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pages: 152 words: 40,733

A Few Red Drops: The Chicago Race Riot of 1919 by Claire Hartfield

desegregation, Ferguson, Missouri, indoor plumbing, new economy, Ralph Waldo Emerson, refrigerator car, strikebreaker, union organizing

Cayton was clear: “I’d break a strike to get a decent job.” As trainload after trainload of black strikebreakers from the South rolled into the Stock Yard, they were met with violent anger. At regular intervals along the way, white strikers and their families stood along the train route and heaved barrages of stones and bricks. The strikers were consumed with hatred—not limited to strikebreakers but directed at blacks as a race. Strikebreakers were safe inside the Yard, but those who journeyed beyond the Great Gate at day’s end walked into danger. Mobs of strikers massed for attack, usually launching a hail of stones followed by a melee of fists and kicks. White strikebreakers were sometimes attacked, but blacks were the focus of the most vicious fury. Three black strikebreakers watching a baseball game in a vacant lot caught the attention of a Packingtown mob and were quickly engulfed in a swirl of raging humanity.

According to the Tribune, men and women, Greeks, Italians, Poles, and Scandinavians signed up to fill in. A crowd that included many children during the 1904 Union Stock Yard strike. The rocks on the ground might have been used later against the strikebreakers. Strikers idled in bars around the Yard, staring out the window at the steady stream of men and women the packers were bringing in. It started with local residents. A few days later, trainloads of out-of-towners were being deposited at the Great Gate of the Union Stock Yard. Many had the familiar look of newly arrived immigrants. Most visible, and most upsetting to the strikers, were the groups of blacks up from the South. The stories of the black strikebreakers died with the men who lived them, never recorded for future generations. But their decision to answer the packers’ call might have been based on thinking like Howard Cayton’s.

A bride who received money pinned to her wedding dress in the Polish tradition was reported to have regifted it to the strikers’ relief fund. Stories like this were everywhere. Police escorted strikebreakers to the packinghouses during the strike. Still, as the strike wore on, food and money were running out. Some days more than six hundred families stood in line for a handout of rice, oatmeal, potatoes, flour, and coffee, along with a little meat if there was any to be had. Some days, shelves at the commissary were bare long before day’s end, leaving hundreds to walk away with nothing. One woman wept as she cradled her nine-month-old infant, having just been told there was no milk to give her. Another family with eight children was reduced to living on crusts of bread for nearly a week. Packinghouse owners provided a male escort for women strikebreakers. As Labor Day rolled around, the strikers’ prospects looked dim.

pages: 497 words: 161,742

The Enemy Within by Seumas Milne

active measures, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Edward Snowden, Etonian, Fall of the Berlin Wall, invisible hand, Kickstarter, market fundamentalism, Mikhail Gorbachev, Naomi Klein, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, New Journalism, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, union organizing, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, éminence grise

Concentrating his efforts on the divided Midlands pit villages, the banker’s son set about organizing a network of disaffected and strikebreaking miners. Overcoming with cash and force of personality the suspicion that not surprisingly greeted his efforts, this bizarre Biggles-like figure travelled more than 35,000 miles in three months, crisscrossing the coalfields, holding secret meetings in pubs and hotels. Hart encouraged a spirit of clandestinity. He adopted the alias David Lawrence. John Liptrot, one of the main working miners’ organizers and litigants, took the name John Joseph. In extravagant patrician style, he entertained his coalfield protégés at his suite in Claridge’s Hotel in London. Gradually, linking up with active local strikebreakers – like the former market trader, Chris Butcher, glamorized by the media as Silver Birch – Hart put together around twenty-five cells of dissident miners to rally the back-to-work movement under the auspices of the National Working Miners’ Committee.

Once again, we were in a world where miners’ flying pickets were ‘storm troopers’ and ‘hit squads’ and their leaders’ tactics a ‘blitzkrieg’ (all terms used in the commentary on a Channel Four television documentary about the strike, When Britain Went to War, broadcast in 2004); where Arthur Scargill, not Margaret Thatcher, was to blame for the shutdown of the coal industry and the hardships of the miners (who bafflingly still elected and re-elected him); where the miners’ cause was ‘futile’ – but would nevertheless have surely been won if only the NUM leadership had called a national ballot or strikers had not fought running battles with strikebreakers and the police. It was the same story at the time of the twenty-fifth anniversary. From Thatcher’s close ally Norman Tebbit, who recalled the strike as a ‘war on democracy’, to the former Labour leader Neil Kinnock, who was still denouncing the miners’ leaders’ ‘madness’, to the BBC broadcaster Andrew Marr, who blamed Scargill’s ‘incompetence’ for coal’s early demise, an Alice-in-Wonderland consensus stretched across the media mainstream.

In its breach of what had long been seen as the established rules of the political game, it went beyond even the propaganda, policing and industrial effort openly deployed by the government to destroy the country’s most powerful trade union. As far as the Thatcherite faction in the Cabinet and their supporters in the security services were concerned, the NUM under Scargill’s stewardship was the most serious domestic threat to state security in modern times. And they showed themselves prepared to encourage any and every method available – from the secret financing of strikebreakers to mass electronic surveillance, from the manipulation of agents provocateurs to attempts to ‘fit up’ miners’ officials – in order to undermine or discredit the union and its leaders. It is a record of the abuse of unaccountable power which would later return to haunt both those who pulled the strings and those who carried out the orders. A TWENTY-YEAR VENDETTA The secret war against the miners was the hidden counterpart to the open struggle by successive Tory governments against the NUM, a struggle which helped shape the course of British politics over two decades.

pages: 726 words: 210,048

Hard Landing by Thomas Petzinger, Thomas Petzinger Jr.

airline deregulation, buy and hold, centralized clearinghouse, Charles Lindbergh, collective bargaining, cross-subsidies, desegregation, Donald Trump, feminist movement, index card, low cost airline, low cost carrier, low skilled workers, Marshall McLuhan, means of production, mutually assured destruction, Network effects, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Ponzi scheme, postindustrial economy, price stability, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, the medium is the message, The Predators' Ball, Thomas L Friedman, union organizing, yield management, zero-sum game

Each of those intended scabs had to be convinced not to perform the job for which he had been hired. United was lodging the strikebreakers at two hotels near the company’s training center in Denver, where they had plenty of time on their hands. An ALPA leader named Jamie Lindsay (once described by ALPA’s international president as “a nuclear reactor without enough water”) led the countertraining effort. He ran union hospitality suites in the company’s hotels, right under Ferris’s nose. He arranged for carry-out pizza by the dozens and beer by the case for fraternal meetings with the intended scabs. Little was spared in the way of moral suasion and professional pressure. There was another element, more discreet, in the campaign to keep the newly hired pilots from crossing. Some of the pilots who had been hired to train the strikebreakers were themselves on strike—at Continental Airlines.

Byrne, WSJ, May 20, 1985; “Pilots Go on Strike at United,” by James Warren and Carol Jouzaitis, Chicago Tribune, May 17, 1985. 71. lodging the strikebreakers: ALPA’s countertraining operation in Denver was described in the Babbitt 8/26/94 interview and the Higgins 6/8/94 interview. 72. “nuclear reactor”: Babbitt 8/26/94 interview. 73. double agents: Higgins 6/8/94 interview. 74. Haas … expressed reservations: Zeeman 7/23/93 interview; Ferris 6/7/94 interview. 75. Six showed up: Byrne, WSJ, May 20, 1985. 76. 30 management pilots: Ibid. 77. Twenty-four-hour security: Ferris 5/27/93 interview. Ferris also described the acts of intimidation against strikebreakers. 78. “I am the chairman”: Quoted in “ ‘Friendly Skies’ Now Cloudy,” by Carol Jouzaitis and Gary Washburn, Chicago Tribune, June 23, 1985. 79.

“Flight attendants deal with everything on a more emotional, visible level,” Plaskett would explain. And as they cried still more, “It dawned on me: What was coming to the fore in their minds was, ‘I’m not worth what I’m paid.’… We’re telling them, ‘There’s someone out there who’s willing to do your job at half the price.’ ” In the end, as they watched the company training every secretary in corporate headquarters to act as a strikebreaker, flight attendants making $30,000 a year decided that they would stay on the job and allow American to hire future flight attendants at about $15,000 a year. With his b-scales firmly in place, Crandall in early 1984 began unleashing orders for hundreds of new airplanes. Pilots, mechanics, and flight attendants flooded into American. The Dallas hub added new spokes. Still more planes and more employees came aboard.

pages: 913 words: 299,770

A People's History of the United States by Howard Zinn

active measures, affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, American ideology, anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, death of newspapers, desegregation, equal pay for equal work, feminist movement, friendly fire, full employment, God and Mammon, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, jobless men, land reform, Mercator projection, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, very high income, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration

That same year, in New Orleans, forty-two union locals, with over twenty thousand members, mostly white but including some blacks (there was one black on the strike committee), called a general strike, involving half the population of the city. Work in New Orleans came to a stop. After three days—with strikebreakers brought in, martial law, and the threat of militia—the strike ended with a compromise, gaining hours and wages but without recognition of the unions as bargaining agents. The year 1892 saw strike struggles all over the country: besides the general strike in New Orleans and the coal miners’ strike in Tennessee, there was a railroad switchmen’s strike in Buffalo, New York, and a copper miners’ strike in Coeur d’Alene, Idaho. The Coeur d’Alene strike was marked by gun battles between strikers and strikebreakers, and many deaths. A newspaper account of July 11, 1892, reported: . . . The long-dreaded conflict between the forces of the strikers and the nonunion men who have taken their places has come at last.

There were dead on both sides. For the next several days the strikers were in command of the area. Now the state went into action: the governor brought in the militia, armed with the latest rifles and Gatling guns, to protect the import of strikebreakers. Strike leaders were charged with murder; 160 other strikers were tried for other crimes. All were acquitted by friendly juries. The entire Strike Committee was then arrested for treason against the state, but no jury would convict them. The strike held for four months, but the plant was producing steel with strikebreakers who were brought in, often in locked trains, not knowing their destination, not knowing a strike was on. The strikers, with no resources left, agreed to return to work, their leaders blacklisted. One reason for the defeat was that the strike was confined to Homestead, and other plants of Carnegie kept working.

The gunmen hired by the Rockefeller interests—the Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency—using Gatling guns and rifles, raided the tent colonies. The death list of miners grew, but they hung on, drove back an armored train in a gun battle, fought to keep out strikebreakers. With the miners resisting, refusing to give in, the mines not able to operate, the Colorado governor (referred to by a Rockefeller mine manager as “our little cowboy governor”) called out the National Guard, with the Rockefellers supplying the Guard’s wages. The miners at first thought the Guard was sent to protect them, and greeted its arrivals with flags and cheers. They soon found out the Guard was there to destroy the strike. The Guard brought strikebreakers in under cover of night, not telling them there was a strike. Guardsmen beat miners, arrested them by the hundreds, rode down with their horses parades of women in the streets of Trinidad, the central town in the area.

pages: 525 words: 153,356

The People: The Rise and Fall of the Working Class, 1910-2010 by Selina Todd

call centre, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, credit crunch, deindustrialization, deskilling, different worldview, Downton Abbey, financial independence, full employment, income inequality, longitudinal study, manufacturing employment, Neil Kinnock, New Urbanism, Red Clydeside, rent control, Right to Buy, rising living standards, sexual politics, strikebreaker, The Spirit Level, unemployed young men, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce, young professional

17 For people used to being treated as socially inferior, being honoured as patriots was a heady experience. Other working-class strikebreakers were hungry for work. In Bristol, eighteen-year-old Alf Canning, a bus conductor, stayed at work when others struck. His father, a labourer, was ‘non-union I suppose’ and told Alf to keep his head down. Alf’s seven brothers and sisters relied heavily on his wage, and in 1926 ‘if you had a job you was doing well’. With so many people desperate for work in Bristol, Alf and his colleagues ‘had to be careful in all ways; you could be victimized if they didn’t like the colour of your eyes.’18 In several cities, unemployed young men were among those who volunteered, primarily in order to earn a few shillings, though some of them also expressed a conservative patriotic fervour. In Glasgow strikebreakers included members of the Billy Boys, a violent Protestant street gang who provided protection for local Conservative Party meetings throughout the 1920s and 1930s.19 But most of the volunteers came from far more privileged backgrounds.

A generation of men and women would never lose that inspirational feeling that unity was strength, just as they would never forget the determination of a ‘democratic’ government to repress them. Little wonder that in many mining villages the strikebreakers of 1926 were still social pariahs decades later.42 One consequence was an increase in the working-class vote for Labour. Despite the lukewarm backing of the Labour front bench, local Labour Party branches had shown great solidarity with the strikers. Labour’s support had not increased in municipal elections since 1920. But in 1926, for the first time, Labour won control of several important municipal councils, including Glasgow and Sheffield.43 Alf Canning, the eighteen-year-old strikebreaker from Bristol, was among these new Labour supporters. Although he hadn’t joined the General Strike, he was influenced by the solidarity shown by the strikers and their trade unions, and by his own poor working conditions – long hours, shift work and being at the beck and call of managers who warned Alf that the dole queues were full of willing replacements.

Nancy and Pam [her older sisters], then in their early twenties, established a canteen in an old barn on the highway … in which they took alternate shifts serving tea, hot soup and sandwiches to the scabbing lorry-drivers. After lessons, Boud and I with our governess and Debo with Nanny would toil up the hill to help, Miranda [a pet lamb] strictly at heel in case a Bolshie should jump out of the hedge.23 Jessica’s sister Pam was accosted in the canteen she ran for strikebreakers by a filthy tramp … ‘Can I ’ave a cup o’ tea, miss?’ he leered at Pam, thrusting his dreadful face close to hers … ‘Can I ’ave a kiss, miss?’ and he put his arm round her waist. Pam, thoroughly terrified, let out a fearful shriek, and in her mad haste to get away from him fell and sprained her ankle. The tramp turned out to be Nancy [her sister] in disguise. All in all, we were rather sad when the General Strike came to an end and life returned to dull normalcy.24 Before the First World War, dressing up and imitating one’s servants and labourers had been integral to annual celebrations like Christmas and the Harvest Home, when upper-class employers might wait on their staff.25 Such rituals emphasized the bond of mutual obligation which ‘service’ was meant to define.

pages: 613 words: 151,140

No Such Thing as Society by Andy McSmith

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bob Geldof, Boris Johnson, British Empire, Brixton riot, call centre, cuban missile crisis, Etonian, F. W. de Klerk, Farzad Bazoft, feminist movement, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, full employment, glass ceiling, God and Mammon, greed is good, illegal immigration, index card, John Bercow, Kickstarter, liberal capitalism, light touch regulation, Live Aid, loadsamoney, long peace, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mortgage debt, mutually assured destruction, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, old-boy network, popular capitalism, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Rubik’s Cube, Sloane Ranger, South Sea Bubble, spread of share-ownership, strikebreaker, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban decay, Winter of Discontent, young professional

As discussed, Stella Rimington’s published memoirs confirm that MI5 was spying on Scargill, McGahey and Heathfield, but she claimed that all the information they forwarded to Margaret Thatcher was ‘carefully scrutinized’ to make sure that it was ‘properly within our remit’.32 Whether or not that remit included retaining an informant in NUM headquarters, she did not say, though when asked about Windsor, she replied: ‘It would be correct to say that he, Roger Windsor, was never an agent in any sense of the word that you can possibly imagine and that MI5 did not run agents in the NUM.’33 While the pictures of Roger Windsor consorting with Gaddafi were bad for the miners, something worse – far worse – followed two weeks later. In Wales, a small number of miners had filtered back to work, creating huge resentment among those still on strike. There, as in England, the resources of the state were liberally expended in protecting and encouraging strikebreakers and, allegedly, in acts of provocation. One miner’s wife was walking home in the dark in the little town of Abertillery, when a van pulled up ahead of her. ‘I could hear the voices of the men shouting “Slut, prostitute!” . . . When I got alongside the van, it was full of policemen,’34 she claimed. One strike-breaker was David Williams, from Rhymney, who worked at the Merthyr Tydfil coalfield six miles from his home. Each morning, a taxi called at his door and he was driven to work along the A465, accompanied by two police cars and a motorcycle outrider.

[M]en and women who in normal times rarely left their villages and valleys were rapidly becoming lay-experts in matters which had never before impinged on their lives. They were travelling vast distances day after day, discovering allies and enemies in the most unlikely places: friendly Hindu communities in Birmingham, hostile steelworkers in Newport; magnificently supportive farmers in the wilds of Dyfed and hostile city councillors in the chambers of Cardiff.15 No time was wasted bussing in police officers to protect the strike-breaking miners and make sure that they could get past the picket lines unhindered. The strike formally began on Monday, 5 March. By Wednesday, 3,000 police from seventeen forces were at the pitheads and other locations around the East Midlands. The government was not going to be taken by surprise as it had been in 1972, when 800 police officers assigned to keep the Saltley coke depot open faced the sudden appearance of 25,000 miners, organized by Scargill.

No great effort seems to have been put into finding the killer; Jones’s death merited one sentence in the minutes of the directors of the North Notts Mining Board.18 However, his funeral, on 23 March, attracted a procession half a mile long. Two days later, Ian Tarren, a twenty-five-year-old miner who had not joined the strike, hanged himself at home in Peterlee, County Durham, allegedly after being taunted for being a ‘scab’.19 Another strikebreaker, James Clay, committed suicide in June, allegedly after threats to his twelve-year-old daughter. Contrary to what is oft en claimed, the only miner recorded as having died on a picket line was Joe Green, a sixty-year-old miner who was crushed by an articulated lorry outside the Ferrybridge power station on 15 June, although two South Wales miners died in an accident on their way to a picket line.

pages: 326 words: 29,543

The Docks by Bill Sharpsteen

affirmative action, anti-communist, big-box store, collective bargaining, Google Earth, intermodal, inventory management, jitney, Just-in-time delivery, new economy, Panamax, place-making, Port of Oakland, post-Panamax, RAND corporation, refrigerator car, strikebreaker, women in the workforce

For a short time, at least, West Coast ports stayed relatively calm, a product of the solidarity that Bridges preached; the major docks shut down all along the West Coast because longshoremen refused to cross the picket lines. The one exception was San Pedro, where the employers hired thousands of strikebreakers—known as scabs—and formed their own union, the Longshoremen’s Mutual Protective Association of Los Angeles and Long Beach. Unwilling to recognize this latest company union as anything but a front for scabs, the thirteen hundred striking longshoremen at the two ports often became violent enforcers, doing what they could to prevent the strikebreakers from usurping their jobs. In some ways, it was incredibly well organized mayhem. Picket captains selected groups of five or six men to drive to a recruiting office run by the Merchants’ and Manufacturers’ Association in the Rosslyn Hotel in downtown Los Angeles.

According to Joe Stahl, a longshoreman (who had temporarily been a scab before joining the strike), “the longshoremen raided that big tent bull pen╯.╯.╯. ” but nothing was said about arson. Later union accounts further toned down the incident into one starting out as “a peaceful demonstration.” In any case, it is clear that a group of strikers, possibly as many as three hundred by the Times’ estimate, showed up where the scabs were staying. According to an article in the Nation, six hundred special cops and private strike-breaking guards showed up and attacked the strikers. Dick Parker, a twenty-year-old longshoreman who had joined the ILA only a few hours before, was shot through the chest by a guard, and Joe Stahl saw John Knudsen take a bullet as well. Ray Salcido, one of the first Mexicans to work on the docks, heard Parker say, “Ray, I’m shot,” and Salcido carried him out of the tent. Parker died there, while Knudsen died later of a perforated intestine.

Stories in the San Francisco Daily News depicted a morality play of sorts in which the longshoremen—most often referred to as rioters—received a suitable punishment for their attacks on the port and the police protecting it. More sympathetic, prolabor accounts characterized the strikers’ actions as purely defensive, even heroic, and described the cops as overly aggressive tools of the employers. The battle began early, at 8:00 a.m., after a Belt Line locomotive driven by strikebreakers shunted two refrigerator cars into the Matson docks at piers 30 and 32. According to the Daily News, the pickets—a crowd of about two thousand—protested this by setting two boxcars on fire. The police reacted with tear gas, vomiting gas, and gunfire. At one point, so much ammunition was released that workers on the construction site of the San Francisco–Oakland Bay Bridge had to run for cover lest they stop a stray bullet.

pages: 486 words: 150,849

Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America: A Recent History by Kurt Andersen

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, airport security, always be closing, American ideology, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, artificial general intelligence, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Bernie Sanders, blue-collar work, Bonfire of the Vanities, bonus culture, Burning Man, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, centre right, computer age, coronavirus, corporate governance, corporate raider, COVID-19, Covid-19, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, cryptocurrency, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, Erik Brynjolfsson, feminist movement, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, future of work, game design, George Gilder, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, High speed trading, hive mind, income inequality, industrial robot, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, jitney, Joan Didion, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, mass immigration, mass incarceration, Menlo Park, Naomi Klein, new economy, Norbert Wiener, Norman Mailer, obamacare, Peter Thiel, Picturephone, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-industrial society, Powell Memorandum, pre–internet, Ralph Nader, Right to Buy, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Seaside, Florida, Second Machine Age, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Future of Employment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, union organizing, universal basic income, Unsafe at Any Speed, urban planning, urban renewal, very high income, wage slave, Wall-E, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, working poor, young professional, éminence grise

Three years later, in 1938, the Supreme Court ruled that the Mackay Radio & Telegraph Company had broken that law after a strike by refusing specifically to rehire its organizers—but the court’s decision also said, in passing, that not only were companies free to hire replacement workers during strikes but that after a strike ended, companies were free to keep employing the strikebreakers. The strikers’ only right was to be rehired for any additional jobs that might open up soon. The logic of that Mackay Doctrine, that strikers aren’t technically fired if they’re replaced by scabs, is absurd. Despite that 1938 decision, the American norm that emerged out of the New Deal was that for companies to replace striking workers was unacceptably unfair—a norm that remained in force until its spectacular de facto repeal by Reagan during the air traffic controllers’ strike. In the years right after the 1981 strike, companies all over the country made and remade the point again and again—big strike, strikebreakers brought in, national press attention, strike continued and disastrously failed, unions dissolved or rendered impotent.

And the old Mackay Doctrine, which had sat on a back shelf for half a century, let them. One of the big American mining companies realized that the moment for good-old-days antiunion ferocity had returned: a year after a strike began in Arizona and the company replaced striking copper miners with strikebreakers, its workers all over the Southwest were persuaded to do away with their unions. A year after that the meat company Hormel demanded that its slaughterhouse workers take a one-quarter cut in wages that hadn’t gone up in almost a decade. Workers at a Minnesota plant went on strike, strikebreakers were hired, and most of the strikers never got their jobs back. International Paper had tripled its profits from 1985 to 1987—but as a recently public company, its 10 percent rate of profit wasn’t good enough anymore to satisfy the demands of shareholder supremacy, so its executives decided to end the company’s long history of worker-friendliness.

A large majority of the Post’s two thousand employees were those blue-collar guys, and a large majority of them were suddenly redundant. In 1975 the two hundred pressmen wouldn’t come to terms and went on strike, and the other blue-collar unions at the Post went on strike in solidarity, as unions are supposed to do. On their way out, some of the pressmen sabotaged some of the presses, a major strategic error. Quite a few of the nonunion strikebreakers whom management hired to replace the (white) strikers were black, a brilliant strategic decision. And absolutely key to how it played out was the behavior of the Post’s journalists. Just as the recent exposure of the secret Pentagon report on Vietnam and Nixon’s crimes had been game-changing work by journalists with the essential support of management, the crushing of the strike and pressmen’s union, also game-changing, was the work of management with the essential support of journalists.

pages: 502 words: 125,785

The Arsenal of Democracy: FDR, Detroit, and an Epic Quest to Arm an America at War by A. J. Baime

banking crisis, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, Ford paid five dollars a day, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, housing crisis, interchangeable parts, Louis Blériot, mass immigration, means of production, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker

Cars with license plates from states all over the Midwest thundered into the Rouge parking lot, carrying bruisers with baseball bats and iron rods. Harry Bennett was ready for them. The morning of the strike, union picketers barricaded the three main entrances leading in and out of the plant. Groups also blockaded tunnel-ways and railroad tracks. No one could come in or out. Inside the factory, Bennett organized a group of 2,500 black strikebreakers. They were armed with knives, hand-sharpened metal rods, and badges saying 100% FOR FORD. Bennett had promised them they would be “paid around the clock” if they refused to exit the Rouge. For months he had recruited aggressively among the black community for his Service Department. Two-thirds of the black laborers in Detroit worked for Henry Ford. Bennett sought out the largest men, armed them, and inflamed their rage against “whitey.”

With the climactic battle between Bennett and the unions at hand, the little man locked down in an office with his boss. “Mr. Ford wanted to fight the thing out,” Bennett later recalled. “He told me to arm everyone we had in the plant, and use tear gas if necessary.” Edsel was in Florida on a brief trip, trying to regain his health. He got word of the strike by phone and jumped on the first plane he could, bound for Detroit. As the sun went down, the 2,500 strikebreakers locked inside the Rouge began to grow hungry and terrified for their lives. Union men were hurling stones through windows. Bennett and Henry monitored the situation from afar. An executive named Mead Bricker showed up in a panic. People were brawling outside the Rouge gates, he panted. It was black against white, and entirely out of control. “Oh, don’t worry about that,” Henry said. “It isn’t rotten enough yet.

The Governor appeared overwhelmed. “Van Wagoner became very agitated,” according to Bennett, “and seemed incapable of coherent speech.” For ten full days the strike wore on, until the Governor brokered a settlement. Henry agreed to discussions with the United Auto Workers—to come to the negotiating table and nothing more. “We’ll bargain until hell freezes over,” said Bennett. “But they won’t get anything.” When the black strikebreakers left the Rouge under police protection, federal investigators headed in to survey the damage. The next morning Edsel awoke and heard on the radio that his father had caved to the UAW. Bennett had signed the contract, agreeing to all the union’s demands. It was over. Edsel was dumbfounded. He rushed to the Willow Run construction site to find Sorensen. “What in the world happened?” he asked.

Magical Urbanism: Latinos Reinvent the US City by Mike Davis

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, business cycle, clean water, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, desegregation, edge city, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Internet Archive, invisible hand, job automation, longitudinal study, manufacturing employment, market bubble, mass immigration, new economy, occupational segregation, postnationalism / post nation state, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, white picket fence, women in the workforce, working poor

Amnesty are living International agrees that "cruel, ment," of city Human in a 1999 visit to Tijuana, Rights Mary Robinson (the for- president of Ireland) expressed the United Nations' growing concern with the humanitarian The popular perception of crisis on the border.^^ a transnational police state along the border has been reinforced by President Zedillo's sweeping deployment of the Mexican army in open contempt of the tution to conduct arbitrary searches of civilians and way mount checkpoints. Mexican law was also violated in 1998 more than 100 elite "Special consti- high- when Forces" police were used to herd strikebreakers through picket lines at a Tijuana feeder plant for Hyundai Motors. The government's first strike by a genuinely iron-fisted response to the independent maquiladora union may prefigure a violent future for industrial relations along the border. In the neoliberal Utopia of the border economy capitalized Mexico's catastrophic national level of unemployment, wages bear little on real or no relationship to workers' productivity or their cost of living.

.)^ They migrated together - and artisans transformed into janitors ejido ac- in the Orange County. the Perez Bonillas, like Guanajuatenses in the United Dallas, accused of the and ethnic hatred wealthy, conservative suburbs of southern The Penuelases and in the case will a small Los Angeles a village of farmers mobile army of gardeners, and housekeepers - to San Clemente, the "Spanish Vil- FABRICATING THE "BROWN PERIL" lage by the Sea" founded by Seattle's strikebreaking 69 former mayor Ole Hanson in the early 1920s. Most Americans remember the home it of Dick Nixon's "Western White House." Elena Penuelas, who works as a maid, recalled her first view of the famous red-tiled roofs of ^tix-Spanish San Clemente: looked as like paradise . . . the seen." In the beginning, at least, the Anglos the quiet, diligent immigrants their babies' diapers "It most beautiful place any of us had ever who seemed welcome to cleaned their pools, changed and blow-dried mente High School, where haughty their lawns.

Rogue States by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, collective bargaining, colonial rule, creative destruction, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, deskilling, Edward Snowden, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, floating exchange rates, land reform, liberation theology, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, oil shock, RAND corporation, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, Tobin tax, union organizing, Washington Consensus

The latter right is technically upheld in the United States, though legal and administrative mechanisms ensure that it is increasingly observed in the breach. By the time the Reaganites had completed their work, the US was far enough off the spectrum so that the International Labor Organization, which rarely criticizes the powerful, issued a recommendation that the US conform to international standards, in response to an AFL-CIO complaint about strikebreaking by resort to “permanent replacement workers.”46 Apart from South Africa, no other industrial country tolerated these methods to ensure that Article 23 remains empty words; and with subsequent developments in South Africa, the US may stand in splendid isolation in this particular respect, though it has yet to achieve British standards, such as allowing employers to use selective pay increases to induce workers to reject union and collective bargaining rights.47 Reviewing some of the mechanisms used to render Article 23 inoperative, Business Week reported that from the early Reagan years, “US industry has conducted one of the most successful anti-union wars ever, illegally firing thousands of workers for exercising their rights to organize.”

The study was carried out under NAFTA rules in response to a complaint by telecommunications workers on illegal labor practices by Sprint. The complaint was upheld by the US National Labor Relations Board, which ordered trivial penalties after years of delay, the standard procedure. The NAFTA study, by Cornell University Labor economist Kate Bronfenbrenner, was authorized for release by Canada and Mexico, but delayed by the Clinton administration. It reveals a significant impact of NAFTA on strikebreaking. About half of union organizing efforts are disrupted by employer threats to transfer production abroad, for example, by placing signs reading “Mexico Transfer Job” in front of a plant where there is an organizing drive. The threats are not idle. When such organizing drives nevertheless succeed, employers close the plant in whole or in part at triple the pre-NAFTA rate (about 15 percent of the time).

He recently testified to the Senate Banking Committee on the miracle, which he attributed in part to “greater worker insecurity.”10 Workers are intimidated; they are afraid to ask for a living wage and benefits, and that’s a good thing. It makes Americans confident and smug, if you understand the word “Americans” correctly. The latest economic report of the president also takes great pride in the fairy-tale economy, which it attributes to “significant wage restraint” that results from “changes in labor market institutions and practices.”11 That translates into English as things like non-enforcement of laws on illegal strike-breaking, allowing permanent replacement workers—the US has been cited by the ILO for that, but nobody pays any attention. And there are other factors in the fairy tale. Caterpillar, the construction producer, won a major strike in Illinois, seriously harming one of the major unions, United Auto Workers. How did they do it? Well, by hiring permanent replacement workers, considered illegal in most of the world, and also by using the dazzling profits that they shared with their associates to construct excess capacity abroad, from which they could supply their markets even with the Caterpillar plants in Illinois on strike.

pages: 289

Hustle and Gig: Struggling and Surviving in the Sharing Economy by Alexandrea J. Ravenelle

"side hustle", active transport: walking or cycling, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Amazon Mechanical Turk, barriers to entry, basic income, Broken windows theory, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, cashless society, Clayton Christensen, clean water, collaborative consumption, collective bargaining, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, disruptive innovation, Downton Abbey, East Village, Erik Brynjolfsson, full employment, future of work, gig economy, Howard Zinn, income inequality, informal economy, job automation, low skilled workers, Lyft, minimum wage unemployment, Mitch Kapor, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, obamacare, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, passive income, peer-to-peer, peer-to-peer model, performance metric, precariat, rent control, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, TaskRabbit, telemarketer, the payments system, Tim Cook: Apple, transaction costs, Travis Kalanick, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, Uber and Lyft, Uber for X, uber lyft, ubercab, universal basic income, Upton Sinclair, urban planning, very high income, white flight, working poor, Zipcar

Before that, in September 1913, when eleven thousand immigrant workers for the Colorado Fuel and Iron Corporation, owned by the Rockefeller family, had gone on strike protesting low pay, dangerous conditions, and their almost feudal existence in the company-owned mining towns, they had been quickly turned out of their company-owned shacks. Assisted by the United Mine Workers Union, the workers took up residence in tents in the local hills and continued their strike, even as the Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency attacked with Gatling guns and rifles. Eventually the National Guard was sent in, its wages supplied by the Rockefellers. The guardsmen brought in strikebreakers (not telling them that there was a strike) and beat and arrested miners by the hundreds. They also utilized a “death special,” an improvised armored car that would periodically spray machine-gun fire. On April 20, 1914, in the mining town of Ludlow, two National Guard companies began a machine-gun attack on a tent colony of twelve hundred men, women, and children. While the miners fired back, the women and children dug pits below the tents to escape the gunfire.

Then, in 1938, President Roosevelt signed into law the Fair Labor Standards Act, which banned oppressive child labor, set the minimum hourly wage at twenty-five cents and the maximum workweek at forty-four hours (later shortened to forty hours under the Fair Labor Standards Amendments of 1966).23 The Wagner Act was challenged by steel corporations, but the Supreme Court found it to be constitutional on the basis of the federal government’s right to regulate interstate commerce, which was hurt by strikes. In 1936, rank-and-file workers developed the idea of a “sit-down” strike, where they sat down on the job and refused to leave. The sit-down made it harder for strikebreakers to be moved in, helped keep workers unified, and provided more pleasant conditions than marching outside. The sit-downs were especially popular: 477 such protests in 1937 alone.24 In these grassroots strikes, involving union leadership was often seen as an afterthought, and local unions were often not aware that a strike was brewing until one was well under way. As a result, corporations eventually embraced the Wagner Act as a way of controlling direct labor action.

See also class issues social media, 29–30, 52 social safety net, 94, 177, 180, 187 Social Security/Medicare taxes, 74, 94, 189, 191, 196, 233n52 Spotify, 30 spot market, 37 Sprig, 33 Standing, Guy, 37 Stansell, Christine, 68 start-up expenses, 2, 19, 19–20, 81, 222–23n64 start-ups, tracking of, 76 status: as gig economy worker, 32, 160–61, 180; as temporary workers, 180 Stevenson, Howard, 36 stigma, 32, 160–61 Stone, Pamela, 184 stopgap measures, 10 stratification of labor, 174–75, 186 street meat, defined, 229n27 strikebreakers, 68–69, 70 strikes: deregulation and, 178; during Great Depression, 70; in mining industry, 68–69; sit-down strikes, 70; in textile industry, 67, 224n12; train strikes, 68; Treaty of Detroit and, 177 Strivers: overview, 10–12; age issues, 62; Airbnb hosts, 132; Amy, 12–13; Ashley, 14–15; challenges of, 23, 25; hosts as, 166, 183; portable benefits plan, 202, 203; sharing economy problems and, 192–93; vulnerability of, 195; worker safety and, 100 Strugglers: overview, 10–12, 23; age issues, 62; Airbnb hosts, 132; Ashley, 14–15; challenges of, 23, 25; client response rates and, 84; Donald, 61–64; fear and, 11, 17; gig economy and, 15–18; hosts as, 166; Lyft case study, 2–3; middle-wage workers, 219n12; portable benefits plan, 202, 203; TaskRabbit case study, 1–2, 3–5; TaskRabbit worker, 1–2; Uber case study, 2–3; vulnerability of, 195; worker safety and, 100 student loan debt, 9, 62 StumbleUpon, 223n75 Success Stories: overview, 10–12, 23; age issues, 62; Amy, 12–13; appeal of, 11; challenges of, 23, 25; chefs as, 161–64; criminal activity and, 195; drivers as, 185; hosts as, 164–66, 183; middle-class living and, 39; portable benefits plan, 202; risks for, 18–19; Ryan, 19–21, 39; sharing economy problems and, 192–93; surplus of choices for, 156; Yosef, 131–32.

pages: 196 words: 57,974

Company: A Short History of a Revolutionary Idea by John Micklethwait, Adrian Wooldridge

affirmative action, barriers to entry, Bonfire of the Vanities, borderless world, business process, Charles Lindbergh, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, credit crunch, crony capitalism, double entry bookkeeping, Etonian, hiring and firing, industrial cluster, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, manufacturing employment, market bubble, mittelstand, new economy, North Sea oil, race to the bottom, railway mania, Ronald Coase, Silicon Valley, six sigma, South Sea Bubble, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, strikebreaker, The Nature of the Firm, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade route, transaction costs, tulip mania, wage slave, William Shockley: the traitorous eight

Carnegie cut the men’s wages—a decision that precipitated a strike and then a lockout. Frick duly built a three-mile-long stockade around the factory, complete with barbed wire, searchlights, and two hundred shooting holes for rifles. He also employed three hundred men from the Pinkerton detective agency to protect his strikebreakers. The workers won the first round, with the Pinkertons surrendering after a pitched battle, which claimed sixteen lives. But they lost the war. The governor sent in eight thousand state militia. Frick brought in strikebreakers, many of them blacks who were banned from joining the union, and smashed the strike. The Homestead strike, and the bloody Pullman strike of 1894, where the attorney general (a railroad shareholder, as it happened) intervened to declare that the American Railroad Union was “an illegal combination” under antitrust laws, showed the gulf between the power of capital and labor.

pages: 801 words: 209,348

Americana: A 400-Year History of American Capitalism by Bhu Srinivasan

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, American ideology, Apple II, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, bank run, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, Bob Noyce, Bonfire of the Vanities, British Empire, business cycle, buy and hold, California gold rush, Charles Lindbergh, collective bargaining, commoditize, corporate raider, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, diversification, diversified portfolio, Douglas Engelbart, financial innovation, fixed income, Ford paid five dollars a day, global supply chain, Gordon Gekko, Haight Ashbury, hypertext link, income inequality, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, John Markoff, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Kickstarter, laissez-faire capitalism, Louis Pasteur, Marc Andreessen, Menlo Park, mortgage debt, mutually assured destruction, Norman Mailer, oil rush, peer-to-peer,, popular electronics, profit motive, race to the bottom, refrigerator car, risk/return, Ronald Reagan, Sand Hill Road, self-driving car, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, strikebreaker, Ted Nelson, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the new new thing, The Predators' Ball, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transcontinental railway, traveling salesman, Upton Sinclair, Vannevar Bush, Works Progress Administration, zero-sum game

Rather than halting the spread of his men’s efforts to unionize, it spurred two unions, the United Metal Workers and the Knights of Labor, to enlist nearly all of his workers. Unable to come to terms with the unions, McCormick moved to temporarily shut down the entire factory, locking out his workers. Immediately McCormick set about looking for new men with whom to reopen the factory. With his strikebreakers, he reopened the factory with locked-out workers protesting outside. This maneuver, however, required escalated protection in the form of hundreds of Chicago policemen. Seeing the government firmly on the side of factory owners and property holders, the union men were vulnerable to the entreaties of the Anarchists and socialists who railed against the state. For radical political elements, the large pool of laborers served as a necessary proxy for their nascent political movements.

With these laborers being the intermediate layer between the market and the source, even days of stoppage would have quickly impacted both middle-class consumers and farmers as suppliers of grain and meat. The plan was to continue the action into Monday and beyond, forcing a full recognition of the eight-hour day throughout the nation. On Monday, May 3, the editor of Arbeiter-Zeitung, August Spies, spoke at a rally of Chicago’s lumbermen. His speech took place within a few hundred yards of the McCormick factory, which continued to operate with strikebreakers. A couple of hundred locked-out McCormick workers joined the crowd to hear Spies. As he spoke, the bells at the McCormick factory rang, signaling the end of the shift. The locked-out workers, frustrated after months of being out of work, took it as their moment for escalation. They rushed to confront the nonunion workers leaving work after their shift. The police guarding the facility opened fire.

After a couple of preliminary overtures were met with resistance, Frick started fortifying the facilities in preparation for either a lockout or a strike “behind 11-foot-high fences, with portholes just large enough for guns to stick through,” along with “giant searchlights of 2,000-candlepower.” As the expiration date loomed, Frick’s strategy appeared to be to secure his plant, lock out the workers, and bring strikebreaking workers into Homestead. But Homestead was more than just a factory—it was a town of twelve thousand people. Families lived there. Understanding that this reality heightened the sensitivity of his workers, Frick contracted for a small private army. When the local police were not up to the task or were unavailable, industrialists often called upon Robert Pinkerton to send his “Pinkertons.” For Frick, Pinkerton dispatched three hundred of his men.

pages: 446 words: 578

The end of history and the last man by Francis Fukuyama

affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, business cycle, centre right, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, European colonialism, Exxon Valdez, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, Isaac Newton, Joan Didion, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, kremlinology, land reform, liberal world order, liberation theology, life extension, linear programming, long peace, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, New Journalism, nuclear winter, old-boy network, open economy, post-industrial society, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Socratic dialogue, strikebreaker, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, zero-sum game

The anger that arises in job disputes seldom has to do with the absolute level of wages, but rather arises because management’s wage offer does not adequately “recognize” the dignity of the worker. And this explains why strikers feel much more intense anger at a strike-breaker than at the management itself. Even though the strike-breaker is nothing more than a tool of management, he is despised as an abject person whose own sense of dignity was overwhelmed by his desire for immediate economic gain. Unlike the other strikers, the strikebreaker’s desire won out over his thymos. We readily understand economic self-interest, but frequently ignore the way it is intimately bound up with thymotic self-assertion. Higher wages satisfy both the desire for material things of the desiring part of the soul, and the desire for recognition of the thymotic part.

pages: 489 words: 111,305

How the World Works by Noam Chomsky, Arthur Naiman, David Barsamian

affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, capital controls, clean water, corporate governance, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, glass ceiling, Howard Zinn, income inequality, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, land reform, liberation theology, Monroe Doctrine, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, transfer pricing, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor

This happened in part when the US began its postwar task of undermining the antifascist resistance and the labor movement became an important target. In France, the threat of the political power and influence of the labor movement was enhanced by its steps to impede the flow of arms to French forces seeking to reconquer their former colony of Vietnam with US aid. So the CIA undertook to weaken and split the French labor movement—with the aid of top American labor leaders, who were quite proud of their role. The task required strikebreakers and goons. There was an obvious supplier: the Mafia. Of course, they didn’t take on this work just for the fun of it—they wanted a return for their efforts. And it was given to them: They were authorized to reestablish the heroin racket that had been suppressed by the fascist governments, the famous “French connection” that dominated the drug trade until the 1960s. By then, the center of the drug trade had shifted to Indochina, particularly Laos and Thailand.

The Webb story is fundamentally correct, but the fact that the CIA has been involved in drugrunning has been well-known since Al McCoy’s work 25 years ago [in books like The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade]. It started right after the Second World War. You can follow the trail through the French connection in Marseilles (a consequence of CIA efforts to undermine unions by reconstituting the Mafia for strikebreaking and disruption), to the Golden Triangle in Laos and Burma, and on to Afghanistan, etc. Bob Parry and Brian Barger exposed a lot of the story ten years ago. Their evidence was correct, but they were shut up very quickly. Webb’s contribution was to trace some of the details and discover that cocaine got into the ghettos by a particular pathway. When the CIA says they didn’t know anything about it, I assume they’re right.

decline of in the media New Deal-style libertarian society, impossibility of designing libraries Libya Lies of Our Times Likud Lincoln, Edward “linkage,” Lippmann, Walter Little Rock economic conference living standards, US foreign policy and Lockheed Lombard League (Spain) Long, Huey Lorenzo, Frank Los Angeles National Defense Highway System South Central Lula Luxemburg, Rosa Lyons, Louis M. MacNeil-Lehrer News Hour Madison, James Maechling, Charles Mafia CIA connection to as strikebreakers magic answer Mahdi, Ali “major surgery,” Making of the English Working Class malnutrition among children in US “managed” health care Mandate for Change Manifest Destiny Manufacturing Consent on Cambodia dedication to Carey film on five news filters on social purpose of media manufacturing dissent maquiladoras Marcos, Ferdinand marijuana Marines (US) “market discipline,” market system, deaths due to “market theory, really existing,” Markusen, Ann Marseilles Marshall Plan Martin Marietta Marxism as Chomsky’s childhood reading “class” seen as Marxist raving critique of Lenin Jefferson and Dewey as Marxists mainstream left Marxist analysis of racism Republican use of rhetoric systemic questions and traditional “vulgar, inverted,” Marxist priests Marx, Karl Massachusetts attitudes toward business in (former) corporations subsidized in organizers in Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

pages: 369 words: 121,161

Alistair Cooke's America by Alistair Cooke

Albert Einstein, Alistair Cooke, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, double entry bookkeeping, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, Hernando de Soto, imperial preference, interchangeable parts, joint-stock company, Maui Hawaii, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Spread Networks laid a new fibre optics cable between New York and Chicago, strikebreaker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transcontinental railway, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, urban sprawl, wage slave, Works Progress Administration

‘I would as soon,’ he wrote, ‘leave my son a curse as the Almighty Dollar.’ Never having had a son, he was saved from risking this malediction. As he sat in his castle and looked out over the splendid hills and the still lochs, he liked to think of himself as a simple Scottish laird who had given to America more than he took. It wasn’t, however, a bad place to be when his steel workers – determined to organize in a union – were shooting it out with an army of strikebreakers hired by Frick. Carnegie was stung by the suggestion of a United States Senator from Indiana that he was ‘skulking in his castle,’ and, when the British press took him up on the killing and wounding at his Homestead plant, Carnegie made the mistake of publicly wallowing in self-pity. He swore he had received a telegram from his workers beginning ‘Kind master,’ and seeking to know only his wishes.

And while the Newport millionaires bent for rubies with their little sterling silver shovels, children in New York bent over sewing machines sixteen hours a day, for industry had produced something that was supposed, in the not so long ago, never to happen in America – a permanent factory population. It began to see itself as the slave of the trusts and the money men. In the year that the Vanderbilts threw open their golden doors, there was a coal miners’ strike, a national railroad strike, and a sweat-shop march, most of them aggravated by armies of strikebreakers and broken either by the state guard or by federal troops. But it was out on the prairie that the people felt most cheated and disheartened. They had gone out to realize the dream of free men and free soil. They had been conned, first by the railroads and their land grants, then by the farm machines and their makers. For the price of those beautiful machines was a mortgage on the land. And thanks in part to the machines’ productivity, the value of the dollar had trebled in twenty years.

The industrialists, the steel men, the iron and tin and railroad barons, came very easily to make the same large assumption about the inexhaustibility of cheap labor. But, as we have seen in Carnegie’s troubles with his workers, the immigrant did not stay cowed forever. Henry Frick, Carnegie’s bosom partner in his steel enterprises, was a fanatical opponent of labor unions, but he was quick to see that the latest wave of immigrants could be employed as strikebreakers. One year he employed Hungarians to break a strike. But within a year or two he had to hire Italians to break a strike of Hungarians, who by then were beginning to learn a specialty. In an irritable moment Frick got off a profound remark. ‘The immigrant,’ he complained, ‘however illiterate or ignorant he may be, always learns too soon.’ Not soon enough, however, to deny these industrial tycoons their imperial hold on the raw materials of industry and, in the person of John Pierpont Morgan, on the national economy itself.

pages: 56 words: 17,340

Media Control: The Spectacular Achievements of Propaganda by Noam Chomsky

British Empire, declining real wages, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker

We can all work together and work for Americanism in harmony, liking each other. That was essentially the message. A huge amount of effort was put into presenting it. This is, after all, the business community, so they control the media and have massive resources. And it worked, very effectively. It was later called the "Mohawk Valley formula" and applied over and over again to break strikes. They were called "scientific methods of strike-breaking," and worked very effectively by mobilizing community opinion in favor of vapid, empty concepts like Americanism. Who can be against that? Or harmony. Who can be against that? Or, as in the Persian Gulf War, "Support our troops." Who can be against that? Or yellow ribbons. Who can be against that? Anything that's totally vacuous. In fact, what does it mean if somebody asks you, Do you support the people in Iowa?

The Hour of Fate by Susan Berfield

bank run, buy and hold, capital controls, collective bargaining, friendly fire, Howard Zinn, income inequality, new economy, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, the market place, transcontinental railway, wage slave, working poor

Frick did not surrender, though. He prevailed on the governor to call in eighty-five hundred National Guardsmen—armed with the latest rifles and two Gatling guns34—to retake the town and mill and protect strikebreakers. The troops remained in Homestead for three months. On July 23,35 Frick returned to his office in Pittsburgh after lunch with a friend. Alexander Berkman, a stern and single-minded anarchist, was waiting. Berkman wore a new gray suit, purchased with funds from his sometime lover, Emma Goldman. He posed as the head of a New York employment agency eager to supply Frick with strikebreakers. As soon as Berkman was admitted in, he drew a revolver, and fired three shots. The first two hit Frick’s neck and lodged in his shoulders, one bullet on the right, the other on the left. A colleague in the room grabbed Berkman’s wrist as he fired again.

Earlier that year, on Saturday, May 1—May Day—three hundred fifty thousand workers around the country went on strike to demand an eight-hour workday with no pay cut. In New York, twenty-five thousand people marched along Broadway carrying torches. Dramatic events in Chicago had rattled the whole nation. During the strike, the railroads were stalled, many businesses were unable to open and the stockyards were closed. The McCormick Reaper Works brought in strikebreakers, and police to defend them against the picketers. On May 3, as a crowd of strikers surged the factory gate at the end of the day, police fired. They wounded many and killed at least two. Anarchists printed handbills in English and German—“Revenge! Workingmen, to Arms!!! They killed the poor wretches, because they, like you, had the courage to disobey the supreme will of your bosses”—and called for a meeting at Haymarket Square the next evening.

pages: 318 words: 82,452

The End of Policing by Alex S. Vitale

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Broken windows theory, citizen journalism, Columbine, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, equal pay for equal work, Ferguson, Missouri, ghettoisation, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, mandatory minimum, mass immigration, mass incarceration, moral panic, Occupy movement, open borders, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, white flight

While putatively under civilian political control, the reality was that the state police remained a major force in putting down strikes, though often with less violence and greater legal and political authority. The consequences, however, were largely the same, as they participated in strikebreaking and the killing of miners, such as in the Westmoreland County Coal Strike of 1910 and 1911. Their frequent attacks led Slovak miners to give them the nickname “Pennsylvania Cossacks” and prompted Socialist state legislator James H. Maurer to solicit, compile, and publish a huge amount of correspondence describing their heavy-handed tactics under the title The American Cossack.20 Interestingly, many of the letters point out that the new state police routinely showed no interest in crime control, serving strictly as publicly financed strikebreakers. In 1915, the State Commission on Industrial Relations described them as an extremely efficient force for crushing strikes, but … not successful in preventing violence in connection with strikes, in maintaining legal and civil rights of the parties to the dispute, nor in protecting of the public.

The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, business climate, colonial rule, declining real wages, deliberate practice, European colonialism, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, income inequality, income per capita, land reform, land tenure, new economy, RAND corporation, strikebreaker, union organizing

But those who really have the advantage are the ones who are financing our “growth,” those from abroad, the foreigners. If a bank will not extend credit without a guarantee of profit, much less will the foreigners finance our development and dispense with their profits. Our external debt amounts to about $10 billion.206 External interests not only sustain oppression by their support of the military governments; they are more directly in the picture as developers, expropriators and strike-breakers. Bishop Casadaliga claims that in Sao Felix where latifundias are frequently owned by MNCs, the foreign entities have fought his mild efforts more aggressively than the locals: “Of the attacks I have suffered the majority have been ordered by the administrators and technocrats of the multinational latifundios.”207 The Open Letter quoted at the beginning of this section is more passionate still in describing the sorrowful reality that has “demolished the image of ‘the great democracy of the North’,” including “the scandalous intervention of the United States in the installation and maintenance of military regimes” throughout Latin America; “the shameful Panamanian enclave with its military training centers” in which the murderers receive their higher education from U.S. instructors in techniques of “systematic persecution” and “scientifically perfected torture”; the activities of “the CIA and other agencies of penetration and espionage”; “the sometimes subtle and other times brazen domination and colonization practices” which have gradually eliminated the possibilities of independent economic development; and the “silent genocide, killing with hunger, with malnutrition, with tuberculosis the children of working families without resources.”

., p. 58. 116. Ibid., p. 30. 117. Ibid., pp. 52-53. 118. See chapter 2, pp. 70-71. 119. Wideman, op. cit., p. 64. The methods of classification of land eligible for reform has tended to accelerate conversion to intensive uses qualifying for exemption, with further displacement effects. 120. There have been strikes even under martial law, but thousands of workers have been detained by the military in strike-breaking efforts, and there can be no question but that the number and effectiveness of strikes has been greatly reduced. 121. Wideman, op. cit., p. 69. 122. Ibid. 123. Tom Jones, “Philippines Report,” Matchbox (Amnesty International), Winter, 1977, p. 13. 124. This is quite reasonable since Marcos bears direct responsibility for the system of torture. And Marcos’s masters in the background, such as McNamara (as head of the World Bank), Nixon, Ford, Carter, and their top advisers complete the circle of responsibility in the same fashion as Johnson-Rusk-Nixon-Kissinger did for the multitude of Mylais in Vietnam. 125.

In its Report No. 3 on Gulf & Western In the Dominican Republic, dated May 1968, G&W notes that “Wage scales in the Free Zone are established by the Dominican Republic’s Secretariat of Labor....” At the time the report was written the minimum wage in the Free Zone was 55¢ an hour according to G&W (p. 53), 34¢ an hour according to Michael Flannery. 168. In its 1978 report on Dominican Operations G&W stresses the fact that it was a successor to South Puerto Rico Sugar Company (SPR), which still controlled operations at the time of the strike-breaking. G&W contends that the SPR management was “imperious” and that there was “chronic neglect of employees, wages, working conditions and health care.” An example of imperiousness was the fact that “At 5 p.m. every day the city water supply was shut off so SPR executives could water their lawns” (p. 29). This practice was stopped immediately, and G&W contends that radical changes took place otherwise, but no independent union yet exists and wages are low.

pages: 950 words: 297,713

Crucible: The Long End of the Great War and the Birth of a New World, 1917-1924 by Charles Emmerson

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, British Empire, continuation of politics by other means, currency peg, Etonian, European colonialism, ghettoisation, Isaac Newton, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Solar eclipse in 1919, strikebreaker, trade route

Internal Bolshevik arguments about whether they should issue the call for insurrection spill into the open. A senior Bolshevik, Lev Kamenev, writes an article warning that an uprising in the next days would be ‘a fatal step’. Leon is forced into a denial, claiming: ‘we have still not set a date for the attack’. Lenin responds to those who publicly discuss the imminence of insurrection with the worst insult he can muster: ‘strike-breaker’. Stalin attacks the ‘general croaking’ amongst intellectuals who used to speak about revolution so warmly over the table but now are suddenly afraid. Soon, he says, such ‘celebrities’ will be consigned to the ‘museum of antiquities’. ROSENBERG FORTRESS: De Gaulle attempts escape from Rosenberg for the second time in two weeks. This time he is only out of German captivity for a few hours.

In a series of speeches in Rome, he turns his poetic invective against Woodrow, accusing him of being a mask rather than a man, a ‘Croatified Quaker’. Italians should not be blinded by the American President’s flashing white smile. It is nothing more than a shop display of the wares of modern American dentistry, D’Annunzio cries. The teeth are as false as the man who wears them. SEATTLE–NEW YORK: A suspicious parcel arrives at the office of the Seattle strike-breaker, Mayor Ole Hanson. It leaks acid. Closer inspection reveals a home-made bomb inside. In Atlanta, a bomb of the same type explodes in the home of a former Senator, blowing off the hands of a maid. Reading a description of the parcels on his way home, a postal clerk recalls a series of others he handled, all with the same return address. An alert is sent out. Over thirty packages are recovered.

Fired up on whatever local booze they can find–cherry brandy in Ferrara–these gangs see themselves as the only true patriots left in a country on the brink of a foreign-inspired Bolshevik takeover. Their leaders, men who idolise D’Annunzio and his panache, award themselves the extravagant title of ras, in emulation of the tribal leaders of Ethiopia. Landowners and industrialists are only too willing to provide them with trucks and money if they turn their energies to strike-breaking. Thus enriched with potential new supporters–albeit with their own leaders, their own local power bases and a taste for independent action–the Fascist movement which Mussolini purports to lead becomes both more powerful and more unruly. Benito is skilful in riding this wave of violence and discontent. He flatters whomever he needs to. He cultivates his image as a man who flies planes, but also reads books (some call him Professor Mussolini).

Profit Over People: Neoliberalism and Global Order by Noam Chomsky

Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, declining real wages, deindustrialization, full employment, invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, liberal capitalism, manufacturing employment, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, union organizing, Washington Consensus

The study was carried out under NAFTA rules in response to a complaint by telecommunications workers on illegal labor practices by Sprint. The complaint was upheld by the US National Labor Relations Board, which ordered trivial penalties after years of delay, standard procedure. The NAFTA study, by Cornell University Labor economist Kate Bronfenbrenner, was authorized for release by Canada and Mexico, but delayed by the Clinton administration. It reveals a significant impact of NAFTA on strike-breaking. About half of union organizing efforts are disrupted by employer threats to transfer production abroad; for example, by placing signs reading “Mexico Transfer Job” in front of a plant where there is an organizing drive. The threats are not idle: when such organizing drives nevertheless succeed, employers close the plant in whole or in part at triple the pre-NAFTA rate (about 15 percent of the time).

pages: 224 words: 91,918

The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test by Tom Wolfe

Asilomar, Bonfire of the Vanities, Buckminster Fuller, edge city, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, haute couture, Menlo Park, Ronald Reagan, stakhanovite, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, the scientific method, Thorstein Veblen

And if drugs were what unlocked the doors and enabled you to do this thing and realize all this that was in you, then so let it be ... Not even on Perry Lane did people really seem to catch the thrust of the new book he was working on, Sometimes a Great Notion. It was about the head of a logging clan, Hank Stamper, who defies a labor union and thereby the whole community he lives in by continuing his logging operation through a strike. It was an unusual book. It was a novel in which the strikers are the villains and the strikebreaker is the hero. The style was experimental and sometimes difficult. And the main source of "mythic" reference was not Sophocles or even Sir James Frazer but... yes, Captain Marvel. The union leaders, the strikers, and the townspeople were the tarantulas, all joyfully taking their vow: "We shall wreak vengeance and abuse on all whose equals we are not... and 'will to equality' shall henceforth be the name for virtue; and against all that has power we want to raise our clamor!"

All of these qualities are exhibited, in even higher degree, in Sometimes a Great Notion. Here he has told a fascinating story in a fascinating way." John Barkham of the Saturday Review said: "A novelist of unusual talent and imagination ... a huge, turbulent tale ..." Time said it was a big novel—but that it was overwritten and had failed. Some of the critics seemed put out with the back-woodsy, arch, yep-bub-golly setting of the novel and the unusual theme of the heroic strikebreaker and the craven union men. Leslie Fiedler wrote an ambivalent review in the Herald Tribune's Book Week, but in any case it was a long, front-page review by a major critic. Newsweek said the book "rejects the obligations of art and therefore ends up as a windy, detailed mock-epic barrel-chested counterfeit of life." Orville Prescott in The New York Times called it "A Tiresome Literary Disaster" and said: "His monstrous book is the most insufferably pretentious and the most totally tiresome novel I have had to read in many years."

pages: 497 words: 143,175

Pivotal Decade: How the United States Traded Factories for Finance in the Seventies by Judith Stein

"Robert Solow", 1960s counterculture, activist lawyer, affirmative action, airline deregulation, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, desegregation, energy security, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, intermodal, invisible hand, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, liberal capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market bubble, Martin Wolf, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, post-industrial society, post-oil, price mechanism, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, union organizing, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor, Yom Kippur War

He advocated sped-up elections, expansion of the NLRB from five to seven members, and measures penalizing law-breaking companies with both double back pay for illegally discharged workers, and debarment from federal contracts. He was silent on a provision that gave unions equal access to employees if employers addressed workers on company time or property. Another provision that did not please the president allowed strikers who were replaced by strikebreakers to return to their old jobs if the strike was over an initial contract. According to existing law, strikebreakers could retain their jobs in normal strikes over economic issues, but not in representational elections. But often firms that lost a bargaining election, like Stevens’s, then refused to bargain over an initial contract. Because most newly certified unions were weak, many thought that giving unions this extra protection would help, especially in the South.

pages: 493 words: 145,326

Fire and Steam: A New History of the Railways in Britain by Christian Wolmar

accounting loophole / creative accounting, Beeching cuts, carbon footprint, collective bargaining, computer age, Corn Laws, creative destruction, cross-subsidies, financial independence, hiring and firing, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, low cost airline, railway mania, rising living standards, Silicon Valley, South Sea Bubble, strikebreaker, union organizing, upwardly mobile, working poor, yield management

National Railway Museum. 19. Locomotives on the Highland Railway, 1890s. Milepost 92½. 20. Midland Railway porters unloading milk, 1890. National Railway Museum. 21. Train driver, 1907. Hulton-Deutsch Collection/Corbis. 22. Women railway workers, 1917. National Railway Museum. 23. Ambulance train, c. 1915. Imperial War Museum. 24. Accident at Penistone, south Yorkshire, 1916. Arthur Trevena Collection. 25. Strike-breaking staff and volunteers, 1926. National Railway Museum. 26. Southern Railway poster, 1926. Milepost 92½. 27. Interior of a London, Midland & Scottish refreshment car, 1920s. Milepost 92½. 28. ‘Take Me By The Flying Scotsman’ poster, 1932. Milepost 92½. 29. ‘So Swiftly Home’ poster, 1932. National Railway Museum. 30. A4 Pacific locomotives, c. 1938. Milepost 92½. 31. Post Office carriage, 1935.

Here they are working on gas lamps at the Lancashire & Yorkshire Railway’s Horwich works in Greater Manchester in May 1917. Ambulance trains with extensive medical facilities, including a pharmacy, were widely used in the First World War, carrying a total of 2,680,000 soldiers. This spectacular accident at Penistone, south Yorkshire in 1916 did not result in any casualties because the subsidence which caused it started relatively slowly. Strike-breaking staff and volunteers posing on a London, Midland & Scottish locomotive at St Enoch Station, Glasgow during the General Strike of 1926. The railway companies were keen to advertise their facilities for travellers wishing to venture further a field. This poster produced for the Southern Railway in 1926 promoted rail services that linked with Atlantic Ocean crossings by the White Star, the world’s largest liner at the time.

Year 501 by Noam Chomsky

"Robert Solow", anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, Bolshevik threat, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, land reform, land tenure, long peace, mass incarceration, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor

The National Association of Manufacturers warned in 1938 of the “hazard facing industrialists” in “the newly realized political power of the masses”; “Unless their thinking is directed we are definitely headed for adversity.” A counteroffensive was quickly launched, including the traditional recourse to murderous state violence. Recognizing that more would be needed, corporate America turned to “scientific methods of strike-breaking,” “human relations,” huge PR campaigns to mobilize communities against “outsiders” preaching “communism and anarchy” and seeking to destroy our communities, and so on. These devices, building upon corporate projects of earlier years, were put on hold during the war, but revived immediately after, as legislation and propaganda chipped away at labor’s gains, with no little help from the union leadership, leading finally to the situation now prevailing.14 The shock of the labor victories of the New Deal period was particularly intense because of the prevailing assumption in the business community that labor organizing and popular democracy had been buried forever.

The London Times ridiculed “this Scotch-Yankee plutocrat meandering through Scotland in a four-in-hand opening public libraries, while the wretched workmen who supply him with ways and means for his self-glorification are starving in Pittsburgh.” The far-right British press ridiculed Carnegie’s preachings on “the rights and duties of wealth,” describing his self-congratulatory book Triumphant Democracy as “a wholesome piece of satire” in the light of his brutal methods of strike-breaking, which should be neither “permitted nor required in a civilized community,” the London Times added. In the US, strikers were depicted as “brigands,” “blackmailers whom all the world loathes” (Harper’s Weekly), a “Mob Bent on Ruin” (Chicago Tribune), “anarchists and socialist[s]...preparing to blow up...the Federal building and take possession” of the money in the treasury vaults (Washington Post).

pages: 523 words: 159,884

The Great Railroad Revolution by Christian Wolmar

1919 Motor Transport Corps convoy, accounting loophole / creative accounting, banking crisis, Bay Area Rapid Transit, big-box store, Charles Lindbergh, collective bargaining, cross-subsidies, intermodal, James Watt: steam engine, Kickstarter, Ponzi scheme, quantitative easing, railway mania, Ralph Waldo Emerson, refrigerator car, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, too big to fail, trade route, transcontinental railway, traveling salesman, union organizing, urban sprawl

There were, in truth, probably not as many attacks as suggested by the sensationalist publicity they attracted, but the robberies certainly had an impact on the railroad companies. Anxious to maintain the image of being a safe form of transportation, they strengthened their mail cars and improved their security. Most controversially, they employed security guards from the Pinkerton Agency to act as a kind of private army not only to protect the trains but also to pursue actively the perpetrators. The Pinkertons, whose uncompromising methods came to the fore in strikebreaking toward the end of the century (see next chapter), almost matched the robbers in their ruthlessness. The most famous of the train robbers was the James-Younger gang led by Jesse James and his brother Frank, former Confederate guerrillas in the Civil War who turned to a life of banditry. Having robbed various banks and become outlaws, in July 1873 the gang turned to train robbery on the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Railroad near Adair, Iowa.

The Knights were less concerned with the immediate terms and conditions of the workers, but rather sought to replace the wage system with cooperative enterprises—in the words of their leader, Terence Powderly, “to make each man his own employer.”24 However, in March 1886, when one of their members in Texas was fired for attending a union meeting by the Texas & Pacific Railroad, owned by the railroad baron Jay Gould, the men walked out, and Powderly used the opportunity to demand a minimum wage of $1.50 and recognition of the union. Gould refused to make any concessions, and thousands of men on his other railroads, which included the Union Pacific and the Missouri Pacific, also walked out. Crucially, the Brotherhood of Engineers did not support the strike and kept working. Gould brought in strikebreakers and the well-organized Pinkerton thugs, boasting, “I can hire one half of the working class to kill the other half.” Violence escalated. The workers destroyed many railroad facilities and indulged in acts of sabotage—for example, letting locomotives run out of steam, thereby putting them out of operation for at least six hours. However, the workers were under fierce pressure, and the intimidation from the militia in several states, supported by gangs of thuggish Pinkerton men recruited by Gould, forced them back to work in the summer of 1886.

pages: 196 words: 55,862

Riding for Deliveroo: Resistance in the New Economy by Callum Cant

Airbnb, call centre, collective bargaining, deskilling, Elon Musk, future of work, gig economy, housing crisis, illegal immigration, information asymmetry, invention of the steam engine, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, new economy, Pearl River Delta, race to the bottom, ride hailing / ride sharing, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, union organizing, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce

The 1972 national construction strike was the largest ever seen in the industry. Workers picketed their own sites and stopped work. A picket is a demonstration by workers and supporters at the entrance to a striking workplace, which aims to prevent that workplace from functioning as normal. Pickets (the people taking part in the demonstration) try and persuade workers making deliveries to turn around, block scab strike-breakers from entering the workplace, and generally apply pressure on the employer. Throughout the 1972 strike, workers also experimented with ‘flying pickets’. That is to say, they sent striking workers on buses around the country to picket out non-unionized sites as well. These flying pickets had great success in talking to workers on the lump on building sites outside of the large cities, and persuading them to stop work and join the strike.

pages: 965 words: 267,053

A History of Zionism by Walter Laqueur

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, British Empire, business cycle, illegal immigration, joint-stock company, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, means of production, MITM: man-in-the-middle, new economy, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, strikebreaker, the market place, éminence grise

The revisionists had meanwhile set up their own (‘national’) trade union, which enjoyed the patronage of some factory owners and leading orange growers eager to break the Histadrut monopoly of employment exchanges. In Petah Tiqva, Kfar Saba and elsewhere, they negotiated directly with the revisionists to get workers for their enterprises, bypassing the Histadrut. On some occasions, such as the strike in the Frumin biscuit factory, revisionists acted as strike-breakers.* They argued that they were fighting not the Jewish worker but merely the Histadrut which, far from being unpolitical in character, had become a tool of the Socialist parties and discriminated against revisionist workers. The labour leaders regarded this as a deliberate attempt to break the power of the trade unions on behalf of the ‘class enemy’, and ultimately to establish a semi-fascist dictatorship.

.† He did not want to minimise the role of labour in Eretz Israel, nor did he have any quarrel with the Socialist ideal. But the monopoly of the Histadrut and its privileged status had to be broken. The class struggle, which Zionism could ill afford, was to be replaced by a national system of arbitration. The Revisionist Labour Federation was founded in spring 1934. Its activities were attacked by the Histadrut, which regarded them as systematic and dangerous strike-breaking on a massive scale which had to be fought tooth and nail. Jabotinsky’s decision was not welcomed by some of his followers, who regarded the conflict which was bound to ensue as unnecessary, harmful both for the revisionist movement and for Zionism in general. They predicted, quite correctly, that as a result of establishing a separate trade union movement, revisionism would be identified in the public mind with the employers and their interests, and thus lose much of its popular appeal.

In its foreign political orientation enmity towards Britain was the one consistent factor; after 1942 it displayed pro-Soviet sympathies. In contrast to Irgun, the Sternists regarded themselves as ‘revolutionary Socialists’, believing that the best way to gain the support of the Soviet Union was to take an active part in the liberation of the whole Middle East from the imperialist yoke.† They advocated a planned economy, opposed strike-breaking, and adopted the slogan of a Socialist Hebrew state.‡ This ideological transformation was not altogether unique. In neighbouring Arab countries, notably Egypt and Syria, groups of young intellectuals and officers, who up to 1942-3 had gravitated towards fascism and had believed in an Axis victory, later on transferred their political sympathies to the Soviet Union and subscribed to a Socialism of sorts.

pages: 202 words: 62,901

The People's Republic of Walmart: How the World's Biggest Corporations Are Laying the Foundation for Socialism by Leigh Phillips, Michal Rozworski

Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, call centre, carbon footprint, central bank independence, Colonization of Mars, combinatorial explosion, complexity theory, computer age, corporate raider, decarbonisation, discovery of penicillin, Elon Musk, G4S, Georg Cantor, germ theory of disease, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, hiring and firing, index fund, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Internet of things, inventory management, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, Joseph Schumpeter, linear programming, liquidity trap, mass immigration, Mont Pelerin Society, new economy, Norbert Wiener, oil shock, passive investing, Paul Samuelson, post scarcity, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, recommendation engine, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, sovereign wealth fund, strikebreaker, supply-chain management, technoutopianism, The Nature of the Firm, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, transaction costs, Turing machine, union organizing

But one can also imagine the same system being used in a very different way, arming instead of disarming workers. Indeed, even in embryo form, the Cybersyn communications network helped groups of workers to self-organize production and distribution during what would otherwise have been a crippling trucking strike, mounted by conservative business interests and backed by the CIA, in 1972. In so doing, it offered the struggling Allende administration a brief stay of execution. Cyber Strikebreaking It was during the strike that Cybersyn came into its own. The network could allow the government to secure immediate information on where scarcities were most extreme and where drivers not participating in the boycott were located, and to mobilize or redirect its own transport assets in order to keep goods moving. But this was not a simply a top-down operation, directed from La Moneda Palace by the president and his ministers.

pages: 261 words: 64,977

Pity the Billionaire: The Unexpected Resurgence of the American Right by Thomas Frank

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, bank run, big-box store, bonus culture, business cycle, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, commoditize, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, financial innovation, housing crisis, invisible hand, Kickstarter, money market fund, Naomi Klein, obamacare, payday loans, profit maximization, profit motive, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, strikebreaker, The Chicago School, The Myth of the Rational Market, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, union organizing, Washington Consensus, white flight, Works Progress Administration

.”* Erasing class distinctions in this self-serving way is one of the conservative revival’s great recurring techniques. There is no better instance of this erasure than the enormous rally held in West Virginia on Labor Day 2009 for the express purpose of announcing the solidarity between coal miners and the coal mine operators who employ them. The get-together featured the protest favorites Sean Hannity and Ted Nugent and was presided over by Don Blankenship, the CEO of Massey Energy, a pollution-spewing, strikebreaking mogul of the old school.2 Dressed in American flag clothing and boasting that the gathering had cost him “a million dollars or so,” Blankenship took the stage and declared that he was there to “defend American labor because no one else will.” Specifically, the CEO was standing tall against “our government leaders,” who are, with their safety and environmental meddling, “American workers’ worst nightmare.”

pages: 618 words: 180,430

The Making of Modern Britain by Andrew Marr

anti-communist, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, business climate, Corn Laws, Etonian, garden city movement, illegal immigration, imperial preference, Kickstarter, lateral thinking, New Journalism, New Urbanism, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Red Clydeside, rent control, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, V2 rocket, wage slave, women in the workforce

As a forest of hands rose his language became wilder: ‘Sedition or no sedition, I want to say that if our men are murdered I am going to take a gun and I will shoot Lord Devonport’ – he being the leader of the employers with whom he was negotiating. Three weeks later, at Hyde Park, Tillett was again promising violence, and indeed revolvers were used, and men wounded, soon after in fighting between strikers and strike-breakers. Tillett then appealed to God to strike Lord Devonport dead and the crowd chanted back: ‘He shall die, he shall die.’ That strike failed, but there were waves of strikes in 1911–12 in the railways, textile mills, mines and shipyards which shook the Edwardian elite, Liberal and Tory. Revolutionary trade unionism, then fashionable on the left in France and America, was thought a more serious threat than socialist parties.

It is reckoned that at least half of the British Communist Party’s 5,000 members were arrested, including the Indian Communist MP for Battersea, Shapurji Saklatava, who was charged for saying the Union Jack had only protected fools and rogues, and for telling the army not to fire on strikers. Britain’s small band of fascists responded with hysterical racist abuse. On the fifth day of the strike the government made its decisive move. London was going short of flour and bread: at 4 o’clock on the morning of 8 May a convoy of more than a hundred lorries, escorted by twenty armoured cars, went to the docks, to where strike-breakers had been quietly ferried on the Thames to avoid the pickets. Food was loaded and returned to a new depot in Hyde Park; the crowds watched but did not interfere. This was probably the psychological turning point, though the TUC and government continued to trade propaganda blows, and reports began piling up of accidents caused by volunteer drivers. Almost inevitably, and with echoes of the first winter on the Western Front, strikers and police were soon playing football matches.

pages: 243 words: 76,686

How to Do Nothing by Jenny Odell

Airbnb, augmented reality, back-to-the-land, Burning Man, collective bargaining, Donald Trump, Filter Bubble, full employment, gig economy, Google Earth, Internet Archive, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Kickstarter, late capitalism, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, means of production, Minecraft, peer-to-peer, Peter Thiel, Port of Oakland, Results Only Work Environment, Rosa Parks, Sand Hill Road, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Snapchat, source of truth, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, technoutopianism, union organizing, white flight, Works Progress Administration

Sensing that the police were in the palm of the city and the employers, strikers set up their own waterfront police to address disturbances along the docks, complete with an emergency number that led to a longshoreman-turned-dispatcher.35 All the while, the union continued having meetings and enlisting the votes of the rank and file. Much like a picket line itself, a strike is something whose strength lies in its continuity. Thus, as always, employers focused their efforts on breaking the line. Early on, they tried to get each port to negotiate its own separate agreement, thus preventing a coast-wide alliance. They hired strikebreakers—in some cases college football players—offering them a police escort and housing aboard a moored ship with plush treatment: meals, laundry, entertainment, and banking facilities. The employers also attempted to foment racism among the longshoremen; Quin writes that “[b]osses who would never hire Negroes except for the most menial jobs now made special, and relatively unsuccessful, efforts to recruit Negroes as scabs.”36 As thousands of men picketed up and down the Embarcadero, a daily spectacle whose consistency impressed onlookers, the police decided to selectively apply a previously un-enforced ordinance against picketing, running the picketers off the sidewalk with horses.

pages: 294 words: 77,356

Automating Inequality by Virginia Eubanks

autonomous vehicles, basic income, business process, call centre, cognitive dissonance, collective bargaining, correlation does not imply causation, deindustrialization, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, experimental subject, housing crisis, IBM and the Holocaust, income inequality, job automation, mandatory minimum, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, minimum wage unemployment, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, New Urbanism, payday loans, performance metric, Ronald Reagan, self-driving car, statistical model, strikebreaker, underbanked, universal basic income, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration, young professional, zero-sum game

Half a million workers—roustabouts and barge captains, miners and smelters, factory linemen and cannery workers—eventually walked off the job in the first national strike in US history. Bellesiles reports that in Chicago the Czechs and the Irish, traditionally ethnic adversaries, cheered each other. In Martinsburg, West Virginia, white and Black railroad workers shut down the train yard together. The working families of Hornellsville, New York, soaped the rails of the Erie railroad track. As strikebreaking trains attempted to ascend a hill, they lost traction and slid back into town. The depression also affected Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Britain. In response, European governments introduced the modern welfare state. But in America, middle-class commentators stoked fears of class warfare and a “great Communist wave.”7 As they had following the 1819 Panic, white economic elites responded to the growing militancy of poor and working-class people by attacking welfare.

pages: 230 words: 79,229

Respectable: The Experience of Class by Lynsey Hanley

Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, delayed gratification, Etonian, full employment, housing crisis, illegal immigration, invisible hand, liberation theology, low skilled workers, mutually assured destruction, Neil Kinnock, Norman Mailer, Own Your Own Home, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent

Like Richard’s grandparents, both had become disillusioned with Labour for its inability to restrain the power of the unions at an already volatile time; my dad, for a while at least, believed Thatcherism had the answer. Had we lived further north, or had our family remained in South Wales, the story might have been different: neither of them spent years looking for work, finally being parked on to incapacity benefit; they never found themselves sliding around a landfill site looking for discarded copper piping to sell on; nor did they ever have to decide whether or not to become strike-breakers.14 For whatever reason, such fates seemed closer, more likely, to me than they did to Richard. We didn’t have to live through these shattering experiences; we only had to look on and wonder what was happening to the country, never mind the world. Everybody was burned by it in some way, although in 1984 they also found at least one way to make reality a little more bearable. That year, Frankie Goes to Hollywood had three number one singles. 4.

Chomsky on Mis-Education by Noam Chomsky

American ideology, deindustrialization, deskilling, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, means of production, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, union organizing, Washington Consensus

The study was carried out under NAFTA rules in response to a complaint by telecommunications workers on illegal labor practices by Sprint. The complaint was upheld by the U.S. National Labor Relations Board, which ordered trivial penalties after years of delay, the standard procedure. The NAFTA study, by Cornell University labor economist Kate Bronfenbrenner, has been authorized for release by Canada and Mexico but not by the Clinton administration. It reveals a significant impact of NAFTA on strikebreaking. About half of union organizing efforts are disrupted by employer threats to transfer production abroad, for example, by placing signs reading “Mexico Transfer Job” in front of a plant where there is an organizing drive. The threats are not idle: when such organizing drives nevertheless succeed, employers close the plant in whole or in part at triple the pre-NAFTA rate (about 15 percent of the time).

pages: 263 words: 79,016

The Sport and Prey of Capitalists by Linda McQuaig

anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, carbon footprint, clean water, diversification, Donald Trump, energy transition, financial innovation, Kickstarter, Menlo Park, Naomi Klein, neoliberal agenda, new economy, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, payday loans, profit motive, risk/return, Ronald Reagan, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, union organizing

By 2013, CP was headed by Hunter Harrison, an even more aggressive — and relentless — U.S. railway executive than Burkhardt. After heading the Illinois Central Railroad, Harrison had served from 2003 to 2009 as CEO of the privatized CN, where he introduced an unrelenting downsizing that eliminated staff and unprofitable lines and resulted in fewer and longer trains. When CN workers went on strike in 2007, Harrison quickly brought in strikebreakers from south of the border. His bare-knuckle profiteering won Harrison kudos from the business community — the Globe and Mail’s Report on Business named him CEO of the year in 2007 — but deep mistrust and hostility from CN workers.16 Harrison brought this same brash, outta-my-way approach to CP when he took the top job there after a 2011 takeover by a U.S. hedge fund. As Harrison told the Financial Post, “I kind of went through Canada maybe like Sherman went through Atlanta.”17 Certainly, Harrison had little interest in slowing down operations for safety reasons; he reduced the number of CP trains while adding to their size and speed.

pages: 258 words: 85,971

Glasgow: The Real Mean City by Malcolm Archibald

British Empire, ghettoisation, joint-stock limited liability company, Red Clydeside, strikebreaker

There were a number of riots in the first half of the century, as political and social tensions erupted into violence, and during the Dalmarnock riots of 1816, the Radical riots of 1819 and the subsequent Rising of 1820, the military were called in, and again in 1837 when the cotton spinners and miners rioted. That was a bad year altogether, with an economic downturn and high unemployment. There was resistance by combinations, as unions were known, with huge numbers of men protesting in the street and the fewer than 300 police unable to cope. Any nobs, as the strikebreakers were called, were liable to be attacked, and in July one nob was shot dead. A £500 reward was offered for information about the murder. Two informants met Sheriff Allison in a vault under the college in a cloak-and-dagger arrangement that included a creep through a back door at night. The informants told of a meeting by the leaders of the combinations in the Black Boy Tavern, and of an alleged plot to murder all the masters and nobs.

Understanding Power by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Burning Man, business climate, business cycle, cognitive dissonance, continuous integration, Corn Laws, cuban missile crisis, dark matter, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, global reserve currency, Howard Zinn, liberation theology, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mortgage tax deduction, Paul Samuelson, Ralph Nader, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, school choice, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, wage slave, women in the workforce

So to destroy the anti-Nazi resistance in Greece and restore the Nazi collaborators to power there, it took a war in which maybe 160,000 people were killed and 800,000 became refugees—the country still hasn’t recovered from it. 72 In Korea, it meant killing 100,000 people in the late 1940s, before what we call the “Korean War” even started. 73 But in Italy it was enough just to carry out subversion—and the United States took that very seriously. So we funded ultra-right Masonic Lodges and terrorist paramilitary groups in Italy, the Fascist police and strikebreakers were brought back, we withheld food, we made sure their economy couldn’t function. 74 In fact, the first National Security Council Memorandum, N.S.C. 1, is about Italy and the Italian elections. And what it says is that if the Communists come to power in the election through legitimate democratic means, the United States must declare a national emergency: the Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean should be put on alert, the United States should start subversive activities in Italy to overthrow the Italian government, and we should begin contingency planning for direct military intervention—that’s if the resistance wins a legitimate democratic election. 75 And this was not taken as a joke, not at all—in fact, there were people at the top levels of the U.S. government who took even more extreme positions than that.

They in fact said in their publications things like, “We have about five or six years to save the private enterprise system.” 74 Well, one thing they did was to launch a huge propaganda program in the United States, aimed at reversing these attitudes. 75 It was actually called at the time part of “the everlasting battle for the minds of men,” who have to be “indoctrinated in the capitalist story”; that’s a standard straight quote from the P.R. literature. 76 So in the early 1950s, the Advertising Council [an organization begun during World War II and funded by the business community to assist the government with propaganda services at home] was spending huge amounts of money to propagandize for what they called “the American way.” 77 The public relations budget for the National Association of Manufacturers I think went up by about a factor of twenty. 78 About a third of the textbooks in schools were simply provided by business. 79 They had 20 million people a week watching propaganda films about worker-management unity, after the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 allowed propaganda to be shown to basically captive audiences in companies. 80 They continued on with the “scientific methods of strikebreaking” that had been developed in the late 1930s: devoting huge resources into propaganda instead of goon-squads and breaking knees. 81 And it was all tied up with the “anti-Communist” crusade at the time—that’s the true meaning of what’s referred to as “McCarthyism,” which started well before Joseph McCarthy got involved and was really launched by business and liberal members of the Democratic Party and so on. 82 It was a way of using fear and jingoism to try to undermine labor rights and functioning democracy.

pages: 343 words: 91,080

Uberland: How Algorithms Are Rewriting the Rules of Work by Alex Rosenblat

"side hustle", Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Amazon Mechanical Turk, autonomous vehicles, barriers to entry, basic income, big-box store, call centre, cashless society, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, collaborative economy, collective bargaining, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, disruptive innovation, don't be evil, Donald Trump,, future of work, gender pay gap, gig economy, Google Chrome, income inequality, information asymmetry, Jaron Lanier, job automation, job satisfaction, Lyft, marginal employment, Mark Zuckerberg, move fast and break things, Network effects, new economy, obamacare, performance metric, Peter Thiel, price discrimination, Ralph Waldo Emerson, regulatory arbitrage, ride hailing / ride sharing, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Skype, social software, stealth mode startup, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, TaskRabbit, Tim Cook: Apple, transportation-network company, Travis Kalanick, Uber and Lyft, Uber for X, uber lyft, union organizing, universal basic income, urban planning, Wolfgang Streeck, Zipcar

Kennedy International Airport to protest President Trump’s travel ban. Uber’s city manager decided to turn off surge pricing during the strike, though not necessarily in response to the strike. Quartz reporter Alison Griswold suggests that Uber’s actions were responsive to announcements by the Port Authority about airport safety concerns as protestors swarmed.74 Uber’s suspension of surge pricing, however, was widely panned as a form of strikebreaking against taxi drivers. Uber carried such a reputational debt that it was an easy mark for an outraged consumer base with an appetite for political action and a willingness to believe bad things about Uber. Deleting an app is a low-barrier action. Only a sliver of the same pointed protest was directed at Lyft, Uber’s main competitor, even though its primary investor, Peter Thiel, was the number one technology-industry booster for then-presidential candidate Donald Trump.

pages: 408 words: 94,311

The Great Depression: A Diary by Benjamin Roth, James Ledbetter, Daniel B. Roth

bank run, banking crisis, business cycle, buy and hold, California gold rush, collective bargaining, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, financial independence, Joseph Schumpeter, market fundamentalism, moral hazard, short selling, statistical model, strikebreaker, union organizing, urban renewal, Works Progress Administration

Stock prices are still 100% higher than last July and seem to me too high in view of present tremendous losses to all business. It is impossible to tell if the improvement is permanent or only an “election market.” So far in last 2 years the stock market has made 8 fake starts upward and then eventually came back to record lows. Commodities have also steadily declined and show no definite sign of upward turn. Moving picture operators go on strike in Youngstown last week. The theaters are being operated by strike-breakers under guard—while the entrance to each theater is being patrolled by union men. The union rate is $85 per week and they won’t take a cut. Public sympathy is not with the union in their attempt to maintain wartime wages. I am afraid we will witness many strikes in the next two years before wages are finally adjusted and I am also afraid the depression can’t end until wages come down. The disparity between cost of raw material and finished product is entirely too high.

pages: 332 words: 89,668

Two Nations, Indivisible: A History of Inequality in America: A History of Inequality in America by Jamie Bronstein

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, back-to-the-land, barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, blue-collar work, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate personhood, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gini coefficient, income inequality, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, labor-force participation, land reform, land tenure, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, moral panic, mortgage debt, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, obamacare, occupational segregation, Occupy movement, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price discrimination, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, Scientific racism, Simon Kuznets, single-payer health, strikebreaker, too big to fail, trade route, transcontinental railway, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, trickle-down economics, universal basic income, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, wage slave, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, Works Progress Administration

Those who left the South were more likely to become literate than those who stayed behind, and much more likely to move into higher-paid work than agricultural labor.101 Of course, migration was not a perfect solution. Although northern states lacked Jim Crow laws, many public amenities were informally segregated. Some restaurants refused service to African Americans. Black workers were often the last hired and the first fired in higher-paying jobs. They were used as strikebreakers, which precipitated race riots.102 The black urban poor used community resourcefulness to survive. An illegal sector including theft, prostitution, and vibrant numbers games prospered in some northern cities, “anticipating the emergence of the contemporary underground economy.”103 Recognizing that African Americans in the North faced economic segregation, DuBois advocated economic cooperation.

pages: 326 words: 88,905

Days of Destruction, Days of Revolt by Chris Hedges, Joe Sacco

Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate personhood, dumpster diving, Exxon Valdez, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Howard Zinn, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, mass incarceration, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, union organizing, urban decay, wage slave, white flight, women in the workforce

The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress.”44 Sylvester is one of the few towns in this region that was not built and run by the coal companies. The residents kept out the coal camps and land companies. They built their own homes. They owned their own property. The area has long had a streak of fierce independence. When employees of the Webb Coal Mining Company at Ferndale, Local 1057 went on strike in 1922, company strikebreakers evicted the families of the miners and their furniture from company houses, the usual practice coal companies used against strikers. The miners set up a tent city in what is now Sylvester. They lived in this tent community for eighteen months, which included a harsh winter. A letter from Nellie Susan Miller in the 1996 Sylvester Dog Patch Reunion booklet reads: “Grandpa William Brinigar was among those trying to unionize the mines.

pages: 422 words: 89,770

Death of the Liberal Class by Chris Hedges

1960s counterculture, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, call centre, clean water, collective bargaining, Columbine, corporate governance, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, hive mind, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Lao Tzu, Pearl River Delta, post scarcity, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, Tobin tax, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, WikiLeaks, working poor, Works Progress Administration

The act forbade secondary or “common situs” picketing, closed shops, and monetary donations by unions to federal political campaigns. All union officers were forced to sign noncommunist affidavits or lose their positions. Heavy restrictions were placed on union shops, while individual states were allowed to pass “right-to-work laws” that outlawed union shops. The Federal Government was empowered to obtain legal strikebreaking injunctions if an impending or current strike “imperiled the national health or safety.” The act effectively demobilized the labor movement. It severely curtailed the ability to organize and strike and purged the last vestiges of militant labor leaders from the ranks of unions. With the passage of Taft-Hartley the power of labor to fight back effectively against the corporate state died. Labor, once the beating heart of progressive radical movements, became as impotent as the arts, the media, the church, the universities, and the Democratic Party.

pages: 324 words: 93,606

No Such Thing as a Free Gift: The Gates Foundation and the Price of Philanthropy by Linsey McGoey

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, American Legislative Exchange Council, bitcoin, Bob Geldof, cashless society, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, colonial rule, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, crony capitalism, effective altruism, Etonian, financial innovation, Food sovereignty, Ford paid five dollars a day, germ theory of disease, hiring and firing, Howard Zinn, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, M-Pesa, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microcredit, Mitch Kapor, Mont Pelerin Society, Naomi Klein, obamacare, Peter Singer: altruism, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price mechanism, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, school choice, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), Silicon Valley, Slavoj Žižek, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trickle-down economics, urban planning, wealth creators

Carnegie was travelling in Europe at the time, an absence helping him to deflect blame for the bloodshed that soon unfolded at Homestead. He left his business ally Henry Clay Frick in charge of quelling the workers’ rebellion. As tensions with the striking workers became more heated, Frick built a fence three miles long and twelve feet high, lined it with barbed wire – including peepholes for the muzzles of rifles – and hired the Pinkerton Detective Agency to guard strike-breakers who were ferried in to bust the union. He later called on the US National Guard to quell the strike. Eight thousand state militia arrived. Men on both sides of the dispute were killed in the stand-off that followed. The strike held for months before the defeated workers were forced back to work.14 Frick sent a short one-word telegram to Carnegie, then travelling in Italy: ‘Victory!’ Carnegie’s reply was immediate: ‘Cables received.

pages: 740 words: 227,963

The Warmth of Other Suns: The Epic Story of America's Great Migration by Isabel Wilkerson

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, California gold rush, card file, desegregation, Gunnar Myrdal, index card, indoor plumbing, invisible hand, labor-force participation, Mason jar, mass immigration, medical residency, Rosa Parks, strikebreaker, trade route, traveling salesman, union organizing, white flight, Works Progress Administration

With a sense of urgency, it set out fifty-nine recommendations for improving race relations.90 It urged that the police rid the city’s colored section of the vice and prostitution that plagued the black belt; that the schools hire principals with an “interest in promoting good race relations”; that white citizens seek accurate information about blacks “as a basis of their judgments”; that restaurants, stores, and theaters stop segregating when they weren’t supposed to; that companies “deal with Negroes as workmen on the same plane as white workers” and stop using them as strikebreakers and denying them apprenticeships; that labor unions admit colored workers when they qualified; that employers “permit Negroes an equal chance with whites to enter all positions for which they are qualified by efficiency and merit”; that the press avoid using epithets in referring to blacks and treat black stories and white stories with the same standards and “sense of proportion.” With the commission having no authority to enforce its recommendations and a good portion of the citizenry not likely even to have seen them, much of its counsel went unheeded.

The reality was that Jim Crow filtered through the economy, north and south, and pressed down on poor and working-class people of all races. The southern caste system that held down the wages of colored people also undercut the earning power of the whites around them, who could not command higher pay as long as colored people were forced to accept subsistence wages. The dynamic was not lost on northern industrialists, who hired colored workers as strikebreakers and resorted to them to keep their labor costs down just as companies at the end of the twentieth century would turn to the cheap labor of developing nations like Malaysia and Vietnam. The introduction of colored workers, who had long been poorly paid and ill treated, served as a restraint on what anyone around them could demand. “Their presence and availability for some of the work being performed by whites, whether they are actually employed or not,” wrote the sociologist Charles S.120 Johnson, “acts as a control on wages.”

pages: 358 words: 103,103

Revolution Business by Stross, Charles

indoor plumbing, strikebreaker

Until, on the third day, the bus he was riding from Abadon reached Patwin (which Miriam would have pointed to on a map and called "Vallejo"), and ran into a general strike, and barricades, and grim-faced men beneath a blue flag slashed diagonally with a cross of St. Andrew beneath the glaring face of a wild turkey. "Ye can gae nae farthur," said the leader of the band blocking the high street, "wi'out an aye calling ye strikebreaker." He stood in front of the bus with arms crossed in front of him and the stolid self-confidence born of having two brothers-in-arms standing behind him with hunting rifles and an elderly and unreliable-looking carronade-probably looted from the town hall's front steps-to back them up. "I'm no' arguing wi't'artillery," said the driver, turning to address his passengers. "End of t' road!" An hour later, by means of various secret handshakes and circumlocutions, Erasmus was talking to the leader of the strike force, a lean, rat-faced man called Dunstable.

pages: 357 words: 99,684

Why It's Still Kicking Off Everywhere: The New Global Revolutions by Paul Mason

anti-globalists, back-to-the-land, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, citizen journalism, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, do-ocracy, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, informal economy, land tenure, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, megacity, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, Network effects, New Journalism, Occupy movement, price stability, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rising living standards, short selling, Slavoj Žižek, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, union organizing, We are the 99%, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, young professional

‘My colleague favours an immediate all-out strike,’ Shafiq informs the British postmen and train drivers huddled under the palm trees. ‘But I favour a warning strike to start with. What would you do?’ A bloke from London Underground asks: ‘What are your plans for picketing?’ Both men look blank. There is further puzzlement among the hijab-clad young female medics who have joined us. After a few minutes back and forth in Arabic and cockney, the Brits explain the idea of blocking access to the workplace to prevent strike-breakers. ‘This had not occurred to us,’ say the Egyptians. On May Day 2011, as Shafiq and the secular medics jostle with the Brotherhood for control of the stage at the Doctors’ Union, workers begin filling Tahrir Square. It is, says Hossam el-Hamalawy, the first real May Day since 1951. The red flag does not predominate: instead people arrive with homemade banners, always with middle-aged men in the lead, chanting and singing.

pages: 372 words: 101,678

Lessons from the Titans: What Companies in the New Economy Can Learn from the Great Industrial Giants to Drive Sustainable Success by Scott Davis, Carter Copeland, Rob Wertheimer

3D printing, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, additive manufacturing, Airbnb, airport security, barriers to entry, business cycle, business process, clean water, commoditize, coronavirus, corporate governance, COVID-19, Covid-19, disruptive innovation, Elon Musk, factory automation, global pandemic, hydraulic fracturing, Internet of things, iterative process, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Marc Andreessen, megacity, Network effects, new economy, Ponzi scheme, profit maximization, random walk, RFID, ride hailing / ride sharing, risk tolerance, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, six sigma, skunkworks, software is eating the world, strikebreaker, Toyota Production System, Uber for X, winner-take-all economy

Owens believed that the stock market still paid too much attention to it, and that CAT got too little credit for the company’s hard work making its cost structure more flexible, so subsequent downturns inflicted less damage. That improved flexibility, however, wasn’t exactly due to the systematic improvements we emphasize throughout this book. It came from lower investment and hard-won concessions from the unions via strikebreaking. By 2004, 15 years of underinvestment had weakened the company. Unlike some companies, CAT did generate enough cash to have invested more, but not enough money flowed to the factories to secure future growth. At that point CAT may have eventually gotten some credit for managing well through recessions, but the leadership team’s cautious approach had missed the fat pitches thrown in many of CAT’s end markets.

pages: 1,396 words: 245,647

The Strangest Man: The Hidden Life of Paul Dirac, Mystic of the Atom by Graham Farmelo

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Arthur Eddington, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, double helix, Ernest Rutherford, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial independence, gravity well, Henri Poincaré, invention of radio, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, John von Neumann, Kevin Kelly, Murray Gell-Mann, period drama, Richard Feynman, Simon Singh, Solar eclipse in 1919, Stephen Hawking, strikebreaker, University of East Anglia

Almost half the university’s students took part in strike-breaking activities, so the authorities had no choice but to postpone the end-of-year examinations, prolonging the merriment.9 Dirac heard from his mother that trams and buses in Bristol were still running, a relief to his father, so weakened by grief that he could not walk the mile between his home and the Merchant Venturers’ School. Fate was about to bring Charles even more sorrow: he heard from Geneva in early March that his mother had died.10 The collapse of the General Strike was important in the development of political thought in Cambridge. The strength of opposition to the strike in the university demonstrated the unwillingness of its dons to disrupt the political status quo; even some of its socialist academics had been strike-breakers. The humiliation of May 1926 was one of the main motivations of a few Marxist scientists who were determined to establish radical politics in Cambridge and then to spread the word across the country.

pages: 375 words: 109,675

Railways & the Raj: How the Age of Steam Transformed India by Christian Wolmar

Beeching cuts, British Empire, collective bargaining, colonial rule, James Dyson, John Snow's cholera map, joint-stock company, Khyber Pass, Kickstarter, low cost airline, Mahatma Gandhi, Ponzi scheme, railway mania, strikebreaker, trade route, women in the workforce

However, the reaction of the government was uncompromising. Nehru’s daughter, the Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi (she had taken the name of her husband, Feroze Gandhi, born Gandhy, who was not related to Mahatma Gandhi), reacted strongly, arresting 30,000 railway workers under emergency preventative detention laws, and at least four protesting railway workers were killed during battles with the police. The strike was undermined by the use of strikebreakers from the Railway Territorial Army. This was an organization that had been created out of the Railway Volunteers, the not-so voluntary force of Europeans and Eurasians which, as mentioned in Chapter 6, Kipling had seen being trained. The Railway Territorial Army (which changed its name after the strike to the less militaristic-sounding Railway Engineers Regiment) was made up of railway staff boosted by a few military personnel and was trained to ensure the continuation of services in the event of war.

pages: 397 words: 102,910

The Idealist: Aaron Swartz and the Rise of Free Culture on the Internet by Justin Peters

4chan, activist lawyer, Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, Bayesian statistics, Brewster Kahle, buy low sell high, crowdsourcing, disintermediation, don't be evil, global village, Hacker Ethic, hypertext link, index card, informal economy, information retrieval, Internet Archive, invention of movable type, invention of writing, Isaac Newton, John Markoff, Joi Ito, Lean Startup, moral panic, Paul Buchheit, Paul Graham, profit motive, RAND corporation, Republic of Letters, Richard Stallman, selection bias, semantic web, Silicon Valley, social web, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, Vannevar Bush, Whole Earth Catalog, Y Combinator

The number of free public libraries in America grew prodigiously in the 1890s and 1900s, precipitated by grants and donations from rich men, such as the industrialist Andrew Carnegie, who hoped to whitewash their fortunes by erecting “a brown-stone buildin’ in ivry town in the country with me name over it,” as the columnist Finley Peter Dunne wrote in the voice of his Mr. Dooley character. Carnegie began to spend millions of dollars founding libraries for the benefit of the American underclass not a decade after sending armed Pinkerton strikebreakers to quell a labor dispute at one of his steel plants in Homestead, Pennsylvania. (After subduing the Homestead union in 1892, Carnegie subsequently blacklisted many of its members from steel-industry employment.) Six years later, when Carnegie dedicated the library he founded in Homestead, he spoke of his hope that it would serve to “establish a higher code of conduct, a stricter regard for the proprieties of life, and to produce the class of man incapable of anything disgraceful”—such as going on strike, presumably.4 The donors’ dappled motives notwithstanding, their charity had essentially benevolent results.

pages: 409 words: 118,448

An Extraordinary Time: The End of the Postwar Boom and the Return of the Ordinary Economy by Marc Levinson

affirmative action, airline deregulation, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, car-free, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, deindustrialization, endogenous growth, falling living standards, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Gilder, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, informal economy, intermodal, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, late capitalism, linear programming, manufacturing employment, new economy, Nixon shock, North Sea oil, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, pension reform, price stability, purchasing power parity, refrigerator car, Right to Buy, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, rolodex, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, statistical model, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Thomas Malthus, total factor productivity, unorthodox policies, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, Wolfgang Streeck, women in the workforce, working-age population, yield curve, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

On March 6, 1984, the National Coal Board announced the closure of twenty mines, with a loss of twenty thousand jobs. Miners at several pits walked out, and on March 12, without a ballot among his members, Scargill declared a national strike.22 The miners’ strike would be the defining moment of Thatcher’s tenure as prime minister. The National Union of Mineworkers was “the enemy within,” she told Parliament. Early on, physical attacks on strike-breaking miners and the killing of a taxi driver taking a strike breaker to work turned public opinion against the union. Thatcher, through careful preparation and a bit of good luck, emerged victorious. Miners who detested Scargill kept working, some power plants switched from coal to oil, and masses of police broke union blockades of working mines. Over the winter of 1984–1985, the lights stayed on.

pages: 426 words: 115,150

Your Money or Your Life: 9 Steps to Transforming Your Relationship With Money and Achieving Financial Independence: Revised and Updated for the 21st Century by Vicki Robin, Joe Dominguez, Monique Tilford

asset allocation, Buckminster Fuller, buy low sell high, credit crunch, disintermediation, diversification, diversified portfolio, fiat currency, financial independence, fixed income, fudge factor, full employment, Gordon Gekko, high net worth, index card, index fund, job satisfaction, Menlo Park, money market fund, Parkinson's law, passive income, passive investing, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Richard Bolles, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, software patent, strikebreaker, Thorstein Veblen, Vanguard fund, zero-coupon bond

Paid employees may do that as well, but there’s often as much (or more) pragmatism as principle in the job they do. Volunteers remind us about the best part of being human—precisely because they work for love, not money. While some people fear that having too many volunteers would create competition for jobs with workers who need the pay to survive, the kind of creative, self-motivated volunteers we are talking about will function more like entrepreneurs than like strikebreakers. As a volunteer you might initiate projects and processes that will eventually need paid employees to administrate and carry out. Volunteers have historically pointed to social needs that eventually get funded and even become professions. Visionaries eventually need educators to implement and teach their ideas. As a volunteer you can operate like human venture capital, increasing job opportunities for others in your community.

pages: 397 words: 114,841

High Steel: The Daring Men Who Built the World's Greatest Skyline by Jim Rasenberger

collective bargaining, Donald Trump, East Village, illegal immigration, MITM: man-in-the-middle, strikebreaker, Tacoma Narrows Bridge, union organizing, urban planning, young professional

When, in the summer of 1892, Carnegie’s second-in-command, Henry Clay Frick, told unskilled workers at a plant in Homestead, Pennsylvania, that he intended to lower their already meager wages, they responded in an altogether un-oxlike manner. They struck. Frick immediately fired all 3,800, then surrounded the plant with a barbed wire–trimmed fence and shipped in 300 armed Pinkertons to protect strikebreakers. As the Pinkertons arrived by barge on the night of July 5, 1892, gunfire broke out between guards and strikers. Nine workers and seven guards were killed, and 163 more seriously injured, before the skirmish ended. Six days later, the governor of Pennsylvania came to Frick’s aid, placing Homestead under martial law and effectively terminating the strike. Frick reduced the mill wage by half and brought in replacements.

Policing the Open Road by Sarah A. Seo

American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, barriers to entry, Ferguson, Missouri, jitney, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, profit motive, strikebreaker, the built environment, traffic fines, War on Poverty

They were fighting crime like “a football team without a quarterback.”20 Vollmer was well aware of the many obstacles to his “ideal program,” which included the difficulty of amending state constitutions. He did not have to mention the ideological objections. Even as progressive Americans were looking across the Atlantic to European models of administration, they still feared the inclination of centralized police to turn into the private force of the political party in power. Many also worried that state police would be used for union-busting, just as Pinkerton’s strikebreakers had intervened in labor disputes on behalf of industry, often using violence.21 In an attempt to overcome this formidable resistance, Vollmer hitched the crime control rationale to traffic. In 1935, Vollmer and his acolyte Alfred Parker published Crime and the State Police, which, notwithstanding the title, really dealt with motor vehicles. The most obvious reason the authors gave for statewide police forces was traffic control.

pages: 926 words: 312,419

Working: People Talk About What They Do All Day and How They Feel About What They Do by Studs Terkel

activist lawyer, business cycle, call centre, card file, cuban missile crisis, Ford paid five dollars a day, half of the world's population has never made a phone call, job satisfaction, Ralph Nader, strikebreaker, traveling salesman, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Yogi Berra, zero day

The only mistake you could make is to get caught. You had this gut fear inside: What did I tell this guy last time he was here? That no longer worries me. I always tell the same story to everybody. Everything I do in business must be aboveboard—must be something I can face God with once I appear before Him after I die. An issue of the magazine features in graphic detail the successful exploits of a strikebreaker in Canada. “Maybe strikebreaking is the wrong word to use. What that person does is supplies, in a competitive system of labor and management. Strikes is one of the legitimate weapons labor can use. Management also has a right to keep functioning. Because of physical threats made upon management, most companies are not willing to continue to function. Law enforcement has not been able to guarantee the personal safety of people for their right to run their businesses if their employees don’t wish to work.

pages: 532 words: 139,706

Googled: The End of the World as We Know It by Ken Auletta

23andMe, AltaVista, Anne Wojcicki, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, Ben Horowitz, bioinformatics, Burning Man, carbon footprint, citizen journalism, Clayton Christensen, cloud computing, Colonization of Mars, commoditize, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, death of newspapers, disintermediation, don't be evil, facts on the ground, Firefox, Frank Gehry, Google Earth, hypertext link, Innovator's Dilemma, Internet Archive, invention of the telephone, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, John Markoff, Kevin Kelly, knowledge worker, Long Term Capital Management, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Marshall McLuhan, Menlo Park, Network effects, new economy, Nicholas Carr, PageRank, Paul Buchheit, Peter Thiel, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Richard Feynman, Sand Hill Road, Saturday Night Live, semantic web, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, slashdot, social graph, spectrum auction, stealth mode startup, Stephen Hawking, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, telemarketer, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, Upton Sinclair, X Prize, yield management, zero-sum game

Inventing things, he once said, “wasn’t any good; you really had to get them out into the world and have people use them to have any effect. So probably from when I was 12, I knew I was going to start a company eventually.” When he thought about the kind of company he wanted, Larry told me, he thought of his grandfather, an assembly-line worker in the Chevrolet plant in Flint, Michigan, who during sit-down strikes fearfully carried a heavy iron pipe wrapped in leather as protection from what he described as strike-breaking “goons.” Happy employees, Larry came to believe, are more productive. The rival for Larry’s attention was music. He had begun playing the saxophone as a child, and he played with considerable skill. After finishing his first year at East Lansing High School, Larry was among the talented musicians chosen to attend summer sessions at the prestigious Interlochen Arts Academy in Northern Michigan.

pages: 598 words: 140,612

Triumph of the City: How Our Greatest Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier, and Happier by Edward L. Glaeser

affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Broken windows theory, carbon footprint, Celebration, Florida, clean water, congestion charging, declining real wages, desegregation, different worldview, diversified portfolio, Edward Glaeser, endowment effect, European colonialism, financial innovation, Frank Gehry, global village, Guggenheim Bilbao, haute cuisine, Home mortgage interest deduction, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, job-hopping, John Snow's cholera map, Mahatma Gandhi, McMansion, megacity, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, New Urbanism, place-making, Ponzi scheme, Potemkin village, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rent control, RFID, Richard Florida, Rosa Parks, school vouchers, Seaside, Florida, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart cities, Steven Pinker, strikebreaker, Thales and the olive presses, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the new new thing, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, William Shockley: the traitorous eight, Works Progress Administration, young professional

It would take another four years, but eventually Ford caved and signed a contract with the United Auto Workers that would usher in a half century of union power in Northern industrial cities. Around the same time, the federal government also helped strengthen the unions’ hand. The National Labor Relations Act, passed in 1935, made it more difficult to fire striking workers and led to the formation of closed shops, where unions and firms agreed that all workers in a given facility must join the union. In these closed shops, it was impossible to hire nonunion strikebreakers, which gave workers greater power to press their demands on manufacturers. A company that has invested millions or billions in fixed infrastructure can’t easily move if its workers press for higher wages, more benefits, shorter hours, or other concessions. If striking workers take control of that valuable infrastructure, as they do during a sit-down strike, they can cause such financial pain that management will often give in.

pages: 372 words: 152

The End of Work by Jeremy Rifkin

banking crisis, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, blue-collar work, cashless society, collective bargaining, computer age, deskilling, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, employer provided health coverage, Erik Brynjolfsson, full employment, future of work, general-purpose programming language, George Gilder, global village, hiring and firing, informal economy, interchangeable parts, invention of the telegraph, Jacques de Vaucanson, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, land reform, low skilled workers, means of production, new economy, New Urbanism, Paul Samuelson, pink-collar, post-industrial society, Productivity paradox, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, speech recognition, strikebreaker, technoutopianism, Thorstein Veblen, Toyota Production System, trade route, trickle-down economics, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

There is an enormous tragedy in the making unless the United States acts, and acts promptly, upon a problem that affects millions of people and the whole structure of the nation. 12 CAUGHT BETWEEN TECHNOLOGIES Although African-Americans were unaware of it at the time of their trek north, a second technolOgical revolution had already begun in the manufacturing industries of Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, and New York that once again would lock them out of gainful employment. This time the economic displacement created in its wake a new and permanent underclass in the inner cities and the conditions for widespread social unrest and violence for the remainder of the century. At first, blacks found limited access to unskilled jobs in the auto, steel, rubber, chemical, and meat-packing industries. Northern industrialists often used them as strikebreakers or to fill the vacuum left by the decline in immigrant workers from abroad. The fortunes of black workers in the North improved steadily until 1954 and then began a forty-year historical decline. In the mid-1950s, automation began taking its toll in the nation's manufacturing sector. Hardest hit were unskilled jobs in the very industries where black workers were concentrated. Between 1953 and 1962, 1.6 million blue collar jobs were lost in the manufacturing 74 THE T H I R DIN D U S T R I A L REV 0 L UTI 0 N sector. 13 Whereas the unemployment rate for black Americans had never exceeded 8.5 percent between 1947 and 1953, and the white rate of unemployment had never gone beyond 4.6 percent, by 1964 blacks were experiencing an unemployment rate of 12.4 percent while white unemployment was only 5.9 percent.

pages: 572 words: 134,335

The Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class by Kees Van der Pijl

anti-communist, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, deskilling, diversified portfolio, European colonialism, floating exchange rates, full employment, imperial preference, Joseph Schumpeter, liberal capitalism, mass immigration, means of production, North Sea oil, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit maximization, RAND corporation, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, trade route, union organizing, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, War on Poverty

At the same time, government repression, invoking an ‘alien-subversive’ scare, mounted implacably. Persecution radicalized the socialist foreign language federations towards Bolshevism and broke up the Socialist Party — a split ‘almost entirely along the lines of national origin’.38 In the climate of sharp class conflict and ‘interiorized’ Anglo-Saxon chauvinism, capitalists purposely stimulated racism by using black strikebreakers against organized white workers. Race riots erupted in St. Louis, Chicago and Tulsa, while attempts by class-conscious blacks to appeal to the AFL were rebuffed by the segregationist leadership. At a meeting of the AFL Executive Council in 1917, Gompers reprimanded a Negro delegation for ‘somehow conveying the idea that they are to be petted or coddled and given special consideration and special privilege.

pages: 473 words: 132,344

The Downfall of Money: Germany's Hyperinflation and the Destruction of the Middle Class by Frederick Taylor

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, British Empire, central bank independence, centre right, collective bargaining, falling living standards, fiat currency, fixed income, full employment, German hyperinflation, housing crisis, Internet Archive, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, mittelstand, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, quantitative easing, rent control, risk/return, strikebreaker, trade route, zero-sum game

The consequence of this espousal of a balanced budget, spending cuts and tight money by the two major English-speaking powers, was a slump known in its time, though not for long, as the ‘Great Depression’.16 In mid-1921, between a fifth and a quarter of the insured working population of Britain was out of work: 2.4 million people.17 Even in Britain, the harsh new economic policies led to strikes and riots, and were justified by a government rhetoric that exploited the fears of the middle classes. In America, the political atmosphere was thick with the ‘Red Scare’. Attorney General Alexander Mitchell Palmer pushed through arrests and deportations of foreign activists and agitators (the so-called ‘Palmer Raids’), and there was a rise in violent strike-breaking activity. So, again, in the light of the slump in two of its biggest foreign markets, to whom was Germany supposed to export in order to earn the gold that would soon be demanded by the Allies under the terms of the VersaillesTreaty? In any case, the country remained in very poor shape politically. It was all very well for the two most well-established democracies, Britain and the USA, to subject their populations to ruthless post-war economic health cures, but could newly democratised Germany, in which the electorate was sharply – not to say violently – divided, risk such a daring strategy?

pages: 470 words: 137,882

Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents by Isabel Wilkerson

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airport security, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, clean water, coronavirus, COVID-19, Covid-19, desegregation, Donald Trump, global pandemic, Gunnar Myrdal, mass incarceration, Milgram experiment, obamacare, out of africa, Peter Eisenman, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, strikebreaker, transatlantic slave trade, zero-sum game

They entered the North at the bottom, beneath southern and eastern Europeans who might not yet have learned English but who were permitted into unions and into better-served neighborhoods that barred black citizens whose labor had cleared the wilderness and built the country’s wealth. While there was no federal law restricting people to certain occupations on the basis of race, statutes in the South and custom in the North kept lower-caste people in their place. Northern industries often hired African-Americans only as strikebreakers, and unions blocked them from entire trades reserved for whites, such as pipe fitters or plumbers. City inspectors would refuse to sign off on the work of black electricians. A factory in Milwaukee turned away black men seeking jobs as they walked toward the front gate. In New York and Philadelphia, black people were long denied licenses merely to drive carts. “Every avenue for improvement was closed against him,” wrote William A.

pages: 391 words: 22,799

To Serve God and Wal-Mart: The Making of Christian Free Enterprise by Bethany Moreton

affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, big-box store, Bretton Woods, Buckminster Fuller, collective bargaining, corporate personhood, creative destruction, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frederick Winslow Taylor, George Gilder, global village, informal economy, invisible hand, liberation theology, longitudinal study, market fundamentalism, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage tax deduction, Naomi Klein, new economy, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, prediction markets, price anchoring, Ralph Nader, RFID, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, walkable city, Washington Consensus, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog, Works Progress Administration

Gifford Pinchot, Intrapreneuring: Why You Â�Don’t Have to Leave the Corporation to Become an Entrepreneur (New York: Harper & Row, 1985). 61. Donald M. Dible, Up Your OWN Organization! A Handbook for the Employed, the Unemployed, and the Self-Employed on How to Start and Finance a New Business (Santa Clara, CA: Entrepreneur Press, 1971). Subsequent editions dropped the reference to unemployment, and eventually replaced it with “entrepreneur.” 62. Stephen H. Norwood, Strikebreaking and Intimidation: Mercenaries and Masculinity in Twentieth-Century America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 15, 26. 63.; accessed December 1, 2008. 64. Vesper, Entrepreneurship Education 1985, xii, quotation on p. xiii. 65. James S. Fairweather, “Academic Research and Instruction: The Industrial Connection,” JHE 60, no. 4 (July 1989): 393–94. 320 NOTES TO PAGES 158 – 1 6 3 66.

pages: 655 words: 151,111

London: The Autobiography by Jon E. Lewis

affirmative action, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Brixton riot, John Snow's cholera map, side project, strikebreaker, Winter of Discontent

On 8 May Churchill organized a supply convoy from the docks to Hyde Park with the Grenadier Guards and armoured cars as escort. On the following day Churchill ordered pockets of troops to be stationed around London. There were running battles between strikers and police in New Cross, Deptford and Poplar but the TUC had little stomach for constitutional or armed conflict with the government. Even more detrimental to the effectiveness of the strike was the vast army of volunteer strike-breakers (as many as 114,000 in London alone) who had come forward to staff essential services. MY SYMPATHIES HAVE always been on the side of the underdogs and the underpaid, but they were not in favour of this general strike, which was an attempt by the T.U.C. to coerce the Government of the country and take over its power. It was an attack on our Parliamentary system and tradition, and, if successful, would have been the tyranny of a minority over the commonweal.

pages: 311 words: 168,705

The Rough Guide to Vienna by Humphreys, Rob

centre right, ghettoisation, Peace of Westphalia, strikebreaker, sustainable-tourism, trade route, urban sprawl

The next day several thousand workers spontaneously descended on the Justizpalast (see p.94) and set fire to it. Taken by surprise by the size of the demonstration, the mounted police panicked and fired point-blank into the crowd. In the ensuing chaos, 89 people were killed, and up to a thousand wounded, and the Justizpalast burned to the ground. The SDAP called an indefinite national strike, but refused to call out the Schutzbund. With the heavily armed Heimwehr acting as strike-breakers, the general strike was easily crushed and civil war was postponed for a few more years. Austro-fascism The onset of the Great Depression further destabilized what was already a fragile democracy. In the elections of November 1930, the Heimwehr, under Prince Starhemberg, won its first parliamentary seats for its newly formed political wing, the Heimatblock. The Social Democrats, meanwhile, emerged for the first time since 1919 as the largest single party, with 41 percent of the vote, but once more it was the Christian Socials who went on to form a series of weak coalition governments.

pages: 522 words: 144,511

Sugar: A Bittersweet History by Elizabeth Abbott

addicted to oil, agricultural Revolution, Bartolomé de las Casas, British Empire, flex fuel, land tenure, liberation theology, Mason jar, Ralph Waldo Emerson, spinning jenny, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, women in the workforce, working poor

“It’s hard . . . the blade getting dull and mud-caked as I slash . . . and on to the end of the long long row and the next and the next and it will never be done thinning and weeding and weeding and weeding,” laments the narrator in Joy Kogawa’s Obasan. Cree women and children labor on a sugar-beet farm in Raymond, Alberta, c. 1910. Filter presses turning beet into sugar, Greeley, Colorado, 1908. On March 24, strike-breaking farmer Charles Arnold fired at unarmed unionists, killing one and wounding four others. Despite witnesses to his rampage, an all-Anglo jury acquitted Arnold of all charges. This injustice inflamed the strikers and reinforced their determination to win. On March 30, after tense negotiations, the beet growers conceded most of the union’s demands and the strike ended. The workers’ victory had a sad postscript.

pages: 538 words: 145,243

Behemoth: A History of the Factory and the Making of the Modern World by Joshua B. Freeman

anti-communist, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, collective bargaining, Corn Laws, corporate raider, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, disruptive innovation,, factory automation, Ford paid five dollars a day, Frederick Winslow Taylor, global supply chain, indoor plumbing, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, James Hargreaves, joint-stock company, knowledge worker, mass immigration, means of production, mittelstand, Naomi Klein, new economy, On the Economy of Machinery and Manufactures, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Pearl River Delta, post-industrial society, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, spinning jenny, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, technoutopianism, the built environment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, Tim Cook: Apple, transaction costs, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, urban planning, Vanguard fund, women in the workforce, working poor, Works Progress Administration, zero-sum game

Repeated prewar efforts by the United Rubber Workers to unionize Goodyear’s Gadsden plant and Firestone’s Memphis plant failed, with a reign of terror in Alabama that included severe beatings of union organizers by company thugs and antiunion workers in cahoots with local law enforcement.11 The Radio Corporation of America (RCA) also reacted quickly to labor militancy. In 1936, a month-long strike, overcoming imported strikebreakers and police violence, led to the unionization of the company’s two-million-square-foot complex in Camden, New Jersey, just across the Delaware River from Philadelphia, where 9,700 workers (75 percent female) produced nearly all of its products. Almost immediately, RCA began moving operations elsewhere, between 1936 and 1947 setting up a component plant in Indianapolis, a radio plant in Bloomington, Indiana, tube plants in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and Marion, Indiana, a record plant in Hollywood, and a cabinet shop in Pulaski, Virginia.

Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government by Robert Higgs, Arthur A. Ekirch, Jr.

Alistair Cooke, American ideology, business cycle, clean water, collective bargaining, creative destruction, credit crunch, declining real wages, endowment effect, fiat currency, fixed income, full employment, hiring and firing, income per capita, Jones Act, Joseph Schumpeter, laissez-faire capitalism, manufacturing employment, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-industrial society, price discrimination, profit motive, rent control, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, transaction costs, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration

Though much less costly in lives and property, Chicago's Haymarket riot of 92 History 1886 provoked widespread fears for the stability and order of society. In July 1892 a strike at Carnegie's Homestead works near Pittsburgh degenerated into a small war between private armies; casualties mounted to sixteen dead and some sixty wounded before the militia arrived to restore order. Simultaneously, far to the west, striking miners battled strikebreakers in another industrial free-for-all at the silver mines of Coeur d' Alene, Idaho. Again troops had to be called out. At Buffalo in August 1892 thousands of state militiamen intervened in a strike by switchmen. Apprehension of impending anarchy spread across the land. The public's outrage focused on two aspects of the disorderly industrial relations, especially those involving the railroads: the violence itself, which directly threatened lives and property, and the spillover costs.

pages: 547 words: 148,799

Market Forces by Richard K. Morgan

call centre, land reform, old-boy network, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, urban decay

‘Yeah.’ The Americas agent waved a hand. ‘I don’t advertise the fact. Little squirt’s a union organiser in the banana belt, up around Bocas, where we were. Not the kind of thing you put on a Trade and Investment CV if you can avoid it.’ ‘I guess not.’ Lopez’s eyes went hooded. ‘I try to keep the worst of the shit from raining on him. I made contacts that are good for that much. And when the strike-breakers do come round, I pay his hospital bills, I feed his kids. Gets back on his feet and he drops by to insult me again.’ Chris thought feelingly of Erik Nyquist. ‘Family, huh?’ ‘Yeah, family.’ The agent lost his drugged introspection. Shot Chris a sideways look. ‘We’re just talking here, right, boss? You’re not going to go telling tales on me to the partners?’ ‘Joaquin, I don’t give a shit what your brother does for a living, and nor would any of Shorn’s partners.

pages: 585 words: 151,239

Capitalism in America: A History by Adrian Wooldridge, Alan Greenspan

"Robert Solow", 2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, air freight, Airbnb, airline deregulation, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, Asian financial crisis, bank run, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, business cycle, business process, California gold rush, Charles Lindbergh, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, credit crunch, debt deflation, Deng Xiaoping, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, edge city, Elon Musk, equal pay for equal work, Everybody Ought to Be Rich, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fiat currency, financial deregulation, financial innovation, fixed income, full employment, George Gilder, germ theory of disease, global supply chain, hiring and firing, income per capita, indoor plumbing, informal economy, interchangeable parts, invention of the telegraph, invention of the telephone, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kitchen Debate, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, Louis Pasteur, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market bubble, Mason jar, mass immigration, means of production, Menlo Park, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, minimum wage unemployment, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, Northern Rock, oil rush, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, popular capitalism, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, price stability, Productivity paradox, purchasing power parity, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, refrigerator car, reserve currency, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Sand Hill Road, savings glut, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Simon Kuznets, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, South Sea Bubble, sovereign wealth fund, stem cell, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, strikebreaker, supply-chain management, The Great Moderation, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, total factor productivity, trade route, transcontinental railway, tulip mania, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, urban sprawl, Vannevar Bush, War on Poverty, washing machines reduced drudgery, Washington Consensus, white flight, wikimedia commons, William Shockley: the traitorous eight, women in the workforce, Works Progress Administration, Yom Kippur War, young professional

Frick tried to rationalize labor costs by linking wages to the price of steel (which was declining) rather than to the company’s profits. The Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers resisted; Frick built a three-mile-long stockade around the factory, complete with barbed wire, 2,000-candlepower searchlights, and rifle slits, and employed 300 men from the Pinkerton detective agency to protect his strikebreakers. Pitched battles followed, leaving 16 dead and the public shocked. When the strikers won the first round of the battle, forcing the Pinkertons to surrender, the governor of Pennsylvania ordered 8,500 troops to break the strike and seize the mill. The most important cause of these protests was deflation, which gripped the economy from the end of the Civil War to 1900 and which was particularly severe from 1865 to 1879.

From Peoples into Nations by John Connelly

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, Cass Sunstein, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, German hyperinflation, Gini coefficient, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, joint-stock company, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, liberal capitalism, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, oil shock, old-boy network, open borders, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Peace of Westphalia, profit motive, purchasing power parity, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Chicago School, trade liberalization, Transnistria, union organizing, upwardly mobile, wikimedia commons, women in the workforce

The Romanian fascist Corneliu Codreanu, who began his career as a student radical in the Moldavian capital of Iaşi, called Jews an “army that comes into our land to conquer us,” and said that if Communism prevailed, the Romanian people would be “mercilessly exterminated” and the land “colonized by Jewish masses.”10 Like many fascists, Codreanu lacked military credentials because he had been too young to serve in World War I, but he made up for that by smashing the heads of workers and Communists in squadrons of strikebreakers who took to Iaşi’s streets in the early postwar turmoil. His mentor Alexandru C. Cuza, a professor of political economy, was an extreme anti-Semite who formed the Radical Christian Union in 1922. Cuza used the swastika as his movement’s symbol yet seemed tame to Codreanu and his friends because he foreswore militancy.11 In 1923 authorities arrested Codreanu for conspiracy to murder those responsible for granting Romanian citizenship to Jews.

In June 1935, Paul appointed as prime minister the old Radical politician Milan Stojadinović, and his three years in office brought relative calm, continued relaxations of censorship as well as hopeful accommodation with the Croat leader Vladko Maček. Soon Muslim, Slovene, and even Croatian politicians were involved in the government.59 Meanwhile, a tiny Serb fascist movement had emerged under Dimitrije Ljotić, a lawyer from a prominent family, who had made a name for himself as a strike-breaker after World War I and as minister of justice from February to August 1931. During student days in Paris, Ljotić had come under the spell of the French integral nationalist Charles Maurras; he came to believe in the blood kinship of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, an unusual case of racism serving multiethnic cooperation. His ambition to reorganize Yugoslavia on a “corporatist” basis, mobilizing popular forces in nondemocratic structures, had caused King Alexander to sack him as justice minister.

pages: 540 words: 168,921

The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism by Joyce Appleby

1919 Motor Transport Corps convoy, agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Madoff, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, Charles Lindbergh, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Columbian Exchange, commoditize, corporate governance, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Doha Development Round, double entry bookkeeping, epigenetics, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Firefox, fixed income, Ford paid five dollars a day, Francisco Pizarro, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gordon Gekko, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, Hernando de Soto, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, informal economy, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, invention of movable type, invention of the printing press, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, land reform, Livingstone, I presume, Long Term Capital Management, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, moral hazard, Parag Khanna, Ponzi scheme, profit maximization, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, refrigerator car, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, special economic zone, spice trade, spinning jenny, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, total factor productivity, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration, Yogi Berra, Yom Kippur War

Stressing “pure and simple unionism,” the AFL grew steadily as it worked for the immediate improvement of workers’ wages and conditions. Its initial openness to unskilled laborers, blacks, and women closed over time, in part because of the prejudices of the member unions, which forced segregation on black unions. They viewed women at best as part of a pool of labor that, like illegal immigrants today, kept wages down. At worst, they were likely strikebreakers. In keeping with its fierce loyalty to the federation’s core membership of white men, the AFL urged Congress to renew the 1882 immigration restriction on Chinese in 1901. Still, the AFL never enlisted more than 5 percent of the work force. It had an uphill struggle because native-born Americans who were moving into the city from the countryside after the Civil War experienced real improvements in their standard of living, bolstered by steady factory work, accessible medical clinics, and free public education.

The Origins of the Urban Crisis by Sugrue, Thomas J.

affirmative action, business climate, collective bargaining, correlation coefficient, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, deindustrialization, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Ford paid five dollars a day, George Gilder, ghettoisation, Gunnar Myrdal, hiring and firing, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, informal economy, invisible hand, job automation, jobless men, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, mass incarceration, New Urbanism, oil shock, pink-collar, postindustrial economy, rent control, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, side project, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

Beginning in the last years of the Great Depression, industrial unions, led by the UAW, opened many locals to black membership, lobbied for civil rights protection, and supported the hiring of black workers. The leadership of the UAW also made a tremendous push for inclusion of blacks in the workplace during World War II, despite opposition from rank-and-file workers and corporate managers.22 Auto employers had most frequently used black labor as part of a classic divide-and-conquer strategy in the workplace: in times of industrial tumult, the auto companies hired blacks as strikebreakers. The pattern broke in the early 1940s, when the UAW forged an alliance with black churches and reform organizations, especially the NAACP23 The success of interracial unionism in the automobile industry hindered employers’ strategies of fragmenting the work force by race to curb union militancy. During the war, moreover, the NAACP, and other, shorter-lived civil rights and labor organizations, like the National Negro Congress and the Civil Rights Congress, played an important role in highlighting the issue of employment discrimination.

pages: 559 words: 169,094

The Unwinding: An Inner History of the New America by George Packer

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, bank run, big-box store, citizen journalism, cleantech, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, corporate raider, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, deindustrialization, diversified portfolio, East Village, El Camino Real, Elon Musk, family office, financial independence, financial innovation, fixed income, Flash crash, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, housing crisis, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, life extension, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, Marc Andreessen, margin call, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Maui Hawaii, Menlo Park, Neil Kinnock, new economy, New Journalism, obamacare, Occupy movement, oil shock, paypal mafia, peak oil, Peter Thiel, Ponzi scheme, Richard Florida, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, single-payer health, smart grid, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method, too big to fail, union organizing, urban planning, We are the 99%, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, white flight, white picket fence, zero-sum game

Lewis’s tactics were radical, but his goals were entirely within the American system. In the spring of 1937, twenty-five thousand workers in the Mahoning Valley joined a national steel strike. Banned from the airwaves, they mounted loudspeakers on trucks and went neighborhood to neighborhood to announce the next meeting or picket. They also stockpiled baseball bats. Almost none of the strikers were black. In the past, black workers had been brought up from the South as strikebreakers, and for decades they were consigned to the dirtiest, most menial jobs in the mills, like scarfer—taking the defects out of the steel with a blowtorch. They shared a deep mutual wariness with their white coworkers, one that even the idealistic rhetoric of SWOC couldn’t overcome. It became known as the Little Steel strike. The organizers didn’t target the behemoth U.S. Steel, which had already yielded to labor’s economic power and recognized the union in March, having just the month before been given the object lesson of a successful sit-down strike by auto workers at General Motors plants in Flint, Michigan.

Necessary Illusions by Noam Chomsky

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, British Empire, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, full employment, Howard Zinn, Khyber Pass, land reform, long peace, New Journalism, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, union organizing

In a 1943 review, the ACLU praised the “state of civil liberty” during World War II in contrast to World War I, when governmental and other pressures “resulted in mob violence against dissenters, hundreds of prosecutions for utterances; in the creation of a universal volunteer vigilante system, officially recognized, to report dissent to the FBI; in hysterical hatred of everything German; in savage sentences for private expressions of criticism; and in suppression of public debate of the issues of the war and the peace.”190 But this positive evaluation of the state of civil liberty during World War II should be tempered in the light of the (Court-approved) dispatch of 110,000 Japanese-Americans to concentration camps; the 1940 Espionage Act and Smith Act,191 initiation of repressive activities of the FBI that persisted at a high level for at least thirty years; government strikebreaking and destruction of the Socialist Workers Party; full-scale martial law in Hawaii barring trial by jury, habeas corpus, and other due process rights; jailing of dozens of people for such seditious acts as counselling draft opposition; barring of dissident press from the mails and seizure of newspapers and other publications; surveillance of all international message traffic under wartime censorship; brutal treatment of conscientious objectors, etc.192 Meanwhile, left-liberal opinion called for restricting the Bill of Rights to “friends of democracy” and “exterminating” the “treason press,” while Reinhold Niebuhr stressed the “greater measure of coercion” required during a national emergency and approved infringements on “the freedom of organizations to spread subversive propaganda” and community drives “to eliminate recalcitrant and even traitorous elements.”193 All this was at a time when opposition to the war was minuscule, the United States was by far the richest and most powerful state in the world, and its national territory had not been threatened with attack since the War of 1812.

Economic Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy by Daron Acemoğlu, James A. Robinson

Andrei Shleifer, British Empire, business cycle, colonial rule, conceptual framework, constrained optimization, Corn Laws, declining real wages, Edward Glaeser, European colonialism, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, Jean Tirole, John Markoff, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, minimum wage unemployment, Nash equilibrium, Nelson Mandela, oil shock, open economy, Pareto efficiency, rent-seeking, strikebreaker, total factor productivity, transaction costs, Washington Consensus, William of Occam, women in the workforce

One could argue that the threat of strikes or demonstrations is continually present, which would be sufficient to induce Chávez to change his policies. Yet, it is clear that Chávez did not make any concessions until these threats actually manifested in strikes and demonstrations. Generally, it will be unclear whether threats to organize strikes are credible because the actions of many people have to be coordinated and a strike may fail because the regime can organize strikebreaking activities. Even after a strike or demonstration has occurred, there is no guarantee that another one can be easily orchestrated in the future. These factors indicate why the opponents of Chávez were not content with policy concessions because they anticipate that they can be reversed. They would only be satisfied with the removal of the president and, thus, a change in the allocation of de jure power.

pages: 686 words: 201,972

Drink: A Cultural History of Alcohol by Iain Gately

barriers to entry, British Empire, California gold rush, corporate raider, delayed gratification, Deng Xiaoping, Edward Lloyd's coffeehouse, Fellow of the Royal Society, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, Haight Ashbury, Hernando de Soto, imperial preference, invisible hand, joint-stock company, Jones Act, Louis Pasteur, megacity, music of the spheres, Norman Mailer, Peace of Westphalia, post-work, refrigerator car, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, spice trade, strikebreaker, the scientific method, Tim Cook: Apple, trade route, traveling salesman, Upton Sinclair, V2 rocket, working poor

In 1922, the American Federation of Labor passed a resolution supporting modification of the Volstead Act to permit beer and light wines; the same resolution was passed every subsequent year. Prohibition was perceived as discriminatory against urban and factory workers, who had drunk beer in saloons rather than cocktails and so had suffered more than the rich, whose tastes in drinks were better catered to by bootleggers. The workers not only had to endure thirst but also violence as a result of Prohibition. Organized crime, flush with money from selling alcohol, moved into the strike-breaking business. Union leaders were murdered and workforces cowed by gangsters hired by unscrupulous industrialists. This unintended consequence of the great moral experiment sickened many Americans, as did the never-ending casualty register caused by toxic bootleg. In 1930, America suffered the worst outbreak of mass poisoningit had yet experienced, which crippled perhaps fifty thousand people for life.

The Chomsky Reader by Noam Chomsky

American ideology, anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, British Empire, business climate, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, interchangeable parts, land reform, land tenure, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, theory of mind, Thomas L Friedman, union organizing, War on Poverty, zero-sum game, éminence grise

NC: Well, maybe part of the reason is that in a certain sense I grew up in an alien culture, in the Jewish-Zionist cultural tradition, in an immigrant community in a sense, though of course others reacted to the same conditions quite differently. I suppose I am also a child of the Depression. Some of my earliest memories, which are very vivid, are of people selling rags at our door, of violent police strikebreaking, and other Depression scenes. Whatever the reason may be, I was very much affected by events of the 1930s, the Spanish Civil War, for example, though I was barely literate. The first article I wrote was an editorial in the school newspaper on the fall of Barcelona, a few weeks after my tenth birthday. The rise of nazism also made a deep impression, intensified perhaps because we were practically the only Jewish family in a bitterly anti-Semitic Irish and German Catholic neighborhood in which there was open support for the Nazis until December 1941.

pages: 601 words: 193,225

740 Park: The Story of the World's Richest Apartment Building by Michael Gross

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bonfire of the Vanities, California gold rush, corporate raider, cuban missile crisis, Donald Trump, Irwin Jacobs, Jarndyce and Jarndyce, McMansion, mortgage debt, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ronald Reagan, sensible shoes, short selling, strikebreaker, The Predators' Ball, traveling salesman, Upton Sinclair, urban planning

When its workers went on strike in September 1913, seeking union recognition, Junior held out for an open shop, telling a CF&I official he was fighting “a good fight.” The following April, striking workers at the company’s mine at Ludlow were evicted from their company-owned homes and attacked in their tent colony by an overwhelming force of state militiamen, company guards, private detectives, and strikebreaking goons who shot and burned to death twenty people, thirteen of them women and children. It became known as the Ludlow Massacre. Junior at first dismissed the debacle as an “outbreak of lawlessness,” but after the socialist writer Upton Sinclair penned an open letter calling him a murderer, picket lines formed outside his office and the thirty-three-hundred-acre family compound at Pocantico, and a bomb meant for 10 West Fifty-fourth Street exploded before it got there, killing several people.

pages: 518 words: 170,126

City for Sale: The Transformation of San Francisco by Chester W. Hartman, Sarah Carnochan

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Bay Area Rapid Transit, big-box store, business climate, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, housing crisis, illegal immigration, John Markoff, Loma Prieta earthquake, manufacturing employment, new economy, New Urbanism, profit motive, Ralph Nader, rent control, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South of Market, San Francisco, strikebreaker, union organizing, urban planning, urban renewal, very high income, young professional

*Mendelsohn’s attempts to secure union support were no more successful than Woolf’s. John Elberling, later to become head of TOOR’s housing development group, provided this vignette: “Before he died in 1988, Peter Mendelsohn showed me TOOR’s letter to Harry Bridges appealing for help to stop Redevelopment’s demolition. . . . ‘We are your Brothers,’ they wrote. ‘We fought the bosses together. We stood with you against the police and strikebreakers on the Embarcadero during the General Strike. We sailed with you in the Merchant Marine during the War. The Redevelopment Agency is taking our homes. It’s all we have. We need your help.’ Bridges had returned the original letter, with a handwritten answer in the margin, ‘Sorry, but I’m on the other side [in] this, Harry.’ Peter cried. I asked him the next week for a copy, but he said he burned it because he was too ashamed.”

The Oil Kings: How the U.S., Iran, and Saudi Arabia Changed the Balance of Power in the Middle East by Andrew Scott Cooper

addicted to oil, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, banking crisis, Boycotts of Israel, energy security, falling living standards, friendly fire, full employment, interchangeable parts, Kickstarter, land reform, MITM: man-in-the-middle, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, peak oil, Ponzi scheme, RAND corporation, rising living standards, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, unbiased observer, uranium enrichment, urban planning, Yom Kippur War

Police reported a rash of suspicious automobile fires as car owners found ingenious ways of disposing of their gas guzzlers and claiming the insurance value on their cars. Motorists in Hawaii slept outside gas stations to hold their place in line. A strike by independent truck drivers angry over fuel prices and scarcity led to food shortages, which in turn triggered panic buying at supermarkets in the Midwest. Bitter clashes with strikebreakers resulted in three shooting deaths and many injuries, “and there have been scores of fist fights, slashed tires and smashed windshields.” Truckers besieged the town of Streator (pop. 16,000) in Illinois and prevented trucks from entering the city limits. The town’s biggest employer was forced to close its doors and frenzied residents mobbed stores to stock up on provisions. The governors of eight states called out the National Guard to patrol highway overpasses and truck stops and to escort convoys of trucks laden with food.

pages: 556 words: 46,885

The World's First Railway System: Enterprise, Competition, and Regulation on the Railway Network in Victorian Britain by Mark Casson

banking crisis, barriers to entry, Beeching cuts, British Empire, business cycle, combinatorial explosion, Corn Laws, corporate social responsibility, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, intermodal, iterative process, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, linear programming, Network effects, New Urbanism, performance metric, railway mania, rent-seeking, strikebreaker, the market place, transaction costs

By 1900 several industries had become dominated by large and powerful trades unions, some of whose leaders sought to use strike action not only to improve wages and conditions of employment but also to challenge the traditional rights of employers over their workers. In manufacturing, mining, and transport, wage rates rose, basic hours of work fell, and productivity growth stagnated (Broadberry 1997, 2006). Labour disputes began to polarize political opinion. Some employers turned to confrontation, locking workers out before a strike could take effect, and hiring strike-breakers, while others agreed to conciliation. Some embraced novel forms of profit-sharing and part-ownership with employees, while others emphatically asserted their absolute rights as employers. Government began to legislate over worker’s rights and trade union representation, leading to high-profile court cases which resolved the immediate issues but often left more ill-feeling between the parties than there had been before.

pages: 934 words: 232,651

Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 1945-1956 by Anne Applebaum

active measures, affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, Internet Archive, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, land reform, language of flowers, means of production, New Urbanism, Potemkin village, price mechanism, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, scientific worldview, Slavoj Žižek, stakhanovite, strikebreaker, union organizing, urban planning

The ban went far beyond youth groups. In the first wave he banned, among others, the Hungarian Athletic Club (described by Szabad Nép as “the exclusive sports association of the highest, sharply antidemocratic circles”); the Prohaszka Work Community, a community service organization of Bishop Prohaszka; the Association of College Students; several Christian Democratic trade unions (“which made themselves known for their strike-breaking activities in the past”); and something called the Grand Order of Emericana, which was said to hold mystical ceremonies in the manner of the Ku Klux Klan. In the next wave Rajk banned the Hungarian Naval Association, a few local hunting clubs, the Count Széchenyi Association of War Veterans, and the Association of Christian Democratic Tobacco Workers. Among the groups banned were professional associations and guilds, all of which were said to be working “in the service of capitalist interests,” as well as “reactionary” social organizations, Catholic and Protestant organizations, and noncommunist trade unions.

Rough Guide to San Francisco and the Bay Area by Nick Edwards, Mark Ellwood

1960s counterculture, airport security, back-to-the-land, Bay Area Rapid Transit, British Empire, Burning Man, California gold rush, carbon footprint, City Beautiful movement, El Camino Real, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, glass ceiling, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, haute cuisine, Joan Didion, Kickstarter, Loma Prieta earthquake, Menlo Park, Nelson Mandela, period drama, pez dispenser, Port of Oakland, rent control, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Sand Hill Road, Silicon Valley, South of Market, San Francisco, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, strikebreaker, transcontinental railway, unpaid internship, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, white picket fence, Works Progress Administration, young professional

The strength of San Francisco as a banking power was highlighted by the rise of Bank of America – founded as the Bank of Italy in 1904 by A.P. Giannini in North Beach – into the largest bank in the world. The buoyant 1920s gave way to the Depression of the 1930s, but, despite the sharp increases in unemployment, there was only one major battle on the industrial-relations front. On “Bloody Thursday” – July 5, 1934 – police protecting strike-breakers from angry picketers fired into the crowd, wounding thirty and killing two longshoremen. The Army was sent in to restore order, and in retaliation the unions called a General Strike that saw some 125,000 workers down tools, bringing the Bay Area economy to a halt for four days. It was one of the largest strikes in the nation’s history. Otherwise there was remarkably little unrest, and some of the city’s finest monuments – Coit Tower, for example, and, most importantly, the two great bridges – were built during this time under WPA sponsorship.

pages: 851 words: 247,711

The Atlantic and Its Enemies: A History of the Cold War by Norman Stone

affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, central bank independence, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, illegal immigration, income per capita, interchangeable parts, Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, labour mobility, land reform, long peace, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mitch Kapor, new economy, Norman Mailer, North Sea oil, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, Ponzi scheme, popular capitalism, price mechanism, price stability, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, V2 rocket, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Yom Kippur War, éminence grise

An extraordinary British anomaly, a tribute to the very high standards of the past, was that the trade unions were subject only to the criminal law: gratuitous mayhem, of a kind that no-one, in the English nineteenth century, would have expected. In 1906 a Liberal government anxious to please labour produced a trade union law that assumed common decency. The matter was not even debated, so that the then worthies could devote their oratorical talents to the Irish Question. The trade unions’ power to ‘picket’, i.e. to deter potential customers and strike-breakers, was unchallenged. That power was not supposed to include violence, but there was nothing to prevent strike pickets from roving around to stop firms that were indirectly involved in the affairs of the struck-against one. A would-be mining revolutionary, Arthur Scargill, sent men with brickbats to raid the power stations and stop the use of coal, and the police stood by, helpless. In the docks, a similar protection-racketeering prevailed.

pages: 870 words: 259,362

Austerity Britain: 1945-51 by David Kynaston

Alistair Cooke, anti-communist, British Empire, Chelsea Manning, collective bargaining, continuous integration, deindustrialization, deskilling, Etonian, full employment, garden city movement, hiring and firing, industrial cluster, invisible hand, job satisfaction, labour mobility, light touch regulation, mass immigration, moral panic, Neil Kinnock, occupational segregation, price mechanism, rent control, reserve currency, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, shared worldview, stakhanovite, strikebreaker, the market place, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, very high income, wage slave, washing machines reduced drudgery, wealth creators, women in the workforce, young professional

Not only were there major, high-profile strikes in 1948 and 1949 (in both cases centred on London and Liverpool), but between 1945 and 1951 as a whole, more than a fifth of the 14.3 million working days lost to strikes in all industries were attributable to industrial action in the docks – even though those docks employed only about 80,000 men out of a national workforce of some 20 million.7. ‘To some of us,’ a bishop living in Eastbourne wrote to The Times during the 1949 strike (ended only by the government’s resorting to no fewer than 15,000 servicemen to act as strike-breakers), ‘it is all so desperately puzzling.’ He went on: We are told that the majority of dockers are decent men, yet their reasoning powers seem paralysed. How can it be right to sacrifice England, to attempt to starve her, and to upset our already over-difficult national recovery by any sectional action? Is there some deep cause we do not know, or is it just rather sheer stupidity or selfish sectionalism?

pages: 939 words: 274,289

The Man Who Saved the Union: Ulysses Grant in War and Peace by H. W. Brands

California gold rush, clean water, Corn Laws, industrial cluster, long peace, Monroe Doctrine, retrograde motion, strikebreaker, transcontinental railway

The war had never been popular in New York City, where the Democrats who controlled city politics had tried to declare neutrality in the conflict for the Union. They failed, but their efforts encouraged resentment against Republican policies. The Emancipation Proclamation, by converting the struggle to preserve the Union into a crusade to free the slaves, antagonized many New Yorkers, especially Irish immigrants who feared a flood of low-wage labor that would render their currently tenuous position even more so. The deployment of black strikebreakers against Irish dockworkers in a strike in the early summer of 1863 intensified the fear and distrust. More immediately threatening than the Emancipation Proclamation was the Enrollment Act of March 1863. The measure aimed to induce voluntary enlistment but did so by requiring compulsory enlistment—a draft—if congressional districts didn’t achieve their quotas. Loopholes allowed individuals to avoid service; of these the most noticed were the options of hiring a substitute and of paying a three-hundred-dollar commutation fee.

pages: 872 words: 259,208

A History of Modern Britain by Andrew Marr

air freight, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, battle of ideas, Beeching cuts, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brixton riot, clean water, collective bargaining, computer age, congestion charging, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Etonian, falling living standards, fear of failure, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial independence, floating exchange rates, full employment, housing crisis, illegal immigration, Kickstarter, liberal capitalism, Live Aid, loadsamoney, market design, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, millennium bug, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, open borders, out of africa, Parkinson's law, Piper Alpha, Red Clydeside, reserve currency, Right to Buy, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, working poor, Yom Kippur War

The Age of Major While the central story of British politics in the seven years between the fall of Thatcher and the arrival of Blair was taken up by Europe, at home the government tried to continue the British revolution. After many years of dithering, British Rail was broken up and privatized, as was the remaining coal industry. After the 1992 election it was decided that over half of the remaining coalmining jobs must go, in a closure programme of thirty-one pits to prepare the industry for privatization. This depressed or angered many Tory MPs who felt the strike-breaking effect of the Nottinghamshire-dominated Union of Democratic Mine-workers deserved a better reward, and it roused much public protest. Nevertheless, with power companies moving towards gas and oil, and the union muscle of the miners broken long since, the sale went ahead two years later. Faced with a plan by Michael Heseltine to sell off the Post Office too, Major baulked. It was a service with the stamp of Royalty on it and a long tradition.

Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinians (Updated Edition) (South End Press Classics Series) by Noam Chomsky

active measures, American ideology, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, centre right, colonial rule, David Brooks, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Monroe Doctrine, New Journalism, random walk, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, the market place, Thomas L Friedman

The Zionist Movement and the PLO n the pre-state period, the nuclei of the two present political groupings were in often bitter conflict, in part, class conflict. The Labor Party was a party of Jewish workers (NB: not workers; in fact, it opposed efforts by the Mandatory government to improve the conditions of Arab workers* while urging a boycott of their labor and produce),189 while the Revisionists, the precursors of Begin’s Herut, were in fact an offshoot of European fascism, with an ideology of submission of the mass to a single leader, strike-breaking, chauvinist fanaticism, and the rest of the familiar paraphernalia of the 1930s.190 I 9.1 “The Boundaries of Zionist Aspirations” * Few leaders of the pre-state Labor Party were so concerned with justice for the Arabs as Chaim Arlosoroff, who was assassinated in 1933 (by Revisionists, Labor alleged). It is therefore interesting to consider his views on this matter. In a 1932 memorandum to Chaim Weizmann, he wrote that a major problem was that the British administration was “considerate of the sensibilities of the Arabs and Moslems,” and “it would be very hard for them to depart from this practice to the extent of becoming responsive to our demands.”

pages: 1,261 words: 294,715

Behave: The Biology of Humans at Our Best and Worst by Robert M. Sapolsky

autonomous vehicles, Bernie Madoff, biofilm, blood diamonds, British Empire, Broken windows theory, Brownian motion, car-free, clean water, cognitive dissonance, corporate personhood, corporate social responsibility, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, delayed gratification, desegregation, different worldview, double helix, Drosophila, Edward Snowden,, epigenetics, Flynn Effect, framing effect, fudge factor, George Santayana, global pandemic, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, impulse control, income inequality, John von Neumann, Loma Prieta earthquake, long peace, longitudinal study, loss aversion, Mahatma Gandhi, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monkeys Reject Unequal Pay, mouse model, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, Network effects, out of africa, Peter Singer: altruism, phenotype, placebo effect, publication bias, RAND corporation, risk tolerance, Rosa Parks, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), self-driving car, Silicon Valley, social intelligence, Stanford marshmallow experiment, Stanford prison experiment, stem cell, Steven Pinker, strikebreaker, theory of mind, transatlantic slave trade, traveling salesman, trickle-down economics, twin studies, ultimatum game, Walter Mischel, wikimedia commons, zero-sum game

.* Similar “other-regarding preference” was shown with marmoset monkeys, where the first individual got nothing and merely chose whether the other guy got a cricket to eat (of note, a number of studies have failed to find other-regarding preference in chimps).16 Really interesting evidence for a nonhuman sense of justice comes in a small side study in a Brosnan/de Waal paper. Back to the two monkeys getting cucumbers for work. Suddenly one guy gets shifted to grapes. As we saw, the one still getting the cucumber refuses to work. Fascinatingly, the grape mogul often refuses as well. What is this? Solidarity? “I’m no strike-breaking scab”? Self-interest, but with an atypically long view about the possible consequences of the cucumber victim’s resentment? Scratch an altruistic capuchin and a hypocritical one bleeds? In other words, all the questions raised by human altruism. Given the relatively limited reasoning capacities of monkeys, these findings support the importance of social intuitionism. De Waal perceives even deeper implications—the roots of human morality are older than our cultural institutions, than our laws and sermons.

pages: 1,073 words: 314,528

Strategy: A History by Lawrence Freedman

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Anton Chekhov, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, battle of ideas, Black Swan, British Empire, business process, butterfly effect, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, circulation of elites, cognitive dissonance, coherent worldview, collective bargaining, complexity theory, conceptual framework, corporate raider, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, defense in depth, desegregation, Edward Lorenz: Chaos theory,, endogenous growth, endowment effect, Ford paid five dollars a day, framing effect, Frederick Winslow Taylor, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, information retrieval, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, John Nash: game theory, John von Neumann, Kenneth Arrow, lateral thinking, linear programming, loose coupling, loss aversion, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, mental accounting, Murray Gell-Mann, mutually assured destruction, Nash equilibrium, Nelson Mandela, Norbert Wiener, Norman Mailer, oil shock, Pareto efficiency, performance metric, Philip Mirowski, prisoner's dilemma, profit maximization, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, social intelligence, Steven Pinker, strikebreaker, The Chicago School, The Myth of the Rational Market, the scientific method, theory of mind, Thomas Davenport, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Torches of Freedom, Toyota Production System, transaction costs, ultimatum game, unemployed young men, Upton Sinclair, urban sprawl, Vilfredo Pareto, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, Yogi Berra, zero-sum game

He described it, in a striking metaphor, as being “like a human being with its skin peeled off and whose intestines are seen at work.”30 He toured the stockyards, watching the automated process whereby an “unsuspecting bovine” entered the slaughtering area, was hit by a hammer and collapsed, gripped by an iron clamp, hoisted up and started on a journey which saw workers “eviscerate and skin it.” It was possible, he observed, to “follow a pig from the sty to the sausage and the can.” At the time of his visit the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workman’s Union were smarting after a defeat in a strike aimed at getting the stockyards unionized. Weber, apparently with a degree of exaggeration, described the aftermath: “Masses of Italians and Negroes as strike-breakers; daily shootings with dozens of dead on both sides; a streetcar was overturned and a dozen women were squashed because a non-union man had sat in it; dynamite threats against the Elevated Railway, and one of its cars was actually derailed and plunged into the river.”31 He also visited the Hull House Settlement, about which his wife Marianne wrote in glowing terms: “It includes a day nursery, accommodations for 30 women workers, a sports facility for young people, a large concert hall with a stage, an instructional kitchen, a kindergarten, rooms for all kinds of instruction in needlework and manual tasks, etc.

pages: 1,335 words: 336,772

The House of Morgan: An American Banking Dynasty and the Rise of Modern Finance by Ron Chernow

always be closing, bank run, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bolshevik threat, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, British Empire, buy and hold, California gold rush, capital controls, Charles Lindbergh, collective bargaining, corporate raider, Etonian, financial deregulation, fixed income, German hyperinflation, index arbitrage, interest rate swap, margin call, money market fund, Monroe Doctrine, North Sea oil, oil shale / tar sands, old-boy network, paper trading, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, short selling, strikebreaker, the market place, the payments system, too big to fail, transcontinental railway, undersea cable, Yom Kippur War, young professional

By the fall of 1902, schools were shut in New York for lack of coal, and the Republicans feared retribution in the elections. On October 11, 1902, Elihu Root, the secretary of war, met with Pierpont aboard Corsair III in the Hudson River. Roosevelt was ready to run the mines with soldiers and wanted Morgan’s support for an arbitration committee. TR was taking an enlightened stand for a president—strikebreaking had been the more typical presidential response. The approach appealed to Morgan, who liked order and negotiation. He and Root went straight to the Union Club to meet with some railroad presidents. Paternalistic in his own bank, he was more conciliatory toward the miners than the railroad presidents were. At a White House meeting on October 3, the railroad men angrily abused (ohn Mitchell, the young president of the United Mine Workers of America, who reacted with commendable dignity.

pages: 1,744 words: 458,385

The Defence of the Realm by Christopher Andrew

active measures, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Clive Stafford Smith, collective bargaining, credit crunch, cuban missile crisis, Desert Island Discs, Etonian, Fall of the Berlin Wall, G4S, glass ceiling, illegal immigration, job satisfaction, large denomination, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, North Sea oil, post-work, Red Clydeside, Robert Hanssen: Double agent, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, strikebreaker, Torches of Freedom, traveling salesman, union organizing, uranium enrichment, Vladimir Vetrov: Farewell Dossier, Winter of Discontent

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