

affirmative action, barriers to entry, Black Swan, blood diamonds, borderless world, business climate, business cycle, business intelligence, business process, carbon footprint, Cass Sunstein, Clayton Christensen, cloud computing, collaborative consumption, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, commoditize, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, credit crunch, crowdsourcing, David Brooks, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, disintermediation, disruptive innovation, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Exxon Valdez, financial deregulation, Frederick Winslow Taylor, future of work, George Gilder, global supply chain, industrial cluster, intangible asset, job satisfaction, job-hopping, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Just-in-time delivery, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, lake wobegon effect, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, Mark Zuckerberg, McMansion, means of production, Menlo Park, mobile money, Naomi Klein, Netflix Prize, Network effects, new economy, Nick Leeson, Norman Macrae, patent troll, Ponzi scheme, popular capitalism, post-industrial society, profit motive, purchasing power parity, Ralph Nader, recommendation engine, Richard Florida, Richard Thaler, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, science of happiness, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, supply-chain management, technoutopianism, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Davenport, Tony Hsieh, too big to fail, wealth creators, women in the workforce, young professional, Zipcar

Takeru “Tsunami” Kobayashi earns more than $200,000 a year as the world’s hot dog–eating champion: he can eat more than fifty in twelve minutes. The backlash is not inevitable, then. But it is sensible to take steps to prevent it. One popular answer is affirmative action, an idea that is making headway even in that last redoubt of old-fashioned meritocracy, the French establishment. However, experience in the United States—which introduced the practice in the 1970s—suggests that it raises a host of problems. In practical terms, many “affirmative-action babies” fail in highly competitive environments. On a more philosophical note, why should the children of rich blacks be given a head start over the children of poor whites? The biggest problem with affirmative action, however, is that it comes too late. The best way to boost the life chances of poor people is to intervene much earlier in life—to set them on the right path in kindergarten and primary school and reinforce those lessons in secondary school.

Women make up 17 percent of board members in the United States, 9 percent in Europe, and 2 percent in Asia. Only fourteen of the bosses of the S&P 500 companies and five of the bosses of the FTSE 100 companies are women. The British Equal Opportunities Commission calculates that, at the current rate of progress, it will take sixty years for women to gain equal representation on the boards of the FTSE 100. The slow pace of women’s progress has inevitably led to demands for affirmative action. But this should be used only as a weapon of last resort. It brings all sorts of problems in its wake, from promoting unqualified people (Sweden, which has introduced quotas, has been forced to recruit many female board members from academia and NGOs) to casting doubt on the merits of women who reach the top. And we are far from being at the last resort. The pace of women’s progress in business has never been faster, and women are now significantly outperforming men in schools and universities.

pages: 462 words: 129,022

People, Power, and Profits: Progressive Capitalism for an Age of Discontent by Joseph E. Stiglitz

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, basic income, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, central bank independence, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, deglobalization, deindustrialization, disintermediation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, Erik Brynjolfsson, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, Firefox, Fractional reserve banking, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, George Akerlof, gig economy, global supply chain, greed is good, income inequality, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jean Tirole, Jeff Bezos, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John von Neumann, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, late fees, low skilled workers, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, new economy, New Urbanism, obamacare, patent troll, Paul Samuelson, pension reform, Peter Thiel, postindustrial economy, price discrimination, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Mercer, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, self-driving car, shareholder value, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, speech recognition, Steve Jobs, The Chicago School, The Future of Employment, The Great Moderation, the market place, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, two-sided market, universal basic income, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, working-age population

Legacies that are as long-standing as racial and gender discrimination won’t end on their own. We have to understand the deep-seated institutional bases of racism and other forms of discrimination and root them out.48 This means that racial, ethnic, and gender equality won’t be achieved unless we more strongly enforce our antidiscrimination laws, in every aspect of our economy. But we have to go beyond that. We also need a new generation of civil rights legislation. WE NEED affirmative action and economic programs to promote equality of opportunity. There are multiple poverty traps in our country—groups of individuals, whether in particular places, like Appalachia, or of particular backgrounds, like Native Americans and African Americans, who need help in finding a way up.49 We’ve come to understand the mechanisms by which advantages, and disadvantages, can be passed on from generation to generation.

Ironically, our attachment to our mythological self-image leads us to embrace policies that actually undermine the expression of our values—making it ever less likely that the American dream becomes a reality. If everyone simply by dint of hard work can pull themselves up by their own bootstraps, we don’t need financial aid programs for the poor—somehow, they’ll get a job and work their way through college—and we don’t really need affirmative action programs to level the playing field for those facing a legacy of discrimination—those with grit and determination will overcome this, making them better people for it. We’ve seen the statistics though: even with the admittedly limited assistance we provide, those from poor families and from discriminated-against groups simply aren’t making it.3 The odds are overwhelmingly against it, so much so that one has to label the American dream as fiction.

You can use your device’s search function to locate particular terms in the text. PAGE NUMBERS IN ITALIC REFER TO ILLUSTRATIONS. abuses of power checks and balances to prevent, 163–67 money and, 167–70 academic publishing, 76 active labor market policies, 187 Acton, Lord, 164 Adelson, Sheldon, 331n26 Adobe, 65 advantage, intergenerational transmission of, 199–201 advertising, 124, 132 affirmative action, 203 Affordable Care Act (Obamacare), 40, 211–13 African Americans; See also racial discrimination disenfranchisement of, 161 and GI Bill, 210 and inequality, 40–41 intergenerational transmission of disadvantage, 279–80n43 and Jim Crow laws, 241, 271n3 mass incarceration, 202 agricultural subsidies, 96 agriculture, Great Depression and, 120 AI, See artificial intelligence AIG, 107 airline subsidies, 96–97 Akerlof, George, 63–64 alcoholism, 42 AlphaGo, 315n1 “alternative facts,” 136 alternative minimum tax, 85 Amazon, 62, 74, 123, 127, 128; See also Bezos, Jeff American Airlines, 69 American dream failings masked by myths, 224–26 and inequality of opportunity, 44–45 American exceptionalism, 35, 211–12 American Express, 60 American individualism, See individualism American-style capitalism dangers of, 28–29 and mortgage market, 218 and national identity, xxvi other countries’ view of, 97 and patent infringement suits, 59 and values, 30 anticompetitive behavior, 68–76 antipoaching agreements, 65–66 antitrust, 51, 62, 68–76 Apple market power, 56 patent infringement suits, 59 share buybacks, 109 tax avoidance, 85, 108 applied research, 24–25; See also research arbitration clauses, 73 arbitration panels, 56 Arizona campaign finance case, 170 artificial intelligence (AI) advances in, 117 in China, 94, 96 globalization in era of, 135 and IA innovations, 119 and job loss, 118 market power and, 123–35 Association for Molecular Pathology, 127 atomistic labor markets, 64–66 AT&T, 75, 147, 325n17 Australia, 17 authoritarian governments, Big Data and, 127, 128 automation, See technology balanced budget principle, 194–95 bank bailout (2008), 102–3, 113–14, 143–44, 151 bankers, 4, 7, 104 banks danger posed to democracy by, 101–2 and 2008 financial crisis, 101–4 and fiscal paradises, 86 mergers and acquisitions, 107–8 need for regulation of, 143–44 traditional vs. modern, 109–10 Bannon, Steve, 18 Baqaee, David, 62 barriers to entry/competition, 48, 57–60, 62–64, 183, 289n47 behavioral economics, 30 Berlin Wall, fall of, 3 Bezos, Jeff, 5, 33 bias, See discrimination Big Data; See also artificial intelligence (AI) in China, 94 and customer targeting, 125–26 and market power, 123–24 and privacy, 127–28 regulation of, 128–31 and research, 126–27 as threat to democracy, 131–35 Big Pharma, 60, 88–89, 99, 168 bilateral trade deficit, 90–91 Bill of Rights, 164 Blackberry, 286n34 Blankfein, Lloyd, 104 bonds, government, 215 Brexit, 3 browser wars, 58 Buckley v.

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Most Likely to Succeed: Preparing Our Kids for the Innovation Era by Tony Wagner, Ted Dintersmith

affirmative action, Airbnb, Albert Einstein, Bernie Sanders, Clayton Christensen, creative destruction, David Brooks,, Frederick Winslow Taylor, future of work, immigration reform, income inequality, index card, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, Joi Ito, Khan Academy, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, new economy, pattern recognition, Paul Graham, Peter Thiel, Ponzi scheme, pre–internet, school choice, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steven Pinker, TaskRabbit, the scientific method, uber lyft, unpaid internship, Y Combinator

“SAT Scores Drop Again,” Inside Higher Ed, September 25, 2012. (accessed December 17, 2014). 17 Zumbrun, Josh. “SAT Scores and Income Inequality: How Wealthier Kids Rank Higher.” Wall Street Journal, October 7, 2014. (accessed March 31, 2015). 18 Strauss, Valerie. “A basic flaw in the argument against affirmative action,” Washington Post, July 17, 2014. (accessed December 8, 2014). 19 Pinker, Steven. “The trouble with Harvard: The Ivy League is broken and only standardized tests can fix it,” New Republic, September 4, 2014. (accessed September 6, 2014). 20 “Fundamentals of Statistics 2: The Normal Distribution.”

“GI bill covered tuition for nearly a million post-9/11 veterans without tracking their progress,” The Center for Public Integrity, September 3, 2013. (accessed November 20, 2014). 56 “Remembering America’s Veterans in 2013,” Center for American Progress, November 11, 2013. (accessed November 20, 2014). 57 Deresiewicz, William. Excellent Sheep, 2687–2688. 58 Ibid. 59 Siskind, Sarah R. “Affirmative dissatisfaction,” Harvard Crimson, November 2, 2012. (accessed October 2, 2014). 60 “Voter Turnout by Age.” (accessed December 8, 2014), 61 “Digest of Education Statistics,” National Center for Education Statistics, October 2013. 62 “Statistics,” Campus Vote Project, 63 Arum and Roksa, Academically Adrift, 1924–1926. 64 Quoted from the summary of the book on (accessed December 8, 2014). 65 Leonhardt, David.

pages: 298 words: 95,668

Milton Friedman: A Biography by Lanny Ebenstein

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Deng Xiaoping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fiat currency, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Hernando de Soto, hiring and firing, inflation targeting, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, Lao Tzu, liquidity trap, means of production, Mont Pelerin Society, Myron Scholes, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, Ponzi scheme, price stability, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, school choice, school vouchers, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, stem cell, The Chicago School, The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, zero-sum game

He believes that the main opponent of vouchers is the educational establishment, particularly teachers’ unions. His essential formula for improving inner cities and reducing racial tension is to implement vouchers in education, legalize drugs, cut welfare, and eliminate affirmative action. Friedman endorses the argument of Thomas Sowell that among the negative consequences of affirmative action is that it mismatches participants’ fields of endeavor with their abilities, to their detriment (an individual who would be a success at a state university is instead, for example, admitted to an Ivy League university, where he or she is more likely to fail). Friedman also opposes affirmative action because it brings the wrong sentiment or ethos to a society—that people should be evaluated by group membership rather than by individual merit. Friedman believes that the current illegal status of drugs does much harm.

pages: 777 words: 186,993

Imagining India by Nandan Nilekani

addicted to oil, affirmative action, Airbus A320, BRICs, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, clean water, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, digital map, distributed generation, farmers can use mobile phones to check market prices, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, global supply chain, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, informal economy, information asymmetry, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), joint-stock company, knowledge economy, land reform, light touch regulation, LNG terminal, load shedding, low cost airline, Mahatma Gandhi, market fragmentation, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, open economy, Parag Khanna, pension reform, Potemkin village, price mechanism, race to the bottom, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, smart grid, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, unemployed young men, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population

Vijay Kelkar points out that there are better ways to correct years of backwardness, through solutions that ensure affirmative action while looking out for relative skill. “Adding an additional number to the exam scores of OBC and SC/ST students in entrance tests would give them benefits that balance fairness and merit,” Dr. Kelkar says. He compares this movement from outright reservations to such “score additions,” to our postreform shift from import quotas to tariffs. “Quotas are, in the end, a very crude mechanism for inclusion,” he says. Yogendra Yadav has similarly recommended a point-based system where college and job applicants receive additional points for caste backwardness and low incomes, a system that closely parallels affirmative-action schemes in the United But it is much more difficult to establish such rules than to allow what is now happening—retaining feudal loyalties, only this time in favor of the Dalits and lower castes.

Our arguments at the left and the right are not really ideological, in part because of how young our economy is. Outside our unions, for instance, there is no large bloc of voters that has formed to demand social security, or are arguing in favor of comprehensive health care, education, energy solutions or infrastructure. India’s fragmented caste system has instead redefined partisanship mainly around caste lines. The pet issues of the Indian left and right focus on affirmative action and caste reservation; these have forced the debates on broader reforms in, say, labor education deep into the sidelines. These appeals to caste and the politics of identity have also hardened people’s opinions, with their you’re-either-with-us-or-against-us approach. Both within the government and in our advisory committees and task forces, there is now little more than sharp partisanship.

It has also preempted effective approaches where we could combine merit and financial aid effectively while expanding access to quality education. Needs-blind admissions—where a student’s financial status is not looked at until after the admission is made, but no student would have to forgo education due to financial constraints—has not received the same attention as reservations, and neither have affirmative action policies that take into account both skills and background. The reservations approach has embedded itself to the point that it now seems impossible to drive a stake into its heart. For many resigned observers, the hugely popular support for reservation is in line with the general politicization of higher education. The 1986 National Policy on Education had virtually conceded defeat while remarking that all basic policy decisions in education had become “political in their essence.”

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Composing a Further Life: The Age of Active Wisdom by Mary Catherine Bateson

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, Celebration, Florida, desegregation, double helix, estate planning, feminist movement, invention of writing, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, urban renewal, War on Poverty, women in the workforce

“There was a strike against one of their hotels in California, two hundred black kids arm in arm in the lobby protesting because no blacks were employed there. They paralyzed the hotel,” he said. “The police couldn’t move them—they didn’t have enough prisons for all these young blacks. So I was sent out as a lawyer for the hotel chain to negotiate some sort of a settlement. I worked out an affirmative action deal with the mayor and the hotel, in which the hotel would hire two blacks every year. “Then, on my way back home—it was the time of the second march on Selma—I had to stop in Chicago, and I was watching this horrible business at the bridge on TV, and instead of going home I went to Selma, and I was in Selma for a week. From then on, I just had an interest that I really couldn’t control in this whole situation.

“That was the beginning of the work leading to The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education,” he told me. “We measure progress, evaluate individual colleges and universities—which ones are committed to advancing blacks, and which ones aren’t. Which ones have black faculty in large numbers, which ones don’t.” Ted’s focus in Adulthood II has been the creation and maintenance of the journal, tracking academic affirmative action and hiring policies across the country. Ted explained that he still had no succession plan to maintain the journal, which he works on full-time. “It’s really a problem,” he said. “Probably, as I look back on it, it’s more important than anything else I’ve done. We have established a history, an archive that is irreplaceable, on what’s happened over the past fifteen years—in the elite schools, the Ivy League schools, the smaller colleges, the public universities, we’ve got it all there.

You can do that with sheep and camels if the land they graze is essentially common land, because the heirs start off with a certain number and they will propagate. But if it’s land that you have to farm, you can’t start off with a small piece and have it propagate!” “Inheriting a white skin has been a legacy advantage and a black skin was a big disadvantage,” Ted commented. “Today, having a black skin may be an advantage in applying for certain positions. Being a woman has an important advantage in becoming a college president! Affirmative action has shifted the biological disadvantage to advantage in some contexts. I think that’s good. Who would dream that this could have happened? “It’s difficult to sort out good and bad in these legacy advantages and disadvantages. Does the legacy system always interfere with merit? Are legacy and merit always at war with each other? Now take a typical situation where, say, the head of IBM wants his son to be president.

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Let Them In: The Case for Open Borders by Jason L. Riley

affirmative action, business cycle, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, guest worker program, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, open borders, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, school choice, Silicon Valley, trade liberalization, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, zero-sum game

CHAPTER FOUR ASSIMILATION: THE NATIVISTS ARE RESTLESS Whether behind the scenes or within the government itself, Linda Chavez has been fighting the good conservative fight for more than a quarter-century. She’s a veteran of the Reagan White House and a former executive director of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. She’s a FOX News political analyst, a nationally syndicated columnist, and head of the Center for Equal Opportunity, a think tank that promotes assimilation over multiculturalism and actively opposes affirmative action quotas and bilingualism. She’s written extensively on organized labor, including the book, Betrayal: How Union Bosses Shake Down Their Members and Corrupt American Politics. She was the Republican candidate for U.S. Senator from Maryland in 1986 and President George W. Bush’s nominee for Secretary of Labor in 2001 before withdrawing her name from consideration. Chavez was born and raised in the United States, though as the surname suggests she is of Hispanic heritage.

Free Press, 1990. ———. The New Americans: How the Melting Pot Can Work Again. Regnery, 2001. Bauer, P. T. Equality, the Third World, and Economic Delusion. Harvard University Press, 1981. Bean, Frank D., and Gillian Stevens. America’s Newcomers and the Dynamics of Diversity. Russell Sage Foundation, 2003. Becker, Gary S., and Guity Nashat Becker. The Economics of Life: From Baseball to Affirmative Action to Immigration, How Real-World Issues Affect Our Everyday Life. McGraw-Hill, 1997. Bickel, Alexander M. The Morality of Consent. Yale University Press, 1975. Borjas, George J. Heaven’s Door: Immigration Policy and the American Economy. Princeton University Press, 1999. Buchholz, Todd G. Bringing the Jobs Home: How the Left Created the Outsourcing Crisis—and How We Can Fix It. Sentinel, 2004.

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Drive: The Surprising Truth About What Motivates Us by Daniel H. Pink

affirmative action, call centre, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Dean Kamen, deliberate practice, Firefox, Frederick Winslow Taylor, functional fixedness, game design, George Akerlof, Isaac Newton, Jean Tirole, job satisfaction, knowledge worker, longitudinal study, performance metric, profit maximization, profit motive, Results Only Work Environment, side project, the built environment, Tony Hsieh, transaction costs, zero-sum game

The value of a life can be measured by one's ability to affect the destiny of one less advantaged. Since death is an absolute certainty for everyone, the important variable is the quality of life one leads between the times of birth and death. BILL STRICKLANDFounder of the ManchesterCraftsmen's Guild, and MacArthurgenius award winner Imagine an organization, for example, that believes in affirmative action one that wants to make the world a better place by creating a more diverse workforce. By reducing ethics to a checklist, suddenly affirmative action is just a bunch of requirements that the organization must meet to show that it isn't discriminating. Now the organization isn't focused on affirmatively pursuing diversity but rather on making sure that all the boxes are checked off to show that what it did is OK (and so it won't get sued). Before, its workers had an intrinsic motivation to do the right thing, but now they have an extrinsic motivation to make sure that the company doesn't get sued or fined.

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Why Government Is the Problem by Milton Friedman

affirmative action, Bretton Woods, floating exchange rates, invisible hand, rent control, urban renewal

Miscellaneous I have not even mentioned the botched economic policies: the reverse Reaganomics that the Bush administration practiced contributed to the recession of 1990—1991, condemned us to a very slow and erratic recovery from a mild recession, and, very probably, promises a relatively slow 1990s, almost regardless of what the Clinton administration does. Nor have I mentioned such things as over-regulation of industry or agricultural policies under which taxpayers pay people to grow crops that are going to be destroyed or stored or given away. I have not mentioned tariffs and quotas or affirmative action and wage and hour laws. In light of this list, is there any doubt that government is the problem? None of this means that government does not have a very real function. Indeed, the tragedy is that because government is doing so many things it ought not to be doing, it performs the functions it ought to be performing badly. The basic functions of government are to defend the nation against foreign enemies, to prevent coercion of some individuals by others within the country, to provide a means of deciding on our rules, and to adjudicate disputes.3 I wonder if any of the liberal pundits who go around saying that the private market and capitalism, not government, is the problem can name any corresponding set of major problems that afflict our society that derive from private enterprise.

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America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy by Francis Fukuyama

affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, European colonialism, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Internet Archive, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, New Journalism, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, transaction costs, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

Ambitious efforts to seek social justice, these writers argued, often left societies worse off than before because they either required massive state intervention that disrupted organic social relations (for example, forced busing) or else produced unanticipated consequences (such as an increase in single-parent families as a result of welfare). There was thus a direct link between the critique of American public policy and the earlier anticommunism of the CCNY group: both American liberals and Soviet communists sought worthy ends but undermined themselves by failing to recognize the limits of political voluntarism. Examples of this focus abound. Nathan Glazer wrote about the negative consequences of affirmative action in terms of the way it stigmatized its purported beneficiaries and set up perverse incentives for social advancement. James Q. Wilson, in his extensive writings on crime, argued that it was foolish to believe that social policy could get at alleged root causes of crime like poverty and racism, and that sensible crime-fighting policies had to deal with mitigating short-term symptoms. His famous "Broken Windows" article (written with George Kelling) argued that The Neoconservative Legacy police departments ought to focus on smaller issues of social order as well as major crimes; it had the remarkable effect of persuading New York City to clean the graffiti off of its subway cars. 7 Daniel Patrick Moynihan was perhaps most famous for his 1965 study The Negro Family, which argued that black poverty had complex origins in culture and family structure and could not be solved through incentives that failed to take account of social habit.

John Ikenberry, After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order After Major Wars (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001). 7. Zbigniew Brzezinski, "The Dilemma of the Last Sovereign," American Interest 1, no. 1 (2005): 37-46. 8. Pierre Hassner, "Definitions, Doctrines, and Divergences," National Interest no. 69 (2002): 30-34. Abu Ghraib, 187 Adelman, Carol, 2111133 Administrative Procedure Act, 170 affirmative action, 19 Afghanistan, 111, 173; invasion of, 1, 174; precision targeting used in, 35; regime change in, 28, 29 Africa: and Chad-Cameroon pipeline, 179-80; social breakdown in, 130; and Western development strategies, 121-22 Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), 20 Albright, Madeleine, 193-94 Alhurra, 150 Allison, Graham, 68 Almond, Gabriel, 126 American Center for Labor Solidarity, 136 American exceptionalism, 2, 3, 96-97, 101, in, 190.

pages: 196 words: 57,974

Company: A Short History of a Revolutionary Idea by John Micklethwait, Adrian Wooldridge

affirmative action, barriers to entry, Bonfire of the Vanities, borderless world, business process, Charles Lindbergh, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, credit crunch, crony capitalism, double entry bookkeeping, Etonian, hiring and firing, industrial cluster, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, manufacturing employment, market bubble, mittelstand, new economy, North Sea oil, race to the bottom, railway mania, Ronald Coase, Silicon Valley, six sigma, South Sea Bubble, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, strikebreaker, The Nature of the Firm, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade route, transaction costs, tulip mania, wage slave, William Shockley: the traitorous eight

In return for economic stability and social peace, they were expected to look after other stakeholders. But that consensus was beginning to get more burdensome. The economy in many countries was in a wretched state. Unions had seldom been more powerful: in 1974, the miners toppled Britain’s Conservative government. And even in America, governments kept introducing bothersome rules. In 1971, Richard Nixon introduced controls on wages and prices. His administration also launched affirmative action and established some of the country’s most powerful regulatory agencies, such as the Environmental Protection Agency and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration.1 The deregulatory revolution began in Britain, where Margaret Thatcher was swept to power in 1979 by a wave of resentment over strikes and stagflation. Privatization was such a radical idea that the Tories scarcely mentioned it in their 1979 manifesto, and the government initially flirted with “corporatization”—making public companies act more like private ones.

According to the British government’s own regulatory impact assessments, the European working-time directive alone, which set a maximum forty-eight-hour week, was costing the country’s businesses more than £2 billion a year by 2001.30 According to the same figures, Tony Blair’s Labour government had added £15 billion worth of regulatory costs in its first five years. The American government also increased its grip on the company through laws governing health, safety, the environment, employee and consumer rights, and affirmative action. Often the effect was not just more red tape but also more lawsuits. The 1991 Civil Rights Act, signed by George Bush senior, imposed huge regulatory burdens on businesses. It also created a litigation bonanza by increasing attorneys’ fees and allowing claims for “emotional injury.” American managers were more restricted than ever before in performing one of their most basic functions—hiring and firing.

pages: 377 words: 110,427

The Boy Who Could Change the World: The Writings of Aaron Swartz by Aaron Swartz, Lawrence Lessig

affirmative action, Alfred Russel Wallace, American Legislative Exchange Council, Benjamin Mako Hill, bitcoin, Bonfire of the Vanities, Brewster Kahle, Cass Sunstein, deliberate practice, Donald Knuth, Donald Trump, failed state, fear of failure, Firefox, full employment, Howard Zinn, index card, invisible hand, Joan Didion, John Gruber, Lean Startup, More Guns, Less Crime, peer-to-peer, post scarcity, Richard Feynman, Richard Stallman, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, semantic web, single-payer health, SpamAssassin, SPARQL, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the scientific method, Toyota Production System, unbiased observer, wage slave, Washington Consensus, web application, WikiLeaks, working poor, zero-sum game

Toward a Larger Left August 4, 2009 Age 22 Stanford, like many universities, maintains full employment for humanities professors by requiring new students to take their seminars. My heart burning with the pain of societal injustice, I chose the one on “Freedom, Equality, Difference.” Most of the other students had no particular interest in the topic—they were just meeting the requirement. But a significant minority did: like me, they cared passionately about it. They were the conservatives, armed with endless citations on how affirmative action was undermining American meritocracy. The only other political attitude I noticed was a moderate centrism, the view espoused by the teacher, whose day job was studying just-war theory. It quickly became clear that I was the only person even remotely on the left. And it wasn’t simply that the others disagreed with me; they couldn’t even understand me. I remember us discussing a scene in Invisible Man where a factory worker brags he’s so indispensable that when he was out sick the boss drove to his house and begged him to come back, agreeing to put him in charge.

And while it’s true we had slavery, they had slavery in Africa for hundreds of years—it was dead white Christian males in the U.S. and England who led the world in getting rid of it because it was an offense to God. (Please.) We have to teach students this uplifting version of American history because if you’re not taught to be proud of your country, you cannot defend yourself. The talk ends and we move to Q&A. I notice Horowitz has failed to mention what we can do to fight this insidious leftist control. I get in line. The first person asks Horowitz how to distinguish this from affirmative action. Horowitz sort of dodges the question, talking more about how conservatives are discriminated against in his view, before assuring me that he doesn’t support a requirement of hiring conservatives, he just thinks the management should seek out good conservatives (he mentions Thomas Sowell as an example) and hire them. Another student asks how liberals managed to take control of everything.

and thinks she should be able to disagree with him without hating America. Horowitz explains that Bush-hatred is the problem, not disagreement. “Friends disagree with me, but they don’t compare me to Hitler!” It’s my turn. I say that I understand programs to ensure blacks and women aren’t discriminated against, but why do conservatives deserve special treatment? Horowitz emphasizes that he’s against affirmative action and says that his point is that exposure to new ideas is far more important than skin color. (The audience applauds at Horowitz’s ability to evade my poorly constructed question.) Finally, someone asks what we can do about it. Horowitz says he’s started a group, (200K visitors!), where conservatives can tattle on oppressive leftists. (Some samples: “I wrote about how family values in the books weve [sic] read aren’t good.

pages: 172 words: 61,599

My Journey as a Combat Medic: From Desert Storm to Operation Enduring Freedom by Patrick Thibeault

affirmative action, placebo effect

The analogy that the instructor used to demonstrate inequality and discrimination was a foot race; four people are in a race (white, black, Asian, Hispanic). The gun goes off and all four people take off. A few of the runners are being held back due to racism and inequality. Affirmative Action is supposed to help those who are being held back by racism and inequality. The majority of us part-time National Guard soldiers did not live in a bubble like the active duty soldiers did. We pointed out that these programs have some merit, but in most cases in the real world, the playing field is pretty equal. We tried to explain to the instructors that Affirmative Action, in itself, has become a form of discrimination. A big argument ensued, but it was good that discussions like this can occur in the military. The instructors also frowned upon how many of us referred to each other by our first names instead of our last names or our ranks.

pages: 219 words: 62,816

"They Take Our Jobs!": And 20 Other Myths About Immigration by Aviva Chomsky

affirmative action, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, call centre, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, European colonialism, full employment, guest worker program, illegal immigration, immigration reform, informal economy, invisible hand, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, mass incarceration, new economy, out of africa, postindustrial economy, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, thinkpad, trickle-down economics, union organizing, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce

They were brought into the country on temporary visas that defined them as “arms” rather than people (bracero comes from the Spanish word brazo, or arm) and treated essentially as indentured servants of the businesses that hired them. In the northeast, a similar recruitment program brought Puerto Ricans—who, like African Americans, were citizens, but second-class citizens—to work in the farms and fields. In the 1960s, the formal system of racial segregation in the United States was dismantled, and a new wave of government programs ranging from affirmative action to food stamps tried to redress the results of centuries of legally enforced racial inequality and exclusion. The Voting Rights Act, moreover, acknowledged that blacks had been excluded by administrative means from full citizenship. The bracero program was also tacitly acknowledged to be a violation of people’s rights. According to a former U.S. commissioner of immigration, “its failings could no longer be reconciled with civil rights-era sensibilities about how people should be treated in a democratic society.”7 There was a difference, though, between African Americans, who were slowly, tortuously, accorded the rights of citizenship, and immigrants.

Furthermore, as Crawford explains, “because bilingual education is controversial, it is reported less as a pedagogical field than a political issue, with opposing ‘sides’ given equal time.”16 Rather like the issue of evolution, or global warming: there is an overwhelming scientific consensus on the basic issues, but because they are politically controversial, they are often presented in the media as if there were equal scientific validity to the opposing political views. In some ways, the debate about bilingual education mirrors other debates about social policy. Conservatives argue that social spending on programs like welfare, affirmative action, or others designed to address social, racial, and economic inequalities actually harms those whom it is designed to help. Education should not be understood as a zero-sum issue. Just as children should be taught math and reading—and educators understand that literacy enhances math skills, and vice versa—children who are fluent in a language other than English have an academic skill that should be nurtured.

pages: 256 words: 60,620

Think Twice: Harnessing the Power of Counterintuition by Michael J. Mauboussin

affirmative action, asset allocation, Atul Gawande, availability heuristic, Benoit Mandelbrot, Bernie Madoff, Black Swan, butter production in bangladesh, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, Clayton Christensen, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, deliberate practice, disruptive innovation, Edward Thorp, experimental economics, financial innovation, framing effect, fundamental attribution error, Geoffrey West, Santa Fe Institute, George Akerlof, hindsight bias, hiring and firing, information asymmetry, libertarian paternalism, Long Term Capital Management, loose coupling, loss aversion, mandelbrot fractal, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, money market fund, Murray Gell-Mann, Netflix Prize, pattern recognition, Philip Mirowski, placebo effect, Ponzi scheme, prediction markets, presumed consent, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, statistical model, Steven Pinker, The Wisdom of Crowds, ultimatum game

But in a detailed review of National Football League results, Frank Kuzmits and Arthur Adams, professors of business, found no consistent relationship between combine rankings and subsequent performance (there was one exception; sprinting speed helps predict the performance of running backs).26 The results from hockey and basketball combines are similar. While quantitative and standardized, the results simply measure the wrong things. Gladwell argues that the mismatch problem extends well beyond sports. He cites examples from education (credentials are poor predictors of performance), the legal profession (individuals accepted to law school under lower affirmative-action standards do as well as their classmates after graduation), and law enforcement (burly police officers may not be best for a largely relational job). You can easily see how the problem extends to interviews for all kinds of jobs, because the questions and answers rarely shed any light on prospective performance. Unchecked devotion to the wisdom of crowds is also folly. While free-market devotees argue that prices reflect the most accurate assessments available, markets are extremely fallible.

If you have ever been part of a committee, jury, or working team, you have likely seen this. The loss of diversity usually stems from a dominant leader, an absence of facts, or cognitive homogeneity in the group. To illustrate the latter, Cass Sunstein, a professor at the Harvard Law School, and some colleagues separated liberals and conservatives into like-minded groups and had them deliberate on socially controversial issues like same-sex marriages and affirmative action. In most cases, the group settled on a more extreme view than that expressed by most individuals in interviews conducted before the deliberations. The views of the individuals became more homogeneous after they spent time with their groups. Without diversity, collectives large or small can be wildly off the mark.28 So what can you do to make the expert squeeze work for you instead of against you?

pages: 589 words: 167,680

The Red and the Blue: The 1990s and the Birth of Political Tribalism by Steve Kornacki

affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, Berlin Wall, computer age, David Brooks, Donald Trump, employer provided health coverage, ending welfare as we know it, facts on the ground, illegal immigration, immigration reform, mass immigration, Ralph Nader, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Thomas L Friedman, trickle-down economics, union organizing, War on Poverty, women in the workforce

“I believe in states’ rights,” Reagan told the crowd. Officially, the line had nothing to do with race, but to critics it was a wink as ugly as it was blatant. Republicans bristled at the charge of race baiting. Civil rights, their party platform proclaimed, was a settled matter, and America was better for it. But race was so intertwined with the most contentious issues of the 1970s and ’80s, from school busing and affirmative action to welfare and crime, that it was possible to stoke prejudices in ways that were politically advantageous. Moreover, Democrats moved in the opposite direction, embracing newly enfranchised blacks in the South and forging tighter bonds with nonwhite voters everywhere. The New Left movement of activists and academics gained influence within the party, pushing it toward a vision of social equality and powering the nomination of George McGovern for president in 1972.

He pressed his usual attack on Bush over taxes, but also introduced new cultural themes. Over the last generation, Georgia’s fraught racial politics had pushed its white voters toward the Republican Party, and Buchanan now aimed hard for them. A few months earlier, Bush had signed a civil rights bill. He’d told conservatives it was a victory because it didn’t include quotas. but it did allow for affirmative action, which Buchanan now argued was just as likely to make blue-collar whites the victims of “reverse discrimination.” He framed it as an issue of class—Bush and the “Exeter-Yale GOP Club” trying to “salve their social consciences at other people’s expense.” The White House was on edge as the vote neared. The president spent the weekend before the primary barnstorming Georgia. He appeared to be ahead, maybe even solidly, but Buchanan was striking a nerve.

Because that guy wasn’t going to get another job. He worked at that paper mill his whole life. And then I read in the Manchester paper that the United States Export-Import Bank had just guaranteed a great big loan for a new paper mill in Mexico.” He paused to let that sink in, then returned to his refrain. “What are we doing to our own people, my friends?” He knew every button to press: multiculturalism and affirmative action (“This was supposed to be a country where men were judged by the content of their character and not the color of their skin”), foreign aid (“If I get there, foreign aid comes to an end and we start thinking about the Americans right here in the United States!”), political correctness (“They took Washington’s name off Washington’s birthday!”), national sovereignty (“When I raise my hand to take that oath of office, your new world order comes crashing down!”).

pages: 533

Future Politics: Living Together in a World Transformed by Tech by Jamie Susskind

3D printing, additive manufacturing, affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Airbnb, airport security, Andrew Keen, artificial general intelligence, augmented reality, automated trading system, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, bitcoin, blockchain, brain emulation, British Empire, business process, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, cashless society, Cass Sunstein, cellular automata, cloud computing, computer age, computer vision, continuation of politics by other means, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, digital map, distributed ledger, Donald Trump, easy for humans, difficult for computers, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk,, Erik Brynjolfsson, Ethereum, ethereum blockchain, Filter Bubble, future of work, Google bus, Google X / Alphabet X, Googley, industrial robot, informal economy, intangible asset, Internet of things, invention of the printing press, invention of writing, Isaac Newton, Jaron Lanier, John Markoff, Joseph Schumpeter, Kevin Kelly, knowledge economy, lifelogging, Metcalfe’s law, mittelstand, more computing power than Apollo, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, natural language processing, Network effects, new economy, night-watchman state, Oculus Rift, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, pattern recognition, payday loans, price discrimination, price mechanism, RAND corporation, ransomware, Ray Kurzweil, Richard Stallman, ride hailing / ride sharing, road to serfdom, Robert Mercer, Satoshi Nakamoto, Second Machine Age, selection bias, self-driving car, sexual politics, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, smart cities, Smart Cities: Big Data, Civic Hackers, and the Quest for a New Utopia, smart contracts, Snapchat, speech recognition, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Steven Levy, technological singularity, the built environment, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas L Friedman, universal basic income, urban planning, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, working-age population

Consider a brilliant and hardworking kid from the wrong side of the tracks who leaves high school with patchy grades, despite her best efforts. Her less-gifted cousin might graduate from a private school with better grades and a range of extra-curricular baubles. If both apply for the same college place, the rich student is plainly better qualified, but does she really deserve the place more? In this instance, true equality of opportunity requires more than merely abstaining from racism or bigotry. It calls for affirmative action, taking into account the socio-economic conditions in which the cousins’ qualifications were earned (or not earned, as the case may be). Another perspective on desert is to say that instead of looking at merit to decide what people deserve, we should try to reward morally deserving or socially useful conduct, as opposed to work whose value is only valuable in commercial terms. On this view, nurses and teachers should earn just as much as financiers and ­corporate lawyers.

How they are distributed, and according to what criteria, are of central importance to the future of distributive justice. OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 28/05/18, SPi РЕЛИЗ ПОДГОТОВИЛА ГРУППА "What's News" VK.COM/WSNWS 268 FUTURE POLITICS Using algorithms and data to make these decisions is not inherently a bad thing. On the contrary, it’s possible that carefully crafted algorithms could eliminate the biases and prejudices of human decision-makers.With regard to work, for instance, affirmative action algorithms could be used to broaden the pool of successful applicants from beyond the usual colleges and institutions. When it comes to loans, housing, and insurance, algorithms could be used to widen access for those who need or deserve it most. My point, at this stage, is simpler: code (embodying algorithms) is an increasingly important mechanism of distributive justice. It demands close political attention.

The Nobel Peace Prize winner Desmond Tutu once remarked, ‘If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality.’ His point was that a neutral rule can easily be an implicitly unjust rule. To add insult to injury, the neutrality fallacy gives these instances of injustice the veneer of objectivity, making them seem natural and inevitable when they are not. The lesson for technologists is that justice sometimes demands that different groups be treated differently. This idea underpins affirmative action and the subsidizing of minority arts. And it should underpin all our efforts to avoid algorithmic injustice. An application of code should be judged by whether the results it generates are consistent with a relevant principle of justice, not by whether the algorithm in question is neutral as between persons. ‘Neutrality,’ taught the Nobel laureate Elie Wiesel, ‘helps the oppressor, never the victim.’

pages: 376 words: 118,542

Free to Choose: A Personal Statement by Milton Friedman, Rose D. Friedman

affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, air freight, back-to-the-land, bank run, banking crisis, business cycle, Corn Laws, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, German hyperinflation, invisible hand, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, Sam Peltzman, school vouchers, Simon Kuznets, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration

On the other hand, an excellent program of Regents scholarships in New York State, very much in the same spirit, was emasculated by Governor Nelson Rockefeller's grandiose plans for a State University of New York modeled after the University of California. Another important development in higher education has been a major expansion in the federal government's involvement in financing, and even more in regulating both government and nongovernment institutions. The intervention has in large measure been part of the greatly expanded federal activity to foster so-called "affirmative action," in the name of greater civil rights. This intervention has aroused great concern among faculty and administrators at colleges and universities, and much opposition by them to the activities of federal bureaucrats. The whole episode would be a matter of poetic justice if it were not so serious for the future of higher education. The academic community has been in the forefront of the proponents of such intervention—when directed at other segments of society.

In the main, the persons benefited have had decidedly higher incomes than the persons harmed. GOVERNMENT In addition to protecting union members, government has adopted a host of laws intended to protect workers in general: laws that provide for workmen's compensation, prohibit child labor, set minimum wages and maximum hours of labor, establish commissions to assure fair employment practices, promote affirmative action, establish the federal Office of Safety and Health Administration to regulate employment practices, and others too numerous to list. Some measures have had a favorable effect on conditions of work. Most, like workmen's compensation and child labor laws, simply embodied in law practices that had already become common in the private market, perhaps extending them somewhat to fringe areas. Others, you will not be surprised to learn, have been a mixed blessing.

The political process involved in the adoption of such amendments would be more democratic, in the sense of enabling the values of the public at large to determine the outcome, than our present legislative and administrative structure. On issue after issue the government of the people acts in ways that the bulk of the people oppose. Every public opinion poll shows that a large majority of the public opposes compulsory busing for integrating schools—yet busing not only continues but is continuously expanded. Very much the same thing is true of affirmative action programs in employment and higher education and of many other measures directed at implementing views favorable to equality of outcome. So far as we know, no pollster has asked the public, "Are you getting your money's worth for the more than 40 percent of your income being spent on your behalf by government?" But is there any doubt what the poll would show? For the reasons outlined in the preceding section, the special interests prevail at the expense of the general interest.

pages: 254 words: 68,133

The Age of Illusions: How America Squandered Its Cold War Victory by Andrew J. Bacevich

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, clean water, Columbian Exchange, Credit Default Swap, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, gig economy, global village, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, illegal immigration, income inequality, Jeff Bezos, Kickstarter, Marshall McLuhan, mass incarceration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Norman Mailer, obamacare, Occupy movement, planetary scale, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Potemkin village, price stability, Project for a New American Century, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, school choice, Silicon Valley, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, WikiLeaks

On the domestic front, Nixon displayed a penchant for activism that bears comparison to Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal. Among his administration’s major initiatives were: ending military conscription in favor of a so-called all-volunteer force; creating the Environmental Protection Agency and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration; signing into law the Clean Air and Endangered Species Acts; launching the “war on cancer”; embracing “affirmative action” to promote equal employment opportunity; imposing wage and price controls in an effort to curb inflation; abandoning the gold standard; expanding social security; and increasing federal expenditures on Medicare, Medicaid, and food stamps.8 Although Nixon may have been a Republican, he routinely defied conservative orthodoxy, going so far at one point as to assert that “we are all Keynesians now.”9 Not every program Nixon initiated achieved its intended (or at least advertised) purpose.

The Writings and Speeches of Edmund Burke, Paul Langford, ed. (Oxford, 1997), vol. 1, 137–138. INDEX The index that appeared in the print version of this title does not match the pages in your e-book. Please use the search function on your e-reading device to search for terms of interest. For your reference, the terms that appear in the print index are listed below. ABC abolition abortion Abu Ghraib Adams, John Adams, John Quincy affirmative action Afghanistan Bill Clinton and insurgency vs. Soviet Union and Afghanistan War (2001–present) Bush Jr. and Obama and Trump and Africa African Americans AIG alliances Allied Force, Operation all-volunteer force (AVF) al-Qaeda America condition of, in 2016 declining primacy of divisions in America First American Airlines American Century American Exceptionalism American Historical Association American mission.

pages: 247 words: 68,918

The End of the Free Market: Who Wins the War Between States and Corporations? by Ian Bremmer

affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, BRICs, British Empire, centre right, collective bargaining, corporate governance, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, diversified portfolio, Doha Development Round, Exxon Valdez, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global reserve currency, global supply chain, invisible hand, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, laissez-faire capitalism, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, new economy, offshore financial centre, open economy, race to the bottom, reserve currency, risk tolerance, shareholder value, South Sea Bubble, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, spice trade, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, tulip mania, uranium enrichment, Washington Consensus, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

GEAR proposed ideas designed to reduce the government’s fiscal deficit, relax currency-exchange controls, and lower tariffs on imports. But in recent years, the government has tried to address chronic development problems by spending much more on education, water, sanitation, and welfare grants. To narrow the wealth gap between white and black South Africans and to create a black middle class, it instituted a Black Economic Empowerment program, which supporters call a growth strategy and detractors label affirmative action. According to the program, all companies are required to comply with specific targets on black ownership, procurement, and employment equity.i Many government tenders give preferential treatment to BEE-compliant firms. In 2004, it scrapped plans to privatize state-owned companies like Eskom and decided instead to use them to help generate stronger growth. More recently, the government, unions, and even the business community, disappointed that its embrace of free markets at the expense of more focused state efforts to alleviate poverty and improve living standards has managed only mediocre growth rates, have begun to turn toward Asia’s state capitalists as a model for development.

Current President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has worked to ensure that his economic team includes committed free-market-minded professionals, and he has risked public anger by reducing government subsidies for fuel and sugar. But as in Russia, he has also embraced state control over the oil, gas, and mining resources and hasn’t hesitated to use state institutions to favor state-owned companies and privately owned favorites over foreign competitors. For forty years, Malaysia’s government has used state capitalism to serve its political interests by establishing and enforcing a kind of majority affirmative action—empowering Bumiputeras (Malays and other native ethnic groups) at the expense of commercially successful Chinese and Indian minorities. In 1969, the ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO) capitalized on nationalist rage stirred by “race riots” between Malays and minority Chinese to create the New Economic Policy, which guarantees Bumiputeras a fixed share of Malaysia’s national wealth.

pages: 976 words: 235,576

The Meritocracy Trap: How America's Foundational Myth Feeds Inequality, Dismantles the Middle Class, and Devours the Elite by Daniel Markovits

"Robert Solow", 8-hour work day, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, Anton Chekhov, asset-backed security, assortative mating, basic income, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, business cycle, capital asset pricing model, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, computer age, corporate governance, corporate raider, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deskilling, Detroit bankruptcy, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Emanuel Derman, equity premium, European colonialism, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, fear of failure, financial innovation, financial intermediation, fixed income, Ford paid five dollars a day, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, future of work, gender pay gap, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, high net worth, hiring and firing, income inequality, industrial robot, interchangeable parts, invention of agriculture, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job satisfaction, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, Kodak vs Instagram, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass incarceration, medical residency, minimum wage unemployment, Myron Scholes, Nate Silver, New Economic Geography, new economy, offshore financial centre, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, precariat, purchasing power parity, rent-seeking, Richard Florida, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, school choice, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, six sigma, Skype, stakhanovite, stem cell, Steve Jobs, supply-chain management, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Thomas Davenport, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, total factor productivity, transaction costs, traveling salesman, universal basic income, unpaid internship, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce, working poor, young professional, zero-sum game

(Internally, Occupy embraced a radically egalitarian, participatory form of collective life, which came much nearer to rejecting meritocracy than the movement’s outward expression acknowledged.) On the right, the view appears in certain strands of Trumpism. (Other strands take a much more elitist, and even oligarchic line.) intelligence or academic ability: See, e.g., Lani Guinier, The Tyranny of the Meritocracy (Boston: Beacon, 2015), 21, and Richard D. Kahlenberg, “Affirmative Action for the Rich,” New York Times, May 10, 2013, accessed June 14, 2018, . skill or talent: See, e.g., Lauren Rivera, Pedigree: How Elite Students Get Elite Jobs (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2015), 15–25. Hereafter cited as Rivera, Pedigree. See also Bourree Lam, “Recruitment, Resumes, Interviews: How the Hiring Process Favors Elites,” Atlantic, May 27, 2015, accessed June 14, 2018, [inactive].

These divisions cumulate to compose a distinctive elite worldview, which separates the natural instincts and imaginative understandings of rich Americans from those of the rest. This worldview combines traditionally progressive ideals concerning privacy, diversity, and pluralism with traditionally conservative ideals concerning work, productivity, and individual responsibility. The rich are more likely than the rest to favor same-sex marriage, women’s rights, and affirmative action and to oppose school prayer and law-and-order policing, and they are more likely than the rest to favor low taxes and free trade, and to oppose social spending and labor unions. The worldview reflects what one commentator calls a “greater attraction of the free market to the affluent”—including both the free market’s indifference to religion and moralism and its hostility to government regulation and redistribution.

good-faith judgments of merit: See Chapter 5. even without nepotism: See Chapter 5. legacy preference declines: See Thomas J. Espenshade, Chang Y. Chung, and Joan L. Walling, “Admission Preferences for Minority Students, Athletes, and Legacies at Elite Universities,” Social Science Quarterly 85, no. 5 (December 2004): 1422–46, 1443, Figure 1. See also Douglas S. Massey and Margarita Mooney, “The Effects of America’s Three Affirmative Action Programs on Academic Performance,” Social Problems 54, no. 1 (2007): 99–117, 100 (“The only comprehensive study of all [preferential admissions] that has sought to control for variation in qualifications is that of Espenshade and associates (2004).”) the entire bottom half: See Chapter 5. was betting against them: Goldman Sachs’s ABACUS Flipbook is available on the webpage of the director of financial mathematics at NYU’s Courant Institute of Mathematical Sciences.

pages: 637 words: 128,673

Democracy Incorporated by Sheldon S. Wolin

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, British Empire, centre right, coherent worldview, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate governance, creative destruction, cuban missile crisis, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, dematerialisation, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, illegal immigration, invisible hand, mass incarceration, money market fund, mutually assured destruction, new economy, offshore financial centre, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, single-payer health, stem cell, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thorstein Veblen

Their assault gained more standing when, as the liberal intelligentsia hesitated, conservative intellectuals united in discrediting the populist and democratic politics of the sixties. The new ideology can be fairly described as totalizing and unapologetic for its absolutism. Its targets were not confined to Democratic politicians but included a wide range of matters: education, morality, religion, and popular culture. The great evil was “relativism,” the favorite remedy “discipline.” They charged that liberal relativism, permissiveness (= moral laxity), affirmative action, and secularism were softening the national will, mocking ideals of loyalty and patriotism, and in the process undermining national unity in the global struggle with Soviet communism. To describe Republicanism as a dynamic party is to say that the party succeeded in organizing and focusing powers that challenge limits, be they limits regarding church and state, presidential powers, environmental protections, the distinctions between public and private, the protections for civil liberties, the observance of treaties, or respect for local markets.

When presidents sign a congressional bill into law, it has sometimes been the practice of a president to attach a statement in which he may indicate his understanding of the intention of the bill. President Bush, however, has taken that practice and converted it into a sweeping claim that he can ignore provisions of a bill with which he disagrees. On this basis he has claimed the authority to ignore congressional attempts to regulate the military, affirmative action provisions, requirements that he report to Congress about immigration service problems, whistle-blower protections, and safeguards against political interference in federally funded research. He has asserted that he does not have to obey congressional laws forbidding U.S. troops to engage in combat in Colombia; or laws requiring him to inform Congress when he diverts money to start secret operations; or laws prohibiting the military from using intelligence unlawfully collected.

Recently the Bureau of Internal Revenue privatized the collection of small debts, even though it would have been more cost-effective for the bureau to have hired its own agents to perform that function. David Cay Johnston, “I.R.S. Enlists Outside Help . . . Despite the Higher Costs,” New York Times, August 20, 2006, A-12. Index abolitionism, 257–58, 277 abortion debate, 62, 115 Abramoff, Jack, 119, 323n2 academia. See educational institutions Acheson, Dean, 301n70 Adams, John, 154, 255–56 advertising, 12–13, 118. See also media affirmative action, 224, 236 Afghanistan, 193 African Americans, 57–58, 101, 181, 197, 228, 277 Albright, Madeleine, 236 Alcibiades, 172–73, 282–83 Aldridge, Edward C., Jr., 313n16 Alien and Sedition laws of 1798, 78 Alito, Samuel, 146, 236, 323n2 American colonies, 150–51, 254, 255 American Political Science Association (APSA), Toward a More Responsible Two-Party System, 188–89 American Revolution, 154, 155, 219, 227 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, 89 antidemocracy, xx-xxi, 150, 212–13, 239, 241 The Apprentice (television series), 144 archaism, 117–21, 122–23, 124, 125–26, 169, 201 Archer Daniels Midland, 138, 185 aristocracy, 97, 151, 162, 174, 183, 219, 248, 251, 253, 256, 269.

pages: 238 words: 73,121

Does Capitalism Have a Future? by Immanuel Wallerstein, Randall Collins, Michael Mann, Georgi Derluguian, Craig Calhoun, Stephen Hoye, Audible Studios

affirmative action, blood diamonds, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business cycle, butterfly effect, creative destruction, deindustrialization, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, distributed generation, eurozone crisis, fiat currency, full employment, Gini coefficient, global village, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, Isaac Newton, job automation, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, land tenure, liberal capitalism, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, loose coupling, low skilled workers, market bubble, market fundamentalism, mass immigration, means of production, mega-rich, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, Ponzi scheme, postindustrial economy, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, South Sea Bubble, sovereign wealth fund, too big to fail, transaction costs, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks

To mention only a few: Religion—at present, contention most vehemently between militant Islamists and their opponents (Christians; Hindus; secularists of the post-Christian West; the post-Communist successor states, etc.); not ruling out the possibility of other axes of religious conflict in the future. Race/ethnicity/national identity—conflicts ranging among struggles over distribution of the spoils of office, quotas and government regulation of ethnic access to resources (affirmative action, etc.), policing borders against immigration, exclusion of immigrants, territorial disputes, and ethnic wars. But also movements to promote interethnic harmony or integration, which may be opposed in turn by movements seeking the particularistic ends listed in the previous sentence. There are also a host of transient issues that take up most of the political attention space most of the time.

After the futuristic decade of the 1920s, the Bolsheviks would also recycle as new mass culture the classical music, ballet, and literature inherited from the imperial intelligentsia. The Stalinist state had indeed ended up looking imperial in many respects. Yet the ability of the U.S.S.R. to integrate its numerous nationalities for almost three generations was arguably progressive and modernistic. The Soviets pioneered affirmative action and then proved by development and broad inclusion that they really meant it. At the time many observers, friend and foe alike, tended to agree that these achievements based on economic planning and the abolition of private property in sum amounted to socialism. The key Soviet features were emulated or reinvented by a broad variety of developmentalist and nationalist regimes because such a concentration of state powers appeared extraordinarily successful for the duration of twentieth century.

pages: 254 words: 79,052

Evil by Design: Interaction Design to Lead Us Into Temptation by Chris Nodder

4chan, affirmative action, Amazon Mechanical Turk, cognitive dissonance, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Donald Trump,, endowment effect, game design, haute couture, jimmy wales, Jony Ive, Kickstarter, late fees, loss aversion, Mark Zuckerberg, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, Netflix Prize, Nick Leeson, Occupy movement,, price anchoring, recommendation engine, Rory Sutherland, Silicon Valley, Stanford prison experiment, stealth mode startup, Steve Jobs, telemarketer, Tim Cook: Apple, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile

An ongoing class action lawsuit against Bookspan (the company behind Book of the Month club) claims that: Nowhere on the face of the 25 pages of the Clubs' multi-step registration process does it disclose any the following: (1) that there is a purchase requirement; (2) the timeframe in which those purchases must take place (3) the cost per item to fulfill the purchase requirement; (4) the penalties for failing to fulfill any purchase requirement; (5) that "featured selections" will be automatically sent on a periodic basis; (6) that affirmative action will be required to stop the shipments and prevent a consumer from being charged; and (7) the actual cost of any "featured selections.” … a consumers' purported assent to the Membership Agreement occurs on a page prior to and separate from the credit card submission page, an intentional design meant to decrease the number of prospective consumers who will actually attempt to read the Membership Agreement.

Morales was launching a $4 billion lawsuit against tobacco companies to reclaim Medicaid costs spent on smoking-related illnesses. As you know, elected officials are held to high standards in public life. Here are some reasons people are giving to vote against Dan Morales for Attorney General. Please tell me if each statement makes you much more likely to vote against Dan Morales, somewhat more likely to vote against Dan Morales, or if it makes no difference at all? Morales supports affirmative action. Morales supports gun control. Morales' political campaign purchased two tickets to a fundraiser for Louis Farrakhan's Nation of Islam organization. Juvenile crime has increased by one-third in Texas since Morales became Attorney General. Conservative political groups rate Morales as a liberal Democrat. As Attorney General, Morales has made consumer issues a higher priority than fighting violent crime.

pages: 497 words: 143,175

Pivotal Decade: How the United States Traded Factories for Finance in the Seventies by Judith Stein

"Robert Solow", 1960s counterculture, activist lawyer, affirmative action, airline deregulation, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, desegregation, energy security, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, intermodal, invisible hand, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, liberal capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market bubble, Martin Wolf, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, post-industrial society, post-oil, price mechanism, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, union organizing, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor, Yom Kippur War

Its labor, New Left, and New Politics factions charted different courses, and the Democratic president, Jimmy Carter, had run a campaign which had ignored the economy in favor of moral and good government issues. THE DEMOCRATS Nearly all states now held primaries, completing the reforms begun by the McGovern Commission. The smooth Robert Strauss, chair of the Democratic National Committee, salved the divisions of 1968 and 1972. Strauss deftly empowered party and elected officials but retained the inclusion rules, now governed by affirmative action, not quotas. For the first time, campaigns were governed by a new finance law that had been passed in 1974. The U.S. Treasury gave $21.8 million to each of the two major party candidates, provided that they spent no more. It also matched the offerings of small contributors to candidates running in the presidential primaries. The goal was to prevent the financial indulgences of the 1972 Nixon campaign—the large contributions, illegal corporate donations, and the hidden slush funds that fueled the Watergate wrongs.

Even in cities where African Americans were not a majority, black politicians sought political representation commensurate with their numbers and thus challenged other Democrats for power. The same was true in the civil service, the one urban sector where employment was increasing. Blacks armed with new antidiscrimination laws mobilized to challenge older political and recruitment practices. Black issues had been addressed separately during the 1960S. Whether it was the War on Poverty, affirmative action, or jobs for ghetto residents, the government acted as if, in the words of the Kerner Commission 1968 report on the causes of U.S. race riots, the U.S. was two societies, black and white, poor and affluent. Although only 30 percent of the poor in 1964 were African American, 47.9 percent of nonwhite Americans were poor, compared with 14.2 percent of whites.11 People disputed the origin of this difference.

For the story of the Hough neighborhood in Cleveland, see Todd Swanstrom, The Crisis of Growth Politics: Cleveland, Kucinich, and the Challenge of Urban Populism (Philadelphia: Temple University Press), 1985), 98–100. 11. Margaret Weir, Politics and Jobs: The Boundaries of Employment Policy in the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 86. 12. Kent B. Germany, New Orleans After the Promises: Poverty, Citizenship, and the Search for the Great Society (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2007). 13. John David Skretny, The Ironies of Affirmative Action: Politics, Culture, and Justice in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 90. 14. Judith Stein, Running Steel, Running America: Race, Economic Policy, and the Decline of Liberalism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 125. 15. Joyce A. Hughes to Vernon Jordan, Aug. 6, 1975, III, file 6, box 173, National Urban League papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 16.

pages: 496 words: 131,938

The Future Is Asian by Parag Khanna

3D printing, Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, Airbnb, Amazon Web Services, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, augmented reality, autonomous vehicles, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Basel III, blockchain, Boycotts of Israel, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, carbon footprint, cashless society, clean water, cloud computing, colonial rule, computer vision, connected car, corporate governance, crony capitalism, currency peg, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, energy security, European colonialism, factory automation, failed state, falling living standards, family office, fixed income, flex fuel, gig economy, global reserve currency, global supply chain, haute couture, haute cuisine, illegal immigration, income inequality, industrial robot, informal economy, Internet of things, Kevin Kelly, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, light touch regulation, low cost airline, low cost carrier, low skilled workers, Lyft, Malacca Straits, Mark Zuckerberg, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, money market fund, Monroe Doctrine, mortgage debt, natural language processing, Netflix Prize, new economy, off grid, oil shale / tar sands, open economy, Parag Khanna, payday loans, Pearl River Delta, prediction markets, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, reserve currency, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, smart cities, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, stem cell, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, supply-chain management, sustainable-tourism, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, Travis Kalanick, uber lyft, upwardly mobile, urban planning, Washington Consensus, working-age population, Yom Kippur War

Fact Sheet,” Sept. 8, 2017,; United States Census Bureau, “Los Angeles County a Microcosm of Nation’s Diverse Collection of Business Owners, Census Bureau Reports,” Dec. 15, 2015, 10 López, Ruiz, and Patten, “Key Facts About Asian Americans.” 11 Shalene Gupta, “Big Fat Indian Weddings Get Bigger and Fatter,” Fortune, Aug. 8, 2014, 12 Sari Horwitz and Emma Brown, “Justice Department Plans New Project to Sue Universities over Affirmative Action Policies,” Washington Post, Aug. 1, 2017, 13 Vivek Wadhwa, “The Face of Success, Part I: How the Indians Conquered Silicon Valley,” Inc., Jan. 13, 2012, 14 Ibid. 15 Jane Ciabattari, “Why Is Rumi the Best-Selling Poet in the US?

The emerging emphasis on STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) education in the United States is due in part to a recognition of the competitive achievements of Asian societies in science as well as the demands of Asian parents in the United States. So, too, is the rising academic stress manifest in the elevated teen suicide rate. Asians’ superior academic standing in college admissions has generated major lawsuits against prestigious universities such as Harvard, with aggrieved whites claiming that Asians benefit from affirmative action policies that whites now seem to need to guarantee sufficient representation in universities and Asians demanding that admissions criteria be more meritocratic rather than artificially limiting their enrollment through racial quotas.12 It is safe to say that Silicon Valley would not be what it is today without Asians. With their level of educational attainment, Indian immigrants (72 percent of whom arrive in the United States with a bachelor’s degree or higher) now account for 70 percent or more of the United States’ annual quota of H-1B visas.

The Book of Why: The New Science of Cause and Effect by Judea Pearl, Dana Mackenzie

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Asilomar, Bayesian statistics, computer age, computer vision, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Edmond Halley, Elon Musk,, experimental subject, Isaac Newton, iterative process, John Snow's cholera map, Loebner Prize, loose coupling, Louis Pasteur, Menlo Park, pattern recognition, Paul Erdős, personalized medicine, Pierre-Simon Laplace, placebo effect, prisoner's dilemma, probability theory / Blaise Pascal / Pierre de Fermat, randomized controlled trial, selection bias, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, speech recognition, statistical model, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, strong AI, The Design of Experiments, the scientific method, Thomas Bayes, Turing test

The data hinted at reverse discrimination against males, and in fact there was explicit evidence of this: “In most of the cases involving favored status for women it appears that the admissions committees were seeking to overcome long-established shortages of women in their fields,” Bickel wrote. Just three years later, a lawsuit over affirmative action on another campus of the University of California went all the way to the Supreme Court. Had the Supreme Court struck down affirmative action, such “favored status for women” might have become illegal. However, the Supreme Court upheld affirmative action, and the Berkeley case became a historical footnote. A wise man leaves the final word not with the Supreme Court but with his wife. Why did mine have such a strong intuitive conviction that it is utterly impossible for a school to discriminate while each of its departments acts fairly?

pages: 520 words: 134,627

Unacceptable: Privilege, Deceit & the Making of the College Admissions Scandal by Melissa Korn, Jennifer Levitz

"side hustle", affirmative action, barriers to entry, blockchain, call centre, Donald Trump, Gordon Gekko, helicopter parent, high net worth, Jeffrey Epstein, Maui Hawaii, medical residency, Menlo Park, performance metric, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Sand Hill Road, Saturday Night Live, side project, Silicon Valley, Snapchat, stealth mode startup, Steve Jobs, telemarketer, Thorstein Veblen, unpaid internship, upwardly mobile, yield management, young professional, zero-sum game

It led to an internal probe, and when that was deemed insufficient, investigations company Kroll took over the job. In its 2015 report summarizing its review of admissions at UT Austin, Kroll didn’t find any quid pro quo exchanges or things that veered into illegal territory, but what was happening still didn’t seem entirely kosher, the report’s authors determined. Existing policies, the company warned, could lead to “affirmative action for the advantaged” as the president, deans, and others flagged prospects of special interest and encouraged or pressured the admissions office to take their recommendations. Bill Powers, who had been president at the flagship campus since 2006—and is not the same Bill Powers who introduced Doug Hodge to Rick Singer—acknowledged intervening in admissions decisions at the request of regents and others.

Playing soccer sophomore year isn’t enough; admissions officers expect to see an application chock-full of references to the sport—tournament trophies, race times, essays about hours they spent sacrificing social lives and physical health to compete. But with most sports losing money for schools, why bend over backward to favor athletes at all? Critics say the practice only serves as a sort of affirmative action for wealthy applicants. Elite club programs, camps, and showcases that get teens in front of collegiate coaches easily run into the thousands of dollars. Lift tickets and country club memberships aren’t cheap. Then, there’s the racial disparity. About 65 percent of all students who participate in NCAA sports are white, higher than the overall student population. For skiing, lacrosse, and field hockey, the proportion of white participants is over 80 percent.

Document 335-1, Exhibit A, filed November 8, 2019, in USA v. Macfarlane, case no. 19-cr-10131. He also liked the idea: Toby Macfarlane’s sentencing memo. Document 335, filed November 8, 2019, in USA v. Macfarlane, case no. 19-cr-10131-NMG. “Our sports teams engender pride”: March 15, 2019, email to Yale community from President Peter Salovey. Critics say the practice only serves: Saahil Desai, “College Sports Are Affirmative Action for Rich White Students,” The Atlantic, October 23, 2018, About 65 percent of all students: NCAA Demographics Search, 2018, Search by Gender and Diversity, higher than the overall: Digest of Education Statistics 2018, Table 306.10.

The Code: Silicon Valley and the Remaking of America by Margaret O'Mara

"side hustle", A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, Airbnb, AltaVista, Amazon Web Services, Apple II, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, autonomous vehicles, back-to-the-land, barriers to entry, Ben Horowitz, Berlin Wall, Bob Noyce, Buckminster Fuller, Burning Man, business climate, Byte Shop, California gold rush, carried interest, clean water, cleantech, cloud computing, cognitive dissonance, commoditize, computer age, continuous integration, cuban missile crisis, Danny Hillis, DARPA: Urban Challenge, deindustrialization, different worldview, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Doomsday Clock, Douglas Engelbart, Dynabook, Edward Snowden, El Camino Real, Elon Musk,, Erik Brynjolfsson, Frank Gehry, George Gilder, gig economy, Googley, Hacker Ethic, high net worth, Hush-A-Phone, immigration reform, income inequality, informal economy, information retrieval, invention of movable type, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, Joan Didion, job automation, job-hopping, John Markoff, Julian Assange, Kitchen Debate, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, Lyft, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, mass immigration, means of production, mega-rich, Menlo Park, Mikhail Gorbachev, millennium bug, Mitch Kapor, Mother of all demos, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, mutually assured destruction, new economy, Norbert Wiener, old-boy network, pattern recognition, Paul Graham, Paul Terrell, paypal mafia, Peter Thiel,, pirate software, popular electronics, pre–internet, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, Richard Florida, ride hailing / ride sharing, risk tolerance, Robert Metcalfe, Ronald Reagan, Sand Hill Road, Second Machine Age, self-driving car, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Silicon Valley startup, skunkworks, Snapchat, social graph, software is eating the world, speech recognition, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Steven Levy, Stewart Brand, supercomputer in your pocket, technoutopianism, Ted Nelson, the market place, the new new thing, There's no reason for any individual to have a computer in his home - Ken Olsen, Thomas L Friedman, Tim Cook: Apple, transcontinental railway, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, Unsafe at Any Speed, upwardly mobile, Vannevar Bush, War on Poverty, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks, William Shockley: the traitorous eight, Y Combinator, Y2K

South Asian immigrants, well-represented in the tech ranks but less so in the top jobs, banded together in entrepreneurial networks and hired one another en masse. The charmed circle became so homogeneous by the late 1990s that Valley firms attracted the attention of federal officials for their failures to properly ensure diversity. Anyone with a federal contract had to adhere to affirmative action guidelines, and tech was missing the mark. “Being the fastest-growing software company ever, we shot past the mark that the government sets down for putting an affirmative action plan in place,” countered Bob Sundstrom, whom Netscape belatedly hired as its manager of diversity programs after it was rapped on the knuckles for its failures. Apple had to pay over $400,000 in back pay to fifteen black workers who were rejected for jobs. Oracle was fined for pay inequity toward female and minority employees.35 Trish Millines Dziko watched it all with resigned frustration.

Nearby suburbs filled with Lockheed men and their wives and children, further skewing the Valley’s demographics toward the white, the middle class, and the college educated. Plenty of blue-collar workers found jobs in Sunnyvale as well; like the other electronics firms of the era, Lockheed had assembly lines alongside its research labs. But the lack of diversity carried through even in jobs that didn’t require an engineering degree. In an era before affirmative action, Lockheed and the other major electronics firms of the Valley had no pressure to recruit minority or female employees. Even after the enactment of federal minority hiring laws that required contractors like Lockheed to meet certain hiring targets, the percentage of Latino, Asian, and black workers at its Sunnyvale facility only reached 10 percent. More than 85 percent of its workforce was male.18 * * * — The missile maker, the entrepreneurial university, the distinctive business sensibility, the professional networks, the government money, the elite (and homogeneous) workforce: many of the key ingredients were coming together in Palo Alto by the middle of the 1950s.

For the remainder of his undergraduate years and as a Stanford law student immediately after, Thiel focused his considerable intellectual energies on the Review, making its libertarian-conservative views an inescapable feature of campus life as a fresh, even more polarizing battle erupted: the war over the undergraduate curriculum. The “canon wars” blazed hotly on many elite American campuses in the mid-1980s, as students and faculty demanded—and won—a more inclusive, multicultural approach to humanistic education. Civil rights and affirmative action victories of the 1960s had resulted in far more diversity on campus; people of color now made up one-third of the Stanford student body. But as access to college enlarged, so did what one national periodical primly called “public concern about student ignorance.” Bestsellers like E. D. Hirsch’s Cultural Literacy and Allan Bloom’s The Closing of the American Mind bemoaned the state of American higher education, turning academic debates about what went on the syllabus into a flashpoint of the 1980s culture wars.18 This swirl was escalating on Stanford’s campus by the time Thiel founded what he called “a forum for rational debate” in the Review, and its eventual heat and velocity—coming right on the heels of the headline-making fight over the Reagan library—made Stanford’s canon wars national news.

pages: 273 words: 87,159

The Vanishing Middle Class: Prejudice and Power in a Dual Economy by Peter Temin

"Robert Solow", 2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, clean water, corporate raider, Corrections Corporation of America, crack epidemic, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Ferguson, Missouri, financial innovation, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, full employment, income inequality, intangible asset, invisible hand, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, mandatory minimum, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, mass incarceration, means of production, mortgage debt, Network effects, New Urbanism, Nixon shock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, price stability, race to the bottom, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, the scientific method, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, white flight, working poor

Opponents of redistribution in the United States have regularly used race-based rhetoric to resist left-wing politics.”15 A recent econometric analysis of American counties is worth quoting in detail: “Whites who currently live in counties that had high concentrations of slaves in 1860 are on average more conservative and express colder feelings toward African-Americans than whites who live elsewhere in the South. That is, the larger the number of slaves per capita in his or her county of residence in 1860, the greater the probability that a white Southerner today will identify as a Republican, oppose affirmative action, and express positions that indicate some level of ‘racial resentment.’”16 A vivid sense of what it means to be black in America today is expressed well in a prose poem by Claudia Rankine that describes a professional man who is taken out of his car by the police, brought to the police station in handcuffs, stripped, and then released to walk home, with the refrain: “And you are not the guy and still you fit the description because there is only one guy who is always the guy fitting the description.”17 The treatment of women is similar in some bodily aspects to current divisions about race.

“Pareto and Piketty: The Macroeconomics of Top Income and Wealth Inequality.” Journal of Economic Perspectives 29 (1) (Winter): 29–46. Kang, Cecilia. 2016. “No Driver? Bring It On: How Pittsburgh Became Uber’s Testing Ground.” New York Times, September 10. Kanter, Rosabeth Moss. 2015. Move: Putting America’s Infrastructure Back in the Lead. New York: Norton. Katznelson, Ira. 2005. When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America. New York: Norton. Katznelson, Ira. 2013. Fear Itself: The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time. New York: Norton. Kaufman, Dan. 2016. “The Destruction of Progressive Wisconsin.” New York Times, January 16. Keller, Josh, and Adam Pearce. 2016. “This Small Indiana County Sends More People to Prison than San Francisco and Durham, N.C., Combined.

pages: 281 words: 79,464

Against Empathy: The Case for Rational Compassion by Paul Bloom

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Asperger Syndrome, Atul Gawande, Columbine, David Brooks, Donald Trump, effective altruism, Ferguson, Missouri, impulse control, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Paul Erdős, period drama, Peter Singer: altruism, publication bias, Ralph Waldo Emerson, replication crisis, Ronald Reagan, social intelligence, Stanford marshmallow experiment, Steven Pinker, theory of mind, Walter Mischel, Yogi Berra

But there are by now countless studies looking at political orientation and asking people whether they are liberal or conservative, and it turns out that this sort of crude assessment works just fine at predicting all sorts of specific views. For instance, one study asked people about the following five issues: • Stricter gun control laws in the United States • Universal health care • Raising income taxes for persons in the highest income-tax bracket • Affirmative action for minorities • Stricter carbon emission standards to reduce global warming If you are American or European, you’ll have strong intuitions about which positions on these issues correspond to the liberal side and which to the conservative side, and you’ll be right. Moreover, these views hang together; people who approve one of them tend to approve the others; people who oppose one of them tend to oppose the others.

Index The pagination of this electronic edition does not match the edition from which it was created. To locate a specific entry, please use your e-book reader’s search tools. 1984 (Orwell), 37–38 A&W’s Third Pounder, 213, 229 abductions, 90–91 abortion, 6, 115, 117, 119 accountability, 155 Adams, Henry, 184 Adios, America (Coulter), 192–93 admiration, 16, 159 “affective neuroscience,” 60, 217 affirmative action, 116 Against Fairness (Asma), 159, 161 age restrictions, 230–31 aggression, 42, 45, 83–84, 193–95, 201 AIDS, 68–69 alcohol, and violent crime, 179 Alexander, Scott, 103–4 Alfred (character), 180 Alito, Samuel, 125–26 alternatives to empathy, limitations and biases of, 50–51 altruism, 46–47, 102–6, 167–68. See also effective altruism empathy-altruism hypothesis, 25, 85–86, 168 natural selection and, 168–71, 175 Alzheimer’s disease, 230 American Association of Medical Colleges, 142 amygdala, 47, 61 anger, 16, 188, 208–12 animals, altruism in, 170–71, 175 An Inconvenient Truth (documentary), 49–50 anti-immigrant rhetoric, 192–93 antisocial behavior, and psychopaths, 200–201 anxiety, 79, 135, 144, 147, 151 apologies, 156–58 Appiah, Kwame Anthony, 205 arguments against empathy, 2–3, 15–35, 54–56 consequences of empathy, 26–35 as magic bullet of morality, 19–22 misperceptions about author’s position, 15 morality without empathy, 22–26 use of terms, 16–17, 35–36, 39–41 Aristotle, 213, 216 Asma, Stephen, 159, 160–61 Asperger’s syndrome, 201 Assad, Bashar al-, 193 assessment of empathy, 77–83 Atlantic, The, 11 authority, and conservatives, 119, 120 autism, 20, 81, 82, 201 autonomy, 150, 203 babies empathy in, 171–76 morality in, 6, 165, 171 Bakan, David, 135 Baldwin, Jason, 25, 27 Baron-Cohen, Simon, 201, 206 bad people and empathy, 20–21, 201 decision making and empathy, 110–11, 188–89, 190, 191 empathizer scale, 81–82, 121, 195 high empathy in personal relationships, 132–33, 136 Batkid (Miles Scott), 96–97 Batman (character), 180 Batson, C.

pages: 318 words: 85,824

A Brief History of Neoliberalism by David Harvey

affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, creative destruction, crony capitalism, debt deflation, declining real wages, deglobalization, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial intermediation, financial repression, full employment, George Gilder, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, labour market flexibility, land tenure, late capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, mass immigration, means of production, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage tax deduction, neoliberal agenda, new economy, Pearl River Delta, phenotype, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, structural adjustment programs, the built environment, The Chicago School, transaction costs, union organizing, urban renewal, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent

The latter had not been politically active in the past, but the foundation of Jerry Falwell’s ‘moral majority’ as a political movement in 1978 changed all of that. The Republican Party now had its Christian base. It also appealed to the cultural nationalism of the white working classes and their besieged sense of moral righteousness (besieged because this class lived under conditions of chronic economic insecurity and felt excluded from many of the benefits that were being distributed through affirmative action and other state programmes). This political base could be mobilized through the positives of religion and cultural nationalism and negatively through coded, if not blatant, racism, homophobia, and anti-feminism. The problem was not capitalism and the neoliberalization of culture, but the ‘liberals’ who had used excessive state power to provide for special groups (blacks, women, environmentalists, etc.).

But the moral values that have now become central to the neo-conservatives can best be understood as products of the particular coalition that was built in the 1970s, between elite class and business interests intent on restoring their class power, on the one hand, and an electoral base among the ‘moral majority’ of the disaffected white working class on the other. The moral values centred on cultural nationalism, moral righteousness, Christianity (of a certain evangelical sort), family values, and right-to-life issues, and on antagonism to the new social movements such as feminism, gay rights, affirmative action, and environmentalism. While this alliance was mainly tactical under Reagan, the domestic disorder of the Clinton years forced the moral values argument to the top of the agenda in the Republicanism of Bush the younger. It now forms the core of the moral agenda of the neoconservative movement.25 But it would be wrong to see this neoconservative turn as exceptional or peculiar to the US, even though there are special elements at work there that may not be present elsewhere.

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The Lies That Bind: Rethinking Identity by Kwame Anthony Appiah

affirmative action, assortative mating, Boris Johnson, British Empire, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, European colonialism, Ferguson, Missouri, four colour theorem, full employment, illegal immigration, Isaac Newton, longitudinal study, luminiferous ether, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, means of production, precariat, Scramble for Africa, selection bias, transatlantic slave trade, zero-sum game

Once ethnoracial groups are in place, inequalities between them, whatever their causes, provide bases for political mobilization. Many people now know that we are all, in fact, one species, and think that racial differences are, from a biological point of view, illusory; but that seldom undermines the significance for them of racial identities and affiliations. Around the world, people have sought and won affirmative action for their ethnoracial groups. In the United States, in part because of affirmative action, public opinion polls consistently show wide divergences on many questions along racial lines.33 On American campuses where the claim that “race is a social construct” echoes like a mantra, Asian, black, and white identities continue to shape social experience. Conversely (in part, I suspect, because essentialism is so natural to us), many people around the world simply couldn’t be persuaded that race, as we experience it in social life, is a “construct.”

pages: 1,351 words: 385,579

The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined by Steven Pinker

1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Alan Turing: On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem, Albert Einstein, availability heuristic, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, British Empire, Broken windows theory, business cycle, California gold rush, Cass Sunstein, citation needed, clean water, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, Columbine, computer age, conceptual framework, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, crack epidemic, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, delayed gratification, demographic transition, desegregation, Doomsday Clock, Douglas Hofstadter, Edward Glaeser,, European colonialism, experimental subject, facts on the ground, failed state, first-past-the-post, Flynn Effect, food miles, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, fudge factor, full employment, George Santayana, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, global village, Henri Poincaré, Hobbesian trap, humanitarian revolution, impulse control, income inequality, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of the printing press, Isaac Newton, lake wobegon effect, libertarian paternalism, long peace, longitudinal study, loss aversion, Marshall McLuhan, mass incarceration, McMansion, means of production, mental accounting, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral panic, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, open economy, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Singer: altruism, QWERTY keyboard, race to the bottom, Ralph Waldo Emerson, random walk, Republic of Letters, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, security theater, Skype, Slavoj Žižek, South China Sea, Stanford marshmallow experiment, Stanford prison experiment, statistical model, stem cell, Steven Levy, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, transatlantic slave trade, Turing machine, twin studies, ultimatum game, uranium enrichment, Vilfredo Pareto, Walter Mischel, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

—Blaise Pascal LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1–1 Everyday violence in a bodybuilding ad, 1940s 25 1–2 Domestic violence in a coffee ad, 1952 26 2–1 The violence triangle 35 2–2 Percentage of deaths in warfare in nonstate and state societies 49 2–3 Rate of death in warfare in nonstate and state societies 53 2–4 Homicide rates in the least violent nonstate societies compared to state societies 55 3–1 Homicide rates in England, 1200–2000: Gurr’s 1981 estimates 60 3–2 Homicide rates in England, 1200–2000 61 3–3 Homicide rates in five Western European regions, 1300–2000 63 3–4 Homicide rates in Western Europe, 1300–2000, and in nonstate societies 64 3–5 Detail from “Saturn,” Das Mittelalterliche Hausbuch (The Medieval Housebook, 1475–80) 65 3–6 Detail from “Mars,” Das Mittelalterliche Hausbuch (The Medieval Housebook, 1475–80) 66 3–7 Percentage of deaths of English male aristocrats from violence, 1330–1829 81 3–8 Geography of homicide in Europe, late 19th and early 21st centuries 86 3–9 Geography of homicide in the world, 2004 88 3–10 Homicide rates in the United States and England, 1900–2000 92 3–11 Geography of homicide in the United States, 2007 93 3–12 Homicide rates in England, 1300–1925, and New England, 1630–1914 95 3–13 Homicide rates in the northeastern United States, 1636–1900 96 3–14 Homicide rates among blacks and whites in New York and Philadelphia, 1797–1952 97 3–15 Homicide rates in the southeastern United States, 1620–1900 98 3–16 Homicide rates in the southwestern United States and California, 1830–1914 104 3–17 Flouting conventions of cleanliness and propriety in the 1960s 112 3–18 Homicide rates in the United States, 1950–2010, and Canada, 1961–2009 117 3–19 Homicide rates in five Western European countries, 1900–2009 118 4–1 Torture in medieval and early modern Europe 131 4–2 Time line for the abolition of judicial torture 149 4–3 Time line for the abolition of capital punishment in Europe 150 4–4 Execution rate in the United States, 1640–2010 151 4–5 Executions for crimes other than homicide in the United States, 1650–2002 152 4–6 Time line for the abolition of slavery 156 4–7 Real income per person in England, 1200–2000 171 4–8 Efficiency in book production in England, 1470–1860s 172 4–9 Number of books in English published per decade, 1475–1800 173 4–10 Literacy rate in England, 1625–1925 174 5–1 Two pessimistic possibilities for historical trends in war 191 5–2 Two less pessimistic possibilities for historical trends in war 192 5–3 100 worst wars and atrocities in human history 197 5–4 Historical myopia: Centimeters of text per century in a historical almanac 199 5–5 Random and nonrandom patterns 205 5–6 Richardson’s data 205 5–7 Number of deadly quarrels of different magnitudes, 1820–1952 211 5–8 Probabilities of wars of different magnitudes, 1820–1997 212 5–9 Heights of males (a normal or bell-curve distribution) 213 5–10 Populations of cities (a power-law distribution), plotted on linear and log scales 214 5–11 Total deaths from quarrels of different magnitudes 221 5–12 Percentage of years in which the great powers fought one another, 1500–2000 224 5–13 Frequency of wars involving the great powers, 1500–2000 225 5–14 Duration of wars involving the great powers, 1500–2000 226 5–15 Deaths in wars involving the great powers, 1500–2000 227 5–16 Concentration of deaths in wars involving the great powers, 1500–2000 227 5–17 Conflicts per year in greater Europe, 1400–2000 229 5–18 Rate of death in conflicts in greater Europe, 1400–2000 230 5–19 Length of military conscription, 48 major long-established nations, 1970–2010 256 5–20 Military personnel, United States and Europe, 1950–2000 257 5–21 Percentage of territorial wars resulting in redistribution of territory, 1651–2000 259 5–22 Nonnuclear states that started and stopped exploring nuclear weapons, 1945–2010 273 5–23 Democracies, autocracies, and anocracies, 1946–2008 279 5–24 International trade relative to GDP, 1885–2000 286 5–25 Average number of IGO memberships shared by a pair of countries, 1885–2000 290 5–26 Probability of militarized disputes between pairs of democracies and other pairs of countries, 1825–1992 294 6–1 Rate of battle deaths in state-based armed conflicts, 1900–2005 301 6–2 Rate of battle deaths in state-based armed conflicts, 1946–2008 301 6–3 Number of state-based armed conflicts, 1946–2009 303 6–4 Deadliness of interstate and civil wars, 1950–2005 304 6–5 Geography of armed conflict, 2008 306 6–6 Growth of peacekeeping, 1948–2008 314 6–7 Rate of deaths in genocides, 1900–2008 338 6–8 Rate of deaths in genocides, 1956–2008 340 6–9 Rate of deaths from terrorism, United States, 1970–2007 350 6–10 Rate of deaths from terrorism, Western Europe, 1970–2007 351 6–11 Rate of deaths from terrorism, worldwide except Afghanistan 2001–and Iraq 2003– 352 6–12 Islamic and world conflicts, 1990–2006 366 7–1 Use of the terms civil rights, women’s rights, children’s rights, gay rights, and animal rights in English-language books, 1948–2000 380 7–2 Lynchings in the United States, 1882–1969 384 7–3 Hate-crime murders of African Americans, 1996–2008 386 7–4 Nonlethal hate crimes against African Americans, 1996–2008 387 7–5 Discriminatory and affirmative action policies, 1950–2003 390 7–6 Segregationist attitudes in the United States, 1942–1997 391 7–7 White attitudes to interracial marriage in the United States, 1958–2008 391 7–8 Unfavorable opinions of African Americans, 1977–2006 392 7–9 Rape prevention and response sticker 400 7–10 Rape and homicide rates in the United States, 1973–2008 402 7–11 Attitudes toward women in the United States, 1970–1995 404 7–12 Approval of husband slapping wife in the United States, 1968–1994 409 7–13 Assaults by intimate partners, United States, 1993–2005 411 7–14 Homicides of intimate partners in the United States, 1976–2005 411 7–15 Domestic violence in England and Wales, 1995–2008 412 7–16 Abortions in the world, 1980–2003 428 7–17 Approval of spanking in the United States, Sweden, and New Zealand, 1954–2008 436 7–18 Approval of corporal punishment in schools in the United States, 1954–2002 438 7–19 American states allowing corporal punishment in schools, 1954–2010 438 7–20 Child abuse in the United States, 1990–2007 440 7–21 Another form of violence against children 441 7–22 Violence against youths in the United States, 1992–2003 443 7–23 Time line for the decriminalization of homosexuality, United States and world 450 7–24 Intolerance of homosexuality in the United States, 1973–2010 452 7–25 Antigay hate crimes in the United States, 1996–2008 454 7–26 Percentage of American households with hunters, 1977–2006 467 7–27 Number of motion pictures per year in which animals were harmed, 1972–2010 469 7–28 Vegetarianism in the United States and United Kingdom, 1984–2009 471 8–1 Rat brain, showing the major structures involved in aggression 498 8–2 Human brain, showing the major subcortical structures involved in aggression 502 8–3 Human brain, showing the major cortical regions that regulate aggression 503 8–4 Human brain, medial view 504 8–5 The Prisoner’s Dilemma 533 8–6 Apologies by political and religious leaders, 1900–2004 544 9–1 Implicit interest rates in England, 1170–2000 610 9–2 The Flynn Effect: Rising IQ scores, 1947–2002 652 10–1 The Pacifist’s Dilemma 679 10–2 How a Leviathan resolves the Pacifist’s Dilemma 681 10–3 How commerce resolves the Pacifist’s Dilemma 682 10–4 How feminization can resolve the Pacifist’s Dilemma 686 10–5 How empathy and reason resolve the Pacifist’s Dilemma 689 PREFACE This book is about what may be the most important thing that has ever happened in human history.

They would not only erase any law in the books that singled out an ethnic minority for unfavorable treatment, but would swing to the opposite pole and mandate anti-exclusionary, un-eliminationist policies, such as the integration of schools, educational head starts, and racial or ethnic quotas and preferences in government, business, and education. These policies are generally called remedial discrimination, though in the United States they go by the name affirmative action. Whether or not the policies deserve credit for preventing a backsliding of developed countries into genocide and pogroms, they obviously are designed as the photographic negative of the exclusionary policies that caused or tolerated such violence in the past. And they have been riding a wave of popularity throughout the world. In a report called “The Decline of Ethnic Political Discrimination 1950–2003,” the political scientists Victor Asal and Amy Pate examined a dataset that records the status of 337 ethnic minorities in 124 countries since 1950.20 (It overlaps with Harff’s dataset on genocide, which we examined in chapter 6.)

And of course there will be occasional rampages.”23 Undeterred by the dearth of dynamitings and the rarity of rampages, he followed up in 1992 with Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal, whose message was “A huge racial chasm remains, and there are few signs that the coming century will see it closed.”24 Though the 1990s were a decade in which Oprah Winfrey, Michael Jordan, and Colin Powell were repeatedly named in polls as among the most admired Americans, gloomy assessments on race relations dominated literary life. The legal scholar Derrick Bell, for example, wrote in a 1992 book subtitled The Permanence of Racism that “racism is an integral, permanent, and indestructible component of this society.”25 FIGURE 7–5. Discriminatory and affirmative action policies, 1950–2003 Source: Graph from Asal & Pate, 2005. The sociologist Lawrence Bobo and his colleagues decided to see for themselves by examining the history of white Americans’ attitudes toward African Americans.26 They found that far from being indestructible, overt racism has been steadily disintegrating. Figure 7–6 shows that in the 1940s and early 1950s a majority of Americans said they were opposed to black children attending white schools, and as late as the early 1960s almost half said they would move away if a black family moved in next door.

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Tailspin: The People and Forces Behind America's Fifty-Year Fall--And Those Fighting to Reverse It by Steven Brill

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airport security, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, asset allocation, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Blythe Masters, Bretton Woods, business process, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, computerized trading, corporate governance, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, failed state, financial deregulation, financial innovation, future of work, ghettoisation, Gordon Gekko, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, immigration reform, income inequality, invention of radio, job automation, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, laissez-faire capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, old-boy network, paper trading, performance metric, post-work, Potemkin village, Powell Memorandum, quantitative hedge fund, Ralph Nader, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, telemarketer, too big to fail, trade liberalization, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor

The post-Watergate liberal Democrats who swept into power in the 1970s were determined to change that; and, given the 1960s legacy of autocratic Southern committee bosses blocking civil rights legislation, they had vivid recent history to motivate them. They also were more driven by the Vietnam War and the civil rights struggles than by issues like union rights and controlling big business abuses, which had cemented the New Deal Democratic coalition. This meant that their assumption of power and the priorities they pursued—which by the 1970s included affirmative action and drives to integrate public schools by busing students to distant schools—were likely to alienate crucial working-class elements of the coalition. As highlighted in an article in The Atlantic in 2016, an important casualty of their agenda was Wright Patman of Texas, a populist when it came to banking and anti-trust laws who had been against civil rights legislation and for the Vietnam War.

For millions of needy children it often provided their only solid meal of the day. Beginning in about 1976, momentum began to shift. Ronald Reagan caused a stir that year attacking “welfare queens” in his unsuccessful bid for the Republican presidential nomination—an issue that seemed to resonate with a middle class that had become increasingly restive over wage stagnation and frustrated by much of the Democratic Party’s continuing focus on civil rights, including affirmative action and forced integration through school busing. During the Carter years, 1977–81, programs continued, but did not expand significantly when a flagging economy saw poverty rates rise. Meanwhile, it was becoming increasingly clear that the basic welfare program, Aid to Families with Dependent Children, was providing a safety net of cash but was not moving people out of poverty. Moreover, because a wave of due process and civil rights suits was forcing recalcitrant local officials, especially in the South, to end abusive and often racist programs that blocked people from getting the aid that the law mandated, millions more were being allowed to join the welfare rolls.

“The biggest disaster of the seventies and eighties,” Edelman recalled, “was that we allowed working people to be split from the poor, when they were being victimized by the same forces….We should have had the foresight to see that we needed to save the middle class. Instead we let the middle class become disillusioned by losing good jobs, by inflation, by unemployment, by thinking they were losing out to blacks from affirmative action or busing. So, they opted out, became totally cynical. That just gave the special interests more power, which left workers with lower wages and less protection, and left the poor even worse off, even while the middle class resented them still more.” FORCING A NEW ECONOMY The most disheartening signs of America’s breakdown are, obviously, these realities of life for the poor who live in the world’s richest country.

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Game Over Press Start to Continue by David Sheff, Andy Eddy

affirmative action, air freight, Alexey Pajitnov wrote Tetris, Apple II, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, Buckminster Fuller, game design, HyperCard, inventory management, James Watt: steam engine, Jaron Lanier, Marshall McLuhan, Mikhail Gorbachev, pattern recognition, profit motive, revision control, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak

He gave a compassionate speech—he had been the victim of racism himself, he said—and pledged that Nintendo had begun training its employees in ways to avoid workplace discrimination, and promised to initiate an affirmative-action plan. Meanwhile, the state of Washington suspended its practice of referring job seekers to Nintendo even though Phil Rogers contested the Core Group’s statistics. He insisted that Nintendo employed 110 ethnic minorities, a number representing 14.3 percent of the permanent work force. (The percentage included all minorities, including Japanese.) He also said that three, not one, of Nintendo’s 147 managers were African-American. In 1991 Nintendo unveiled its plan for an affirmative-action program, but it was criticized as inadequate by the Core Group. Howard Lincoln defended it and pointed to steps Nintendo had taken to recruit blacks and other minorities.

He didn’t care about the team one way or the other—it was an investment and good PR—but he had never expected to be embroiled in such a public controversy. Yamauchi, who had always tried to keep a low profile, now appeared on the front page of The New York Times on February 7, and people across the United States were suddenly asking questions about him. Allegations of racism made by some African-Americans and other minorities were quickly dismissed by Howard Lincoln, who sent the baseball commissioner a copy of Nintendo’s affirmative-action policies and their results. But the charge that Nintendo was involved in gambling was more difficult to defuse. The Minnesota lottery deal that had fallen through was cited as proof of Nintendo’s intention to become involved in gambling. Critics also noted that the company had its origins in gambling cards and that the Nintendo Network in Japan offered a horse-race betting service. Responding to these charges, Howard Lincoln released a statement: “We don’t have any interest in racehorses, casinos, sports-betting parlors, card rooms, racetracks, or other gambling activities,” he said.

The Cigarette: A Political History by Sarah Milov

activist lawyer, affirmative action, airline deregulation, American Legislative Exchange Council, barriers to entry, British Empire, collective bargaining, corporate personhood, deindustrialization, fixed income, Frederick Winslow Taylor, G4S, global supply chain, imperial preference, Indoor air pollution, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Kitchen Debate, land tenure, new economy, New Journalism, Philip Mirowski, pink-collar, Potemkin village, precariat, price stability, profit maximization, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, Silicon Valley, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, Torches of Freedom, trade route, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, War on Poverty, women in the workforce

Shane Hamilton, “Agribusiness, the Family Farm, and the Politics of Technological Determinism in the Post-World War II United States,” Technology and Culture 55, No. 3 (2014): 571. 141. “1968 Policies, Resolutions, and Recommendations: North Carolina Farm Bureau Federation, Greensboro, N.C.,” Folder 3, Box 16, NCFB Records, NCSU. The position of the Farm Bureau resonates with Ira Katznelson’s reinterpretation of New Deal social welfare policies as beneficial to whites at the expense of African Americans—an in-built system of white racial privilege that Katznelson calls “affirmative action for whites.” See Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold Story of Racial Inequality in Twentieth Century America (New York: W. W. Norton, 2005). See also Pete Daniel, Dispossession: Discrimination against African American Farmers in the Age of Civil Rights (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2013). 142. “North Carolina Policies and Recommendations to the American Farm Bureau Federation, Charlotte, North Carolina, November 21, 1956,” Folder 3, Box 16, NCFB Records, NCSU. 143. “1959 Policies, Resolutions, and Recommendations: North Carolina Farm Bureau Federation, Greensboro, N.C.,” Folder 3, Box 16, NCFB Records, NCSU. 144.

For accounts of the ways in which the U.S. state frequently operates “out of sight” of most citizens, see Suzanne Mettler, The Submerged State: How Invisible Government Policies Undermine American Democracy (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 2011); Jacob Hacker, The Divided Welfare State: The Battle over Public and Private Social Benefits in the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002); Jennifer Klein, For All These Rights: Business, Labor, and the Shaping of America’s Public-Private Welfare State (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003). 20. Mark Tushnet, “An Essay on Rights,” Texas Law Review 62 (1984): 1371. 21. Ira Katznelson, Fear Itself: The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time (New York: Liveright, 2013), 14–16. See also Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White (New York: Norton, 2005). Historians of southern agriculture have been particularly attentive to the discriminatory elements of USDA policy. See Pete Daniel, Dispossession: Discrimination against African American Farmers in the Age of Civil Rights (Chapel Hill: UNC Press, 2013). A class-action discrimination suit was brought by African-American farmers against the USDA for the agency’s discrimination against them between 1983 and 1997.

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The Once and Future Liberal: After Identity Politics by Mark Lilla

affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Gordon Gekko, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, New Urbanism, Ronald Reagan, sensible shoes, Silicon Valley

In movement politics, the forces are all centrifugal, encouraging splits into smaller and smaller factions obsessed with single issues and practicing rituals of ideological one-upmanship. So the New Left’s legacy to liberalism was a double one. It spawned issue-based movements that helped to bring about progressive change in a number of areas, most notably the environment and human rights abroad. And it spawned identity-based social movements—for affirmative action and diversity, feminism, gay liberation—that have made this country a more tolerant, more just, and more inclusive place than it was fifty years ago. What the New Left did not do was contribute to the unification of the Democratic Party and the development of a liberal vision of Americans’ shared future. And as interest slowly shifted from issue-based movements to identity-based ones, the focus of American liberalism also shifted from commonality to difference.

Griftopia: Bubble Machines, Vampire Squids, and the Long Con That Is Breaking America by Matt Taibbi

addicted to oil, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, buy and hold, carried interest, clean water, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, computerized trading, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, David Brooks, desegregation, diversification, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, financial innovation, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, illegal immigration, interest rate swap, laissez-faire capitalism, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, margin call, market bubble, medical malpractice, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage debt, obamacare, passive investing, Ponzi scheme, prediction markets, quantitative easing, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Sergey Aleynikov, short selling, sovereign wealth fund, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Y2K, Yom Kippur War

Which is too bad, because when they get past the pathetic self-regard and start to articulate their grievances, they are rooted in genuine anxieties about what’s going on in this country. In the case of these Westchester County revolutionaries, the rallying cry was a lawsuit filed jointly by a liberal nonprofit group in New York City and the Department of Housing and Urban Development against the county. The suit alleged that Westchester falsified HUD grant applications, asking for federal grant money without conforming to federal affirmative action guidelines designed to push desegregation. The county lost the suit and as a result was now going to be forced by the federal government to build seven hundred new subsidized low-income housing units in the area. Whereas subsidized housing in the county had historically been built closer to New York City, the new ruling would now place “affordable housing” in places like Elmsford whether Elmsford wanted it or not.

The odd thing about Bock’s speech is that, throughout the course of this lawsuit, nobody ever really accused the citizens of Westchester of being racist. There was never any grassroots protest against racism or segregation in the county. The entire controversy was dreamed up and resolved behind closed doors by lawyers, mostly out-of-town lawyers. What they accused the government of Westchester of was having an inadequate amount of zeal for submitting the mountains of paperwork that goes hand in hand with antiquated, Johnson-era affirmative action housing programs. The Westchester housing settlement that resulted from that suit is the kind of politics that would turn anyone into a Tea Partier—a classic example of dizzy left-wing meddling mixed with socially meaningless legal grifting that enriches opportunistic lawyers with an eye for low-hanging fruit. What happened: A nonprofit organization called the Anti-Discrimination Center based out of New York City stumbled upon a mandate in federal housing guidelines that required communities applying for federal housing money to conduct studies to see if their populations were too racially segregated.

Hothouse Kids: The Dilemma of the Gifted Child by Alissa Quart

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, cognitive dissonance, deliberate practice, Flynn Effect, haute couture, helicopter parent, knowledge worker, longitudinal study, meta analysis, meta-analysis, new economy, Norbert Wiener, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, Stephen Hawking, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the scientific method, Thomas L Friedman, War on Poverty

An unsigned introduction to the 1995 book The Bell Curve Debate, edited by Russell Jacoby and Naomi Glauberman, defines the original book’s troublesome nature with deft acidity: “The Bell Curve gives a sophisticated voice to a repressed and illiberal sentiment: a belief that ruinous divisions in society are sanctioned by nature itself.” The Bell Curve tended to convince only those who already believed in its political implications (among them, that affirmative action was misguided, and that increased funding for minority education was probably a waste of time). And ten years later, plenty of antitest advocates remain. Monty Neill, the co-executive director of the Boston-based advocacy group FairTest, tells me that no matter its form, the intelligence test has never been able to overcome its racist—or, as Neill puts it, “eugenicist”—background: “Our take is that instead of measuring innate capacity, IQs measure things that one has learned.”

probably wouldn’t exist so let me assist the observation of the slave process. Slaves have changed through the ages slave chains to slave wages the change, black is not the only race it encases Dominicans and Haitians… It’s amazing how slavery never discriminates against us to tell you the truth I think it loves us with a passion cos when I applied for slavery they had no problem givin’ me affirmative action. What I realized after having attended a few competitive teen slams and then hanging out with the slam team at workshops and on their own was that spoken word was different from the other kids’ competitions in a significant way. For starters, spoken word began as a form of expression invented by an urban minority underclass, which was then taken up and developed by bohemian outsiders and aspiring bohemian outsiders.

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No Shortcuts: Organizing for Power in the New Gilded Age by Jane F. McAlevey

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, call centre, clean water, collective bargaining, feminist movement, hiring and firing, immigration reform, informal economy, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, Naomi Klein, new economy, Occupy movement, precariat, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, single-payer health, The Chicago School, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, women in the workforce

Global and regional trade accords also give multinational corporations the right to buy land anywhere in almost any country, and new corporate landlords have forcibly evicted or cheaply bought off millions of people from self-sustaining plots of land, directly contributing to a huge rise in immigration into the United States and Europe.8 During the same decades, the corporate class pocketed the courts, one judicial appointment at a time. The resulting deeply conservative judiciary has relentlessly chipped away at the major laws sustaining the victories of labor and civil rights, overturning hard-fought, key provisions of affirmative action and voting-rights protections. Moreover, along with austerity and privatization, conservative courts have facilitated a vertically integrated for-profit prison system, resulting in the mass incarceration of African Americans, detention centers overflowing with Latinos, and massive profits for the putrid penal system’s corporate shareholders.9 The corporate class also created their version of a popular front, seizing the cultural apparatus through such rulings as the Federal Communications Commission’s Clinton-era decision to allow multinationals to outright own the means of communication.

By late June, after the NLRB had forced management to post, mail, and discuss their many violations of the law, direct actions by workers inside the plant would pick up where the May 1 action had left off, and slowly escalate for the next 18 months. As noted above, included in the U.S. Court of Appeals ruling, after the first order of cease-and-desist came the order that the employer offer ten workers illegally fired in the campaigns in the 1990s their jobs back. It also stipulated making the workers “whole,” that is, financially compensating them for loss of wages: 2. Take the following affirmative action necessary to effectuate the policies of the Act. (a) Within 14 days from the date of this Order, offer Lawanna Johnson, Keith Ludlum, George Simpson, Chris Council, Fred McDonald, Larry Jones, Ray Shawn Ward, Margo McMillan, Tara Davis, and Ada Perry full reinstatement to their former jobs or, if those jobs no longer exist, offer them substantially equivalent positions, without prejudice to their seniority and other rights or privileges previously enjoyed.

pages: 313 words: 94,490

Made to Stick: Why Some Ideas Survive and Others Die by Chip Heath, Dan Heath

affirmative action, availability heuristic, Barry Marshall: ulcers, correlation does not imply causation, desegregation, low cost airline, Menlo Park, Pepto Bismol, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Stephen Hawking, telemarketer

Actually, this conventional wisdom is wrong. There’s not much evidence that public opinion can be predicted by narrow self-interest. In 1998, Donald Kinder, a professor of political science at the University of Michigan, wrote an influential survey of thirty years of research on this topic. He summarizes the effects of self-interest on political views as “trifling.” Trifling! Kinder writes: When faced with affirmative action, white and black Americans come to their views without calculating personal harms or benefits. The unemployed do not line up behind policies designed to alleviate economic distress. The medically needy are no more likely to favor government health insurance than the fully insured. Parents of children in public schools are not more likely to support government aid to education than other citizens.

Imagine that a company offers: The bonus and new job-framing studies are from Chip Heath, “On the Social Psychology of Agency Relationships: Lay Theories of Motivation Overemphasize Extrinsic Rewards,” Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 78 (1999): 25–62. Dining in Iraq: The Floyd Lee story is from a marvelous article by Julian E. Barnes, “A Culinary Oasis,” U.S. News & World Report, December 6, 2004, 28. The Popcorn Popper and Political Science: The popcorn popper story is from Caples/Hahn, Tested Advertising, 71. When faced with affirmative action: Donald Kinder, “Opinion and Action in the Realm of Politics,” in Handbook of Social Psychology, ed. Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, and Gardner Lindzey, 4th ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1988), 778–867. The extended quote is from. 190 A related idea comes from James March: James March describes the two patterns of making decisions—consequence versus identity—in Chapters 1 and 2 of James G.

pages: 344 words: 93,858

The Post-American World: Release 2.0 by Fareed Zakaria

affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, airport security, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, conceptual framework, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, delayed gratification, Deng Xiaoping, double entry bookkeeping, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial innovation, global reserve currency, global supply chain, illegal immigration, interest rate derivative, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), knowledge economy, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, mutually assured destruction, new economy, oil shock, open economy, out of africa, Parag Khanna, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, South China Sea, Steven Pinker, The Great Moderation, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, trade route, Washington Consensus, working-age population, young professional, zero-sum game

Officials expanded overall government spending on education, which was a measly 2.8 percent of GDP in 2006, to 4 percent in 2010, a large portion of which is devoted to a small number of globally competitive elite institutions. Such a focus would be impossible in democratic India, for example, where vast resources are spent on short-term subsidies to satisfy voters. (India’s elite educational institutions, by contrast, are under pressure to limit merit-based admissions and accept half their students on the basis of quotas and affirmative action.) It is unusual for a nondemocratic government to have managed growth effectively for so long. Most autocratic governments quickly become insular, corrupt, and stupid—and preside over economic plunder and stagnation. The record of Marcos, Mobutu, and Mugabe is far more typical. (And lest one veers into cultural explanations, keep in mind that the record of the Chinese government under Mao was atrocious.)

When I explained to him for the first time what the book was about, he said in a somewhat distressed tone, “Why do you want to write a book about the future? If you’re wrong, people won’t buy the book anymore.” At least at this point, three years later, I don’t think I’ve embarrassed him. Index Abrahamic religions, 122, 171, 172 Abu Sayyaf, 11 Abyssinia, 195 Academy of Science, 211 Acheson, Dean, 255, 256 Acquaviva, Claudio, 124 Adams, James Truslow, 237 affirmative action, 109 Afghanistan, 13, 15, 54, 101, 172, 185, 199, 235–36, 241, 247, 260, 277, 284 Afghan War, 13, 241, 247, 260 Africa: agriculture in, 70 Chinese influence in, 129–32, 270 Christian population of, 98 colonization of, 65, 79, 80, 129, 156 corruption in, 130–32 economies of, 21n, 40, 68, 129, 130, 242–43 geography of, 77 instability of, 12–13, 20, 29, 40, 65, 68 national debts of, 130 natural resources of, 129 North, 12–13, 20, 80 slaves from, 79 sub-Saharan, 80 U.S. influence in, 270–71, 273 see also specific countries AFRICOM, 270–71 Aggarwal, Anil, 155 aging populations, 214–15 agriculture, 21, 30, 31, 32–33, 65–67, 70, 71–72, 100, 106, 112, 136, 151, 160 Agtmael, Antoine van, 2 Ahmadinejad, Mahmoud, 16, 55 AIDS, 149, 161 AIG, 43–44 air conditioners, 102 air pollution, 111 airport security, 280 Akbar, 75 Al-Azhar University, 15 Albright, Madeleine, 246 Alembert, Jean Le Rond d’, 123 alerts, terrorist, 277 algebra, 67 Algeria, 13 algorithm, 67 Al-Jabr wa-al-Muqabilah, 67 Al Jazeera, 96 al-Khwarizmi, 67 Al Qaeda, 5, 10–18, 172, 248n, 270, 277 Ambrose, Stephen, 37 American dream, 237 American Enterprise Institute, 213 Amery, Leo, 193 Amsterdam, 67 Anglo-Chinese Wars, 81 Angola, 284 Annan, Kofi, 272 anti-Americanism, 13, 35, 39, 42, 60, 166, 241, 245, 251–55, 274, 283 Apple, Inc., 203 Arab culture, 67, 75, 76, 77, 80, 98 Arab-Israeli conflict, 6, 96, 246 arbitrage, 27 architecture, 95, 98, 103, 105, 152 Argentina, 3, 26, 55, 115 Armenia, 209 Arnold, Thomas, 187 Arroyo, Gloria, 133 art, modern, 95 ash-Sheikh, Abdulaziz al, 15 Asia: agriculture in, 70 Chinese influence in, 132–36, 143, 173, 176–77, 259, 267, 281 colonization of, 79, 80–82, 156 demographics of, 214–15 East, 20, 23, 29, 32, 36, 52, 64n, 65, 122, 133, 214, 241–42, 245 economies of, 52, 75, 138, 151–52, 221 education in, 208–12 financial markets of, 221–22 geography of, 76 global influence of, 245, 257, 259 India’s influence in, 151–52, 173, 181 manufacturing sector of, 202–3 South, 21n, 52, 60 technology sector of, 200–208 U.S. influence in, 90, 241–42, 245, 259–60, 266, 267, 273–74, 280–81 Western influence in, 90, 93, 99 see also specific countries “Asian Tigers,” 26 assets, 219 Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), 132, 133 Atatürk, Kemal, 84 Australia, 78, 132, 143, 196, 252, 266 Austria, 223 automobile industry, 33, 110, 149, 192, 205, 225, 229–30, 244 Autor, David, 231 Bacon, Francis, 86 bailouts, 43, 44 Baker, James A., III, 39, 244 Bakiyev, Kurmanbek, 54 balance of power, 79 Bali bombings (2002), 11, 17 Balkans, 20, 29, 117–18, 245, 246, 247 Bangalore, 50 Bangladesh, 60, 159, 281 Ban Ki-moon, 30 banking industry, 36, 43–45, 81, 106, 107, 109, 110, 127, 139, 153, 157 Barma, Naazneen, 38 Barnett, Correlli, 262 “Base Structure Report” (2006), 262 Bay of Pigs invasion (1961), 20 BBC, 96, 120 Bear Stearns, xi Beijing, 71, 103, 105, 111, 137, 150, 211 “Beijing Consensus, The” (Ramo), 142–43 Beijing Olympic Games (2008), 5, 103, 105, 137 Belgium, 41 Berlin, 103 Berlin Wall, 24 Beveridge Plan, 197 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), 158–59, 160, 178, 179–80 Bhutan, 166 Bialik, Carl, 205 Bible, 172 bicycles, 192 bin Laden, Osama, 12, 13, 14–15, 85, 269–70 biological weapons, 18 biotechnology, 201–2, 215 bipolar order, 4 Bismarck, Otto von, 198, 257, 266–67 Blackwill, Robert, 177 Blair, Tony, 274 Blinder, Alan, 230–31 Bloomberg, Michael, 220–21 “blue card,” 224 blue jeans, 88, 89, 91 Boer War, 188–90, 261 Bollywood, 90, 94, 147, 153–55 Bono, 272 Boorstin, Daniel, 69 Bosnia, 272 Brahmans, 74 “brain drain,” 167 brand names, 203 Brazil, xii, 2, 3–4, 19, 23, 26, 28–29, 39, 48, 49, 53, 55, 60, 79, 95, 98, 257, 258, 259, 263 Bretton Woods Conference (1944), 253 British East India Company, 60, 80, 82–83 British Empire, 36, 37, 57, 60, 65, 79, 80–83, 84, 89, 94, 97–98, 151, 154, 156, 158–59, 161, 162–63, 164, 170, 173, 179, 184–99, 237, 261–63, 266, 268 British Guiana, 194n broadband service, 28, 224–25 Brookings, Robert, 235 Brookings Institution, 235 Brzezinski, Zbigniew, 36 Buck, Pearl, 100 Buddhism, 124, 171, 172 budget deficits, 219, 241–42, 244 Buffett, Warren, 45–46 Bulgaria, 182 Burma, 79, 121, 264, 273 Burns, Ken, 37 Buruma, Ian, 187 Bush, George H.

pages: 580 words: 168,476

The Price of Inequality: How Today's Divided Society Endangers Our Future by Joseph E. Stiglitz

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, Andrei Shleifer, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Basel III, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Dava Sobel, declining real wages, deskilling, Exxon Valdez, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Flash crash, framing effect, full employment, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, inflation targeting, information asymmetry, invisible hand, jobless men, John Harrison: Longitude, John Markoff, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, London Interbank Offered Rate, lone genius, low skilled workers, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, medical bankruptcy, microcredit, moral hazard, mortgage tax deduction, negative equity, obamacare, offshore financial centre, paper trading, Pareto efficiency, patent troll, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, price stability, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, spectrum auction, Steve Jobs, technology bubble, The Chicago School, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, The Myth of the Rational Market, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, ultimatum game, uranium enrichment, very high income, We are the 99%, wealth creators, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

And yet, our attitude toward unions has been the opposite. They are vilified, and in many states there are explicit attempts to undermine them, but there is no recognition of the important role that they can play in countervailing other special interests and in defending the basic social protections that are necessary if workers are to accept change and to adjust to the changing economic environment.19 Affirmative action, to eliminate the legacy of discrimination. One of the most invidious—and hardest to eradicate—sources of inequality is discrimination, both ongoing discrimination today and the legacy of past discrimination. In different countries it takes on different forms, but almost everywhere there is racial and gender discrimination. Market forces on their own won’t eradicate it. We’ve described how, together with social forces, they can enable it to persist.

We’ve described how, together with social forces, they can enable it to persist. But such discrimination corrodes our basic values, our basic sense of identity, the notion of nationhood. Strong laws prohibiting discrimination are essential; but the effects of past discrimination continue, and so even if we were successful in eliminating discrimination today, its consequences would still be with us. Fortunately, we’ve learned how to improve matters through affirmative action programs—softer than hard quotas, but when implemented with good intentions, they can help our society evolve in ways that are consistent with our basic principles. Because education is the key to opportunity, such programs are perhaps even more important there than elsewhere. Restoring sustainable and equitable growth A growth agenda, based on public investment. We explained why trickle-down economics doesn’t work: growth doesn’t automatically benefit all.

See also Emma Rothschild and Amartya Sen, “Adam Smith’s Economics,” The Cambridge Companion to Adam Smith (Cambridge: Campbridge University Press, 2006), pp. 319–65, especially the discussion of the commonwealth beginning on p. 347. INDEX Abed, Fazle Hasan, 196 Acacia Research Corporation, 203 Accenture, 360 advertising, 147, 335, 348, 354 see also marketing affirmative action, 282 Afghanistan, 143, 176, 209, 211, 218 Africa, 23, 40 African Americans: discrimination against, 68, 69, 70, 71, 129, 303, 305, 308, 328, 367, 369 disenfranchisement of, 345, 349 wealth of, 13, 70, 71, 329, 384 agriculture: government subsidies in, 51, 64, 179, 180, 320, 326, 379 in Great Depression, 56–57, 231, 233 AIG, 35, 49, 67, 180, 253, 369 airlines, deregulation of, 317 air traffic controllers, 65 Alien Torts Statute, 59 Ally, 374 Alperovitz, Gar, 78 alternative minimum tax, 394 American Airlines, 318 American Tobacco Company, 317 Andreessen, Marc, 318 Angelides, Phil, 372 antiglobalization movement, xiii, 277 Apple, 203, 360 Arab Spring, ix–xi, xiv, 287 Archer Daniels Midland (ADM), 51, 320 Arnall, Roland, 333 Asia, 64, 157 financial crisis in, 61, 231, 352, 353 AT&T, 44, 203, 317 Atkinson, Anthony B., xxiii auction theory, 50 austerity, 207, 220, 221, 230–36 Australia, 5, 14, 18, 22, 135, 286 autoworkers, 67 balanced-budget multiplier, 217–18, 379 Bangladesh, microcredit schemes in, 196, 197 bankers: bonuses for, x, xiv, xv, 21, 79, 141, 169, 245, 247, 270, 319, 333, 363 criminal prosecution of, xvi, 70, 119, 199, 205–6, 372, 373 economic influence of, xxii–xxiii, 79–80, 240 private incentives of, 33, 34, 87, 90, 96, 109–10 risky behavior by, xi, xxiii, 37, 90, 101, 109, 171, 198, 239–40, 246, 247, 269, 270, 336, 387 see also corporations; financial markets; financial sector Bank of America, 70, 374 bankruptcy: corporate, 313 derivatives claims in, 49, 271 government regulation of, 30 personal, 10, 275, 301 reform of, 58 student debt in, 58, 94, 195, 196, 265, 271, 323, 371 see also Chapter 11; foreclosures bankruptcy law, 193–97, 201, 202, 270, 271, 284 Bardeen, John, 41 Bartel, Larry, xxiv Basov, Nikolay, 315 Bear Stearns, 388 Belgium, 19, 22, 286 Berlusconi, Silvio, 349 Bernanke, Ben, 247, 248, 252, 257, 389 Berners-Lee, Tim, 41, 315 Bhutan, 122, 312 Bilmes, Linda, 176 Bipartisan Policy Center, 207 Bischoff, Kendra, 75 BlackBerry, 203 Blankfein, Lloyd, 124 Bloomberg, Michael, xiv bondholders, 168, 240, 261 bonds, municipal, 212, 378 Bowles, Erskine, 207 Bowles-Simpson Deficit Reduction Commission, 207, 221, 379, 380 Brattain, Walter, 41 Brazil, 5, 51, 249 economic growth in, 139, 298, 353 Bridgestone/Firestone, 104 British Petroleum (BP), xviii, 99, 189, 190, 367, 374 “Buffett rule,” 395 Buffett, Warren, 77, 180, 269, 333, 395, 396 Burnham, Walter Dean, 130 Bush, George W., 71, 73, 86, 87, 97, 101, 114, 169, 177, 208, 212, 221, 228, 330, 360, 383 Bush administration, xiv, 167, 168, 171, 178 business: anticompetitive behavior in, 44–46, 317, 318 corruption in, 176 government partnerships with, 174 government regulation of, 47 innovations in, 35, 46, 41, 78, 96, 178–79, 314, 315 political power of, 47, 50, 51, 62, 95, 99, 101, 111, 131–32, 135, 136, 285, 286, 319, 325, 350 teamwork in, 113, 343 trust in, 121–22 see also corporations; financial sector business, small, 61, 167, 225, 226, 241, 245, 395 California, electricity market liberalization in, 177–78 campaign finance, 37, 47, 131–32, 135, 136, 162, 196, 200, 206, 285–86, 319, 325, 350, 373, 397 Canada, 5, 18, 19 capital, 59, 323 social, 122–23, 125, 135 capital controls, 60, 181, 182, 277, 353 capital gains, 71–72, 87, 88, 115, 211, 274, 297, 298, 315, 330, 361, 378, 395 Cardoso, Enrique, 5 Carter, Jimmy, 71 Cayman Islands, 270 cell phones, 98, 203, 274 Census Bureau, U.S., 27, 305 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 209 Chait, Jonathan, 19, 116–17 Chapter 11, 284, 313, 363 see also bankruptcy Chavez, Hugo, 40 Cheney, Richard, 101 Chicago school, 44–45, 47, 256, 317, 391 child care, 10, 301 Chile, 141, 258 China, 19, 54, 64, 249, 280 economic strength of, 144, 175 inflation in, 259–60 Citibank, 204–5, 369, 387 cities, community segregation in, 75–76 Citizens United v.

pages: 544 words: 168,076

Red Plenty by Francis Spufford

affirmative action, anti-communist, Anton Chekhov, asset allocation, Buckminster Fuller, clean water, cognitive dissonance, computer age, double helix, Fellow of the Royal Society, John von Neumann, Kickstarter, Kitchen Debate, linear programming, market clearing, MITM: man-in-the-middle, New Journalism, oil shock, Philip Mirowski, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, RAND corporation, Simon Kuznets, the scientific method

Kazan had possessed a Muslim intelligentsia for centuries, but Tatars were not one of the minorities famous in the USSR for educational mobility, like Jews and Armenians, and they were not very strongly represented in twentieth-century Soviet intellectual life, with exceptions such as the computer designer Bashir Rameev. Presumably, Emil’s reasonably comfortable family experience under Stalin means that his parents (at least Party middle-rankers, judging by his own sharply upward career trajectory) successfully negotiated the sudden reversal of Soviet ‘nationalities’ policy during the later thirties. For this, see Terry Dean Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1929–1939 (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 2001). For a fabulously dismal description of post-Soviet Kazan, see Daniel Kalder, Lost Cosmonaut: Travels to the Republics That Tourism Forgot (London: Faber, 2006). 11 The title song from the old musical, ‘The Happy-Go-Lucky Guys’: see James von Geldern and Richard Stites, eds, Mass Culture in Soviet Russia.

Kazan had possessed a Muslim intelligentsia for centuries, but Tatars were not one of the minorities famous in the USSR for educational mobility, like Jews and Armenians, and they were not very strongly represented in twentieth-century Soviet intellectual life, with exceptions such as the computer designer Bashir Rameev. Presumably, Emil’s reasonably comfortable family experience under Stalin means that his parents (at least Party middle-rankers, judging by his own sharply upward career trajectory) successfully negotiated the sudden reversal of Soviet ‘nationalities’ policy during the later thirties. For this, see Terry Dean Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1929–1939 (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 2001). For a fabulously dismal description of post-Soviet Kazan, see Daniel Kalder, Lost Cosmonaut: Travels to the Republics That Tourism Forgot (London: Faber, 2006). 11 The title song from the old musical, ‘The Happy-Go-Lucky Guys’: see James von Geldern and Richard Stites, eds, Mass Culture in Soviet Russia.

McKean, St Petersburg Between the Revolutions: Workers and Revolutionarie/i> (New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 1990) Ken Macleod, The Cassini Division (London: Legend, 1998) Janet Malcolm, Reading Chekhov: A Critical Journey (New York: Random House, 2001) Boris Nikolaevich Malinovsky, Pioneers of Soviet Computing, ed. Anne Fitzpatrick, trans. Emmanuel Aronie. Available at Terry Dean Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923–1939 (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 2001) Frank J. Miller, Folklore for Stalin: Russian Folklore and Pseudo-folklore of the Stalin Era (Armonk: M.E.Sharpe, Inc., 1990) Philip Mirowski, Machine Dreams: Economics Becomes a Cyborg Science (Cambridge: CUP, 2002) Ludwig von Mises, Socialism, 1922; trans. from the German by J. Kahane (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1981) Nikolai Nekrasov (‘Nicholas Nekrassov’), Who Can Be Happy and Free in Russia?

pages: 446 words: 578

The end of history and the last man by Francis Fukuyama

affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, business cycle, centre right, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, European colonialism, Exxon Valdez, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, Isaac Newton, Joan Didion, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, kremlinology, land reform, liberal world order, liberation theology, life extension, linear programming, long peace, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, New Journalism, nuclear winter, old-boy network, open economy, post-industrial society, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Socratic dialogue, strikebreaker, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, zero-sum game

In the heyday of the civil rights movement, most American blacks aspired to complete integration into white society, implying a full acceptance of the dominant cultural values of American society. The problem for black Americans was understood not as one concerning the values themselves, but the willingness of white society to recognize the dignity of blacks who accepted those values. Despite the abolition of legally sanctioned barriers to equality in the 1960s, however, and the rise of a variety of affirmative action programs giving preference to blacks, a certain sector of the American black population not only failed to advance economically, but actually lost ground. One political result of persistent economic failure, however, is the now more frequently heard assertion that the traditional measures of economic success, such as work, education, and employment, represent not universal but “white” values.

This tension, noted clearly by Tocqueville,4 will be as “necessary and ineradicable” as the inequality out of which it grows. Every effort to give the disadvantaged “equal dignity” will mean the abridgment of the freedom or rights of other people, all the more so when the sources of disadvantage lie deep within the social structure. Every place granted to a minority candidate for a job or a university education under an affirmative action program means one less place for others; every government dollar spent on national health insurance or welfare means that much less for the private economy; every attempt to protect workers from unemployment or firms from bankruptcy will mean less economic freedom. There is no fixed or natural point at which liberty and equality come into balance, nor any way of optimizing both simultaneously.

The “New Imperialism”: Analysis of Late Nineteenth Century Expansion, second edition. D. C. Heath, Boston. Zolberg, Aristide. 1981. “Origins of the Modern World System: A Missing Link.” World Politics 33 (January): 253-281. Zuckert, Catherine H. 1988. Understanding the Political Spirit: Philosophical Investigations from Socrates to Nietzsche. Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn. INDEX Abortion, 176 Acid rain, 86 Affirmative action, 237, 293 Afghanistan, 26, 127, 275 African National Congress, 15, 111 Afrikaners, 14, 21, 111, 172 Afro-American culture, 237 Aganbegyan, Abel, 29 Alawi-dominated regime (Syria), 16 Albalkin, Leonid, 29 Albania, 27, 112 Alcibiades, 317 Alexander II, Czar of Russia, 75 Alfonsin government (Argentina), 14 Algeria, 275 Alienation, 65, 197, 335 All Quiet on the Western Front (Remarque), 5 Alwyn, Patricio, 42 Ambition, 162 American Bill of Rights, 43, 159 American Civil War, 171, 175-176, 261, 330 American Revolution, 42, 64, 134 Amish, 85 Amour-propre, 83-84, 155, 162, 255 Andropov, Yuri, 47 Angell, Norman, 5 Anger, 163-165, 171, 172, 178-180 Angola, 35 Animal behavior, 297 Anomie, 337 Anthropology, 151 Anti-liberal doctrines, 235-244 Anti-Stalinism, 30, 40 Apartheid, 20-21, 77, 111, 171-172 Aquino, Corazon, 14, 119-120 Arab-Israeli conflict, 283 Aral Sea, 115 Argentina, 14, 16, 19, 20, 23, 42, 104-106, 112, 113, 256 Aristocracies, 45, 185-86, 200, 259, 260, 265 Aristophanes, 296 Aristotle, 55-56, 127, 335 Aron, Raymond, 66, 95 ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), 102 Assembly of Women (Aristophanes), 294 Associational life, 322-324 Astayev, Viktor, 37 Ataturk, Kemal, 236, 256, 272 Athens, 48, 127, 184, 247, 316, 317 Athletic competition, 318-320 Atlantic Charter, 258 Augustine, Saint, 56, 183 Australia, 111 Austria-Hungary, 333 Authoritarianism, 8-9, 11, 12, 37, 39-42, 124 current crisis of, 13-22, 44, 47 market-oriented, 123, 124 new Asian, 238-243 Ba‘ath parties, 16, 236 Bacon, Francis, 56, 57, 72, 135 Baigan, Ishida, 227 Balance of power, 247-250 Baltic states, 27-28, 215, 273 Bangladesh, 275 Basques, 269 Battle of Jena, significance of, 64, 67 Beast with red cheeks, 162, 170-180, 188 “Bee and the Communist Ideal, The” (Nuikin), 23 Belief, 309-310 Bell, Daniel, 91 Bellah, Robert, 227, 229 Belorussia, 35 Beria, Lavrenty, 32, 40 Berlin Wall, 27, 178, 263, 280 Biology, 151 Bipolarity, 248, 255, 262 Black market (Soviet), 32 Black underclass, 293-294 Bogomolov, Oleg, 29 Bolshevik party, 43 Bolshevik Revolution, 24, 25, 66, 304-305 Bombing, 6 Bonfire of the Vanities, The (Wolfe), 329 Botswana, 35 Bourgeois, 145, 160, 180, 185, 188, 189, 314, 323, 329 Brazil, 14, 20, 42, 104-105, 112, 123 Brezhnev, Leonid, 8, 10, 32, 76 Brezhneva, Galina, 16 Bryce, Lord, 42 Buddhism, 216-217, 227 Bukovsky, Vladimir, 169 Bulgaria, 27, 36, 112 Bureaucracy, 65, 89 as characteristic of modern societies, 77-78 Burma, 14, 85 Bush, George, 318, 328 Bushido ethic, 227 Caetano, Marcello, 13, 18 Calvinism, 226, 227, 229 Cambodia, 79, 127, 275, 293 Canada, 264 Capitalism, 44, 90-91, 98, 99, 102, 103, 106, 108, 114, 120, 204, 226-230, 290, 292, 316 Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy (Schumpeter), 123 Capital punishment, 261 Carthage, 248 Caste system, 228 Catholicism, 19, 221 Ceaucescu, Nicolae, 115 Centrally planned economic systems, 90, 91, 93-96, 98, 107 Ceylon, 123 Chad, 275 Chamorro, Violetta, 14 Charismatic authority, 115 Charter 77, 166 Charter of the United Nations, 282 Checks and balances, 188 Chemical and biological weapons, 278 Chemistry, 151 Chernenko, Konstantin, 47 Chernobyl, 115 Chiang Ching-kuo, 14 Chile, 14, 21, 42, 104, 112, 123 Chinese Revolution, 11, 66, 127 Christian Democracy, 284 Christianity, 56 grounds for human equality, 196-197, 301 Hegel and, 216, 301 as slave ideology, 62, 196-198, 205, 261, 301 Churbanov, Yury, 32 Churchill, Winston, 318 CIA (Central Intelligence Agency), 18, 28 Citizenship, 202, 322 Civil rights, 42-43, 203-204, 237 Civil society, 33, 219, 221, 222 Civil war American, 171, 175-176, 261, 330 English, 271 Spanish, 79 Class conflict, 65, 118-119 Classical liberal trade theory, 100 CNN (Cable News Network), 7 Cold War, 7, 10, 46, 127, 233, 246, 248, 252, 262, 264, 272, 282, 283 Collectivization, 30 Collor de Mello, Fernando, 42 Colombia, 14 Colonialism, 99, 258, 267, 338 Communications technology, 7 Communism, 7, 45; see also Authoritarianism; Communist parties; Totalitarianism belief in permanence of, 8, 10 Havel on, 166-169 legitimacy of, 10-11 as slave ideology, 205 Soviet-style, 9-10 worldwide collapse of, 8, 12, 25-38, 177-179, 264, 280, 293, 296 Communist Manifesto (Marx and Engels), 65 Communist parties Chinese, 34 Filipino, 119 Portuguese, 18, 47 South African, 15 Soviet, 26, 27 Spanish, 19 Community, 242, 304, 322-327 Compassion, rise of, 261 Comte, Auguste, 68 Condorcet, Marquis de, 57, 62 Conflict resolution, 117-119 Confucianism, 217, 325 Congress of Vienna, 267, 331 Conservatives, in Soviet Union, 40-41 Constitution of the United States, 25, 153, 184, 187, 200, 204, 296 Consumer electronics industry, 84 Consumerism, 4, 63, 83-85, 126, 169, 230, 242 Contradictions, 61, 64, 65, 136, 137, 139 Cortés, Hernando, 259 Cosmopolitanism, 126 Costa Rica, 123, 217-218 “Cotton mafia,” 32 Craft guilds, 232 Crimean War, 75 Critique of Pure Reason (Kant), 151 Croatia, 272, 273 Cuba, 10, 14, 25, 127 Cultural relativism, 340 Cultural Revolution, 79, 95, 96 Culture preconditions for democracy, 215, 219-222 relationship to thymos, 213 work attitudes and, 224-225, 230-234 Cunhal, Álvaro, 18 Custine, Marquis de, 25 Cyprus, 20 Czechoslovakia democratic transition in, 36, 112 fall of communist government, 27, 177-178 nationalism in, 273 Darwin, Charles, 299 Debray, Régis, 320 Declaration of Independence, 134, 153, 158, 186, 196, 200, 204, 296 Decline of the West (Spengler), 68 Defensive modernization, 74-76 de Gaulle, Charles, 332 de Klerk, F.

pages: 340 words: 96,242

Mars Crossing by Geoffrey A. Landis

affirmative action, experimental subject, Magellanic Cloud, Mars Rover, orbital mechanics / astrodynamics

Before her was a vertical drop of a mile, straight down, and then a slope of broken rock and detritus that extended downward and away for ten miles or more, to a bottom so distant that the features were blurred by the omnipresent atmospheric dust. Tana's voice was almost awed. "Yikes," she said. "Are we really going down this?" Radkowski's voice, when it came, was a hoarse whisper. "Yes," he said. "Down and across." I to paused, and then in a whisper so soft that it was almost inaudible through the radio noise, added, "We have no choice." 3 TANA IN SCHOOL Tana's grandmother had told her about affirmative action—that whatever she managed to achieve, white people were going to assume that she got it simply by being black. "Ain't no way you're gonna avoid it," she told Tana. "You just go and pay no attention to them, ignore it and do a good job." It seemed unfair, Tana told her, but her grandmother disagreed. "Not a one of them white folks got where they were without help," she said. "Not one. Their parents knew people, they got into the right schools, they got connections, they got a job because their uncle knew somebody.

Their parents knew people, they got into the right schools, they got connections, they got a job because their uncle knew somebody. No, they won't admit it. Maybe they don't even know it themselves. But they got help, every single one of 'em." Tana listened to what she said—her grandmother had always been a sharp cookie and a good judge of character—but she didn't actually believe it. She had every intention of getting where she was going, affirmative action or no. Her way to medical school was paid by a Hawthorne Foundation scholarship that covered her tuition and expenses and a little bit for her to live on as well. The very first day of med school, before she knew anybody, before she even could find her way around the strange new campus without the map in the med school handbook, one of the boys in her class cornered her in a hall. In a peremptory tone, he demanded to know whether she was paying her own way or if she had a scholarship.

pages: 104 words: 30,990

The Centrist Manifesto by Charles Wheelan

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, Bernie Madoff, Bretton Woods, centre right, clean water, creative destruction, David Brooks, delayed gratification, demand response, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, income inequality, invisible hand, obamacare, profit maximization, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, Report Card for America’s Infrastructure, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, stem cell, the scientific method, transcontinental railway, Walter Mischel

Americans at the bottom of the income ladder are not struggling because the top 1 percent are getting fabulously rich; they are struggling despite the fact that the top 1 percent are getting fabulously rich. The Republicans are rightfully skeptical of what government can accomplish. Not every social problem has an elegant government fix. One can care deeply about providing better opportunities for racial and ethnic minorities without necessarily embracing affirmative action. One can care deeply about public education, drug addiction, and homelessness without being convinced that throwing more money at current programs will make things better. Similarly, conservatives appreciate that government policies are prone to unintended consequences. Understanding one’s limitations is an attractive personal trait for individuals; it is also an important form of modesty for governments.

pages: 100 words: 31,338

After Europe by Ivan Krastev

affirmative action, bank run, Berlin Wall, central bank independence, clean water, conceptual framework, creative destruction, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, illegal immigration, job automation, mass immigration, moral panic, open borders, post-work, postnationalism / post nation state, Silicon Valley, Slavoj Žižek, too big to fail, Wolfgang Streeck, World Values Survey, Y Combinator

Unsurprisingly, one possible reaction to the uncertainty brought on by globalization is the return of barricades as the desired borders for people and states. In Jowitt’s suggestive metaphor, “a barricade is a Roman Catholic marriage. You get married, you can’t get divorced.”7 It is exactly the transition from the disconnected world of the 1990s to the barricaded world emerging today that changes the performative role of democratic regimes. Democracy as a regime-type that favors the emancipation of minorities (gay parades, women’s marches, affirmative action policies) is supplanted by a political regime that empowers the prejudices of majorities. And it is the political shock caused by the flow of refugees and migrants that is the driving force of the transformation. A study by London’s Demos think tank, long prior to Brexit and Donald Trump’s presidential victory, showed that opposition to liberal migration policies is the defining characteristic of those supporters of right-wing populist parties8.

pages: 397 words: 109,631

Mindware: Tools for Smart Thinking by Richard E. Nisbett

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, availability heuristic, big-box store, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, cognitive dissonance, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, cosmological constant, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, endowment effect, experimental subject, feminist movement, fixed income, fundamental attribution error, glass ceiling, Henri Poincaré, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Isaac Newton, job satisfaction, Kickstarter, lake wobegon effect, libertarian paternalism, longitudinal study, loss aversion, low skilled workers, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, quantitative easing, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, selection bias, Shai Danziger, Socratic dialogue, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, William of Occam, Zipcar

Chetty, Friedman, and Rockoff, “Measuring the Impacts of Teachers II: Teacher Value-Added and Student Outcomes in Adulthood.” 29. Fryer, “Financial Incentives and Student Achievement: Evidence from Randomized Trials.” 30. Fryer et al., “Enhancing the Efficacy of Teacher Incentives Through Loss Aversion: A Field Experiment.” 31. Kalev, Dobbin, and Kelley, “Best Practices or Best Guesses? Assessing the Efficacy of Corporate Affirmative Action and Diversity Policies.” 32. Ayres, “Fair Driving: Gender and Race Discrimination in Retail Car Negotiations.” 33. Zebrowitz, Reading Faces: Window to the Soul? 12. DON’T ASK, CAN’T TELL 1. Strack, Martin, and Stepper, “Inhibiting and Facilitating Conditions of the Human Smile: A Nonobtrusive Test of the Facial Feedback Hypothesis.” 2. Caspi and Elder, “Life Satisfaction in Old Age: Linking Social Psychology and History.” 3.

“Experimental Tests of the Endowment Effect and the Coase Theorem.” In Tastes for Endowment, Identity, and the Emotions, vol. 3 of The New Behavioral Economics, edited by E. L. Khalil, 119–42. International Library of Critical Writings in Economics. Cheltenham, U.K.: Elgar, 2009. Kalev, Alexandra, Frank Dobbin, and Erin Kelley. “Best Practices or Best Guesses? Assessing the Efficacy of Corporate Affirmative Action and Diversity Policies.” American Sociological Review 71 (2006): 589–617. Kamin, Leon J. “‘Attention-Like’ Processes in Classical Conditioning.” In Miami Symposium on the Prediction of Behavior: Aversive Stimulation, edited by M. R. Jones. Miami, FL: University of Miami Press, 1968. Karremans, Johan C., Wolfgang Stroebe, and Jasper Claus. “Beyond Vicary’s Fantasies: The Impact of Subliminal Priming and Brand Choice.”

The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling by Arlie Russell Hochschild

affirmative action, airline deregulation, call centre, cognitive dissonance, deskilling, Frederick Winslow Taylor, job satisfaction, late capitalism, longitudinal study, new economy, post-industrial society, profit motive, randomized controlled trial, telemarketer

It happens over and over again:' * When an airline commands a market monopoly, as it is likely to do when it is owned by a government, it does not need to compete for passengers by advertising friendly flight attendants. Many flight attendants told me that their counterparts on Lufthansa (the German national airlines) and even more on EI Al and Aeroflot (the Israeli and Russian national airlines) were notably lacking in assertive friendliness. t A black female flight attendant, who had been hired in the early 1970s when Delta faced an affirmative action suit, wondered aloud why blacks were not pictured in local Georgia advertising. She concluded: "They want that market, and that market doesn't include blacks. They go along with that." Although Delta's central offices are in Atlanta, which is predominantly black, few blacks worked for Delta in any capacity. 94 Public Life So the sexualized ad burdens the flight attendant with another task, beyond being unfailingly helpful and open to requests: she must respond to the sexual fantasies of passengers.

., Jr. 1972 "The mutable self: a.1 adaptation to accelerated socio-cultural change:' Et al. 3:3 -15. 1973 "Alternative institutions and the mutable self: an overview." Journal of Applied Behavioral Science 9: 369-380. Index Abrahamsson, Bengt, 225n.l (Ch. 5) Acting. See Deep acting; Method acting; Surface acting Action language, 203 Advertising, by airlines, 5, 91, 92 -95, 182 Aeroflot,93n Affective deviant, 214-215, 219. See also Inappropriate feelings Affirmative action, 93n. See also Delta Airlines, minority employment by Age: devaluation of, 127, 130, 180n; regulations, 124 Aggressiveness:,by bill collectors, 139, 145,146; and emotionallabor, 163, 164; gender differences in, 260n.12 Air California, 124 A irline Guide to Stewardess and Steward Careers(l979-1980),95-96,119 Airlines: advertising by, 5, 91,92-95, 182; appearance codes for flight attendants, 101-103, 126-127, 178n; competition among, 91-92, 117,124,125,129,185-186, 255n.I (Ch. 6); concentration among, 91, 256n.4 (Ch. 6); cooperation among, 92n; deregulation of, 91, 123, 255n.2 (Ch. 6); discount fares, 123-124, 124-125; government-owned, 93n; price wars by, 91; ran kings of, 6,13,94,117, 243n.2; service as focus of competition among, 91-93,117,125,129,130; speed-up by, 8n, 90, 94-95, 121-126,127,131.SeealsoFlight attendants; Union, flight attendants' Alcohol use, 99,101,131 Alexander,James,206n Alienation, 7, 243n.3.

pages: 452 words: 110,488

The Cheating Culture: Why More Americans Are Doing Wrong to Get Ahead by David Callahan

1960s counterculture, affirmative action, business cycle, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, David Brooks, deindustrialization, East Village, fixed income, forensic accounting, full employment, game design, greed is good, high batting average, housing crisis, illegal immigration, income inequality, job satisfaction, mandatory minimum, market fundamentalism, McMansion, microcredit, moral hazard, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, oil shock, old-boy network, plutocrats, Plutocrats, postindustrial economy, profit maximization, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ray Oldenburg, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, Thorstein Veblen, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, World Values Survey, young professional, zero-sum game

The only explanation to many observers in the Glass case was that the guy must have suffered from some kind of sociopathology, a view that Glass gives some credence to in his novel, which features a protagonist with an excessive desire to be loved. A more complicated set of motives has been imputed to Jayson Blair. These include not just psychological problems but drug addiction and alcoholism as well. Blair has said that all of these may have played a role. It's also been alleged that Blair got away with cheating because he was black and was coddled by a newspaper mindlessly committed to affirmative action. (An explanation that Blair has said is absurd.) Only a few postmortems of these journalistic scandals have focused on the most obvious possible motive for why young, ambitious professionals might take such big risks—to reap big rewards. Fabrications by journalists are nothing new nor are conflicts of interest in the media. But while there is no hard evidence that misconduct in journalism has increased in recent years, there are plenty of reasons to think that journalists are facing new pressures on their integrity that stem from a greater focus on the bottom line and bigger pay disparities.

Serious wealth-building efforts are needed to address a racial wealth gap that has left an estimated 60 percent of African American households with no assets or a negative net worth. Communities of color—historically marginalized in the political process—should also be the locus of new initiatives to foster civic education and participation. Jurisdictional boundaries that isolate nonwhite urban communities from surrounding suburban areas must be redrawn. And affirmative action must continue until the day comes when leaders across all the nation's institutions have legitimacy in an America of tomorrow destined to look very different than that of today. A Different Bottom Line Far-reaching efforts to create a new social contract in America are only part of the solution to today's cheating epidemic. To crack the culture of cheating, we must reform business and leading professions through a combination of government pressure from the outside and change from the inside.

pages: 124 words: 39,011

Beyond Outrage: Expanded Edition: What Has Gone Wrong With Our Economy and Our Democracy, and How to Fix It by Robert B. Reich

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, banking crisis, business cycle, carried interest, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, job automation, Mahatma Gandhi, minimum wage unemployment, money market fund, Nelson Mandela, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special drawing rights, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game

Rockefeller established philanthropic institutions that survive today. But a large portion of charitable deductions claimed by the wealthy go not to the poor. They go to culture palaces—operas, art museums, symphonies, and theaters—where the wealthy spend much of their leisure time, and to the universities they once attended and expect their children to attend (perhaps with the added inducement of knowing that these schools often practice affirmative action for “legacies”). I’m all in favor of supporting the arts and our universities, but let’s face it: These aren’t really charities, as most people understand the term. They’re often investments in the lifestyles the wealthy already enjoy and want their children to have too. They’re also investments in prestige—especially if they result in the family name being engraved on the new wing of an art museum or symphony hall.

pages: 128 words: 38,187

The New Prophets of Capital by Nicole Aschoff

3D printing, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, American Legislative Exchange Council, basic income, Bretton Woods, clean water, collective bargaining, commoditize, crony capitalism, feminist movement, follow your passion, Food sovereignty, glass ceiling, global supply chain, global value chain, helicopter parent, hiring and firing, income inequality, Khan Academy, late capitalism, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, means of production, performance metric, post-work, profit motive, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, school vouchers, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Slavoj Žižek, structural adjustment programs, Tim Cook: Apple, urban renewal, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game

Framing the issue as “work-life balance”—as if the two were diametrically opposed—practically ensures work will lose out. Who would ever choose work over life?12 Women’s decisions to give up on their ambitions as adults are often the result of learned dispositions and habits acquired during childhood. But despite this socialization and its long-term effects, Sandberg doesn’t really believe in glass ceilings or see the need for affirmative action. She thinks the main force holding women back—at least educated women—is their own hang-ups and fears. Women don’t need favors, they just need to believe in themselves. “Fear is at the root of so many of the barriers that women face … Without fear, women can pursue professional success and personal fulfillment.”13 Deborah Gruenfeld calls Sandberg a post-feminist—a woman who believes that “when you blame someone else for keeping you back, you are accepting your powerlessness.”14 So how should women take power and the corner office?

pages: 122 words: 38,022

Kill All Normies: Online Culture Wars From 4Chan and Tumblr to Trump and the Alt-Right by Angela Nagle

4chan, A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, affirmative action, anti-communist, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, citizen journalism, crony capitalism, death of newspapers, Donald Trump, feminist movement, game design, Hacker Ethic, hive mind, Julian Assange, Kickstarter, mass immigration, moral panic, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, Occupy movement, open borders, post-industrial society, pre–internet, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, The Wisdom of Crowds, WikiLeaks

When asked if he considered himself connected to the alt-right, he said: ‘They’re much younger, they’re basically guys in their twenties and thirties. Some people I know walked out of it—they’re not into Sieg Heil, they’re not into this stuff… the media loves this stuff, they can’t get enough of it.’ The conservative culture war of the 90s had tried to push back against the enormous gains of the cultural left over abortion, affirmative action, art, censorship, evolution, family values, feminism, pornography and the Western canon. Buchanan’s style was more pugilistic than most of the Republican mainstream was willing to risk and his culture war speech remains an undeniably brilliant piece of writing and oratory, as well as one of the most important speeches in US history. The speech was a defense of Ronald Reagan and, after losing the presidential nomination himself, a defense of the Republican nominee George Bush senior.

Fortunes of Change: The Rise of the Liberal Rich and the Remaking of America by David Callahan

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, American Legislative Exchange Council, automated trading system, Bernie Sanders, Bonfire of the Vanities, carbon footprint, carried interest, clean water, corporate social responsibility, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, Edward Thorp, financial deregulation, financial independence, global village, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, high net worth, income inequality, Irwin Jacobs: Qualcomm, Jeff Bezos, John Markoff, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, medical malpractice, mega-rich, Mitch Kapor, Naomi Klein, NetJets, new economy, offshore financial centre, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit maximization, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, Ralph Nader, Renaissance Technologies, Richard Florida, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, short selling, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, stem cell, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, unpaid internship, Upton Sinclair, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, working poor, World Values Survey

He kept up his attack during the 1960s, as some businesses moved in an even more liberal direction, heeding calls by President Lyndon B. Johnson to join the war on poverty with voluntary actions to lift up the poor and minorities. It would not be until the early 1970s that a real opening emerged for Friedman’s arguments. This period saw rising foreign competition, a falling U.S. stock market, and new regulations around the environment and consumer product safety. The 1970s also saw growing demands for corporate affirmative action for women and minorities. Thus it was that Friedman hit a nerve when he reprised key points of Capitalism and Freedom in a 1970 article in the New York Times Magazine titled “The Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits.” The article, which was widely read and discussed, took aim at the executives who claimed that “business is not concerned ‘merely’ with profit but also with promoting desirable c10.indd 216 5/11/10 6:25:46 AM the corporate liberal 217 ‘social’ ends; that business has a ‘social conscience’ and takes seriously its responsibilities for providing employment, eliminating discrimination, avoiding pollution and whatever else may be the catchwords of the contemporary crop of reformers.”

Almost nine in ten agree that they are motivated by public relations or profitability, or by both concern and business benefits in equal measure.”10 Findings like this might confirm the cynical view that CSR is a sham. On the other hand, evidence is everywhere of real change. Fifty years ago, top U.S. companies were pillars of an all-male, all-white power structure; today, many Fortune 500 companies embrace women’s and civil rights, at least in their official policies. Even as Republicans bashed affirmative action during the 1980s and the 1990s, corporate America moved in the opposite direction, and diversity emerged as a key goal in boardrooms. Something similar has been happening with gay rights during the last decade. Even as conservatives sounded the alarm about a growing acceptance of the “gay lifestyle,” most Fortune 500 companies moved to bar workplace discrimination based on sexual orientation.

pages: 397 words: 112,034

What's Next?: Unconventional Wisdom on the Future of the World Economy by David Hale, Lyric Hughes Hale

affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, Basel III, Berlin Wall, Black Swan, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, cognitive bias, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, debt deflation, declining real wages, deindustrialization, diversification, energy security, Erik Brynjolfsson, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial innovation, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, global village, high net worth, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, index fund, inflation targeting, information asymmetry, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Just-in-time delivery, Kenneth Rogoff, Long Term Capital Management, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Mikhail Gorbachev, money market fund, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, mortgage tax deduction, Network effects, new economy, Nicholas Carr, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, passive investing, payday loans, peak oil, Ponzi scheme, post-oil, price stability, private sector deleveraging, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, risk/return, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, technology bubble, The Great Moderation, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Tobin tax, too big to fail, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, Washington Consensus, Westphalian system, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce, yield curve

Nor can Congress directly overrule its regulations. President Obama can veto any GOP attempt to abolish the agency. Except for auto loans, the agency may regulate “abuses” in most financial products. However, as Congress should have learned from the credit card penalty fiasco, firms demand a reasonable rate of return. If forced to cut some fees, they will raise others. Finally, Dodd-Frank creates affirmative action offices in every regulatory agency. Discrimination was already illegal, but financial firms can expect a lot more paperwork, as well as implicit pressure to meet hiring quotas. Impact of the Midterm Elections By many standards, the November 2010 elections were historic; among other things, the Republican Party not only recaptured the US House of Representatives, they won their biggest majority in more than half a century.

He was Global Head of Advertising for UBS Bank, Head of Corporate Brands for Zurich Financial Services, and Head of Corporate Communications for Westpac Financial Services. He also founded his own marketing company. His upcoming book, The Big Mo (to be published in 2011), focuses on the increasing influence of large-scale momentum on our world. INDEX Abe, Shinzo, 105 Abedian, Iraj, xxii addiction, 298 affirmative action, 267 Afghanistan, 204 Africa, xv African National Congress (ANC) Alliance, xxii–xxiii, 128, 135–136 African Union, 121 aging populations, 27–26, 258 agriculture, in Japan, 110–112; in South Africa, 130–131 Ahmadinejad, Mahmud, 207–208, 210–211, 214 AIG, 139–140 Al-Naimi, Ali I., 195 alternative energy, 40, 181, 190–191, 193–194 American Clean Energy and Security Act, 27 AMLO.

pages: 409 words: 118,448

An Extraordinary Time: The End of the Postwar Boom and the Return of the Ordinary Economy by Marc Levinson

affirmative action, airline deregulation, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, car-free, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, deindustrialization, endogenous growth, falling living standards, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Gilder, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, informal economy, intermodal, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, late capitalism, linear programming, manufacturing employment, new economy, Nixon shock, North Sea oil, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, pension reform, price stability, purchasing power parity, refrigerator car, Right to Buy, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, rolodex, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, statistical model, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Thomas Malthus, total factor productivity, unorthodox policies, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, Wolfgang Streeck, women in the workforce, working-age population, yield curve, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

Many factors influenced the development of the late twentieth century, from the worldwide movement for gender equity to an intense East-West confrontation that spawned proxy wars across the globe, from the revival of religious fundamentalism to the reunification of Europe following the collapse of the Iron Curtain in 1989. And, of course, every country had its unique political and social concerns. It is these—affirmative action in the United States, the battles over language and separatism in Canada and Spain, the re-establishment of democratic governments in Korea and across South America—that tend to fill the airwaves and the history books. Yet in a way that has generally gone unappreciated, these factors played out in the wake of sweeping changes that buffeted the global economy and left citizens anxious and ill at ease.

Believers in free markets had devoted years of patient investment to building an intellectual superstructure of think tanks and university research institutes to stand against the welfare state. Alongside it, starting in the 1960s, they had fostered a network of grassroots groups united by their resentment of various social and legal changes—busing of children to schools outside their neighborhoods to achieve racial integration; easier access to abortion; “affirmative action” policies to promote integration in the workplace; more widespread sex education in the schools—and committed to using the Republican Party as the vehicle to reverse those changes.26 But these concerns had not yet carried enough weight to swing US politics decisively to the right. In 1976, when Reagan became the conservatives’ spear carrier, a more traditionally moderate Republican president, Gerald Ford, managed to deny him the party’s presidential nomination.

A Concise History of Modern India (Cambridge Concise Histories) by Barbara D. Metcalf, Thomas R. Metcalf

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, commoditize, demand response, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, income inequality, joint-stock company, Khyber Pass, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, means of production, new economy, Silicon Valley, spice trade, telemarketer, trade route, upwardly mobile, urban planning

The increasing influence of the Hindu nationalist party, the Bharatiya Janata (Indian People’s) Party (BJP), fuelled further fears for India’s secular tradition and the vitality of a religiously plural Democratic India in the nineties 267 culture. The situation in Kashmir, unfinished business from the 1947 partition, became one of virtual civil war, and, like the stunning decision to test nuclear devices in 1998, meant that tensions with Pakistan continued. Class or caste tension was also evident from the start of the decade with protests against implementation of the Mandal Commission’s report in favour of additional affirmative action; and it continued with periodic episodes of violence against the lowest classes. Serious disabilities still faced women, with ‘dowry deaths’ the most flagrant sign of their lack of power. The unfavourable sex ratio in India, and in the subcontinent as a whole, was a more important clue to the differential health care and nutrition for girls and women characteristic of a society with continuing extreme poverty.

The report did not hesitate to blame the higher castes, who had ‘subjected the Democratic India in the nineties 275 rest to all manner of injustice’. By September 1990, Delhi was at a standstill as high- and low-caste groups across north India fought and demonstrated. There were even cases of upper- and middle-class students, shown in photographs flashed across the country, setting themselves ablaze in protest. The BJP withdrew its support from the government. They and other opponents argued, as do opponents of affirmative action in the United States, that such programmes fostered social divisions, failed to reward merit, and benefited only the better-off in the disadvantaged groups. In 1992 the Supreme Court upheld the legality of the commission report and the government moved to its implementation. The Mandal crisis coincided with a dramatic escalation on the part of the BJP, with its allied Vishva Hindu Parishad, the World Hindu Council, of their simmering demand to build a Ram temple at the precise site of a 1528 Mughal mosque in the north Indian town of Ayodhya.

Chasing the Moon: The People, the Politics, and the Promise That Launched America Into the Space Age by Robert Stone, Alan Andres

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, Charles Lindbergh, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, feminist movement, invention of the telephone, low earth orbit, more computing power than Apollo, New Journalism, Norman Mailer, operation paperclip, out of africa, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, the scientific method, traveling salesman, Works Progress Administration

More problematic was Wolfe’s nostalgic celebration of a faded code of masculine meritocracy, seemingly in reaction to 1970s advances in gender and racial equality. The Right Stuff was written while the U.S. Supreme Court was considering the most decisive affirmative-action case of the decade, while the Equal Rights Amendment was awaiting state ratification, and as the first classes of women were attending the U.S. Air Force, Coast Guard, Military, and Naval academies. At the book’s conclusion, Wolfe specifically signifies the twilight of the age of right stuff with Ed Dwight’s experience at Edwards, presenting his story as a misguided early attempt at government-enforced affirmative action. Released a year before the 1980 election of Ronald Reagan, The Right Stuff appealed to readers eager to remember an America when a president could inspire the nation to take on daunting challenges—even beating the Soviet Union in a race to the Moon.

Super Thinking: The Big Book of Mental Models by Gabriel Weinberg, Lauren McCann

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Albert Einstein, anti-pattern, Anton Chekhov, autonomous vehicles, bank run, barriers to entry, Bayesian statistics, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, Broken windows theory, business process, butterfly effect, Cal Newport, Clayton Christensen, cognitive dissonance, commoditize, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Attenborough, delayed gratification, deliberate practice, discounted cash flows, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Douglas Hofstadter, Edward Lorenz: Chaos theory, Edward Snowden, effective altruism, Elon Musk,, experimental subject, fear of failure, feminist movement, Filter Bubble, framing effect, friendly fire, fundamental attribution error, Gödel, Escher, Bach, hindsight bias, housing crisis, Ignaz Semmelweis: hand washing, illegal immigration, income inequality, information asymmetry, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, John Nash: game theory, lateral thinking, loss aversion, Louis Pasteur, Lyft, mail merge, Mark Zuckerberg, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Metcalfe’s law, Milgram experiment, minimum viable product, moral hazard, mutually assured destruction, Nash equilibrium, Network effects, nuclear winter, offshore financial centre, p-value, Parkinson's law, Paul Graham, peak oil, Peter Thiel, phenotype, Pierre-Simon Laplace, placebo effect, Potemkin village, prediction markets, premature optimization, price anchoring, principal–agent problem, publication bias, recommendation engine, remote working, replication crisis, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman: Challenger O-ring, Richard Thaler, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Metcalfe, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, school choice, Schrödinger's Cat, selection bias, Shai Danziger, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, speech recognition, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Steven Pinker, survivorship bias, The Present Situation in Quantum Mechanics, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, transaction costs, uber lyft, ultimatum game, uranium enrichment, urban planning, Vilfredo Pareto, wikimedia commons

Many current political debates around topics such as income inequality and affirmative action revolve around these different formulations of justice. Sometimes this distinction is framed as fair share versus fair play. For example, in the U.S., K–12 public education is freely available to all. Because of this educational access, some conclude that everyone has an equal opportunity to become successful. Others believe that the quality of public educational opportunities differs widely depending on where you live, and that education itself doesn’t grant access to the best advancement opportunities, which often come through family and social connections. From this latter perspective, fair play doesn’t really exist, and so there needs to be some corrections to achieve a more fair share, such as affirmative action or similar policies. As Martin Luther King Jr. put it in a May 8, 1967, interview with NBC News: “It’s all right to tell a man to lift himself by his own bootstraps, but it is a cruel jest to say to a bootless man that he ought to lift himself by his own bootstraps.”

pages: 387 words: 120,092

The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge by Ilan Pappe

affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, double helix, facts on the ground, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, mass immigration, Nelson Mandela, New Journalism, one-state solution, postnationalism / post nation state, stem cell, urban planning, Yom Kippur War

Thus a department of history was asked to give voice to multiple historical narratives that had been ignored or misrepresented in the past by the hegemonic white American narrative. Hispanic, gender, African American, and gay histories were now offered, along with similar perspectives on culture, literature and other fields of inquiry. At times the debate was regarded as a war, because in some circles it was held that for these points of view to be fairly represented in academia, members of those very groups were the best candidates to put them across. Affirmative action and positive discrimination were sometimes the solution. Lawsuits, the disintegration of departments, and the sacking of staff members were the more extreme manifestations of this discussion. But, as in any academic war, nobody died or was even wounded. Israeli academics tried to follow suit. They wished to represent the Palestinian, the Mizrachi, and the feminist sides of the story, to demand their introduction into the national narrative, and even to claim a place for them in the cultural canon.

Indeed, the only group in Israel that is better represented today than in the 1990s is women. Palestinians, Mizrachi Jews, and in particular Palestinian and Mizrachi women, constitute a mere fraction of the ten thousand or so members of staff in Israeli academia (less than one per cent for Palestinians, 9 per cent for Mizrachi Jews, and one per cent for Mizrachi women).39 For the Israel academic to be able even to experiment with what is called affirmative action – and I say ‘experiment’ because I am aware of the drawbacks of this technique – these scholars had to become activists against Zionism. For most of them, however, political activism did not go beyond writing articles or books. The price would have been too high. Demanding representation of other groups was thus a complex and risky endeavour. One could hide for a while behind politically correct jargon borrowed from the United States.

pages: 602 words: 120,848

Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer-And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class by Paul Pierson, Jacob S. Hacker

accounting loophole / creative accounting, active measures, affirmative action, asset allocation, barriers to entry, Bonfire of the Vanities, business climate, business cycle, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, desegregation, employer provided health coverage, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, fixed income, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, Howard Zinn, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, Martin Wolf, medical bankruptcy, moral hazard, Nate Silver, new economy, night-watchman state, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Powell Memorandum, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, union organizing, very high income, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce

Both moves were designed to make the party more electorally competitive, especially in the South. In this last ambition the DLC fell short. In that conservative region, Democrats would continue to cede ground to ascendant Republicans. In other respects, however, developments in the party more closely tracked the DLC blueprint—and by 1992 would emerge in full form in the “New Democrat” campaign of Bill Clinton. The party’s appeals began to mute aspects of cultural liberalism on guns, affirmative action, and crime, and took a tougher line on national defense. Proposals for welfare reform were structured to send a reassuring message to moderate voters about work and family. Yet the DLC’s reformation project was clearly as much or more about economics. Most of the group’s leaders had built careers on a business-friendly posture, and they pushed to make that stance more prominent in the Democratic Party.

., January 2010, 13 Ari Melber, “Year One of Organizing for America,” President Special Report (January 2010), 14 Michael Waldman, My Fellow Americans: The Most Important Speeches of American Presidents, From George Washington to George W. Bush (Naperville, IL: Sourcebooks, 2003), 106; Michael Sandel, “Obama and Civic Idealism,” Democracy 16 (Spring 2010): 10. Index Page numbers in italics refer to figures and tables. abortion, 145–46, 147, 179, 202, 235 Abramoff, Jack, 199 Adams, John, 77 advertising, 104, 105–6, 171, 176, 206, 251, 277, 283, 295 affirmative action, 181 AFL-CIO, 57, 97, 129, 140, 218, 276 agenda-setting, 123–26, 168–70, 179–80, 259–62, 268, 286–88 agribusiness, 280 agriculture, 84, 85, 108, 189, 246, 280 AIG, 261 airlines industry, 119, 184 air-traffic controllers strike (1981), 58–59, 186–87, 191 Alliance for Worker Retirement Security, 144 Almond, Gabriel, 144 Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT), 49–50, 215–18 Amar, Akhil, 76 amendments, constitutional, 86, 201, 266, 294 American Bankers Association, 124–25, 292 American Council for Capital Formation, 124–25 “American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality,” 150 American Enterprise Institute (AEI), 123 American Federation of Labor (AFL), 140 American Legion, 138, 143, 144 “American Option,” 266, 267, 302; see also DeMint, Jim American Petroleum Institute (API), 144, 274 American Political Science Association, 150 Americans for Financial Reform, 275, 285, 292 Americans for Limited Government, 284 Americans for Prosperity, 284 Americans for Tax Reform (ATR), 208, 209–10, 284 Americans with Disabilities Act (1990), 192 America’s Health Insurance Plans (AHIP), 275 antitrust regulation, 71, 80 approval ratings, 165, 258, 268, 282 Archey, William, 206 Armey, Dick, 190, 200, 201, 209, 210, 241, 283 Articles of Confederation, 297, 298–99 Association of State Democratic Chairs, 176 “Astroturf” organizations, 144, 274 Babbitt, Bruce, 181 Bai, Matt, 260 Balz, Daniel, 192 banking industry: bailouts of, 1–2, 71, 198, 226, 249–50, 254, 261 commercial, 69, 71, 197, 249–50, 275 deregulation of, 69, 185, 196, 197–98 government regulation of, 69, 71, 80, 185, 196, 197–98, 282 investment, 69, 71, 197, 229, 249–50 mortgages issued by, 2, 32–33, 197–98, 216, 301 risk management by, 1–2, 44, 45–46, 115 tax reforms opposed by, 89 Bartels, Larry, 110–12, 151–52, 160, 167, 234 Bartlett, Bruce, 267 Baucus, Max, 238–39, 245, 260, 267, 268, 273–74 Bayh, Evan, 239 Beane, Billy, 234 Bear Stearns, 67, 70 Bebchuk, Lucian, 63, 64 Beck, Glenn, 284, 294, 339n Beilenson, Tony, 128 Bernanke, Ben, 34, 267 Berry, Jeffrey, 145, 146 Biden, Joseph, 260 Billings, Robert, Sr., 203 bipartisanship, 100, 183, 185, 186–88, 190, 191–93, 212, 219, 230–31, 233, 259–62, 267–68, 293–300 Blankfein Lloyd C., 1, 2 Bloomberg, Michael, 225, 256 boards of directors, 63–64, 65 Boehner, John, 275, 292, 294 Bogle, John, 63, 229 Bok, Derek, 141 bonuses, 2, 67, 70 Born, Brooksley, 198, 249 Boxer, Barbara, 240, 247 “bracket creep,” 187, 216 Bradley, Bill, 243 Brandeis, Louis, 80–81 Breaux, John, 6, 181, 183, 184, 239, 245 “Broadland,” 15, 17, 24–25, 25, 26, 194, 290 Brock, William, 172–73, 174, 175, 176, 265–66 Brokaw, Tom, 156 Broockman, David, 269 Brookings Institution, 123, 124 Brooks, David, 147 Browder, Earl, 67 Browder, William, 67 Brown, Scott, 282, 284, 287 Brownstein, Ronald, 192 Bryan, William Jennings, 170–71 Buckley, William F., Jr., 221–22 Buffett, Warren, 229, 249 Bush, George H.

pages: 482 words: 122,497

The Wrecking Crew: How Conservatives Rule by Thomas Frank

affirmative action, anti-communist, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, business cycle, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, edge city, financial deregulation, full employment, George Gilder, guest worker program, income inequality, invisible hand, job satisfaction, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage debt, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, new economy, P = NP, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Nader, rent control, Richard Florida, road to serfdom, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, stem cell, Telecommunications Act of 1996, the scientific method, too big to fail, union organizing, War on Poverty

Corruption was a subject conservatives thought they understood well; it suffused their every statement about politics; they simply located it somewhere else—in the liberal state, whose very existence they knew to be a rigged game in which powerful insiders advanced their own interests. Conservatives thought they could spot bullshit a mile away; they saw lies and theft and even extortion in every bit of liberal legislation; and they were champion accusers, charging their enemies with corruption almost as a matter of course. Bribery? Well, the wingers would demand, what do you call all the subsidies and welfare and food stamps and affirmative action and Social Security benefits that flow from Uncle Sam to the “special interests” who keep returning these damned liberals to Congress? Self-aggrandizement? How about the vast army of bureaucrats and Washington “experts” whose only concern is to grab more power for themselves, to exert control over every little aspect of the economy? Theft? Isn’t that just a synonym for income tax? And isn’t waste a synonym for all the idiotic pork-barrel projects on which they blow our money?

But in 1997, when Gingrich gave up his confrontational stance against President Clinton and decided to give a balanced budget priority over tax cuts, a large chunk of the conservative movement joined the rebellion against him. “Who is the most powerful liberal in American politics?” wrote Pete King, a Republican congressman from New York, referring to Gingrich. He has prevented the Republican majority in Congress from addressing affirmative action and race-based quotas. He has forced congressional Republicans to shelve their drive to defund the National Endowment for the Arts. He has stood firm against tax cuts. He is a confidant of Jesse Jackson’s. He is a pal to Alec Baldwin. He is a cheerleader for bipartisan cooperation at any cost and a pious opponent of the unspeakable horrors of harsh partisan rhetoric. Peter King, “Why I Oppose Newt,” Weekly Standard, March 31, 1997.

pages: 484 words: 131,168

The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart by Bill Bishop, Robert G. Cushing

"Robert Solow", 1960s counterculture, affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, assortative mating, big-box store, blue-collar work, Cass Sunstein, citizen journalism, cognitive dissonance, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, immigration reform, income inequality, industrial cluster, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, longitudinal study, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, music of the spheres, New Urbanism, post-industrial society, post-materialism, Ralph Nader, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, stem cell, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, War on Poverty, white flight, World Values Survey

In 2005, David Schkade and Cass Sunstein recruited sixty-three Colorado citizens ages twenty to seventy-five, half from Boulder and half from Colorado Springs.13 In 2004, 67 percent of the people in Boulder County had voted for John Kerry. In the same election, 67 percent of the people in El Paso County (Colorado Springs) had voted for George W. Bush. Schkade and Sunstein screened participants—in order to pick liberals from Boulder and conservatives from Colorado Springs—and then measured the individual opinions of these citizens about three issues: global warming, gay marriage, and affirmative action. True to form, the Boulder citizens were initially more liberal on these issues than the participants from Colorado Springs. Schkade and Sunstein then divided the citizens from the two cities into batches of six—making ten groups, five from each city. The groups were then asked to discuss the three issues, to deliberate, and then to come to a consensus on the same questions each participant had been asked individually.

The creation of these arbitrary groups quickly resulted in the most base kind of discrimination, students were excluded from play because of their eye color, and blue-eyed students asserted their superiority over brown-eyed students. Descriptions and videos of Elliott's experiment can be found at [back] *** * Schkade and Sunstein assigned a simple ten-point scale (ranging from very strongly agree to very strongly disagree) that participants marked in answering three questions, one each about affirmative action, global warming, and gay marriage. The difference between the answers given by the individuals from Colorado Springs and those given by the individuals from Boulder averaged 4.59 points before deliberation After deliberation, the difference between the groups had grown to 6.24. [back] *** * GIuckman quoted T S. Eliot's observation on the need for overlapping and conflicting connections "Indeed, the more the better so that everyone should be an ally of everyone else in some respects, and an opponent in several others, and no one conflict, envy or fear will predominate" (quoted in Gluckman, Custom and Conflict in Africa, p 2).

pages: 397 words: 121,211

Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960-2010 by Charles Murray

affirmative action, assortative mating, blue-collar work, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate governance, David Brooks,, feminist movement, George Gilder, Haight Ashbury, happiness index / gross national happiness, helicopter parent, illegal immigration, income inequality, job satisfaction, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, Menlo Park, new economy, Ralph Nader, Richard Florida, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Unsafe at Any Speed, War on Poverty, working-age population, young professional

The opening of elite schools to the academically talented of all backgrounds was not accompanied by socioeconomic democratization of those schools. On the surface, it looked as if things had changed. The proportion of students coming from socially prominent families dropped. The proportion that came from exclusive prep schools dropped. The de facto quotas on the number of Jews who would be admitted were dropped. Affirmative action increased the representation of African Americans and Latinos on elite campuses. The numbers of Asian American students increased manyfold through the force of their superb credentials.15 But despite these changes, the student bodies of the elite schools were still drawn overwhelmingly from the upper-middle class. According to sociologist Joseph Soares’s analysis in The Power of Privilege, consistent with other such analyses, 79 percent of students at “Tier 1” colleges as of the 1990s came from families in the top quartile of socioeconomic status, while only 2 percent came from the bottom quartile.16 For Soares, these numbers are evidence of obvious bias against the most able students who are not from the upper-middle class and above.

This finding goes back to the famous Coleman Report in the 1960s.29 Scholars still debate whether additional years of education are associated with increments in general mental ability or just increments in test scores, but no one contends that education routinely transforms average children into intellectually gifted adults. The result is that each level of educational attainment—high school diploma, AA, BA, MA, and professional degree or PhD—implies a mean IQ for people attaining that level that has been remarkably stable among whites at least since the beginning of the 1980s. I must limit the numbers to whites as I present these data, because aggressive affirmative action has produced means for African Americans and Latinos at each level of educational attainment that are substantially lower and more variable than the white means.30 But since we are talking about the new upper class, there are good reasons to think in terms of the white means—partly because African Americans and Latinos who enter the new upper class have passed a number of career tests signifying that they approximate the white means on cognitive ability for each level of educational attainment, and partly because the new upper class is still overwhelmingly white.31 Table 2.1 shows the evidence for these stable means.

pages: 443 words: 125,510

The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities by John J. Mearsheimer

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Ayatollah Khomeini, Cass Sunstein, Chelsea Manning, Clive Stafford Smith, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, global village, Gunnar Myrdal, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, liberal world order, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, Peace of Westphalia, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, Steven Pinker, Ted Kaczynski, Thomas L Friedman, transaction costs

How do we distinguish between right and wrong? All of these questions deal with first principles: the essential guidance for how we think and act. To put the questions in more concrete terms: What does reason tell us about which religion, if any, provides the true guide to how we should lead our daily lives? Can we reason our way to the ideal political system? Can our critical faculties resolve debates about abortion, affirmative action, or capital punishment? Can they settle conflicts between individual rights, such as when one person’s freedom of speech clashes with another’s right to privacy? What does reason say about whether we should treat outsiders differently from members of our own society, or when it is permissible to make war on other countries? These are just a few of the many questions related to how societies should be organized and how their members should behave.

Thus it is hard to believe, given the limits of our critical faculties, that there can be anything close to universal agreement on whether rights are inalienable, what they should be, and which ones should take precedence. There is a fundamental disagreement between modus vivendi and progressive liberals over whether individuals have a right to equal opportunity, and over positive rights more generally. Well-informed, well-meaning citizens disagree profoundly over whether there is a right to abortion or to affirmative action. These are matters that deal with the good life, and they show that we should not expect reason to provide collective truths. To take this a step further, placing rights at the core of any political system is tantamount to saying that the best political order is a liberal one. It is difficult to imagine how it is possible to privilege rights in the absence of a liberal or at least quasi-liberal state.

pages: 424 words: 119,679

It's Better Than It Looks: Reasons for Optimism in an Age of Fear by Gregg Easterbrook

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, air freight, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, coronavirus, David Brooks, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Exxon Valdez, factory automation, failed state, full employment, Gini coefficient, Google Earth, Home mortgage interest deduction, hydraulic fracturing, Hyperloop, illegal immigration, impulse control, income inequality, Indoor air pollution, interchangeable parts, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, labor-force participation, liberal capitalism, longitudinal study, Lyft, mandatory minimum, manufacturing employment, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, obamacare, oil shale / tar sands, Paul Samuelson, peak oil, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, post scarcity, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, self-driving car, short selling, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Slavoj Žižek, South China Sea, Steve Wozniak, Steven Pinker, supervolcano, The Chicago School, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, the scientific method, There's no reason for any individual to have a computer in his home - Ken Olsen, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, uber lyft, universal basic income, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, working poor, Works Progress Administration

In the United States, slavery and then Jim Crow laws, as well as atrocities against Native Americans, along with violation of treaties they signed and the Senate ratified; British, Spanish, Portuguese, and Dutch participation in the slave trade; British, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Belgian, and Dutch colonial oppression. Many other democratic nations and cultures have committed grave offenses. Contemporary Americans tend to think of slavery as a moral outrage that was corrected by the Thirteenth Amendment and of segregation as a political outrage that was corrected by civil rights legislation and affirmative action. As the writer Ta-Nehisi Coates has noted, slavery and segregation also were economic institutions, and these legacies are far from corrected. “The ghettoes of America are the direct result of decades of public-policy decisions: the redlining of real-estate zoning maps, the expanded authority given to prosecutors, the increased funding given to prisons,” Coates wrote in 2017. Until 1968, real estate redlining was not something shameful the Federal Housing Authority did in secret but formal FHA policy that was instrumental in shifting net worth from African Americans to whites.

At face value, it can seem absurd that anyone would covet victimhood. But if being perceived as a victim leads to benefits, there may be a logic to desiring this station. After all, schools were teaching that society abuses all who lack wealth, so why shouldn’t whites, the majority of whom are not wealthy, be seen as victims? Schools and employers were granting special treatment to favored groups through affirmative action and other programs—why shouldn’t whites seek special treatment? Perhaps the swearing-in of the first African American president allowed American whites to begin to think of themselves as, for the first time, on the short end of the stick. In the hands of the white majority, the notion of victimhood has proven powerful, simply because, in the United States and United Kingdom, there are more whites than other types of people combined.

pages: 497 words: 123,778

The People vs. Democracy: Why Our Freedom Is in Danger and How to Save It by Yascha Mounk

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrew Keen, basic income, battle of ideas, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, cognitive bias, conceptual framework, David Brooks, deindustrialization, demographic transition, desegregation, Donald Trump,, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, German hyperinflation, gig economy, Gini coefficient, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, income inequality, invention of the printing press, invention of the steam engine, investor state dispute settlement, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, land value tax, low skilled workers, Lyft, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, mortgage tax deduction, Naomi Klein, new economy, offshore financial centre, open borders, Parag Khanna, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, price stability, ride hailing / ride sharing, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, secular stagnation, sharing economy, Thomas L Friedman, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

The backlash soon took political form. Californians gave a big victory to a governor who staked his reelection campaign on strident anti-immigration rhetoric. Taking advantage of the state’s highly democratic constitution, which allows for popular referenda on a large range of issues, they then excluded undocumented immigrants from public benefits; forbade public universities from practicing affirmative action; and banned bilingual education in schools.57 At the time, observers were understandably worried about the future of race relations in California. But in the 2000s and 2010s, the fever somehow broke. Most Californians grew comfortable with the fact that high levels of immigration were a part of the local experience, and that the state had become “majority minority.” As a result, the state is now known as one of the most tolerant in the country.

I could not have written this book without the strength she gives me. Had I not met her, I would not begin to understand just how rich life becomes when you decide to enmesh your happiness with that of the person you love. Index Abortion, 71 Absolute income mobility, 154–155 Absolute monarchy, 13, 54 Accountability, 69, 95, 125, 241–242 Activists, 143, 150, 187–189, 238 Adams, John, 56–57 Addicting Info, 241 Affirmative action, 178 African Americans, 142, 206; and civil rights movement, 70, 207–209; cultural appropriation by, 204; in Estonia, 176; segregation of, 70–71, 200, 202, 208, 211–212; and slavery, 169, 199–200; Trump’s attitude toward, 192 Africans: cell phone use by, 147–148; as migrants, 176 Agriculture, 91, 222 Agrippinus, 263–265 Aid to Families with Dependent Children, 218 Akron, Ohio, 192 Alabama, 209 Alessi, Christopher, 68 Algeria, 109 Allason, Rupert, 78–79 Allport, Gordon, 171 Alternative for Germany, 48–51, 166, 170 America First, 42, 201 American Association of Retired Persons, 77 American Idol, 58 Americanism, 42 American Renaissance, 145 American Revolution, 195, 247 Anderson, Benedict, 210 Ankara, Turkey, 7 Anti-Semitism, 129, 240 Anton, Michael, 174 Apple, 224 Arab Spring, 142, 149 Arcadia County, WI, 173 Argentina, 4 Aristocracy, 57 Aristotle, 162 Armenians, 209 Ascriptive identity, 214, 233 Asian Americans, 169, 199–200, 206 Assembly, freedom of, 127 Association, freedom of, 26–27 Athens, Greece, 7, 243; ancient, 13, 56–57, 151, 161–162, 253 Atlantic, 142 Austerity measures, 11–12 Australia, 2, 123; attitude toward democracy, 106–107; political radicalism of youth, 121; populism in, 7; support for authoritarian leader, 112; support for military rule, 111 Austria: elections in, 42, 188; immigration in, 166; Nazi past, 114; populism in, 2, 33, 42, 122, 166, 188; youth vote, 122 Austrians, 163 Austro-Hungarian Empire, 163, 195 Authoritarianism, 32, 73, 104–105, 113, 146; American attitude toward, 5, 108–112; and civic education, 245; competitive, 93; and elections, 111–113; in Hungary, 2, 252, 254, 257; increasing openness toward, 108–112, 120, 123–124; in India, 188–189, 256–257; in Philippines, 254, 256; in Poland, 2, 128, 188–189, 252, 254–257; and populism, 51, 190, 236, 252–257; in Russia, 2, 35, 188; in South Korea, 185, 255; support for, 5, 112; and Trump as authoritarian leader, 2, 31, 188–189, 200, 254, 257, 260–261; in Turkey, 2, 35, 186, 188, 198, 255–257; in Venezuela, 35, 188, 255 Autocracies.

pages: 433 words: 125,031

Brazillionaires: The Godfathers of Modern Brazil by Alex Cuadros

affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, big-box store, BRICs,