affirmative action

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pages: 467 words: 116,902

The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander

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affirmative action, cognitive bias, Columbine, deindustrialization, desegregation, ending welfare as we know it, friendly fire, illegal immigration, land reform, large denomination, low skilled workers, means of production, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, women in the workforce

One in three young African American men is currently under the control of the criminal justice system—in prison, in jail, on probation, or on parole—yet mass incarceration tends to be categorized as a criminal justice issue as opposed to a racial justice or civil rights issue (or crisis). The attention of civil rights advocates has been largely devoted to other issues, such as affirmative action. During the past twenty years, virtually every progressive, national civil rights organization in the country has mobilized and rallied in defense of affirmative action. The struggle to preserve affirmative action in higher education, and thus maintain diversity in the nation’s most elite colleges and universities, has consumed much of the attention and resources of the civil rights community and dominated racial justice discourse in the mainstream media, leading the general public to believe that affirmative action is the main battlefront in U.S. race relations—even as our prisons fill with black and brown men. My own experience reflects this dynamic.

The claim is that racial justice advocates should reconsider the traditional approach to affirmative action because (a) it has helped to render a new caste system largely invisible; (b) it has helped to perpetuate the myth that anyone can make it if they try; (c) it has encouraged the embrace of a “trickle down theory of racial justice”; (d) it has greatly facilitated the divide-and-conquer tactics that gave rise to mass incarceration; and (e) it has inspired such polarization and media attention that the general public now (wrongly) assumes that affirmative action is the main battlefront in U.S. race relations. It may not be easy for the civil rights community to have a candid conversation about any of this. Civil rights organizations are populated with beneficiaries of affirmative action (like myself) and their friends and allies. Ending affirmative action arouses fears of annihilation.

In earlier chapters, we have seen that throughout our nation’s history, poor and working-class whites have been bought off by racial bribes. The question posed here is whether affirmative action has functioned similarly, offering relatively meager material advantages but significant psychological benefits to people of color, in exchange for the abandonment of a more radical movement that promised to alter the nation’s economic and social structure. To be clear: This is not an argument that affirmative action policies conflict with King’s dream that we might one day be “judged by the content of our character, not the color of our skin.” King himself would have almost certainly endorsed affirmative action as a remedy, at least under some circumstances. In fact, King specifically stated on numerous occasions that he believed special—even preferential—treatment for African Americans may be warranted in light of their unique circumstances.37 And this is not an argument that affirmative action has made no difference in the lives of poor or working-class African Americans—as some have claimed.


pages: 440 words: 108,137

The Meritocracy Myth by Stephen J. McNamee

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, collective bargaining, computer age, conceptual framework, corporate governance, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, demographic transition, desegregation, deskilling, equal pay for equal work, estate planning, failed state, fixed income, gender pay gap, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, job automation, joint-stock company, labor-force participation, low-wage service sector, marginal employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, New Urbanism, obamacare, occupational segregation, pink-collar, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, post-industrial society, prediction markets, profit motive, race to the bottom, random walk, school choice, Scientific racism, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, We are the 99%, white flight, young professional

Such proactive measures generally fall under the label of what has become known as affirmative action. Like antidiscrimination laws, the goal of affirmative action policies is to make equal opportunity a reality for members of groups that have historically been the objects of discrimination. Unlike antidiscrimination laws, which provide remedies to which individuals can appeal after they have suffered discrimination, affirmative action policies aim to keep discrimination from occurring and compensate for injustices incurred in the past. Affirmative action can prevent discrimination by replacing practices that are discriminatory, either by intent or default, with practices that safeguard against discrimination. Rather than a single policy that involves the same procedures, affirmative action comprises a complex set of policies and practices, including admission standards for schools and universities, guidelines for hiring practices, and procedures for the granting of government contracts.

Although Americans are generally in favor of the ideal of equality of opportunity, they are often opposed to affirmative action attempts to achieve that outcome. The objection is not so much against affirmative action in principle but against specific provisions of some forms of affirmative action, especially those that target minorities and women. As a result, race- or sex-based affirmative action programs are a “hard sell” to the American public, especially during periods of economic slowdown or decline (Wilson 1987; Conley 1999). This is further complicated in the case of race-based programs by increasing rates of racial intermarriage, increasingly blurred racial boundaries, and increasing multiracial identities (Winant 2012). One potential for reform, then, is to develop affirmative action programs for the economically underprivileged, regardless of race or sex.

Rather than a single policy that involves the same procedures, affirmative action comprises a complex set of policies and practices, including admission standards for schools and universities, guidelines for hiring practices, and procedures for the granting of government contracts. Affirmative action grew out of civil rights laws, presidential executive orders, court cases, federal implementation efforts, and voluntary human resource practices implemented by employers. Each has its own characteristics and complex history (Reskin 1998; Waters 2012). In a series of affirmative action cases, the U.S. Supreme Court has progressively limited affirmative action policies and practices. The most extreme and controversial form of affirmative action, using quotas or set-asides as a means to increase diversity in schools and workplaces, was ruled unconstitutional in 1978 by the U.S. Supreme Court in the landmark Regents of the University of California v.


pages: 399 words: 116,828

When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor by William Julius Wilson

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affirmative action, citizen journalism, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, declining real wages, deindustrialization, deliberate practice, desegregation, Donald Trump, edge city, ending welfare as we know it, full employment, George Gilder, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, income inequality, informal economy, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, school choice, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

Race-based programs have helped to bring about sharp increases in the number of blacks entering higher education and gaining professional and managerial positions. Moreover, as long as minorities are underrepresented in higher-paying and desirable positions in society, affirmative action programs will be needed. Nonetheless, in response to cries from conservatives to abolish affirmative action altogether, some liberals have argued for a shift from an affirmative action based on race to one based on economic class position or need. The major distinguishing characteristic of affirmative action based on need is the recognition that the problems of the disadvantaged—low income, crime-ridden neighborhoods, broken homes, inadequate housing, poor education, cultural and linguistic differences—are not always clearly related to previous racial discrimination.

Instead of seeking remedies only for individual complaints of discrimination, as specified in Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, they sought government-mandated affirmative action programs designed to ensure adequate minority representation in employment, education, and public programs. However, if the more advantaged members of minority groups benefit disproportionately from policies that embody the principle of equality of individual opportunity, they also profit disproportionately from affirmative action policies based solely on their racial group membership. Minority individuals from the most advantaged families tend to be disproportionately represented among those of their racial group most qualified for preferred status, such as college admissions, higher-paying jobs, and promotions. Thus, policies of affirmative action are likely to enhance opportunities for the more advantaged without adequately remedying the problems of the disadvantaged.

Thus, policies of affirmative action are likely to enhance opportunities for the more advantaged without adequately remedying the problems of the disadvantaged. To be sure, affirmative action was not intended solely to benefit the more advantaged minority individuals. As William L. Taylor, the former director of the United States Civil Rights Commission, has stated, “The focus of much of the [affirmative action] effort has been not just on white-collar jobs, but also on law enforcement, construction work, and craft and production in large companies—all areas in which the extension of new opportunities has provided upward mobility for less advantaged minority workers.” Taylor also notes that studies show that many minority students entering medical schools during the 1970s were from low-income families. Affirmative action policies, however, did not really open up broad avenues of upward mobility for the masses of disadvantaged blacks.


pages: 165 words: 45,129

The Economics of Inequality by Thomas Piketty, Arthur Goldhammer

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affirmative action, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, deindustrialization, Gini coefficient, income inequality, low skilled workers, means of production, moral hazard, purchasing power parity, Simon Kuznets, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, very high income, working-age population

This economic theory of discrimination is similar in some ways to sociological theories that hold that inequality is often the result of a dominant discourse that becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy: if it is widely believed that the members of certain groups are unlikely to succeed, they will be discouraged from trying (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1964; 1970). Affirmative Action versus Fiscal Transfers The political implications of these theories are important. If a significant part of inequality is in fact due to perverse mechanisms of the sort described, then new redistributive instruments are needed. For example, the theory of discrimination suggests that employers should be prohibited by law from discriminating against minorities. One way to do this is to require employers to show that each hiring and promotion decision is based on unbiased objective criteria. Another is to impose affirmative action quotas, requiring employers to hire a certain percentage of minority workers, in order to break the vicious circle of self-fulfilling prophecies of failure. Such affirmative action policies became popular in the United States in the 1970s to protect African Americans, women, and other minorities.

Furthermore, this improvement also occurred in countries with “Mediterranean” (pro-natalist) tax systems (such as the family quotient in France), which discourage women’s participation in the labor force, compared with the United States, United Kingdom, and Scandinavian countries, where individuals are taxed rather than households.* In short, inequalities based on rank discrimination, such as between people of color and whites or men and women, are much more susceptible to remedy by affirmative action and changes in mentality than by any kind of fiscal redistribution. Unfortunately, the fact that an inequality is based on discrimination does not always mean that it is easy to eliminate or even reduce. For example, most observers agree that the results of affirmative action in the United States have been mixed at best. Indeed, quotas requiring employers to hire a certain percentage of people of color can reinforce rather than weaken prejudices against African Americans, “who become employable only when we are forced to employ them,” while at the same time reducing their incentive to compete for jobs like other citizens, which is precisely the opposite of the intended goal (Coate and Loury, 1993).

Such affirmative action policies became popular in the United States in the 1970s to protect African Americans, women, and other minorities. Affirmative action, which in some ways resembles earlier efforts to use labor law to limit employer discretion in hiring and promotion, is very different from the kinds of policies recommended by human capital theorists, who say that the best remedy for inequality is to make fiscal transfers to social groups whose human capital endowments are too low (within the limits imposed by the elasticity of the supply of human capital), while of course avoiding any interference in the process of production. Herrnstein and Murray (1994) challenge the very idea of discrimination and argue that racial inequality persists because low IQ and low levels of human capital are transmitted from generation to generation within African-American families.


pages: 271 words: 82,159

David and Goliath: Underdogs, Misfits, and the Art of Battling Giants by Malcolm Gladwell

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, delayed gratification, medical residency, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, RAND corporation, school choice, Silicon Valley

Thus did Harvard begin the practice (which continues to this day) of letting in substantial numbers of gifted athletes who have academic qualifications well below the rest of their classmates. If someone is going to be cannon fodder in the classroom, the theory goes, it’s probably best if that person has an alternative avenue of fulfillment on the football field. Exactly the same logic applies to the debate over affirmative action. In the United States, there is an enormous controversy over whether colleges and professional schools should have lower admissions standards for disadvantaged minorities. Supporters of affirmative action say helping minorities get into selective schools is justified given the long history of discrimination. Opponents say that access to selective schools is so important that it ought to be done purely on academic merit. A group in the middle says that using race as the basis for preference is a mistake—and what we really should be doing is giving preference to people who are poor.

But Brown University made her feel stupid—and if she truly wanted to graduate with a science degree, the best thing for her to do would have been to go down a notch to Maryland. No sane person would say that the solution to her problems would be for her to go to an even more competitive school like Stanford or MIT. Yet when it comes to affirmative action, that’s exactly what we do. We take promising students like Caroline Sacks—but who happen to be black—and offer to bump them up a notch. And why do we do that? Because we think we’re helping them. That doesn’t mean affirmative action is wrong. It is something done with the best of intentions, and elite schools often have resources available to help poor students that other schools do not. But this does not change the fact that—as Herbert Marsh says—the blessings of the Big Pond are mixed, and it is strange how rarely the Big Pond’s downsides are mentioned.

Rather, it is a weighted number—getting a paper accepted by one of the most prestigious journals (The American Economic Review or Econometrica) counts more than getting a paper published in a less competitive journal. In other words, their numbers aren’t measuring just how many articles an academic can turn out. They are measuring how many high-quality articles an academic can get published. 6 The law professor Richard Sander is the leading proponent of the Big Pond case against affirmative action. He has written with Stuart Taylor a fascinating book on the subject called Mismatch: How Affirmative Action Hurts Students It’s Intended to Help, and Why Universities Won’t Admit It. I’ve provided a summary of some of Sander’s argument in the notes at the back of this book. For example, one of the questions Sander looks at is this. It is harder for a minority student to become a lawyer if he or she goes to a better school. That’s clear. But what if that difficulty is offset by the fact that a degree from a better school is worth more?


pages: 246 words: 81,843

David and Goliath: The Triumph of the Underdog by Malcolm Gladwell

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, delayed gratification, medical residency, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, RAND corporation, school choice, Silicon Valley

Thus did Harvard begin the practice (which continues to this day) of letting in substantial numbers of gifted athletes who have academic qualifications well below the rest of their classmates. If someone is going to be cannon fodder in the classroom, the theory goes, it’s probably best if that person has an alternative avenue of fulfillment on the football field. Exactly the same logic applies to the debate over affirmative action. In the United States, there is an enormous controversy over whether colleges and professional schools should have lower admissions standards for disadvantaged minorities. Supporters of affirmative action say helping minorities get into selective schools is justified given the long history of discrimination. Opponents say that access to selective schools is so important that it ought to be done purely on academic merit. A group in the middle says that using race as the basis for preference is a mistake—and what we really should be doing is giving preference to people who are poor.

But Brown University made her feel stupid—and if she truly wanted to graduate with a science degree, the best thing for her to do would have been to go down a notch to Maryland. No sane person would say that the solution to her problems would be for her to go to an even more competitive school like Stanford or MIT. Yet when it comes to affirmative action, that’s exactly what we do. We take promising students like Caroline Sacks—but who happen to be black—and offer to bump them up a notch. And why do we do that? Because we think we’re helping them. That doesn’t mean affirmative action is wrong. It is something done with the best of intentions, and elite schools often have resources available to help poor students that other schools do not. But this does not change the fact that—as Herbert Marsh says—the blessings of the Big Pond are mixed, and it is strange how rarely the Big Pond’s downsides are mentioned.

Rather, it is a weighted number—getting a paper accepted by one of the most prestigious journals (The American Economic Review or Econometrica) counts more than getting a paper published in a less competitive journal. In other words, their numbers aren’t measuring just how many articles an academic can turn out. They are measuring how many high-quality articles an academic can get published. 6 The law professor Richard Sander is the leading proponent of the Big Pond case against affirmative action. He has written with Stuart Taylor a fascinating book on the subject called Mismatch: How Affirmative Action Hurts Students It’s Intended to Help, and Why Universities Won’t Admit It. I’ve provided a summary of some of Sander’s argument in the notes at the back of this book. For example, one of the questions Sander looks at is this. It is harder for a minority student to become a lawyer if he or she goes to a better school. That’s clear. But what if that difficulty is offset by the fact that a degree from a better school is worth more?


pages: 283 words: 73,093

Social Democratic America by Lane Kenworthy

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Celtic Tiger, centre right, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, David Brooks, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, full employment, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, labor-force participation, manufacturing employment, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, school choice, shareholder value, sharing economy, Skype, Steve Jobs, too big to fail, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, union organizing, universal basic income, War on Poverty, working poor, zero day

States that have reduced imprisonment, turning to alternative punishments such as fines and community corrections programs, have experienced drops in crime similar to those in states that have increased imprisonment.47 If more states followed suit, we could avoid needlessly undermining the employment opportunities of a significant number of young men from less advantaged homes. Third, since the late 1960s, affirmative action programs for university admissions and hiring have promoted opportunity for women and members of racial and ethnic minority groups.48 Affirmative action should continue, but with family background as the focal criterion.49 How to Ensure Shared Prosperity In chapter 2, I described the slow growth of income among lower-half American households since the 1970s. But what if there is no alternative? Do globalization, heightened competition, computerization, and manufacturing decline make it impossible for more than a little of our economic growth to trickle down to households on the middle and lower rungs of the income ladder?

The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) insures against the risk that your job pays less than what’s needed for a minimally decent standard of living. Social assistance programs such as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, or “food stamps”) and Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) insure against the risk that you will find yourself unable to get a job but ineligible for unemployment or disability compensation. Even affirmative action programs are a form of insurance; they insure against the risk of being in a group that is, or formerly was, discriminated against. Over the past century, the United States, like other rich nations, has created a number of public insurance programs. But we haven’t done enough. From our own experience and that of other affluent countries, we know there are significant risks we could insure against but currently don’t, and others for which the protection we now provide is inadequate.8 We need the following: • Universal health insurance • One-year paid parental leave • Universal early education • Increase in the Child Tax Credit • Sickness insurance • Eased eligibility criteria for unemployment insurance • Wage insurance • Supplemental defined-contribution pension plans with automatic enrollment • Extensive, personalized job-search and (re)training support • Government as employer of last resort • Minimum wage increased modestly and indexed to prices • EITC extended farther up the income ladder and indexed to average compensation or GDP per capita • Social assistance with a higher benefit level and more support for employment • Reduced incarceration of low-level drug offenders • Affirmative action shifted to focus on family background rather than race • Expanded government investment in infrastructure and public spaces • Increase in paid holidays and vacation time Now, to some, this will look like a predictable laundry list of left goals.

From our own experience and that of other affluent countries, we know there are significant risks we could insure against but currently don’t, and others for which the protection we now provide is inadequate.8 We need the following: • Universal health insurance • One-year paid parental leave • Universal early education • Increase in the Child Tax Credit • Sickness insurance • Eased eligibility criteria for unemployment insurance • Wage insurance • Supplemental defined-contribution pension plans with automatic enrollment • Extensive, personalized job-search and (re)training support • Government as employer of last resort • Minimum wage increased modestly and indexed to prices • EITC extended farther up the income ladder and indexed to average compensation or GDP per capita • Social assistance with a higher benefit level and more support for employment • Reduced incarceration of low-level drug offenders • Affirmative action shifted to focus on family background rather than race • Expanded government investment in infrastructure and public spaces • Increase in paid holidays and vacation time Now, to some, this will look like a predictable laundry list of left goals. Yet I’ve arrived at this list not by consulting the latest edition of the “Progressives’ Handbook,”9 but by examining the problems we face and the experiences of the world’s rich nations in addressing them.


pages: 590 words: 153,208

Wealth and Poverty: A New Edition for the Twenty-First Century by George Gilder

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, capital controls, cleantech, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, equal pay for equal work, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Gilder, Home mortgage interest deduction, Howard Zinn, income inequality, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job-hopping, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, margin call, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, medical malpractice, minimum wage unemployment, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, non-fiction novel, North Sea oil, paradox of thrift, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, post-industrial society, price stability, Ralph Nader, rent control, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, skunkworks, Steve Jobs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, volatility arbitrage, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, yield curve

Equal pay for equal work is a principle that applies nowhere, even among men. Even in identical jobs, work effort varies vastly from worker to worker. What the EEOC implicitly demands is carte blanche powers over the entire job market and thus the destruction of the vital freedom of workers to choose their own jobs from among the competing offers of employers.2 An equal rights effort—even an affirmative action program—was feasible when concentrated on the 10 percent of the American people with real grievances. But affirmative action that potentially involves more than half the workforce is necessarily an exercise in futility regardless of whether thousands of women and lawyers are gratified. The victims of this growing mockery are black men who might have benefited from a disciplined program but are now forced to join an undignified queue with such improbable victims as Yale coeds molested by their tutors, ex-addicts denied re-employment, assistant professors at Smith rejected for tenure, and telephone operators who discover, years later, that what they had always wanted was to climb a pole.

This attitude, however, required a spirit of cultural relativism so heroic that it could not serve for long, particularly in political formulations. So new approaches emerged, allegedly more enlightened, but with implications equally far-fetched. Slavery, discrimination, and deprivation, it was said, have so abused the black psyche that all sorts of new ministrations and therapies are needed to redeem it; racism and unemployment still inflict such liabilities that vast new programs of public employment and affirmative action are required to overcome them. The reasonable inference arises that even though blacks are not genetically inferior, science proves them to be so damaged by racism and poverty that they are inferior now. Not only do these notions cause serious strain to the spirit of liberalism when confronting specific specimens of this maimed but deserving race, but such attitudes also perpetuate the idea that the poor, for whatever reason, are still very different from us.

But the poor and their children are assumed to be relatively unshaken by a plague of family breakdowns; at least any resulting lower income and employment levels are said to be due to discrimination, and the behavior of the children is regarded to be little influenced by the absence of fathers. Most American men earn more money than their wives; men that don’t tend to leave, or be left, in large numbers. Yet poor men are assumed to be unaffected by the higher relative incomes available to their wives from welfare and affirmative action, which are alleged to have no relationship to high rates of unemployment and illegitimacy. Perhaps most important of all, every successful ethnic group in our history rose up by working harder than other classes, in low-paid jobs, with a vanguard of men in entrepreneurial roles. But the current poor, so it is supposed, can leapfrog drudgery by education and credentials, or be led as a group from poverty, perhaps by welfare mothers trained for government jobs.

Infotopia: How Many Minds Produce Knowledge by Cass R. Sunstein

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affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, availability heuristic, Build a better mousetrap, c2.com, Cass Sunstein, cognitive bias, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, feminist movement, framing effect, hindsight bias, Isaac Newton, Jean Tirole, jimmy wales, market bubble, market design, minimum wage unemployment, prediction markets, profit motive, rent control, Richard Stallman, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, slashdot, stem cell, The Wisdom of Crowds, winner-take-all economy

Discussion made civil unions more popular among liberals; discussion made civil unions less popular / 45 among conservatives. Liberals favored an international treaty to control global warming before discussion; they favored it more strongly after discussion. Conservatives were neutral on that treaty before discussion; they strongly opposed it after discussion. Mildly favorable toward affirmative action before discussion, liberals became strongly favorable toward affirmative action after discussion. Firmly negative about affirmative action before discussion, conservatives became even more negative about affirmative action after discussion. Aside from increasing extremism, the experiment had an independent effect: It made both liberal groups and conservative groups significantly more homogeneous—and thus squelched diversity. Before members started to talk, many groups displayed a fair bit of internal disagreement.

.%-)/+%0-'*1% Chapter Two / The Surprising Failures of Deliberating Groups Let us begin with three examples of deliberation in action. 1. In the summer of 2005, a small experiment in democracy was held in Colorado.1 Sixty American citizens were brought together and assembled into ten groups, each consisting of five to seven people. Members of each group were asked to deliberate on three of the most controversial issues of the day: Should states allow same-sex couples to enter into civil unions? Should employers engage in “affirmative action” by giving a preference to members of traditionally disadvantaged groups? Should the United States sign an international treaty to combat global warming? As the experiment was designed, the groups consisted of either “liberal” and “conservative” members, the former from Boulder, the latter from Colorado Springs. In the parlance of election years, there were five Blue State groups and five Red State groups: five groups whose members initially tended toward liberal positions on the three issues, and five whose members tended toward conservative positions on those issues.

A major reason is that we are more confident about our judgments after they have been corroborated by others,16 an important point to which I will return. Second, deliberation usually promotes uniformity by decreasing the range of views within groups.17 After talking together, group members come into greater accord with one another.18 Recall the Colorado experiment discussed earlier; both liberal and conservative group members showed greater homogeneity on global warming, affirmative action, and civil unions for same-sex couples. A central effect of deliberation is to reduce (squelch?) the range of opinions. It is for this reason that statistical groups show far more diversity of opinion than deliberating groups. The Surprising Failures of Deliberating Groups / 55 How should we evaluate these increases in confidence and unity? If the purpose of deliberation is not simply to produce accurate outcomes, then it might be wonderful to see that deliberation ensures more uniformity and higher confidence.


pages: 255 words: 75,172

Sleeping Giant: How the New Working Class Will Transform America by Tamara Draut

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, battle of ideas, big-box store, blue-collar work, collective bargaining, David Brooks, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, ending welfare as we know it, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, full employment, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, job satisfaction, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, minimum wage unemployment, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, occupational segregation, payday loans, pink-collar, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trickle-down economics, union organizing, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, white flight, women in the workforce, young professional

By 1980, sixteen years of organized activism and formal federal oversight had resulted in remarkable gains for black women, black men, and white women. But progress ground to a halt in the 1980s, with only white women advancing over the next three decades. At the national level, our political debate became increasingly racialized, particularly around the issue of affirmative action. Conservatives successfully recast affirmative action as “reverse discrimination,” and when they secured electoral advantage, they were able to transform this rhetoric into action. Upon winning the presidency, Ronald Reagan quickly knocked the teeth out of federal enforcement, slashing the budget of the EEOC and the office responsible for federal contracting.17 He appointed Clarence Thomas (now a Supreme Court justice) to head the EEOC and ordered a near stoppage to enforcement of the law.

On the other hand, most affluent whites lived in communities so far from either black or white working-class people that their children were rarely affected by busing orders.46 The Republican Party used the detachment of white elites from the implementation of integration to charge the Democratic Party with liberal elitism: championing the rights of minorities from a lofty perch on which they remain unaffected. In addition, the Republican Party cleverly began describing affirmative action as “reverse discrimination,” arguing that better-qualified whites were losing jobs to less-qualified minorities. It was a cynical and ugly ploy, but it worked. And it’s still working. Charges of reverse discrimination have resulted in Supreme Court rulings that have all but ended affirmative action. The Republicans pursued a narrative of “color blindness,” arguing that the way to overcome past and current discrimination was to bar government from considering a person’s race at all, often co-opting and distorting Martin Luther King’s famous statement that “we should judge people on the content of their character, not the color of their skin.”

Meany became a vociferous advocate for the inclusion of the equal employment opportunity section of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, testifying before the House in 1963 that “we need a federal law to help us do what we want to do: mop up those areas of discrimination which still persist in our own ranks.”24 But as I discuss more in the next chapter, racial tensions and discrimination remained deep problems in the labor movement, with many white union members abandoning the Democratic Party as policies around affirmative action and housing integration were implemented. The 1960s were a high-water mark for what is referred to as social movement unionism. Labor was an advocate not just for its members but for the entirety of the working class. In 1967, 25 percent of all political activity, such as voting and contacting legislators, was performed by union members.25 The working class was political, and its voice reverberated through state capitals across the country and through the halls of Congress.


pages: 284 words: 85,643

What's the Matter with White People by Joan Walsh

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, banking crisis, clean water, collective bargaining, David Brooks, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, full employment, global village, Golden Gate Park, hiring and firing, impulse control, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, upwardly mobile, urban decay, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, women in the workforce

Asian Americans have higher college completion rates than whites, and the gulf is widening. In Suicide of a Superpower, poor Pat Buchanan seemed to believe that the rapidly growing number of Asian Americans in the nation’s top schools had to do with affirmative action. I used to hear the same thing from clueless white people back before the passage of Ward Connerly’s Prop. 209 in 1997, which abolished affirmative action. Of course they were wrong—Asian American students were succeeding the old-fashioned way, with hard work. Since then, of course, the white proportion of UC students has continued to decline, even without affirmative action. Living in California it’s easy to see subtle and not so subtle signs of white status anxiety, real and imagined. I was intrigued to see, in a recent Pew Research Center survey of intermarriage trends, that intermarriage rates are going up for every group, except for Asian Americans, whose rates have long been among the highest but which are now coming down.

You do not take a person who, for years, has been hobbled by chains and liberate him, bring him up to the starting line of a race and then say, “you are free to compete with all the others,” and still justly believe that you have been completely fair. Thus it is not enough just to open the gates of opportunity. All our citizens must have the ability to walk through those gates. Working for Johnson, Moynihan proposed public works jobs and affirmative action measures, as well as a guaranteed national income, to lift black families, whether they were headed by one or two parents, out of poverty. The biggest problem with Moynihan’s report was its timing. Written before the Watts conflagration, it was leaked around the same time, and Washington pundits and politicians found in it an excuse to exonerate white America for the urban rebellions that would soon ignite coast to coast.

It would have created a nationwide guaranteed income and provided payments to families with a father at home, reversing the incentives for family split-up he saw in traditional welfare programs. No less a liberal than Ted Kennedy would eventually lament turning down Nixon’s proposals for national health-care reform, which were arguably more far-reaching than the law enacted under President Obama forty years later. The Nixon administration pioneered affirmative action, with its 1969 “Revised Philadelphia Plan,” a proposal to integrate the city’s white building trades while providing government contracts to minority businesses. George Meany’s plumbers and my grandfather’s steamfitters were among the most segregated unions, with “apprenticeships” passed from father to son, uncle to nephew, in an unbroken white chalk line. Black advocates targeted the building trades for integration understandably: providing middle-class wages to workers without college degrees, they had offered a pathway out of poverty for white immigrants before them.


pages: 471 words: 97,152

Animal Spirits: How Human Psychology Drives the Economy, and Why It Matters for Global Capitalism by George A. Akerlof, Robert J. Shiller

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affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, collateralized debt obligation, conceptual framework, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, experimental subject, financial innovation, full employment, George Akerlof, housing crisis, Hyman Minsky, income per capita, inflation targeting, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jane Jacobs, Jean Tirole, job satisfaction, Joseph Schumpeter, Long Term Capital Management, loss aversion, market bubble, market clearing, mental accounting, Mikhail Gorbachev, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, moral hazard, mortgage debt, new economy, New Urbanism, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price stability, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, random walk, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, transaction costs, tulip mania, working-age population, Y2K, Yom Kippur War

In contrast, in A Country of Strangers: Blacks and Whites in America, reporter David Shipler sought out what African Americans say about themselves and about America.17 In his view there is a real divide. There is a we and a they. And affirmative action can play a significant role in breaking down this barrier between the two Americas. First and foremost is its symbolism. Affirmative action indicates that whites care about blacks. Acceptance by whites of this responsibility defuses the view that America is really two countries, with the white majority uncaring about the black minority. We appreciate that there are objections: that affirmative action is difficult to administer, that it brings up important issues of fairness, and so on. But we view these issues as secondary relative to the role of affirmative action in conveying to African Americans the message “Yes, we can. Yes, we care.”18 The naysayers, like the Thernstroms, declare that affirmative action is wrong, that there is a growing African-American middle class, that government measures are ineffective, that the problem of black-white difference should be left to the market.

In the 1990s there was a great debate about affirmative action. Two important books appeared at about the same time but reached radically different conclusions. Abigail and Stephan Thernstrom wrote an exhaustive history of affirmative action and how it grew out of the civil rights movement.16 They prided themselves on both their factual history and their statistical analysis. But the Thernstroms never came to grips with what the ethnographies reveal. They never made a part of their history what happens in the inner cities to people like Sea Cat and Tally and Richard and Leroy. They could not account for the emotions that are revealed in the ethnographies. And it is these emotions, which are unavoidable, that underlie the special case for affirmative action. In contrast, in A Country of Strangers: Blacks and Whites in America, reporter David Shipler sought out what African Americans say about themselves and about America.17 In his view there is a real divide.

., August 28, 1963 IN THE TWENTY-FOUR MONTHS after Martin Luther King spoke those words, white Americans would finally own up to the gap between black and white justice that had pervaded American history since the settlement of Jamestown.1 Congress would pass a voting rights law. African Americans would be really allowed to vote in the South. Segregation in accommodations and other forms of business would be banned. Discrimination in employment because of “an individual’s race, color, religion, sex, or national origin” would be declared illegal. There would even be the start of some affirmative action, whose remnants are still with us today. There was at last the promise that the divisions of race that had always been the great American Dilemma would finally be overcome.2 A dreamer might have hoped for, and possibly even foreseen, the changes of the months ahead. But no one could have predicted the next shoe to drop. Forty-six years have now passed. Yet the black-white difference, instead of vanishing, has metamorphosed into something different.

How to Be Black by Baratunde Thurston

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affirmative action, carbon footprint, Columbine, dark matter, desegregation, housing crisis, phenotype, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, supply-chain management, the scientific method, transatlantic slave trade

You might as well keep going, because there’s a lot more to being black than February. This is a book about the ideas of blackness, how those ideas are changing, and how they differ from the popular ideas promoted in mainstream media and often in the black community itself. You’re probably familiar with the popular concept of blackness: hip-hop, crime and prison, fatherless homes, high blood pressure, school dropouts, drugs, athleticism, musical talent, The Wire, affirmative action, poverty, diabetes, the Civil Rights Movement, and, recently, the U.S. presidency. Some of these concepts are stereotypes. Some are true. Most are negative. But in the age of President Barack Obama, all of them are limiting and simply inadequate to the task of capturing the reality of blackness. The ideas of blackness that make it into mainstream thought exclude too much of the full range of who black people are.

Martin Luther King Jr. marching on television, and led protests following the release of the movie Madea’s Family Reunion. Thanks for joining us, Joe . . . Part 3—Black Issues There are two types of issues: those that have to do with black people and everything else. You must be prepared to comment on both. The following is a media-approved list of official black issues: • Crime. Why do black people do so much? • Affirmative action. Why do black people take jobs from white people? • Poverty. Why are black people poor? • Racism. Why haven’t black people gotten over it already? • Drugs. Why do black people do them? • Sunflower seeds. Why do black people love them? • Welfare. Why are black people on it? • Hip-hop. Why can’t black people just let us have it already? Come on! Gimme! • The Black Vote. Who are all the black people voting for?

It’s simply not possible. If you find yourself running out of ways to blame black people, use any of the following tactics to distract your host: • Invoke the success of minority immigrants who came here voluntarily. • Cite the number of decades since the end of slavery. • Blame hip-hop. • Point to the example of Barack Obama. • Blame hip-hop again. This technique works whether for anti–affirmative action crusaders of the 1990s or black Tea Party members of the 2010s. Whichever black spokesperson path you choose, conservative or traditional, take pride in the fact that both can be equally unhelpful to your people. Beyond the Media In all likelihood, you won’t be called to perform such a high-profile task as representing all black people in the media, but you can still use this training in your everyday life.


pages: 250 words: 88,762

The Logic of Life: The Rational Economics of an Irrational World by Tim Harford

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, colonial rule, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, endowment effect, European colonialism, experimental economics, experimental subject, George Akerlof, income per capita, invention of the telephone, Jane Jacobs, John von Neumann, law of one price, Martin Wolf, mutually assured destruction, New Economic Geography, new economy, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Richard Florida, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, spinning jenny, Steve Jobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas Malthus, women in the workforce

Since blacks are locked into a spiral of negative incentives, we need to work out how to change those incentives. Affirmative action programs are often thought to dampen the incentives of minority groups to work hard. If you’re going to get the job anyway through some affirmative action program, why work? A badly designed program certainly could have that effect, but it doesn’t have to. Instead, affirmative action could make the difference between a young black kid giving up because he thinks he has no chance and striving on because he realizes that he does have a chance if he studies. Not all affirmative action programs are alike; what matters is what impact the program has on incentives. Given the complexities, I am not sure what a successful affirmative action program would look like, but I am sure that randomized trials, “Moving to Opportunity”–style, could pick out some success stories.

Fryer instead used a survey: Roland Fryer, with David Austen-Smith, “An Economic Analysis of ‘Acting White,’” Quarterly Journal of Economics 120 (May 2005): 551–83, post.economics.harvard.edu/faculty/fryer/ papers/as_fryer_qje.pdf, and Fryer, “Acting White.” Fryer points to analogues: Roland Fryer, “A Model of Social Interactions and Endogenous Poverty Traps,” NBER Working Paper W12364, post.economics.harvard.edu/faculty/fryer/papers/cultural_capital_final.pdf, forthcoming in Rationality and Society. Not all affirmative action programs: Roland Fryer and Glenn Loury, “Affirmative Action and Its Mythology,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 19, no. 3(Summer 2005): 147–62. Roland Fryer, who was recently: On Fryer’s randomized trial, interview with Roland Fryer, January 2007. On his appointment by the New York City education department, see Jennifer Medina, “His Charge: Find a Key to Students’ Success,” The New York Times, June 21, 2007. Psychologist Barry Schwartz attacked Fryer: Barry Schwartz, “Money for Nothing,” The New York Times, July 2, 2007.


pages: 316 words: 91,969

Gray Lady Down: What the Decline and Fall of the New York Times Means for America by William McGowan

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, corporate governance, David Brooks, East Village, friendly fire, haute couture, illegal immigration, immigration reform, medical residency, New Journalism, obamacare, payday loans, postnationalism / post nation state, pre–internet, uranium enrichment, young professional

The plain truth is that the only kind of diversity the paper really embraces is that of race and ethnicity. Indeed, an official report on the Jayson Blair episode included “A Note on Affirmative Action,” an appendix by Roger Wilkins, an activist who had become an urban affairs columnist and a member of the editorial board. Wilkins maintained that staff recruitment occurred within a culture where it was taught that “white men were the only people qualified to carry out the serious business of the world.” Thirty-five years of affirmative action had “blunted” but not eradicated “the preferences and prejudices that produced such results,” he argued, and therefore, “The countercultural forces of affirmative action and diversity programs are still necessary to assemble the kind of news gathering staff required to produce excellent journalism.” As for ideological diversity, the Credibility Committee report of 2005 admitted that “when numerous articles use the same assumption as a point of departure, [the resulting] monotone can leave the false impression that the paper has chosen sides.

As legitimate questions were raised about diversity as a force in news coverage, he would hear none of it. Instead, he displayed a righteous, even sanctimonious insistence that he was “setting a moral standard.” Not surprisingly, the diversity dissidents in the newsroom—and there were quite a few—became skittish. As John Leo of U.S. News and World Report put it, the paper’s “hardening line on racial issues, built around affirmative action, group representation and government intervention,” was difficult for staffers to buck. “Reporters do not thrive by resisting the deeply held views of their publisher.... When opinionated publishers are heavily committed to any cause, the staff usually responds by avoiding coverage that casts that cause in a bad light.” Or as one veteran Timesman told me when I was writing Coloring the News, no one was going to tell Arthur “We’ve gone too far.

Touching on the combustible issue of racial preferences as a factor in Blair’s rise, the report explained that he had joined the Times through a minority-only internship and then was promoted to full-time reporter in January 2001, and that his immediate supervisor, Jonathan Landman, the Metro editor, objected but ultimately deferred to the paper’s “commitment to diversity.” Landman did warn his higher-ups that editors had to “stop Jayson from writing for the Times,” but that memo had little effect. Although the Times denied any connection between Blair and the broader issue of affirmative action, such a conclusion was hard to get around. The recently retired Times columnist William Safire said, “Apparently, this 27-year-old was given too many second chances by editors eager for this ambitious black journalist to succeed.” As part of its lacerating self-inquiry, the paper held a special off-site “town meeting” of newsroom employees to address the worsening staff morale and many still-unanswered questions.

The Case for Israel by Alan Dershowitz

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affirmative action, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, facts on the ground, RAND corporation, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, Thomas L Friedman, trade route, Yom Kippur War

As the London Times c07.qxd 6/25/03 62 8:17 AM Page 62 THE CASE FOR ISRAEL editorialized at the time, “It is hard to see how the Arab world, still less the Arabs of Palestine, will suffer from what is mere recognition of accomplished fact—the presence in Palestine of a compact, well organized, and virtually autonomous Jewish community.”24 Even for those who reject any blameworthiness on the part of Palestinians and Arabs for the plight of the Jewish refugees from Nazism and Islamic apartheid—an untenable position in light of the history of widespread Palestinian support for Nazism—the case for some affirmative action for a people who suffered so grievously at the hands of others is powerful. Those of us who support affirmative action with regard to African Americans do so, at least in part, on a theory of reparation for past wrongs. Although our own forebearers may bear none of the responsibility for slavery, since they were not even in the country, we must all be willing to share some of the burdens of reparation. Our children and grandchildren may be denied places in the colleges or jobs of their first choice, because these places are allocated to the descendants of slaves and other minorities.

Our children and grandchildren may be denied places in the colleges or jobs of their first choice, because these places are allocated to the descendants of slaves and other minorities. Certainly those who directly benefited from slavery bear a special responsibility for making reparations, just as those who benefited from the Holocaust bear special responsibility to those who were its victims. But in a larger sense, the entire world owes the victims of slavery, the Holocaust, and other humanly imposed genocides a special form of affirmative action. Even the Peel Commission seemed to recognize an affirmative action component in its decision to recognize the existence of a Jewish national home: It is impossible, we believe, for any unprejudiced observer to see the National Home and not wish it well. It has meant so much for the relief of unmerited suffering. It displays so much energy and enterprise and devotion to a common cause. In so far as Britain has helped towards its creation, we would claim, with Lord Balfour, that to that extent, at any rate, Christendom has shown itself “not oblivious of all the wrong it has done.”25 The Muslim world too should recognize all the wrong it has done to the Jews it historically treated as second-class noncitizens (Dhimmi).

In so far as Britain has helped towards its creation, we would claim, with Lord Balfour, that to that extent, at any rate, Christendom has shown itself “not oblivious of all the wrong it has done.”25 The Muslim world too should recognize all the wrong it has done to the Jews it historically treated as second-class noncitizens (Dhimmi). Even for those who did not believe in 1947 that partition of Palestine was just to the Palestinians, when the partition is viewed as a form of international affirmative action it seems more than fair. For those who support affirmative action based on the need for diversity, a Jewish state certainly adds considerable diversity to a world with more than forty Muslim states and numerous Christian, Hindu and Buddhist states. Although there already exists a state with a majority of Palestinians in Jordan, a new Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza, governed by Palestinians, would also add an element of diversity.

Multicultural Cities: Toronto, New York, and Los Angeles by Mohammed Abdul Qadeer

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affirmative action, call centre, David Brooks, deindustrialization, desegregation, edge city, en.wikipedia.org, Frank Gehry, game design, ghettoisation, global village, immigration reform, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, market bubble, McMansion, new economy, New Urbanism, place-making, Richard Florida, risk tolerance, Silicon Valley, Skype, telemarketer, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method, urban planning, urban renewal, working-age population, young professional

The political right keeps bringing up arguments about national fragmentation and reverse discrimination to challenge policies of accommodating minorities. They advocate for colour- and culture-blind access for all, while overlooking the built-in structural biases of service systems. The charge of preferential treatment of minorities flies around and feeds a political backlash. Recently, the tide has been turning against affirmative-action policies. The US Supreme Court in 2014 restricted affirmative action in admissions to schools.24 In 2009 the Supreme Court invalidated New Haven, Connecticut’s preferential promotion of non-White firemen over twenty White applicants.25 Canadian human rights tribunals are inundated with claims and counterclaims of discrimination by persons of both the minority and majority The Pluralism of Urban Services 213 backgrounds.

See Michael Ornstein, Ethno-racial Groups in Toronto 1971–2001: A Demographic and Social-economic Profile (Toronto: Institute for Social Research, York University, 2006) and Camille Zubrinsky Charles, Won’t You Be My Neighbor? (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2006). 300 Notes to pages 212–18 24 Bill Mears, “Michigan’s Ban on Affirmative Action Upheld by Supreme Court,” CNN News, 22 April 2014, www.cnn.com/2014/04/22/justice/ scotus-michigan-affirmative-action/. 25 Adam Liptak, “Supreme Court Finds Bias against White Firefighters,” New York Times, 29 June 2009, www.nytimes.com/2009/06/30/us/30scotus .html. 10. Urban Planning for Cultural Diversity 1 These goals of planning are not always compatible in all situations. There is much debate about not only their mutual trade-offs, but also their relative significance.

Although there are some disquieting questions about the segregationist consequences of ethnic agencies, they are particularly useful in the delivery of services to new immigrants and marginalized communities.15 By providing culturally and religiously appropriate services, ethnic agencies empower these groups and enhance the adequacy of services for them. 206 Multicultural Cities Yet it is the induction of minorities and excluded groups into decision making that consolidates the cultural responsiveness of service organizations. On this score, the past fifty years have witnessed steady progress in the enactment of anti-racism laws, human rights legislation, affirmative action policies, and employment equity programs. Minorities have not achieved full equality, but the barriers to their inclusion have come down. The City of Toronto undertook a comprehensive exercise in instituting access and equity policies in its municipal operations in 1998. Not that, before this exercise, Toronto was a city of indifference to racial and ethnic inequities. The federal multiculturalism policy (1971) and Charter of Rights and Freedoms (1982) laid the basis for the introduction of equal employment programs.


pages: 518 words: 170,126

City for Sale: The Transformation of San Francisco by Chester W. Hartman, Sarah Carnochan

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Bay Area Rapid Transit, big-box store, business climate, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, housing crisis, illegal immigration, Loma Prieta earthquake, manufacturing employment, new economy, New Urbanism, profit motive, Ralph Nader, rent control, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South of Market, San Francisco, strikebreaker, union organizing, urban planning, urban renewal, very high income, young professional

This appealed to Duskin, in light of his concerns about the politics being generated around his suit and the pressures developing on him and his supporters; it seemed like a principled and graceful way to terminate his opposition.The result was another press conference, held April 14, at which three new demands were put forth as the basis for ending the arbitration claim, accompanied by an extensive list of organizational and individual endorsers. First . . . all construction and permanent jobs in the project area, both public and private, must go, wherever possible, to qualified residents of San Francisco—and half of these jobs must go to minority residents of San Francisco through an affirmative action program. All parties must agree that the San Francisco Coalition, backed by an adequate budget, will set up and monitor the affirmative action program for the jobs and contracts in the public and private blocks of YBC. . . . Second, the City must guarantee that the 400 or more units of lowincome housing struggled for and won by the people of South of Market will be built. . . . All housing agreements made with TOOR must be amended to provide the housing regardless of whether the rest of YBC goes ahead or not. . . .

The Bay Guardian reported Agency Director Arthur Evans’s admission that phone calls inviting labor leaders to the April 8 breakfast to plan and announce the April 17 demonstration went out from Redevelopment Agency offices.21 Over the next week, the City, Redevelopment Agency, and Duskin and his allies negotiated over the precise terms of the three demands. The most concrete issue—regarding TOOR’s housing—was whittled down to a commitment to release only one hundred of the four hundred units from the tie-in to construction of the convention center. The affirmative action hiring demand rapidly boiled down to how much money the San Francisco Coalition would get to undertake recruitment and monitoring activities. The squeeze the City and agency faced was that the construction trade unions were not wild about affirmative action demands to begin with; as the April 17, 1975, Chronicle noted, “Labor unions have resisted giving the group [the S.F. Coalition] that much power over jobs. . . . ” A buy-off of the coali- The Redevelopment Agency Flounders / 125 tion seemed the easiest way out, and, according to the April 21, 1975, Chronicle, “The proposed agreement would give the coalition the money it had been seeking, but would not otherwise change the programs the unions have agreed to for minority workers on the project.”

The coalition’s original demand for an annual budget of $369,000 dropped to $251,000, and they finally settled for $180,000 annually for five years—$40,000 in cash and fourteen CETA positions worth $140,000. (Up through the time the agency ended its contract with the San Francisco Coalition, in January 1981, payments totaled $459,469. The actual number of placements was minuscule;22 few community organizations participated in coalition activities, and the more important ones—Chinese for Affirmative Action, the Mission Hiring Hall, Women in Apprenticeship— had resigned; board membership was constantly changing, and there was no board control of staff;23 funds were egregiously mishandled; and some of the key figures had been convicted of various crimes.24 It was a sad story: In its eagerness to build support for and remove obstacles to the YBC project, the agency, where African Americans and other minorities had played a major role as commissioners and staff, set up a sham response to a legitimate community demand for minority jobs.)


pages: 306 words: 78,893

After the New Economy: The Binge . . . And the Hangover That Won't Go Away by Doug Henwood

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, barriers to entry, borderless world, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, capital controls, corporate governance, correlation coefficient, credit crunch, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, deskilling, ending welfare as we know it, feminist movement, full employment, gender pay gap, George Gilder, glass ceiling, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, half of the world's population has never made a phone call, income inequality, indoor plumbing, Internet Archive, job satisfaction, joint-stock company, Kevin Kelly, labor-force participation, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, manufacturing employment, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, Naomi Klein, new economy, occupational segregation, pets.com, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, statistical model, structural adjustment programs, Telecommunications Act of 1996, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, union organizing, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, Y2K

Sam's unfortunate position, considered to be emblematic of his race, wasn't the result of "white racism," which "was not a significant problem of American blacks in 1978, and white racism had nothing to do with the problems of my lumpen-hero Mitchell 'Sam' Brewer. To the contrary, his problem was the fantasy world of bizarre expectations and entitlements fostered by constant state indulgence and favoritism towards him" (ibid, pp. xiv, xv). It was "affirmative action and Marxist teaching" that did black Americans vvTX)ng. Those and the welfare state, which Gilder found irrationally generous, and fatal to the male authority necessary to keep social discipline, since it provided a check to women independent of husbands. Gilder never repudiated any of his early positions. There's "an actual difference between male and female brains," he revealed to a Seattle Weekly journaHst (White 1999).

This is the combined result of broad income gains for black households since the early 1980s—at all income levels, except the poorest—and stagnant-to-decHning incomes for the bottom 80% of the white population. Since 1993, even the poorest fifth of black households have enjoyed stronger income gains than whites. The gap remains huge, with average black incomes just 64% of non-Hispanic whites in 2001, but there's no denying progress over the past decade. (It remains to be seen whether this progress will survive the attack on affirmative action.) For "Hispanic" households—a Census Bureau name and classification that many people object to, since it lumps together a highly diverse population into a single category—the news is mixed, with a bounce in recent years only partly compensating for a long earUer sHde. That sHde is the result of recent immigrants, many of them quite poor, bringing down the "Hispanic" average. News on the gender gap is even more dramatic.

And, more pleasingly, women's earnings have been rising across the spectrum, both because they entered high-paying and largely RACIAL CAPS: black and Hispanic men's earnings, percent of white men's 95% 907o 85% 80% - 75% hourly 807o 75% 70% 657o 60% weekly 1973 1978 1983 1988 1993 1998 1967 1972 1977 1982 1987 1992 1997 male occupations, and because they've been closing the gender gap within occupations. Until recently, women had been entering the labor force at progressively higher wage rates relative to men. Women aged 20—24 earned 76% as much as men the same age in 1979, and 96% in 1993; those between 25 and 34 went from 67% to 83%—but by 1999, both numbers had slipped a bit. It may be that weakened affirmative action programs and the male bias of the higher paying new jobs are responsible, or it may be that the predominant maleness of higher-paying jobs in high tech are the culprits, but we don't know for sure yet. Putting race and sex together, we discover that white men, though still the best paid demographic group on average, have been sHpping over the last two decades; white women have been gaining; some black men have been entering high-wage work, while others have been sHpping into 94 After the New Economy low-wage work, chronic unemployment, and prison (though the tight labor markets of the late 1990s helped narrow the racial/ethnic gap in male earnings rather sharply); some black women have been trickling into high-wage employment, though most remain concentrated in low-wage sectors; and Latino men and women have been entering the workforce in large numbers, though mostly at the poorly-paid end, with minimal penetration of higher-wage sectors (Williams 1999).


pages: 489 words: 111,305

How the World Works by Noam Chomsky, Arthur Naiman, David Barsamian

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, capital controls, clean water, corporate governance, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, glass ceiling, Howard Zinn, income inequality, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, labour market flexibility, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, transfer pricing, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor

One of the mechanisms to address inequality is affirmative action. What do you think of it? Many societies just take it for granted. In India, for example, a sort of affirmative action system called reservations was instituted back in the late 1940s, at the time of independence, in an effort to try to overcome very long-standing and deep-seated caste and gender differences. Any such system is going to impose hardships on some people, in order (one hopes) to develop a more equitable and just society for the future. How it works as a practical matter can be tricky. I don’t think there are any simple mechanical rules for it. The attack on affirmative action is, to a large extent, an attempt to justify the oppressive, discriminatory patterns that existed in the past. On the other hand, affirmative action should certainly be designed so that it doesn’t harm poor people who don’t happen to be in the categories designated for support.

On the other hand, affirmative action should certainly be designed so that it doesn’t harm poor people who don’t happen to be in the categories designated for support. That can be done. There have been very effective applications of affirmative action—in the universities, the construction industry, the public service field and elsewhere. If you look in detail, you find plenty of things to criticize, but the main thrust of the program is humane and appropriate. Libraries Libraries were very important to your intellectual development when you were a kid, weren’t they? I used to haunt the main public library in downtown Philadelphia, which was extremely good. That’s where I read all the offbeat anarchist and left-Marxist literature I’m always quoting. Those were days when people read, and used the libraries very extensively. Public services were richer in many ways back in the late 1930s and early 1940s.

Nobody ever said it was going to be easy. INDEX Boldfaced page numbers indicate main dis cussions. Italics indicate brief identifications of people and organizations (often supple mented by other information as well). abortion Abrams, Elliott Acheson, Dean ACLU (American Civil Liberties Union) Adams, John Quincy ADM (Archer Daniels Midland) aerospace industry, socialization of Aetna Life Insurance affirmative action Afghanistan Africa catastrophe of capitalism in deaths due to debt service in devastation by slave trade racist atrocities in African-American mortality rateSee also racism Africa Watch agro-export model of development Ahmad, Eqbal AIDS AIPAC Alabama Albanians Albright, Madeline alcohol Algeria Al Haq Allende, Salvador “alliance capitalism,” Alliance for Progress Alliance, the Allon plan alternative media.


pages: 377 words: 97,144

Singularity Rising: Surviving and Thriving in a Smarter, Richer, and More Dangerous World by James D. Miller

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23andMe, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, artificial general intelligence, Asperger Syndrome, barriers to entry, brain emulation, cloud computing, cognitive bias, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, en.wikipedia.org, feminist movement, Flynn Effect, friendly AI, hive mind, impulse control, indoor plumbing, invention of agriculture, Isaac Newton, John von Neumann, knowledge worker, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, Netflix Prize, neurotypical, pattern recognition, Peter Thiel, phenotype, placebo effect, prisoner's dilemma, profit maximization, Ray Kurzweil, recommendation engine, reversible computing, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Rodney Brooks, Silicon Valley, Singularitarianism, Skype, statistical model, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, supervolcano, technological singularity, The Coming Technological Singularity, the scientific method, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, Turing test, Vernor Vinge, Von Neumann architecture

Furthermore, all else being equal, attractive high school girls probably receive more favorable treatment from many of their male teachers; to think otherwise is to come close to basically rejecting evolution. Elite colleges also use affirmative action to guarantee that their schools have an “acceptable” number of minority students. Since most couples probably want an egg donor of their own race, an egg-desirability-maximizing college would also use affirmative action as part of their admissions criteria so that they could serve minority egg buyers. Colleges often justify affirmative action by explaining that it “levels the playing field,” making up for the discrimination and inferior education that unjustly handicaps many minority applicants. But a college genuinely interested in helping high school students who have faced unfair disadvantages would give admissions preferences to unattractive, autistic, or low-IQ applicants—all traits which, coincidentally, egg buyers would find undesirable.

But a college genuinely interested in helping high school students who have faced unfair disadvantages would give admissions preferences to unattractive, autistic, or low-IQ applicants—all traits which, coincidentally, egg buyers would find undesirable. Yet, to the best of my knowledge, colleges never give students with these traits affirmative-action consideration. Colleges claim that they give admission preferences to poor students, but a study by a Princeton sociologist found that “whites from lower-class backgrounds incurred a huge admissions disadvantage . . . compared to whites from middle-class and upper-middle-class backgrounds.”201 Egg buyers would probably not consider an impoverished background an attractive feature and might even find it undesirable if it meant that the donor was raised in an unhealthy environment in which she received suboptimal nutrition.

INDEX A Adams, Douglas, 150 Adams, Scott, 43, 193 Adderall (drug). See also amphetamines; cognitive-enhancement drugs author’s use of, 104–5, 112 black market for, 102, 163, 212 focus-improving drug, xv high achievers and grade grubbers benefit from, 163 SAT tests and, 102, 162–63 at Smith College, 102–7, 112, 163 ADHD. See Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Advanced Micro Devices, 122 affirmative action, 87 Africa, 117 African Americans, 173 Age of Enlightenment, 165 aging populations, 177 agricultural jobs, 132 agricultural technology, 132 AI. See artificial intelligence (AI) air conditioning, 166 akrasia, 106–7 Alcor, Arizona (cryonics), 212, 214–216, 221 Alexander the Great, xv alien life, intelligent, 200 alien workers, 135 allele, 20 Allen, Paul, 11 Allen Institute for Brain Science, 11 Alzheimer’s, 17, 108, 169, 181, 221.


pages: 369 words: 90,630

Mindwise: Why We Misunderstand What Others Think, Believe, Feel, and Want by Nicholas Epley

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affirmative action, airport security, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Cass Sunstein, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, friendly fire, invisible hand, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, payday loans, Peter Singer: altruism, pirate software, Richard Thaler, school choice, the scientific method, theory of mind

In the scanner, reasoning about God’s beliefs looked the same as reasoning about one’s own beliefs. The most compelling evidence, however, comes from experiments in which we manipulated people’s own beliefs and measured how it affected what people think God and others believe. In one, we showed volunteers persuasive arguments either in favor of or opposed to affirmative action. The arguments worked: those who read the pro–affirmative action information became more in favor, whereas those who read the anti–affirmative action arguments became more opposed. More important, our manipulation moved our volunteers’ estimates of God’s beliefs in lockstep with their own, whereas estimates of other people’s beliefs were unaffected by the arguments the volunteers read. Creating God in one’s own image, indeed. If God is a moral compass, then the compass seems prone to pointing believers in whatever direction they are already facing.45 There’s nothing magical about God in this regard, just something ambiguous.

The American electorate has also exaggerated the magnitude of these differences, particularly in recent years, as elected officials have become more polarized in their own behavior.30 Graphical depictions that highlight the differences between “red states” and “blue states” only make matters worse, according to research, increasing the perceived differences between groups rather than merely reflecting them.31 And on specific issues ranging from affirmative action to welfare policies, people on opposing sides of each issue consistently assume that the other side is more extreme than it actually is.32 The sad fact is that real partisanship increases partly because of imagined partisanship on the other side. Disputes about abortion rights, for instance, focus both on the rights of the mother and on the rights of the unborn. Partisans in the midst of this disagreement, research demonstrates, tend to assume that the other side is opposed on the very issue that their own side holds the most dear—that is, on the defining feature of the dispute itself.

Actual versus assumed differences in construal: “Naive realism” in intergroup perception and conflict. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 68: 404–17; Farwell, L., and B. Weiner (2000). Bleeding hearts and the heartless: Popular perceptions of liberal and conservative ideologies. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 26: 845–52; Sherman, D. K., L. D. Nelson, and L.D. Ross (2003). Naive realism and affirmative action: Adversaries are more similar than they think. Basic and Applied Social Psychology 25: 275–89. 33. Fiorina, M. P., and S. J. Abrams (2008). Political polarization in the American public. Annual Review of Political Science 11: 563–88; Seyle, D. C., and M. L. Newman (2006). A house divided? The psychology of red and blue America. American Psychologist 61: 571–80. 34. Epley, N., E. M. Caruso, and M.


pages: 313 words: 93,214

Girls & Sex: Navigating the Complicated New Landscape by Peggy Orenstein

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Golden Gate Park, index card, Menlo Park, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Skype, Snapchat, software studies

., “Generation XXX.” 36There is some indication that porn has: Regnerus, “Porn Use and Support of Same-Sex Marriage.” 36On the other hand, they’re also less likely: Wright and Funk, “Pornography Consumption and Opposition to Affirmative Action for Women.” This was true for both men and women, even when controlling for prior attitudes on affirmative action. 36Among teenage boys, regular porn use: Peter and Valkenburg, “Adolescents’ Exposure to Sexually Explicit Online Material and Recreational Attitudes Toward Sex”; Peter and Valkenburg, “The Use of Sexually Explicit Internet Material and Its Antecedents.” See also Wright and Tokunaga, “Activating the Centerfold Syndrome”; and Wright, “Show Me the Data!” 36Porn users are also more likely: Wright and Tokunaga, “Activating the Centerfold Syndrome”; Wright, “Show me the Data!” 36Male and female college students who report recent porn use: Wright and Funk, “Pornography Consumption and Opposition to Affirmative Action for Women”; Brosi, Foubert, Bannon, et al., “Effects of Women’s Pornography Use on Bystander Intervention in a Sexual Assault Situation and Rape Myth Acceptance”; Foubert, Brosi, Bannon, et al., “Pornography Viewing Among Fraternity Men.”

So it worried me to hear an eleventh-grader confide, “I watch porn because I’m a virgin and I want to figure out how sex works”; or when another high-schooler explained that she “watched it to learn how to give head”; or when a freshman in college told me, “There are some advantages: before watching porn, I didn’t know girls could squirt.” There is some indication that porn has a liberalizing effect: heterosexual male users, for instance, are more likely than peers to approve of same-sex marriage. On the other hand, they’re also less likely to support affirmative action for women. Among teenage boys, regular porn use has been correlated with seeing sex as purely physical and regarding girls as “play things.” Porn users are also more likely than their peers to measure their masculinity, social status, and self-worth by their ability to score with “hot” women (which may explain that disproportionate pressure girls report to text boys naked photos of themselves as well as the plots of most Seth Rogen films).

Pediatrics 119, no. 2 (2007): 247–57. Wright, Paul J. “Show Me the Data! Empirical Support for the ‘Centerfold Syndrome.’” Psychology of Men and Masculinity 13, no. 2 (2011): 180–98. . “A Three-Wave Longitudinal Analysis of Preexisting Beliefs, Exposure to Pornography, and Attitude Change.” Communication Reports 26, no. 1 (2013): 13–25. Wright, Paul J., and Michelle Funk. “Pornography Consumption and Opposition to Affirmative Action for Women: A Prospective Study.” Psychology of Women Quarterly 38, no. 2 (2013): 208–21. Wright, Paul J., and Robert S. Tokunaga. “Activating the Centerfold Syndrome: Recency of Exposure, Sexual Explicitness, Past Exposure to Objectifying Media.” Communications Research 20, no. 10 (2013): 1–34. Yung, Corey Rayburn. “Concealing Campus Sexual Assault: An Empirical Examination.” Psychology, Public Policy, and Law 21, no. 1 (2015): 1–9.


pages: 230 words: 71,320

Outliers: The Story of Success by Malcolm Gladwell

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affirmative action, Bill Gates: Altair 8800, computer age, medical residency, popular electronics, Silicon Valley, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, union organizing, upwardly mobile, why are manhole covers round?

Is it really possible to say that one student is Harvard material and another isn't, when both have identicaland perfectacademic recordsOf course not. Harvard is being dishonest. Schwartz is right. They should just have a lottery. law school, we see that the white students do better. That's not surprising: if one group has higher undergraduate grades and test scores than the other, it's almost certainly going to have higher grades in law school as well. This is one reason that affirmative action programs are so controversial. In fact, an attack on the University of Michigan's affirmative action program recently went all the way to the US Supreme Court. For many people it is troubling that an elite educational institution lets in students who are less qualified than their peers. A few years ago, however, the University of Michigan decided to look closely at how the law school's minority students had fared after they graduated. How much money did they makeHow far up in the profession did they goHow satisfied were they with their careersWhat kind of social and community contributions did they makeWhat kind of honors had they wonThey looked at everything that could conceivably be an indication of real-world success.

But he's absolutely right. A s Hudson writes (and keep in mind that he did his research at elite all-male English boarding schools in the 1950s and 1960s), “Knowledge of a boy's IQ is of little help if you are faced with aformful of clever boys.”'' Let me give you an example of the threshold effect in action. The University of Michigan law school, like many elite US educational institutions, uses a policy of affirmative action when it comes to applicants from disadvantaged backgrounds. Around 10 percent of the students Michigan enrolls each fall are members of racial minorities, and if the law school did not significantly relax its entry requirements for those studentsadmitting them with lower undergraduate grades and lower standardized-test scores than everyone elseit estimates that percentage would be less than 3 percent.

., as a hammer, keep door open, footwiper, use as rubble for path filling, chock, weight on scale, to prop up wobbly table, paperweight, as firehearth, to block up rabbit hole.” That's the second reason Nobel Prize winners come from Holy Cross as well as Harvard, because Harvard isn't selecting its students on the basis of how well they do on the “uses of a brick” testand maybe “uses of a brick” is a better predictor of Nobel Prize ability. It's also the second reason Michigan Law School couldn't find a difference between its affirmative action graduates and the rest of its alumni. Being a successful lawyer is about a lot more than IQ. It involves having the kind of fertile mind that Poole had. And just because Michigan's minority students have lower scores on convergence tests doesn't mean they don't have that other critical trait in abundance. Outliers, The Story of Success 5. This was Terman's error. He fell in love with the fact that his Termites were at the absolute pinnacle of the intellectual scaleat the ninety-ninth percentile of the ninety-ninth percentilewithout realizing how little that seemingly extraordinary fact meant.


pages: 532 words: 155,470

One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility by Zack Furness, Zachary Mooradian Furness

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active transport: walking or cycling, affirmative action, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, back-to-the-land, Build a better mousetrap, Burning Man, car-free, carbon footprint, clean water, colonial rule, conceptual framework, dumpster diving, Enrique Peñalosa, European colonialism, feminist movement, ghettoisation, Golden Gate Park, interchangeable parts, intermodal, Internet Archive, Jane Jacobs, market fundamentalism, means of production, Naomi Klein, New Urbanism, peak oil, place-making, post scarcity, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, sustainable-tourism, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, urban planning, Whole Earth Catalog, Whole Earth Review, working poor, Yom Kippur War

Surely there are some black Basque lesbian quadriplegic pro-life vehicular cyclists you can have on the committee.”129 perhaps the most disingenuous aspect of vehicular cyclists mocking the issues of diversity and affirmative action is the total lack of reservation shown in formulating advocacy strategies that appropriate such terms to manipulate public opinion. a brief dialogue about advocacy strategies illustrates this point: Might it be possible to rally an adequate number of pedestrian advocates and bicyclist advocates behind the non-prejudicial “universal access” cause, and away from the anti-car affirmative-action campaigns that ensure prolonged friction between user groups, in order to speed the adoption of constructive public policy? My hope for “universal access” is to provide a paradigm and buzz-word for pedestrian and bicyclist advocates to say “yes” to without having to promote an anti-car cause.

Shouldn’t the audience that could be infected by such a meme be larger than the population that simply hates cars and the people who drive them? —Steven Goodridge your Universal access paradigm is excellent. The only problems are overcoming current inertia and getting its message out to a critical mass. Exponential numbers of people must be infected by the meme. affirmative action for bicyclists has a huge following. affirmative action in civil rights does too. it may be a better strategy to couch it as segregationist vs. integrationist. it’s harsher, which i think is necessary to convert/enlighten bike lane and path devotees. —Wayne pein130 resorting to such convoluted measures to convert people away from simply having their own opinion, or preference, for travel shows how little credence most vC advocates actually give to those who either lack their cycling instructor credentials or deviate from a hard-line stance that effectively shields automobility from any and all forms of criticism.

On the basis of self-interest, the roadway users—cyclists and motorists—should be in one corner and the anti-traffic forces—political bicyclists, residentialists, and environmentalists—in the other. . . . assume, until you know otherwise, that those who have initiated contact with you are political bicyclists, and that real cyclists have seen no useful reason to contact government.124 instead of praising cyclists for taking an active role in the political process or working toward a more egalitarian vision of mobility, Forester and his supporters frame government-funded bicycle facilities as restrictive, choosing to champion equality as a reaganite ethos of every man for himself: “Same roads—Same rights—Same rules.”125 Equality, in this sense of sameness, is conceived not as the rectification of a national problem whereby one form of mobility (auto transportation) dominates public thoroughfares, receives a grossly disproportionate amount of government subsidies, and poses undue physical threats to pedestrians, cyclists, the elderly, children, and people of color. rather, it functions as an ideological and political rationale for voluntary cyclists (those who ride out of choice as opposed to low income) to legitimize their participation in an already unequal matrix of public spaces.126 The idea that the street is somehow a space of equality, or neutrality, that one accesses by simply disciplining and ultimately demonstrating one’s cycling skill is a premise that holds true only if one decontextualizes, if not totally ignores, all the relevant socioeconomic, physical, material, and cultural factors that influence—and in most cases dictate—everyday transportation choices. it virtually mirrors the claims of cyclists in the nineteenth century who, by virtue of their socioeconomic and/or racial status, could easily ignore the cultural restraints on public mobility because they were never subject to them in the first place. not coincidentally, it is a group of mainly white, middle- to upper-class men who now reproduce this same ideology with recourse to similar vulgar psychological explanations. The main difference now is the brazen manner in which vC proponents use racially loaded terms like segregationists (bikeway advocates) and ghettoization (being forced into bike lanes) while they promote a paradigm that explicitly, and openly, condemns what they see as “affirmative action” policies.127 One can peruse the archives of the Chain Guard, an online discussion list for vC advocates, to see just how pointedly the issue of bicycle transportation is framed in such terms. One person writes: i despair of responding at length to all the unending preferences for prioritizing the “special needs” of all the presumed incapable bike riders while we continue to ignore the development of informed, intelligent, safe, enjoyable, efficient transportation by driving a bicycle on normal roads with normal training and education easily achieved by almost all of us, while we promote equal rights.128 The lip service given to equal rights is nicely highlighted in later discussion about the formation of Bicycle advisory Committees, which are groups that recommend localized policies for cycling.


pages: 868 words: 147,152

How Asia Works by Joe Studwell

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, collective bargaining, crony capitalism, cross-subsidies, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, financial deregulation, financial repression, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, land tenure, large denomination, market fragmentation, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open economy, passive investing, purchasing power parity, rent control, rent-seeking, Ronald Coase, South China Sea, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, working-age population

When the fall came, he blamed the managers. A third complication was that Mahathir mixed up industrial policy with affirmative action. He came to power promising to raise up the indigenous bumiputera150 population. In so doing, he painted himself into a racial corner where he decided he could not use Malaysia’s mostly ethnic Chinese and Tamil established entrepreneurs to run his new heavy industrial investments. Instead, he tried to implement effective industrial policy and create a new generation of Malay entrepreneurs at the same time. This was always going to be difficult. In the absence of export discipline and private sector competition, it was impossible. Affirmative action led to the cruellest irony of Mahathir’s industrialisation programme. He sent bumiputeras with minimal business experience – frequently civil servants – to run industrial ventures which were supposed to achieve global levels of competitiveness.

His best-known book, The Malay Dilemma, is a rambling discourse on the plight of the Malays that contrasts powerfully with Park Chung Hee’s two books of the early 1960s, which contained much more practical analysis of what Korea needed to do to in order to ascend the industrial learning curve.135 Mahathir had had his political reckoning with the Tunku after the anti-Chinese riots in Kuala Lumpur in May 1969 left around 200 people dead.136 He wrote an open letter to the prime minister blaming his witless premiership for the killings and suggesting he was likely playing poker – the Tunku, like many members of the Malaysian upper class, was fond of gambling – while KL burned. As a result Mahathir was expelled from UMNO. The Tunku, however, had become a political liability and was eased out of power by other senior politicians. In 1971, Malaysia introduced an affirmative action plan called the New Economic Policy to ease racial tensions. With the Tunku gone, Mahathir was readmitted to UMNO after only three years, and a year after that he became Minister of Education. When the second prime minister, Razak, and his deputy both died prematurely of natural causes, Hussein Onn took over and in 1976 turned, quite unexpectedly, to Mahathir to be his deputy. The entrepreneurial Mahathir then grabbed the job he wanted in order to figure out how to change Malaysia – Minister for Trade and Industry.

It did not begin life with export competitiveness as its driving ambition. The choice of the east coast was also commercially dubious because most steel in Malaysia is consumed on the much more populous and industrialised west coast. It would have made more business sense to pipe the gas fuel supply from the nearby offshore fields to the west side of the peninsula and to make steel where it is needed. None the less, Mahathir’s determination to marry affirmative action – by building the plant in what is called ‘the Malay heartland’ – with industrial policy was not of itself enough to wreck this project. Instead, he made a series of compounding errors. The most egregious of these were to have no export requirement and to fail to critique the project recommended by Perwaja’s Japanese partner, a consortium led by Nippon Steel (the same partner the Koreans had).


pages: 432 words: 127,985

The Best Way to Rob a Bank Is to Own One: How Corporate Executives and Politicians Looted the S&L Industry by William K. Black

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, business climate, cognitive dissonance, corporate governance, Donald Trump, fear of failure, financial deregulation, friendly fire, George Akerlof, hiring and firing, margin call, market bubble, moral hazard, offshore financial centre, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, short selling, The Market for Lemons, transaction costs

So, in an indirect way, [the ERC’s recommendations] address those illegal leaks of information and the harm to Lincoln. Much like Affirmative Action addresses discrimination, it’s not directly in response, and yet it seems to be a fair way to deal with what we have on the table. (423–424) This may be the single most muddleheaded analogy in regulatory history. It was not spontaneous: Stewart had been trying it out on others for months. The irony of Stewart calling for “Affirmative Action” for Keating, one of the most privileged human beings on the planet, was rich. She was probably not aware that he was a racist and sexist bigot of truly epic proportions and that he despised affirmative action (Binstein and Bowden 1993, 236, 248, 380). Regardless of Stewart’s analogy, there was no evidence that anyone at the FHLBSF had leaked anything or that the most recent leaks could possibly have come from the FHLBSF.

The larger point, however, is that Stewart refused to bring any enforcement action against ACC and Lincoln Savings; indeed, she declined even to investigate, Stewart knew that any enforcement action would have the same effect as ordering a halt to the junk bond sales to the widows: it would expose the failure of ACC and Lincoln Savings as well as her leadership role in the Bank Board’s acquiescence in Keating’s demands. Stewart had championed affirmative action for Keating on the grounds that newspaper articles had (accurately) exposed his misdeeds. She now decided that the Bank Board should take no meaningful affirmative action on behalf of the widows or the taxpayers. Dochow, shorn of any enforcement support, issued an unenforceable “directive” to Lincoln Savings to stop a significant number of acts, but he had issued no directive to ACC to stop the bond sales in 1988. Keating, of course, violated the directive with impunity. The Bank Board took no enforcement action in response to the violations.

They represent the only time in history that a financial regulatory agency consented to what was, in substance, a cease-and-desist order against the agency and permitted an institution that it had found to be in massive violation of its rules to increase those violations. The Bank Board got no meaningful restrictions on Lincoln Savings; instead it surrendered unconditionally and provided reparations (“affirmative action,” in Stewart’s parlance). There were three documents signed on May 20, 1988. The Bank Board eventually gave copies of two of them to the CDSL, which gave us copies. The third document was not disclosed outside a small group at headquarters (and Lincoln Savings). The Bank Board got two things in the agreement: ACC agreed to contribute $10 million to Lincoln Savings to increase its capital, and Lincoln Savings agreed to recognize a relatively small number of accounting adjustments that would have the effect of reducing its capital.


pages: 167 words: 50,652

Alternatives to Capitalism by Robin Hahnel, Erik Olin Wright

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3D printing, affirmative action, crowdsourcing, inventory management, iterative process, Kickstarter, loose coupling, means of production, profit maximization, race to the bottom, transaction costs

Real utopias, in contrast, envision the contours of an alternative social world that embodies emancipatory ideals and then look for social innovations we can create in the world as it is that move us towards that destination. Now sometimes this turns out to be the same as an ameliorative reform, but often ameliorative reforms do not constitute building blocks of an emancipatory alternative. Consider, for example, affirmative action policies around race. Affirmative action is one of the critical policies for combating the pernicious effects of ongoing racism, not merely the legacies of racism in the past. But affirmative action is not itself a building block of a world of racial justice and emancipation. It is a necessary means to neutralize severe harms of racism in the world as it exists, but it is not itself a constitutive element of the alternative that we seek. The same could be said of food stamps: it is a critical policy for alleviating hunger generated by brutal forms of inequality generated in American capitalism, but the imagined world of social emancipation beyond capitalism is not one characterized by a massive expansion of food stamps for all.


pages: 177 words: 50,167

The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics by John B. Judis

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Post-materialism, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent

A Gallup study of the demographics of the 1968 Wallace vote found his constituency to be identical to that of Warren’s MARs. In other words, Wallace’s base was among voters who saw themselves as “middle class”—the American equivalent of “the people”—and who saw themselves locked in conflict with those below and above. Like Wallace, they remained New Deal liberals in many of their views, but not on matters that bore on race or law and order. In these cases, they adamantly rejected the welfare and busing and affirmative action policies that 1972 Democratic presidential candidate George McGovern and many liberal Democrats favored. They had begun the political journey from Democrat to Independent to Republican that would finally conclude in the 1994 congressional elections. Wallace, like Long, was a movement unto himself. When he was shot and forced to drop out of the presidential campaign, it ended his attempt to transform American politics.

He would serve as governor again, and would repudiate and apologize for his own opposition to racial integration. He would end his career much as he began—as a New Deal Democrat. But Wallace and his followers had already had a profound influence on the two-party system. Wallace’s campaigns were the opening wedge in the realignment of the parties in the South. The Republicans would subsequently accommodate Wallace’s positions on big government, welfare, busing, and affirmative action. And Nixon had already begun to do that. As Kevin Phillips understood in his prescient 1969 book, The Emerging Republican Majority, Wallace’s votes would migrate to the Republican Party. In 1972, Nixon’s percentage vote against McGovern closely resembled the total of Nixon and Wallace’s votes in 1968 in 45 of 50 states. In 14 states, the percentages were almost identical. The Democratic and Republican coalitions that would emerge after Wallace’s 1968 run and McGovern’s 1972 campaign would be significantly different from the coalitions of the New Deal era.

Operatives crafted a majority coalition that was composed of the traditional Republican business class, small businesses and farmers, and white working-class voters who had began fleeing the Democratic Party because of its support for civil rights, feminism, and the secular counterculture. There was an implicit arrangement by which the major business lobbies would acquiesce in Republican opposition to abortion, gun control, or affirmative action in exchange for working-class support for reductions in regulations and taxes. The one area in which Republican business and the new white working-class Republicans could wholeheartedly agree was cutting social spending. Businesses generally favored any spending cuts that would lower pressure to raise taxes on them and their stockholders. The working and middle classes, with some justification, believed they would have to pay the bulk of the taxes to support programs that they believed would primarily benefit minorities and the poor and not themselves.


pages: 320 words: 96,006

The End of Men: And the Rise of Women by Hanna Rosin

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affirmative action, call centre, cognitive dissonance, David Brooks, delayed gratification, edge city, facts on the ground, financial independence, hiring and firing, housing crisis, income inequality, informal economy, job satisfaction, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, meta analysis, meta-analysis, new economy, New Urbanism, Northern Rock, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, Results Only Work Environment, Silicon Valley, Steven Pinker, union organizing, upwardly mobile, women in the workforce, young professional

In other words, if Heriot was reading the chart correctly, American private colleges had quietly begun to practice affirmative action . . . for men. The quotes that follow in the accompanying story seemed to confirm Heriot’s suspicion. Men should be given some extra allowance because they “have perspectives to offer that a woman doesn’t have,” one student suggested. A college counselor advised that they should “emphasize their maleness.” If they happened to have a gender-ambiguous name like Alex or Madison, they should not hesitate to send in a picture or brag about sports in order to “catch an admission officer’s eye.” Different perspectives to offer. A distinct admissions advantage. Send in a picture. These are the kinds of euphemisms admissions officers have historically offered up to minorities and women. How could it be that affirmative action, an institution set up to break white men’s exclusive hold on power, was now the crutch they needed to get by?

Heriot wrote up a proposal for the commission’s approval, suggesting it might be an “open secret” among private colleges that they let in men over more highly qualified women, and her proposal was accepted. For private universities, sex discrimination in admissions is perfectly legal; unlike public universities they are not bound by Title IX. But Heriot thought this issue was serious enough that it might be covered by a more general statute against discrimination. And because she seems inclined against affirmative action anyway, she wanted to force the education establishment into a confession so that they could begin to figure out why men weren’t succeeding, rather than to continue just shuffling them among institutions. The commissioners picked nineteen colleges randomly with the aim of covering the basic categories—big, small, religiously affiliated, selective, less selective, and historically African-American.

Meyerson, “An Organizational Approach to Undoing Gender: The Unlikely Case of Offshore Oil Platforms,” Research in Organizational Behavior 30, no. 30 (2010): 3–34. INDEX The page numbers in this index refer to the printed version of this book. To find the corresponding locations in the text of this digital version, please use the “search” function on your e-reader. Note that not all terms may be searchable. Accounting, 108, 118, 124, 226 Addiction, 46 drug, 87, 88 Advanced Placement (AP) exams, 153 Afghanistan, 42 Affirmative action, 146, 147 African-Americans, 53, 94, 101, 147, 155, 157, 180 college-educated, 89–90, 94 in manufacturing jobs, 88 Aggression, 170 female, 173, 176, 183, 185–87, 189 male, 174–76 Alabama, 91–92, 110. See also specific cities, counties, and towns Alabama, University of, Huntsville, 178 Alexander City (Alabama), 79–88, 95, 97–106 Allen, Woody, 190 Alvin Ho (Look), 190 American Council on Education, 155 American Journal of Pharmaceutical Education, 119 American Psycho (Ellis), 173 Anal sex, 17, 27, 42, 44 Anderson, Sherwood, 128 Andrews, Steven and Sarah, 70–77 Apatow, Judd, 56, 138 Apple, William S., 134 Arab Spring, 151 Argentina, 28, 150 Ark & Pancom, 244 Armstrong, Elizabeth, 22–25 Arnett, Will, 265 Arthur Colton Company, 127–28 Asian Debate Institute, 231 Ask For It (Babcock and Laschever), 209 Atlanta (Georgia), 81 Atlantic magazine, 14, 160, 221 Attractiveness, 30, 131, 256 Auburn (Alabama), 103, 106–10 Auburn University, 97, 105, 106, 108 Economic & Community Development Institute, 86 Austen, Jane, 114 Australia, 150, 166, 167, 245 Automatic Pill Making Machines, 127–28 Auto industry, 87 Korean, 111, 204, 234, 250 Autor, David, 87, 125 Babcock, Linda, 207–9 Babies, sex preference for, 12–14 Bahrain, 150 Bangalore, 193 Baron-Cohen, Simon, 174, 262 Baum, Sandy, 158 Baumbach, Noah, 56 Baumeister, Roy, 37, 41, 42 Beauty premium.


pages: 386 words: 122,595

Naked Economics: Undressing the Dismal Science (Fully Revised and Updated) by Charles Wheelan

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bretton Woods, capital controls, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, congestion charging, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, demographic transition, diversified portfolio, Doha Development Round, Exxon Valdez, financial innovation, floating exchange rates, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, happiness index / gross national happiness, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, index fund, interest rate swap, invisible hand, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, libertarian paternalism, low skilled workers, lump of labour, Malacca Straits, market bubble, microcredit, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Network effects, new economy, open economy, presumed consent, price discrimination, price stability, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, random walk, rent control, Richard Thaler, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, The Market for Lemons, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, Yogi Berra, young professional

Nine of the job candidates are white and one is black. The hiring company has an affirmative action policy stipulating that when minority and nonminority candidates are of equal merit, the minority candidate will be hired. Further suppose that there are two top candidates; one is white, the other is black. True to policy, the firm hires the black candidate. Loury (who is black) makes this subtle but simple point: Only one of the white candidates has suffered from affirmative action; the other eight wouldn’t have gotten the job anyway. Yet all nine white candidates go away angry, feeling that they have been discriminated against. Loury is not necessarily a foe of affirmative action. He merely adds nuance to a discussion that usually has none. Affirmative action can harm the very race relations that it seeks to heal.

Economics is filed away with calculus and chemistry—rigorous subjects that required a lot of memorization and have little to do with anything that will come later in life. And, of course, a lot of bright students avoid the course in the first place. This is a shame on two levels. First, many intellectually curious people are missing a subject that is provocative, powerful, and highly relevant to almost every aspect of our lives. Economics offers insight into policy problems ranging from organ donation to affirmative action. The discipline is intuitive at times and delightfully counterintuitive at others. It is peppered with great thinkers. Some, such as Adam Smith and Milton Friedman, have captured mainstream attention. But others, such as Gary Becker and George Akerlof, have not gotten the recognition outside of academe that they deserve. Too many people who would gladly curl up with a book on the Civil War or a biography of Samuel Johnson have been scared away from a subject that should be accessible and fascinating.


pages: 692 words: 127,032

Fool Me Twice: Fighting the Assault on Science in America by Shawn Lawrence Otto

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anthropic principle, Berlin Wall, Brownian motion, carbon footprint, Cepheid variable, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, cosmological constant, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Dean Kamen, desegregation, double helix, energy security, Exxon Valdez, fudge factor, ghettoisation, Harlow Shapley and Heber Curtis, Harvard Computers: women astronomers, informal economy, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Louis Pasteur, mutually assured destruction, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, shareholder value, sharing economy, smart grid, Solar eclipse in 1919, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, transaction costs, University of East Anglia, War on Poverty, white flight, Winter of Discontent, working poor

In politics, this thinking became entwined with the goals of the civil rights movement: examination of power structures, discovery of voices not valued by history, cultural tolerance, acceptance of diverse viewpoints, affirmative action, mindfulness of the biases of the speaker, a pullback from Western exceptionalism and white supremacy, and the celebration of the self-evident truth that lies at the foundation of the nation—that all people are created equal. If science was the voice of the Western white male culture, then it was not the voice of other, discounted cultures. Academics, writers, politicians, and teachers, in a sort of intellectual affirmative action, took the idea to its logical conclusion: from all people being created equal to the notion that all cultures are created equal and from that to the idea that all ideas are created equal.

In the American humanities, and subsequently in American politics and education, this came to mean that all systems of thought had equal merit and only had to be internally consistent. They were all just different “languages” or “constructs” for assembling our experience of reality. Thus, postmodernists thought of themselves as tolerant and nonjudgmental. In America, this thinking merged with new political ideas about affirmative action and became widespread. Postmodernism provided a secular, progressive, inclusive interpretation of reality for those who felt that there were many worthy groups like African Americans, women, Native Americans, gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transgendered persons, and others who had been disenfranchised by the Western white male dominant culture, of which science was a powerful part. The postmodern view fit well with the growing ambivalence toward science after the bomb and during the cold war.

Scientists (“the Man”) resist new (baby boomer) ideas, clinging to old (Western white male), outdated theories even as the evidence they are being willfully blind to accumulates (discrimination) like energy in an electron until it finally becomes overwhelming (the civil rights movement). Then, suddenly, in a crystallizing moment (revelation), the ruling order is displaced (comeuppance) and the intellectual understanding of the old (bigoted) paradigm (attitude) shifts to a new, wider-orbiting (more tolerant and inclusive) paradigm that incorporates (affirmative action) previously discounted outliers (disempowered groups). Kuhn was striving to describe science not as we think it is, but as it really is, and so was likely strongly influenced by his times. He pointed to several past scientific revolutions as examples and argued that they had not been intellectual so much as sociological upheavals. As evidence he quoted Max Planck, who, along with Einstein, founded the revolutionary field of quantum mechanics.


pages: 456 words: 185,658

More Guns, Less Crime: Understanding Crime and Gun-Control Laws by John R. Lott

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affirmative action, Columbine, crack epidemic, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, gun show loophole, income per capita, More Guns, Less Crime, statistical model, the medium is the message, transaction costs

Phoenix: Bloomfield Press, 1999. ———. Gun Laws of America. Phoenix: Bloomfield Press, 1997. 432 | BIBLIOGRAPHY ———. The Texas Gun Owner’s Guide. Phoenix: Bloomfield Press, 1998. Leamer, Edward E. “Let’s Take the Con Out of Econometrics.” American Economic Review 73 (Mar. 1983): 31–43. Lott, John R., Jr. “Does a Helping Hand Put Others at Risk? Affirmative Action, Police Departments, and Crime.” Economic Inquiry, vol. 38 (April 2000), forthcoming. ———. “Who Is Really Hurt by Affirmative Action?” Subject to Debate, May 1998, pp. 1, 3. Lott, John R., Jr., and John E. Whitley. “Safe Storage Gun Laws: Accidental Deaths, Suicides, and Crime.” Yale Law School working paper, October 1, 1999. Ludwig, Jens. “Concealed-Gun-Carrying Law and Violent Crime: Evidence from State Panel Data.” International Review of Law and Economics 18 (Sept. 1998): 239–54.

Handgun Control and the Violence Policy Center spread claims such as “Lott has argued that the hiring of more 204 | CHAPTER NINE women and minorities in law enforcement has actually increased crime rates.”48 They have made this claim on their Web sites, in debates, and on radio programs.49 In fact, I had stated that this would be the wrong conclusion to reach. The paper argued: “But it would be a serious mistake not to realize that this simple relationship is masking that the new rules reduce the quality of new hires from other groups.”50 The affirmative action rules which changed the testing standards lowered the quality of new police hires across the board, and that was showing itself in the simple relationship between minority hires and crime.51 On the upside, many have come to my defense. One academic review of my book noted, “The personal (and, to those who know him, completely unfounded) attacks on John Lott’s integrity were made with such ferocity and in so many media outlets nationwide that one can only conclude that Lott was, with apologies to our gracious First Lady [Hillary Clinton], the target of a vast left-wing conspiracy to discredit his politically incorrect findings.”52 Another academic review wrote: “the ease with which guncontrol advocates could get misleading and even false claims published by the press raises important public choice questions.

Craig Jarvis, “Pizza Worker’s Husband Shoots Masked Bandit,” Raleigh News and Observer, Dec. 11, 1996, p. B3. 3. Other work that I have done indicates that while hiring certain types of police officers can be quite effective in reducing crime rates, the net benefit from hiring an additional police officer is about a quarter of the benefit from spending an equivalent amount on concealed handguns. See John R. Lott, Jr., “Does a Helping Hand Put Others At Risk? Affirmative Action, Police Departments, and Crime,” University of Chicago working paper (July 1997). 4. The cost of public prisons runs about twice this rate; see Mike Flaherty, “Prisons for Profit; Can Texas System Work for Wisconsin’s Overflowing System,” Wisconsin State Journal, Feb. 16, 1997, p. Al. 5. Fox Butterfield, “Serious Crime Decreased for Fifth Year in a Row,” New York Times, Jan. 5, 1997, p. 10. 396 | N OT E S TO PA G E S 1 6 6 – 1 6 9 6.


pages: 25 words: 7,179

Why Government Is the Problem by Milton Friedman

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affirmative action, Bretton Woods, floating exchange rates, invisible hand, rent control, urban renewal

Miscellaneous I have not even mentioned the botched economic policies: the reverse Reaganomics that the Bush administration practiced contributed to the recession of 1990—1991, condemned us to a very slow and erratic recovery from a mild recession, and, very probably, promises a relatively slow 1990s, almost regardless of what the Clinton administration does. Nor have I mentioned such things as over-regulation of industry or agricultural policies under which taxpayers pay people to grow crops that are going to be destroyed or stored or given away. I have not mentioned tariffs and quotas or affirmative action and wage and hour laws. In light of this list, is there any doubt that government is the problem? None of this means that government does not have a very real function. Indeed, the tragedy is that because government is doing so many things it ought not to be doing, it performs the functions it ought to be performing badly. The basic functions of government are to defend the nation against foreign enemies, to prevent coercion of some individuals by others within the country, to provide a means of deciding on our rules, and to adjudicate disputes.3 I wonder if any of the liberal pundits who go around saying that the private market and capitalism, not government, is the problem can name any corresponding set of major problems that afflict our society that derive from private enterprise.


pages: 411 words: 114,717

Breakout Nations: In Pursuit of the Next Economic Miracles by Ruchir Sharma

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3D printing, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, American energy revolution, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, BRICs, British Empire, business climate, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, cloud computing, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate governance, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, eurozone crisis, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, inflation targeting, informal economy, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, land reform, M-Pesa, Mahatma Gandhi, market bubble, megacity, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, Peter Thiel, planetary scale, quantitative easing, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Shenzhen was a fishing village, Silicon Valley, software is eating the world, sovereign wealth fund, The Great Moderation, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, working-age population

When the overall size of Singapore’s economy surpassed Malaysia’s in 2011, there was bitterness in Kuala Lumpur: Mahathir commented that Singapore had gotten where it is by focusing only on growth, not on “a fair distribution of wealth between races as we have in Malaysia.” Malaysia’s problems go beyond race and old rivalries. Every nation in Southeast Asia has seen protests against the Chinese business class at some point in the postcolonial period, but only Malaysia keeps the fires burning as a matter of public policy. Even before Mahathir took power in 1981, Malaysia had created a program of affirmative action to give Bumiputeras greater ownership stakes in companies. Mahathir built that program into a sprawling system of racial quotas and subsidies for all walks of life, from schools to government posts. Even today the 60 percent Malay majority feels they do not have a fair share of the economic pie, but the 30 percent Chinese minority feels just as marginalized, trying to compete against favored Malay tycoons.

Malaysia’s first five-year plan dates to 1955, two years before independence, and its government has been planning with gusto ever since. Officials greet visitors with a blizzard of acronyms, describing their many schemes to recapture growth, and as a whole they get the problems pretty much right. With manufacturing flagging, and corporations moving abroad, they understand the need to regain competitiveness, restart investment, raise the skill level of the workforce, even to make the ubiquitous affirmative action system more transparent and market friendly. These goals are all built into the NEM (new economic model), which was unveiled in March 2010 and aims to double Malaysia’s per capita income by 2020. The NEM includes both an ETP (economic transformation program) and a GTP (government transformation program), which have targeted dozens of NKEAs (national key economic areas) for reform, and launched no fewer than 131 EPPs (entry point projects) to fix those targets.

South Africa will soon spend more on welfare than on education—or, put another way, more on cushioning citizens from joblessness than preparing them for jobs. When it first came to power, the ANC created a modicum of upward mobility for some black South Africans, helping to ease discontent, at least for a time. Normally a rising middle class is the natural by-product of an expanding economic pie, but in South Africa the growth was mainly the product of an affirmative-action program launched in the most fortuitous possible circumstances. The Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) set specific targets for all but the smallest companies to increase the role of black owners, managers, and workers, and tried to create a new class of black-owned companies as well. The program came into effect in 2003, the same year that the flood of easy money pouring out of the United States triggered a boom across all the emerging markets.


pages: 353 words: 91,520

Most Likely to Succeed: Preparing Our Kids for the Innovation Era by Tony Wagner, Ted Dintersmith

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affirmative action, Airbnb, Albert Einstein, Bernie Sanders, Clayton Christensen, David Brooks, en.wikipedia.org, Frederick Winslow Taylor, future of work, immigration reform, income inequality, index card, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, Khan Academy, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, new economy, pattern recognition, Paul Graham, Peter Thiel, Ponzi scheme, pre–internet, school choice, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steven Pinker, TaskRabbit, the scientific method, unpaid internship, Y Combinator

“SAT Scores Drop Again,” Inside Higher Ed, September 25, 2012. https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2012/09/25/sat-scores-are-down-and-racial-gaps-remain (accessed December 17, 2014). 17 Zumbrun, Josh. “SAT Scores and Income Inequality: How Wealthier Kids Rank Higher.” Wall Street Journal, October 7, 2014. http://blogs.wsj.com/economics/2014/10/07/sat-scores-and-income-inequality-how-wealthier-kids-rank-higher/ (accessed March 31, 2015). 18 Strauss, Valerie. “A basic flaw in the argument against affirmative action,” Washington Post, July 17, 2014. http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/answer-sheet/wp/2014/07/17/a-basic-flaw-in-the-argument-against-affirmative-action/ (accessed December 8, 2014). 19 Pinker, Steven. “The trouble with Harvard: The Ivy League is broken and only standardized tests can fix it,” New Republic, September 4, 2014. http://www.newrepublic.com/article/119321/harvard-ivy-league-should-judge-students-standardized-tests (accessed September 6, 2014). 20 “Fundamentals of Statistics 2: The Normal Distribution.”

“GI bill covered tuition for nearly a million post-9/11 veterans without tracking their progress,” The Center for Public Integrity, September 3, 2013. http://www.publicintegrity.org/2013/09/03/13297/gi-bill-covered-tuition-nearly-million-post-911-veterans-without-tracking-their (accessed November 20, 2014). 56 “Remembering America’s Veterans in 2013,” Center for American Progress, November 11, 2013. http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/military/news/2013/11/11/79087/remembering-americas-veterans-in-2013/ (accessed November 20, 2014). 57 Deresiewicz, William. Excellent Sheep, 2687–2688. 58 Ibid. 59 Siskind, Sarah R. “Affirmative dissatisfaction,” Harvard Crimson, November 2, 2012. http://www.thecrimson.com/column/the-snollygoster/article/2012/11/2/Siskind-affirmative-action/ (accessed October 2, 2014). 60 “Voter Turnout by Age.” CivicYouth.org (accessed December 8, 2014), http://www.civicyouth.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/07/2012YouthVote.jpg. 61 “Digest of Education Statistics,” National Center for Education Statistics, October 2013. http://nces.ed.gov/programs/digest/d13/tables/dt13_104.20.asp. 62 “Statistics,” Campus Vote Project, http://www.campusvoteproject.org/statistics. 63 Arum and Roksa, Academically Adrift, 1924–1926. 64 Quoted from the summary of the book on amazon.com. http://www.amazon.com/Generation-Tightrope-Portrait-College-Student-ebook/dp/B008NPSNHQ (accessed December 8, 2014). 65 Leonhardt, David.


pages: 377 words: 110,427

The Boy Who Could Change the World: The Writings of Aaron Swartz by Aaron Swartz, Lawrence Lessig

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affirmative action, Alfred Russel Wallace, Benjamin Mako Hill, bitcoin, Bonfire of the Vanities, Brewster Kahle, Cass Sunstein, deliberate practice, Donald Trump, failed state, fear of failure, Firefox, full employment, Howard Zinn, index card, invisible hand, John Gruber, Lean Startup, More Guns, Less Crime, post scarcity, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Richard Stallman, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, semantic web, single-payer health, SpamAssassin, SPARQL, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the scientific method, Toyota Production System, unbiased observer, wage slave, Washington Consensus, web application, WikiLeaks, working poor

Toward a Larger Left http://crookedtimber.org/2009/08/04/toward-a-larger-left/ August 4, 2009 Age 22 Stanford, like many universities, maintains full employment for humanities professors by requiring new students to take their seminars. My heart burning with the pain of societal injustice, I chose the one on “Freedom, Equality, Difference.” Most of the other students had no particular interest in the topic—they were just meeting the requirement. But a significant minority did: like me, they cared passionately about it. They were the conservatives, armed with endless citations on how affirmative action was undermining American meritocracy. The only other political attitude I noticed was a moderate centrism, the view espoused by the teacher, whose day job was studying just-war theory. It quickly became clear that I was the only person even remotely on the left. And it wasn’t simply that the others disagreed with me; they couldn’t even understand me. I remember us discussing a scene in Invisible Man where a factory worker brags he’s so indispensable that when he was out sick the boss drove to his house and begged him to come back, agreeing to put him in charge.

And while it’s true we had slavery, they had slavery in Africa for hundreds of years—it was dead white Christian males in the U.S. and England who led the world in getting rid of it because it was an offense to God. (Please.) We have to teach students this uplifting version of American history because if you’re not taught to be proud of your country, you cannot defend yourself. The talk ends and we move to Q&A. I notice Horowitz has failed to mention what we can do to fight this insidious leftist control. I get in line. The first person asks Horowitz how to distinguish this from affirmative action. Horowitz sort of dodges the question, talking more about how conservatives are discriminated against in his view, before assuring me that he doesn’t support a requirement of hiring conservatives, he just thinks the management should seek out good conservatives (he mentions Thomas Sowell as an example) and hire them. Another student asks how liberals managed to take control of everything.

and thinks she should be able to disagree with him without hating America. Horowitz explains that Bush-hatred is the problem, not disagreement. “Friends disagree with me, but they don’t compare me to Hitler!” It’s my turn. I say that I understand programs to ensure blacks and women aren’t discriminated against, but why do conservatives deserve special treatment? Horowitz emphasizes that he’s against affirmative action and says that his point is that exposure to new ideas is far more important than skin color. (The audience applauds at Horowitz’s ability to evade my poorly constructed question.) Finally, someone asks what we can do about it. Horowitz says he’s started a group, StudentsForAcademicFreedom.org (200K visitors!), where conservatives can tattle on oppressive leftists. (Some samples: “I wrote about how family values in the books weve [sic] read aren’t good.


pages: 285 words: 86,174

Twilight of the Elites: America After Meritocracy by Chris Hayes

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, asset-backed security, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, carried interest, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, dark matter, David Brooks, David Graeber, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, fixed income, full employment, George Akerlof, hiring and firing, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, jimmy wales, Julian Assange, Mark Zuckerberg, mass affluent, means of production, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, Nate Silver, peak oil, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rolodex, The Spirit Level, too big to fail, University of East Anglia, We are the 99%, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce

“We’re still using this method of identifying children of so-called merit,” says Kupferstein Torres. And it has yielded predictable results. “The overwhelming majority of students offered admission through our test process are Asian and white,” she says. I asked Kupferstein Torres to explain why Hunter was admitting fewer and fewer black and Latino students. “There are certain things that emerge immediately,” she says, pointing to the dismantling of affirmative action at Hunter (about which more in a moment) and the persistent and growing inequality of opportunity in New York City. On top of that, she notes, “There was no test prep culture thirty years ago. Stanley Kaplan—the founder of Kaplan Test Prep—was probably tutoring one person.” The test prep industry for national standardized tests like the SAT is now a booming, multimillion-dollar business, and it is at least part of the reason (along with wide variety in school quality and parental educational attainment) that one of the best ways to predict a student’s SAT score is to look at his parents’ income: the more money they make, the higher the score is likely to be.

While minorities make up 10 to 15 percent of a typical student body, affluent whites dominate other preferred groups: recruited athletes (10 to 25 percent of students); alumni children, also known as legacies (10 to 25 percent); development cases (2 to 5 percent); children of celebrities and politicians (1 to 2 percent); and children of faculty members (1 to 3 percent). This doesn’t even count the advantages that wealthy children have in terms of private tutors, test prep, and access to expensive private high schools and college counselors adept at navigating the politics of admissions. All together this layered system of preferences for the children of the privileged amounts to, in Golden’s words, “affirmative action for rich white people.” It is not so much the meritocracy as idealized and celebrated but rather the ancient practice of “elites mastering the art of perpetuating themselves.” A pure functioning meritocracy, like that conjured by Michael Young, would produce a society with growing inequality, but that inequality would come along with a correlated increase in social mobility. As the educational system and business world got better and better at finding inherent merit wherever it lay, you would see the bright kids of the poor boosted to the upper echelons of society, with the untalented progeny of the best and brightest relegated to the bottom of the social pyramid where they belong.

., p. 342. 44 “It is organization which gives birth”: Ibid., p. 365. 45 “The treasure in the fable may well symbolize democracy”: Ibid., p. 368. 46 “At least one third of the students at elite universities”: Daniel Golden, The Price of Admission: How America’s Ruling Class Buys Its Way into Elite Colleges—and Who Gets Left Outside the Gates (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2007), p. 6. 47 “affirmative action for rich white people” … “elites mastering the art of perpetuating themselves”: Ibid., pp. 6 and 10. 48 “The Great Divergence”: See Paul Krugman, “Introducing This Blog,” http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2007/09/18/introducing-this-blog/, accessed January 7, 2012. 49 In 1928, the top 10 percent of earners captured 46 percent of national income.… Between 1979 and 2005, nearly 88 percent of the entire economy’s income gains went to the top 1 percent: Emmanuel Saez, “Striking It Richer: The Evolution of Top Incomes in the United States,” March 15, 2008, http://www.econ.berkeley.edu/~saez/saez-UStopincomes-2006prel.pdf, accessed January 7, 2012, and Arloc Sherman and Chad Stone, “Income Gaps Between Very Rich and Everyone Else More Than Tripled in Last Three Decades, New Data Show,” Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, http://www.cbpp.org/cms/?


pages: 287 words: 99,131

Composing a Further Life: The Age of Active Wisdom by Mary Catherine Bateson

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, Celebration, Florida, desegregation, double helix, estate planning, feminist movement, invention of writing, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, urban renewal, War on Poverty, women in the workforce

“There was a strike against one of their hotels in California, two hundred black kids arm in arm in the lobby protesting because no blacks were employed there. They paralyzed the hotel,” he said. “The police couldn’t move them—they didn’t have enough prisons for all these young blacks. So I was sent out as a lawyer for the hotel chain to negotiate some sort of a settlement. I worked out an affirmative action deal with the mayor and the hotel, in which the hotel would hire two blacks every year. “Then, on my way back home—it was the time of the second march on Selma—I had to stop in Chicago, and I was watching this horrible business at the bridge on TV, and instead of going home I went to Selma, and I was in Selma for a week. From then on, I just had an interest that I really couldn’t control in this whole situation.

“That was the beginning of the work leading to The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education,” he told me. “We measure progress, evaluate individual colleges and universities—which ones are committed to advancing blacks, and which ones aren’t. Which ones have black faculty in large numbers, which ones don’t.” Ted’s focus in Adulthood II has been the creation and maintenance of the journal, tracking academic affirmative action and hiring policies across the country. Ted explained that he still had no succession plan to maintain the journal, which he works on full-time. “It’s really a problem,” he said. “Probably, as I look back on it, it’s more important than anything else I’ve done. We have established a history, an archive that is irreplaceable, on what’s happened over the past fifteen years—in the elite schools, the Ivy League schools, the smaller colleges, the public universities, we’ve got it all there.

You can do that with sheep and camels if the land they graze is essentially common land, because the heirs start off with a certain number and they will propagate. But if it’s land that you have to farm, you can’t start off with a small piece and have it propagate!” “Inheriting a white skin has been a legacy advantage and a black skin was a big disadvantage,” Ted commented. “Today, having a black skin may be an advantage in applying for certain positions. Being a woman has an important advantage in becoming a college president! Affirmative action has shifted the biological disadvantage to advantage in some contexts. I think that’s good. Who would dream that this could have happened? “It’s difficult to sort out good and bad in these legacy advantages and disadvantages. Does the legacy system always interfere with merit? Are legacy and merit always at war with each other? Now take a typical situation where, say, the head of IBM wants his son to be president.


pages: 271 words: 83,944

The Sellout: A Novel by Paul Beatty

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affirmative action, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, desegregation, El Camino Real, haute couture, illegal immigration, Lao Tzu, late fees, p-value, publish or perish, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, telemarketer, theory of mind, War on Poverty, white flight

Carbon-date my pipe and determine whether I’m a direct descendant of Dred Scott, that colored conundrum who, as a slave living in a free state, was man enough for his wife and kids, man enough to sue his master for his freedom, but not man enough for the Constitution, because in the eyes of the Court he was simply property: a black biped “with no rights the white man was bound to respect.” They’ll pore over the legal briefs and thumb through the antebellum vellum and try to determine whether or not the outcome of this case confirms or overturns Plessy v. Ferguson. They’ll scour the plantations, the projects, and the Tudor suburban subdivision affirmative-action palaces, digging up backyards looking for remnants of the ghosts of discrimination past in the fossilized dice and domino bones, brush the dust off the petrified rights and writs buried in bound legal volumes, and pronounce me as “unforeseen hip-hop generation precedent” in the vein of Luther “Luke Skyywalker” Campbell, the gap-toothed rapper who fought for his right to party and parody the white man the way he’d done us for years.

That incessant Black History Month loop of barking dogs, gushing fire hoses, and carbuncles oozing blood through two-dollar haircuts, colorless blood spilling down faces shiny with sweat and the light of the evening news, these are the pictures that form our collective 16 mm superego. But today I’m all medulla oblongata and I can’t concentrate. The film inside my head begins to skip and sputter. The sound cuts out, and protesters falling like dominoes in Selma, Alabama, begin to look like Keystone Negroes slipping en masse on an affirmative-action banana peel and tumbling to the street, a tangled mess of legs and dreams akimbo. The marchers on Washington become civil rights zombies, one hundred thousand strong, somnambulating lockstep onto the mall, stretching out their stiff, needy fingers for their pound of flesh. The head zombie looks exhausted from being raised from the dead every time someone wants to make a point about what black people should and shouldn’t do, can and cannot have.

I’m so fucking high right now…” “Did you order the Code Red?” “You’re goddamn right I did! And I’d do it again, because this pot is fucking unbelievable.” Fred’s breaking character. “What’s it called?” It being the joint he’s holding in his hand. “It doesn’t have a name yet, but Code Red sounds pretty good.” Fred has sketched all the important cases: same-sex marriage, the end of the Voting Rights Act, and the demise of affirmative action in higher education and, by extension, everywhere else. He says that in his thirty years of courtroom artistry, this is the first time he’s ever seen the court adjourn for dinner. First time he’s ever seen the Justices raise their voices and stare each other down. He shows me an artist’s rendering of today’s session. In it a conservative Catholic Justice flips off a liberal Catholic Justice from the Bronx with a surreptitious cheek scratch.

Au Contraire: Figuring Out the French by Gilles Asselin, Ruth Mastron

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affirmative action, business climate, feminist movement, haute cuisine, rolodex, Rosa Parks

Many female politicians and commentators agreed in general terms that more women should be included in politics at the national level but rejected the call for quotas, maintaining that they are simply not necessary, since equality is already guar- With Politics 121 anteed by the Constitution. In concrete terms, the amendment in effect requires that political parties must choose equal numbers of female and male candidates. Quotas indeed violate the French universalist principle. Some Frenchwomen echo the fears expressed in the American affirmative action debate: that a woman who gains a position because of a quota will be perceived as less than competent. People may assume she would not have achieved success on her own merits. Despite such concern, women in the United States have been less reluctant to use quotas to their advantage. Nobody likes quotas, but that’s the only way to make things change, to get women into positions of power so they can show what they know, what they can do.

Universalism is a republican value that informs the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, the social protection system (as the French call it), labor laws, and many other vital areas of social life. Based on this fundamental principle, the government enacts laws that give each individual access to the same privileges. It does not in principle differentiate either positively or negatively based on the origin or specific situation of the person. With Society 133 Affirmative action laws such as those that have been on the books in the United States—though they are beginning to disappear—would be hard to implement in France. They exemplify the principle of differentiation, granting different rights and privileges for cultural or historical reasons on the basis of past oppression or discrimination. From a French point of view, this kind of differentiation would inevitably lead to the creation of separate societies, a precept that goes against the very principles that constitute the French Republic and its social fabric.

If you need a detailed explanation of any monument, battle, invasion, or French victory or defeat, people will usually come to your rescue. Acknowledge their help gratefully and ask follow-up questions. There is a big difference between asking for information or exchanging ideas about a certain topic and bluntly passing judgment on it. Important differences exist, for example, between diversity à la française and à l’américaine, as reflected in French labor laws and American affirmative action practices. Telling French people categorically that they should manage their diversity issues in the American way reflects a lack of knowledge of and respect for your hosts’ culture. An open discussion, comparing and contrasting American and French situations and practices, is a much better way to go about a conversation. Similarly, if your French friends start talking enthusiastically about the thirtyfive-hour workweek, listen to what they have to say.


pages: 298 words: 95,668

Milton Friedman: A Biography by Lanny Ebenstein

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affirmative action, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, Deng Xiaoping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fiat currency, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Hernando de Soto, hiring and firing, inflation targeting, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, labour market flexibility, Lao Tzu, liquidity trap, means of production, Mont Pelerin Society, Ponzi scheme, price stability, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, school choice, school vouchers, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, stem cell, The Chicago School, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen

He believes that the main opponent of vouchers is the educational establishment, particularly teachers’ unions. His essential formula for improving inner cities and reducing racial tension is to implement vouchers in education, legalize drugs, cut welfare, and eliminate affirmative action. Friedman endorses the argument of Thomas Sowell that among the negative consequences of affirmative action is that it mismatches participants’ fields of endeavor with their abilities, to their detriment (an individual who would be a success at a state university is instead, for example, admitted to an Ivy League university, where he or she is more likely to fail). Friedman also opposes affirmative action because it brings the wrong sentiment or ethos to a society—that people should be evaluated by group membership rather than by individual merit. Friedman believes that the current illegal status of drugs does much harm.


pages: 214 words: 57,614

America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy by Francis Fukuyama

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affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, European colonialism, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Internet Archive, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, New Journalism, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, transaction costs, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

Ambitious efforts to seek social justice, these writers argued, often left societies worse off than before because they either required massive state intervention that disrupted organic social relations (for example, forced busing) or else produced unanticipated consequences (such as an increase in single-parent families as a result of welfare). There was thus a direct link between the critique of American public policy and the earlier anticommunism of the CCNY group: both American liberals and Soviet communists sought worthy ends but undermined themselves by failing to recognize the limits of political voluntarism. Examples of this focus abound. Nathan Glazer wrote about the negative consequences of affirmative action in terms of the way it stigmatized its purported beneficiaries and set up perverse incentives for social advancement. James Q. Wilson, in his extensive writings on crime, argued that it was foolish to believe that social policy could get at alleged root causes of crime like poverty and racism, and that sensible crime-fighting policies had to deal with mitigating short-term symptoms. His famous "Broken Windows" article (written with George Kelling) argued that The Neoconservative Legacy police departments ought to focus on smaller issues of social order as well as major crimes; it had the remarkable effect of persuading New York City to clean the graffiti off of its subway cars. 7 Daniel Patrick Moynihan was perhaps most famous for his 1965 study The Negro Family, which argued that black poverty had complex origins in culture and family structure and could not be solved through incentives that failed to take account of social habit.

John Ikenberry, After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order After Major Wars (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001). 7. Zbigniew Brzezinski, "The Dilemma of the Last Sovereign," American Interest 1, no. 1 (2005): 37-46. 8. Pierre Hassner, "Definitions, Doctrines, and Divergences," National Interest no. 69 (2002): 30-34. Abu Ghraib, 187 Adelman, Carol, 2111133 Administrative Procedure Act, 170 affirmative action, 19 Afghanistan, 111, 173; invasion of, 1, 174; precision targeting used in, 35; regime change in, 28, 29 Africa: and Chad-Cameroon pipeline, 179-80; social breakdown in, 130; and Western development strategies, 121-22 Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), 20 Albright, Madeleine, 193-94 Alhurra, 150 Allison, Graham, 68 Almond, Gabriel, 126 American Center for Labor Solidarity, 136 American exceptionalism, 2, 3, 96-97, 101, in, 190.


pages: 196 words: 57,974

Company: A Short History of a Revolutionary Idea by John Micklethwait, Adrian Wooldridge

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affirmative action, barriers to entry, Bonfire of the Vanities, borderless world, business process, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, crony capitalism, double entry bookkeeping, Etonian, hiring and firing, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, manufacturing employment, market bubble, mittelstand, new economy, North Sea oil, race to the bottom, railway mania, Ronald Coase, Silicon Valley, six sigma, South Sea Bubble, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, strikebreaker, The Nature of the Firm, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade route, transaction costs, tulip mania, wage slave, William Shockley: the traitorous eight

In return for economic stability and social peace, they were expected to look after other stakeholders. But that consensus was beginning to get more burdensome. The economy in many countries was in a wretched state. Unions had seldom been more powerful: in 1974, the miners toppled Britain’s Conservative government. And even in America, governments kept introducing bothersome rules. In 1971, Richard Nixon introduced controls on wages and prices. His administration also launched affirmative action and established some of the country’s most powerful regulatory agencies, such as the Environmental Protection Agency and the Occupational Safety and Health Administration.1 The deregulatory revolution began in Britain, where Margaret Thatcher was swept to power in 1979 by a wave of resentment over strikes and stagflation. Privatization was such a radical idea that the Tories scarcely mentioned it in their 1979 manifesto, and the government initially flirted with “corporatization”—making public companies act more like private ones.

According to the British government’s own regulatory impact assessments, the European working-time directive alone, which set a maximum forty-eight-hour week, was costing the country’s businesses more than £2 billion a year by 2001.30 According to the same figures, Tony Blair’s Labour government had added £15 billion worth of regulatory costs in its first five years. The American government also increased its grip on the company through laws governing health, safety, the environment, employee and consumer rights, and affirmative action. Often the effect was not just more red tape but also more lawsuits. The 1991 Civil Rights Act, signed by George Bush senior, imposed huge regulatory burdens on businesses. It also created a litigation bonanza by increasing attorneys’ fees and allowing claims for “emotional injury.” American managers were more restricted than ever before in performing one of their most basic functions—hiring and firing.


pages: 196 words: 53,627

Let Them In: The Case for Open Borders by Jason L. Riley

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affirmative action, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, guest worker program, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, lump of labour, open borders, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, school choice, Silicon Valley, trade liberalization, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population

CHAPTER FOUR ASSIMILATION: THE NATIVISTS ARE RESTLESS Whether behind the scenes or within the government itself, Linda Chavez has been fighting the good conservative fight for more than a quarter-century. She’s a veteran of the Reagan White House and a former executive director of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. She’s a FOX News political analyst, a nationally syndicated columnist, and head of the Center for Equal Opportunity, a think tank that promotes assimilation over multiculturalism and actively opposes affirmative action quotas and bilingualism. She’s written extensively on organized labor, including the book, Betrayal: How Union Bosses Shake Down Their Members and Corrupt American Politics. She was the Republican candidate for U.S. Senator from Maryland in 1986 and President George W. Bush’s nominee for Secretary of Labor in 2001 before withdrawing her name from consideration. Chavez was born and raised in the United States, though as the surname suggests she is of Hispanic heritage.

Free Press, 1990. ———. The New Americans: How the Melting Pot Can Work Again. Regnery, 2001. Bauer, P. T. Equality, the Third World, and Economic Delusion. Harvard University Press, 1981. Bean, Frank D., and Gillian Stevens. America’s Newcomers and the Dynamics of Diversity. Russell Sage Foundation, 2003. Becker, Gary S., and Guity Nashat Becker. The Economics of Life: From Baseball to Affirmative Action to Immigration, How Real-World Issues Affect Our Everyday Life. McGraw-Hill, 1997. Bickel, Alexander M. The Morality of Consent. Yale University Press, 1975. Borjas, George J. Heaven’s Door: Immigration Policy and the American Economy. Princeton University Press, 1999. Buchholz, Todd G. Bringing the Jobs Home: How the Left Created the Outsourcing Crisis—and How We Can Fix It. Sentinel, 2004.


pages: 172 words: 61,599

My Journey as a Combat Medic: From Desert Storm to Operation Enduring Freedom by Patrick Thibeault

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affirmative action, placebo effect

The analogy that the instructor used to demonstrate inequality and discrimination was a foot race; four people are in a race (white, black, Asian, Hispanic). The gun goes off and all four people take off. A few of the runners are being held back due to racism and inequality. Affirmative Action is supposed to help those who are being held back by racism and inequality. The majority of us part-time National Guard soldiers did not live in a bubble like the active duty soldiers did. We pointed out that these programs have some merit, but in most cases in the real world, the playing field is pretty equal. We tried to explain to the instructors that Affirmative Action, in itself, has become a form of discrimination. A big argument ensued, but it was good that discussions like this can occur in the military. The instructors also frowned upon how many of us referred to each other by our first names instead of our last names or our ranks.


pages: 204 words: 54,395

Drive: The Surprising Truth About What Motivates Us by Daniel H. Pink

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affirmative action, call centre, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Dean Kamen, deliberate practice, Firefox, Frederick Winslow Taylor, game design, George Akerlof, Isaac Newton, Jean Tirole, job satisfaction, knowledge worker, performance metric, profit maximization, profit motive, Results Only Work Environment, side project, the built environment, Tony Hsieh, transaction costs

The value of a life can be measured by one's ability to affect the destiny of one less advantaged. Since death is an absolute certainty for everyone, the important variable is the quality of life one leads between the times of birth and death. BILL STRICKLANDFounder of the ManchesterCraftsmen's Guild, and MacArthurgenius award winner Imagine an organization, for example, that believes in affirmative action one that wants to make the world a better place by creating a more diverse workforce. By reducing ethics to a checklist, suddenly affirmative action is just a bunch of requirements that the organization must meet to show that it isn't discriminating. Now the organization isn't focused on affirmatively pursuing diversity but rather on making sure that all the boxes are checked off to show that what it did is OK (and so it won't get sued). Before, its workers had an intrinsic motivation to do the right thing, but now they have an extrinsic motivation to make sure that the company doesn't get sued or fined.


pages: 777 words: 186,993

Imagining India by Nandan Nilekani

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affirmative action, BRICs, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, clean water, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, distributed generation, farmers can use mobile phones to check market prices, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, global supply chain, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, informal economy, joint-stock company, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, land reform, LNG terminal, load shedding, Mahatma Gandhi, market fragmentation, Mikhail Gorbachev, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, open economy, pension reform, Potemkin village, price mechanism, race to the bottom, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, smart grid, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, unemployed young men, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population

Vijay Kelkar points out that there are better ways to correct years of backwardness, through solutions that ensure affirmative action while looking out for relative skill. “Adding an additional number to the exam scores of OBC and SC/ST students in entrance tests would give them benefits that balance fairness and merit,” Dr. Kelkar says. He compares this movement from outright reservations to such “score additions,” to our postreform shift from import quotas to tariffs. “Quotas are, in the end, a very crude mechanism for inclusion,” he says. Yogendra Yadav has similarly recommended a point-based system where college and job applicants receive additional points for caste backwardness and low incomes, a system that closely parallels affirmative-action schemes in the United States.cl But it is much more difficult to establish such rules than to allow what is now happening—retaining feudal loyalties, only this time in favor of the Dalits and lower castes.

Our arguments at the left and the right are not really ideological, in part because of how young our economy is. Outside our unions, for instance, there is no large bloc of voters that has formed to demand social security, or are arguing in favor of comprehensive health care, education, energy solutions or infrastructure. India’s fragmented caste system has instead redefined partisanship mainly around caste lines. The pet issues of the Indian left and right focus on affirmative action and caste reservation; these have forced the debates on broader reforms in, say, labor education deep into the sidelines. These appeals to caste and the politics of identity have also hardened people’s opinions, with their you’re-either-with-us-or-against-us approach. Both within the government and in our advisory committees and task forces, there is now little more than sharp partisanship.

It has also preempted effective approaches where we could combine merit and financial aid effectively while expanding access to quality education. Needs-blind admissions—where a student’s financial status is not looked at until after the admission is made, but no student would have to forgo education due to financial constraints—has not received the same attention as reservations, and neither have affirmative action policies that take into account both skills and background. The reservations approach has embedded itself to the point that it now seems impossible to drive a stake into its heart. For many resigned observers, the hugely popular support for reservation is in line with the general politicization of higher education. The 1986 National Policy on Education had virtually conceded defeat while remarking that all basic policy decisions in education had become “political in their essence.”


pages: 637 words: 128,673

Democracy Incorporated by Sheldon S. Wolin

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, British Empire, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, dematerialisation, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, illegal immigration, invisible hand, mutually assured destruction, new economy, offshore financial centre, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, single-payer health, stem cell, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thorstein Veblen

Their assault gained more standing when, as the liberal intelligentsia hesitated, conservative intellectuals united in discrediting the populist and democratic politics of the sixties. The new ideology can be fairly described as totalizing and unapologetic for its absolutism. Its targets were not confined to Democratic politicians but included a wide range of matters: education, morality, religion, and popular culture. The great evil was “relativism,” the favorite remedy “discipline.” They charged that liberal relativism, permissiveness (= moral laxity), affirmative action, and secularism were softening the national will, mocking ideals of loyalty and patriotism, and in the process undermining national unity in the global struggle with Soviet communism. To describe Republicanism as a dynamic party is to say that the party succeeded in organizing and focusing powers that challenge limits, be they limits regarding church and state, presidential powers, environmental protections, the distinctions between public and private, the protections for civil liberties, the observance of treaties, or respect for local markets.

When presidents sign a congressional bill into law, it has sometimes been the practice of a president to attach a statement in which he may indicate his understanding of the intention of the bill. President Bush, however, has taken that practice and converted it into a sweeping claim that he can ignore provisions of a bill with which he disagrees. On this basis he has claimed the authority to ignore congressional attempts to regulate the military, affirmative action provisions, requirements that he report to Congress about immigration service problems, whistle-blower protections, and safeguards against political interference in federally funded research. He has asserted that he does not have to obey congressional laws forbidding U.S. troops to engage in combat in Colombia; or laws requiring him to inform Congress when he diverts money to start secret operations; or laws prohibiting the military from using intelligence unlawfully collected.

Recently the Bureau of Internal Revenue privatized the collection of small debts, even though it would have been more cost-effective for the bureau to have hired its own agents to perform that function. David Cay Johnston, “I.R.S. Enlists Outside Help . . . Despite the Higher Costs,” New York Times, August 20, 2006, A-12. Index abolitionism, 257–58, 277 abortion debate, 62, 115 Abramoff, Jack, 119, 323n2 academia. See educational institutions Acheson, Dean, 301n70 Adams, John, 154, 255–56 advertising, 12–13, 118. See also media affirmative action, 224, 236 Afghanistan, 193 African Americans, 57–58, 101, 181, 197, 228, 277 Albright, Madeleine, 236 Alcibiades, 172–73, 282–83 Aldridge, Edward C., Jr., 313n16 Alien and Sedition laws of 1798, 78 Alito, Samuel, 146, 236, 323n2 American colonies, 150–51, 254, 255 American Political Science Association (APSA), Toward a More Responsible Two-Party System, 188–89 American Revolution, 154, 155, 219, 227 Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, 89 antidemocracy, xx-xxi, 150, 212–13, 239, 241 The Apprentice (television series), 144 archaism, 117–21, 122–23, 124, 125–26, 169, 201 Archer Daniels Midland, 138, 185 aristocracy, 97, 151, 162, 174, 183, 219, 248, 251, 253, 256, 269.


pages: 376 words: 118,542

Free to Choose: A Personal Statement by Milton Friedman, Rose D. Friedman

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affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, air freight, back-to-the-land, bank run, banking crisis, Corn Laws, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, German hyperinflation, invisible hand, labour mobility, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, school vouchers, Simon Kuznets, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration

On the other hand, an excellent program of Regents scholarships in New York State, very much in the same spirit, was emasculated by Governor Nelson Rockefeller's grandiose plans for a State University of New York modeled after the University of California. Another important development in higher education has been a major expansion in the federal government's involvement in financing, and even more in regulating both government and nongovernment institutions. The intervention has in large measure been part of the greatly expanded federal activity to foster so-called "affirmative action," in the name of greater civil rights. This intervention has aroused great concern among faculty and administrators at colleges and universities, and much opposition by them to the activities of federal bureaucrats. The whole episode would be a matter of poetic justice if it were not so serious for the future of higher education. The academic community has been in the forefront of the proponents of such intervention—when directed at other segments of society.

In the main, the persons benefited have had decidedly higher incomes than the persons harmed. GOVERNMENT In addition to protecting union members, government has adopted a host of laws intended to protect workers in general: laws that provide for workmen's compensation, prohibit child labor, set minimum wages and maximum hours of labor, establish commissions to assure fair employment practices, promote affirmative action, establish the federal Office of Safety and Health Administration to regulate employment practices, and others too numerous to list. Some measures have had a favorable effect on conditions of work. Most, like workmen's compensation and child labor laws, simply embodied in law practices that had already become common in the private market, perhaps extending them somewhat to fringe areas. Others, you will not be surprised to learn, have been a mixed blessing.

The political process involved in the adoption of such amendments would be more democratic, in the sense of enabling the values of the public at large to determine the outcome, than our present legislative and administrative structure. On issue after issue the government of the people acts in ways that the bulk of the people oppose. Every public opinion poll shows that a large majority of the public opposes compulsory busing for integrating schools—yet busing not only continues but is continuously expanded. Very much the same thing is true of affirmative action programs in employment and higher education and of many other measures directed at implementing views favorable to equality of outcome. So far as we know, no pollster has asked the public, "Are you getting your money's worth for the more than 40 percent of your income being spent on your behalf by government?" But is there any doubt what the poll would show? For the reasons outlined in the preceding section, the special interests prevail at the expense of the general interest.


pages: 497 words: 143,175

Pivotal Decade: How the United States Traded Factories for Finance in the Seventies by Judith Stein

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1960s counterculture, affirmative action, airline deregulation, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, desegregation, energy security, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, income inequality, income per capita, intermodal, invisible hand, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market bubble, Martin Wolf, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, payday loans, post-industrial society, post-oil, price mechanism, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, union organizing, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor, Yom Kippur War

Its labor, New Left, and New Politics factions charted different courses, and the Democratic president, Jimmy Carter, had run a campaign which had ignored the economy in favor of moral and good government issues. THE DEMOCRATS Nearly all states now held primaries, completing the reforms begun by the McGovern Commission. The smooth Robert Strauss, chair of the Democratic National Committee, salved the divisions of 1968 and 1972. Strauss deftly empowered party and elected officials but retained the inclusion rules, now governed by affirmative action, not quotas. For the first time, campaigns were governed by a new finance law that had been passed in 1974. The U.S. Treasury gave $21.8 million to each of the two major party candidates, provided that they spent no more. It also matched the offerings of small contributors to candidates running in the presidential primaries. The goal was to prevent the financial indulgences of the 1972 Nixon campaign—the large contributions, illegal corporate donations, and the hidden slush funds that fueled the Watergate wrongs.

Even in cities where African Americans were not a majority, black politicians sought political representation commensurate with their numbers and thus challenged other Democrats for power. The same was true in the civil service, the one urban sector where employment was increasing. Blacks armed with new antidiscrimination laws mobilized to challenge older political and recruitment practices. Black issues had been addressed separately during the 1960S. Whether it was the War on Poverty, affirmative action, or jobs for ghetto residents, the government acted as if, in the words of the Kerner Commission 1968 report on the causes of U.S. race riots, the U.S. was two societies, black and white, poor and affluent. Although only 30 percent of the poor in 1964 were African American, 47.9 percent of nonwhite Americans were poor, compared with 14.2 percent of whites.11 People disputed the origin of this difference.

For the story of the Hough neighborhood in Cleveland, see Todd Swanstrom, The Crisis of Growth Politics: Cleveland, Kucinich, and the Challenge of Urban Populism (Philadelphia: Temple University Press), 1985), 98–100. 11. Margaret Weir, Politics and Jobs: The Boundaries of Employment Policy in the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 86. 12. Kent B. Germany, New Orleans After the Promises: Poverty, Citizenship, and the Search for the Great Society (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2007). 13. John David Skretny, The Ironies of Affirmative Action: Politics, Culture, and Justice in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), 90. 14. Judith Stein, Running Steel, Running America: Race, Economic Policy, and the Decline of Liberalism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 125. 15. Joyce A. Hughes to Vernon Jordan, Aug. 6, 1975, III, file 6, box 173, National Urban League papers, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 16.


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The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined by Steven Pinker

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1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Alan Turing: On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem, Albert Einstein, availability heuristic, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, British Empire, Broken windows theory, California gold rush, Cass Sunstein, citation needed, clean water, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, Columbine, computer age, conceptual framework, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, crack epidemic, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, delayed gratification, demographic transition, desegregation, Doomsday Clock, Douglas Hofstadter, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, experimental subject, facts on the ground, failed state, first-past-the-post, Flynn Effect, food miles, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, fudge factor, full employment, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, global village, Henri Poincaré, impulse control, income inequality, informal economy, invention of the printing press, Isaac Newton, lake wobegon effect, libertarian paternalism, loss aversion, Marshall McLuhan, McMansion, means of production, mental accounting, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, open economy, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Singer: altruism, QWERTY keyboard, race to the bottom, Ralph Waldo Emerson, random walk, Republic of Letters, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, security theater, Skype, Slavoj Žižek, South China Sea, statistical model, stem cell, Steven Levy, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, Turing machine, ultimatum game, uranium enrichment, V2 rocket, Walter Mischel, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce

—Blaise Pascal LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1–1 Everyday violence in a bodybuilding ad, 1940s 25 1–2 Domestic violence in a coffee ad, 1952 26 2–1 The violence triangle 35 2–2 Percentage of deaths in warfare in nonstate and state societies 49 2–3 Rate of death in warfare in nonstate and state societies 53 2–4 Homicide rates in the least violent nonstate societies compared to state societies 55 3–1 Homicide rates in England, 1200–2000: Gurr’s 1981 estimates 60 3–2 Homicide rates in England, 1200–2000 61 3–3 Homicide rates in five Western European regions, 1300–2000 63 3–4 Homicide rates in Western Europe, 1300–2000, and in nonstate societies 64 3–5 Detail from “Saturn,” Das Mittelalterliche Hausbuch (The Medieval Housebook, 1475–80) 65 3–6 Detail from “Mars,” Das Mittelalterliche Hausbuch (The Medieval Housebook, 1475–80) 66 3–7 Percentage of deaths of English male aristocrats from violence, 1330–1829 81 3–8 Geography of homicide in Europe, late 19th and early 21st centuries 86 3–9 Geography of homicide in the world, 2004 88 3–10 Homicide rates in the United States and England, 1900–2000 92 3–11 Geography of homicide in the United States, 2007 93 3–12 Homicide rates in England, 1300–1925, and New England, 1630–1914 95 3–13 Homicide rates in the northeastern United States, 1636–1900 96 3–14 Homicide rates among blacks and whites in New York and Philadelphia, 1797–1952 97 3–15 Homicide rates in the southeastern United States, 1620–1900 98 3–16 Homicide rates in the southwestern United States and California, 1830–1914 104 3–17 Flouting conventions of cleanliness and propriety in the 1960s 112 3–18 Homicide rates in the United States, 1950–2010, and Canada, 1961–2009 117 3–19 Homicide rates in five Western European countries, 1900–2009 118 4–1 Torture in medieval and early modern Europe 131 4–2 Time line for the abolition of judicial torture 149 4–3 Time line for the abolition of capital punishment in Europe 150 4–4 Execution rate in the United States, 1640–2010 151 4–5 Executions for crimes other than homicide in the United States, 1650–2002 152 4–6 Time line for the abolition of slavery 156 4–7 Real income per person in England, 1200–2000 171 4–8 Efficiency in book production in England, 1470–1860s 172 4–9 Number of books in English published per decade, 1475–1800 173 4–10 Literacy rate in England, 1625–1925 174 5–1 Two pessimistic possibilities for historical trends in war 191 5–2 Two less pessimistic possibilities for historical trends in war 192 5–3 100 worst wars and atrocities in human history 197 5–4 Historical myopia: Centimeters of text per century in a historical almanac 199 5–5 Random and nonrandom patterns 205 5–6 Richardson’s data 205 5–7 Number of deadly quarrels of different magnitudes, 1820–1952 211 5–8 Probabilities of wars of different magnitudes, 1820–1997 212 5–9 Heights of males (a normal or bell-curve distribution) 213 5–10 Populations of cities (a power-law distribution), plotted on linear and log scales 214 5–11 Total deaths from quarrels of different magnitudes 221 5–12 Percentage of years in which the great powers fought one another, 1500–2000 224 5–13 Frequency of wars involving the great powers, 1500–2000 225 5–14 Duration of wars involving the great powers, 1500–2000 226 5–15 Deaths in wars involving the great powers, 1500–2000 227 5–16 Concentration of deaths in wars involving the great powers, 1500–2000 227 5–17 Conflicts per year in greater Europe, 1400–2000 229 5–18 Rate of death in conflicts in greater Europe, 1400–2000 230 5–19 Length of military conscription, 48 major long-established nations, 1970–2010 256 5–20 Military personnel, United States and Europe, 1950–2000 257 5–21 Percentage of territorial wars resulting in redistribution of territory, 1651–2000 259 5–22 Nonnuclear states that started and stopped exploring nuclear weapons, 1945–2010 273 5–23 Democracies, autocracies, and anocracies, 1946–2008 279 5–24 International trade relative to GDP, 1885–2000 286 5–25 Average number of IGO memberships shared by a pair of countries, 1885–2000 290 5–26 Probability of militarized disputes between pairs of democracies and other pairs of countries, 1825–1992 294 6–1 Rate of battle deaths in state-based armed conflicts, 1900–2005 301 6–2 Rate of battle deaths in state-based armed conflicts, 1946–2008 301 6–3 Number of state-based armed conflicts, 1946–2009 303 6–4 Deadliness of interstate and civil wars, 1950–2005 304 6–5 Geography of armed conflict, 2008 306 6–6 Growth of peacekeeping, 1948–2008 314 6–7 Rate of deaths in genocides, 1900–2008 338 6–8 Rate of deaths in genocides, 1956–2008 340 6–9 Rate of deaths from terrorism, United States, 1970–2007 350 6–10 Rate of deaths from terrorism, Western Europe, 1970–2007 351 6–11 Rate of deaths from terrorism, worldwide except Afghanistan 2001–and Iraq 2003– 352 6–12 Islamic and world conflicts, 1990–2006 366 7–1 Use of the terms civil rights, women’s rights, children’s rights, gay rights, and animal rights in English-language books, 1948–2000 380 7–2 Lynchings in the United States, 1882–1969 384 7–3 Hate-crime murders of African Americans, 1996–2008 386 7–4 Nonlethal hate crimes against African Americans, 1996–2008 387 7–5 Discriminatory and affirmative action policies, 1950–2003 390 7–6 Segregationist attitudes in the United States, 1942–1997 391 7–7 White attitudes to interracial marriage in the United States, 1958–2008 391 7–8 Unfavorable opinions of African Americans, 1977–2006 392 7–9 Rape prevention and response sticker 400 7–10 Rape and homicide rates in the United States, 1973–2008 402 7–11 Attitudes toward women in the United States, 1970–1995 404 7–12 Approval of husband slapping wife in the United States, 1968–1994 409 7–13 Assaults by intimate partners, United States, 1993–2005 411 7–14 Homicides of intimate partners in the United States, 1976–2005 411 7–15 Domestic violence in England and Wales, 1995–2008 412 7–16 Abortions in the world, 1980–2003 428 7–17 Approval of spanking in the United States, Sweden, and New Zealand, 1954–2008 436 7–18 Approval of corporal punishment in schools in the United States, 1954–2002 438 7–19 American states allowing corporal punishment in schools, 1954–2010 438 7–20 Child abuse in the United States, 1990–2007 440 7–21 Another form of violence against children 441 7–22 Violence against youths in the United States, 1992–2003 443 7–23 Time line for the decriminalization of homosexuality, United States and world 450 7–24 Intolerance of homosexuality in the United States, 1973–2010 452 7–25 Antigay hate crimes in the United States, 1996–2008 454 7–26 Percentage of American households with hunters, 1977–2006 467 7–27 Number of motion pictures per year in which animals were harmed, 1972–2010 469 7–28 Vegetarianism in the United States and United Kingdom, 1984–2009 471 8–1 Rat brain, showing the major structures involved in aggression 498 8–2 Human brain, showing the major subcortical structures involved in aggression 502 8–3 Human brain, showing the major cortical regions that regulate aggression 503 8–4 Human brain, medial view 504 8–5 The Prisoner’s Dilemma 533 8–6 Apologies by political and religious leaders, 1900–2004 544 9–1 Implicit interest rates in England, 1170–2000 610 9–2 The Flynn Effect: Rising IQ scores, 1947–2002 652 10–1 The Pacifist’s Dilemma 679 10–2 How a Leviathan resolves the Pacifist’s Dilemma 681 10–3 How commerce resolves the Pacifist’s Dilemma 682 10–4 How feminization can resolve the Pacifist’s Dilemma 686 10–5 How empathy and reason resolve the Pacifist’s Dilemma 689 PREFACE This book is about what may be the most important thing that has ever happened in human history.

They would not only erase any law in the books that singled out an ethnic minority for unfavorable treatment, but would swing to the opposite pole and mandate anti-exclusionary, un-eliminationist policies, such as the integration of schools, educational head starts, and racial or ethnic quotas and preferences in government, business, and education. These policies are generally called remedial discrimination, though in the United States they go by the name affirmative action. Whether or not the policies deserve credit for preventing a backsliding of developed countries into genocide and pogroms, they obviously are designed as the photographic negative of the exclusionary policies that caused or tolerated such violence in the past. And they have been riding a wave of popularity throughout the world. In a report called “The Decline of Ethnic Political Discrimination 1950–2003,” the political scientists Victor Asal and Amy Pate examined a dataset that records the status of 337 ethnic minorities in 124 countries since 1950.20 (It overlaps with Harff’s dataset on genocide, which we examined in chapter 6.)

And of course there will be occasional rampages.”23 Undeterred by the dearth of dynamitings and the rarity of rampages, he followed up in 1992 with Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile, Unequal, whose message was “A huge racial chasm remains, and there are few signs that the coming century will see it closed.”24 Though the 1990s were a decade in which Oprah Winfrey, Michael Jordan, and Colin Powell were repeatedly named in polls as among the most admired Americans, gloomy assessments on race relations dominated literary life. The legal scholar Derrick Bell, for example, wrote in a 1992 book subtitled The Permanence of Racism that “racism is an integral, permanent, and indestructible component of this society.”25 FIGURE 7–5. Discriminatory and affirmative action policies, 1950–2003 Source: Graph from Asal & Pate, 2005. The sociologist Lawrence Bobo and his colleagues decided to see for themselves by examining the history of white Americans’ attitudes toward African Americans.26 They found that far from being indestructible, overt racism has been steadily disintegrating. Figure 7–6 shows that in the 1940s and early 1950s a majority of Americans said they were opposed to black children attending white schools, and as late as the early 1960s almost half said they would move away if a black family moved in next door.


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What's Next?: Unconventional Wisdom on the Future of the World Economy by David Hale, Lyric Hughes Hale

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, Basel III, Berlin Wall, Black Swan, Bretton Woods, capital controls, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, cognitive bias, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, debt deflation, declining real wages, deindustrialization, diversification, energy security, Erik Brynjolfsson, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial innovation, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, global village, high net worth, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, index fund, inflation targeting, invisible hand, Just-in-time delivery, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, Long Term Capital Management, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Mikhail Gorbachev, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, mortgage tax deduction, Network effects, new economy, Nicholas Carr, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, passive investing, payday loans, peak oil, Ponzi scheme, post-oil, price stability, private sector deleveraging, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, risk/return, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, technology bubble, The Great Moderation, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Tobin tax, too big to fail, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce, yield curve

Nor can Congress directly overrule its regulations. President Obama can veto any GOP attempt to abolish the agency. Except for auto loans, the agency may regulate “abuses” in most financial products. However, as Congress should have learned from the credit card penalty fiasco, firms demand a reasonable rate of return. If forced to cut some fees, they will raise others. Finally, Dodd-Frank creates affirmative action offices in every regulatory agency. Discrimination was already illegal, but financial firms can expect a lot more paperwork, as well as implicit pressure to meet hiring quotas. Impact of the Midterm Elections By many standards, the November 2010 elections were historic; among other things, the Republican Party not only recaptured the US House of Representatives, they won their biggest majority in more than half a century.

He was Global Head of Advertising for UBS Bank, Head of Corporate Brands for Zurich Financial Services, and Head of Corporate Communications for Westpac Financial Services. He also founded his own marketing company. His upcoming book, The Big Mo (to be published in 2011), focuses on the increasing influence of large-scale momentum on our world. INDEX Abe, Shinzo, 105 Abedian, Iraj, xxii addiction, 298 affirmative action, 267 Afghanistan, 204 Africa, xv African National Congress (ANC) Alliance, xxii–xxiii, 128, 135–136 African Union, 121 aging populations, 27–26, 258 agriculture, in Japan, 110–112; in South Africa, 130–131 Ahmadinejad, Mahmud, 207–208, 210–211, 214 AIG, 139–140 Al-Naimi, Ali I., 195 alternative energy, 40, 181, 190–191, 193–194 American Clean Energy and Security Act, 27 AMLO.


pages: 397 words: 109,631

Mindware: Tools for Smart Thinking by Richard E. Nisbett

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, availability heuristic, big-box store, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, cognitive dissonance, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, cosmological constant, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, endowment effect, experimental subject, feminist movement, fundamental attribution error, glass ceiling, Henri Poincaré, Isaac Newton, job satisfaction, lake wobegon effect, libertarian paternalism, loss aversion, low skilled workers, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, quantitative easing, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, Socratic dialogue, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, William of Occam, Zipcar

Chetty, Friedman, and Rockoff, “Measuring the Impacts of Teachers II: Teacher Value-Added and Student Outcomes in Adulthood.” 29. Fryer, “Financial Incentives and Student Achievement: Evidence from Randomized Trials.” 30. Fryer et al., “Enhancing the Efficacy of Teacher Incentives Through Loss Aversion: A Field Experiment.” 31. Kalev, Dobbin, and Kelley, “Best Practices or Best Guesses? Assessing the Efficacy of Corporate Affirmative Action and Diversity Policies.” 32. Ayres, “Fair Driving: Gender and Race Discrimination in Retail Car Negotiations.” 33. Zebrowitz, Reading Faces: Window to the Soul? 12. DON’T ASK, CAN’T TELL 1. Strack, Martin, and Stepper, “Inhibiting and Facilitating Conditions of the Human Smile: A Nonobtrusive Test of the Facial Feedback Hypothesis.” 2. Caspi and Elder, “Life Satisfaction in Old Age: Linking Social Psychology and History.” 3.

“Experimental Tests of the Endowment Effect and the Coase Theorem.” In Tastes for Endowment, Identity, and the Emotions, vol. 3 of The New Behavioral Economics, edited by E. L. Khalil, 119–42. International Library of Critical Writings in Economics. Cheltenham, U.K.: Elgar, 2009. Kalev, Alexandra, Frank Dobbin, and Erin Kelley. “Best Practices or Best Guesses? Assessing the Efficacy of Corporate Affirmative Action and Diversity Policies.” American Sociological Review 71 (2006): 589–617. Kamin, Leon J. “‘Attention-Like’ Processes in Classical Conditioning.” In Miami Symposium on the Prediction of Behavior: Aversive Stimulation, edited by M. R. Jones. Miami, FL: University of Miami Press, 1968. Karremans, Johan C., Wolfgang Stroebe, and Jasper Claus. “Beyond Vicary’s Fantasies: The Impact of Subliminal Priming and Brand Choice.”


pages: 318 words: 85,824

A Brief History of Neoliberalism by David Harvey

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, business climate, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, crony capitalism, debt deflation, declining real wages, deglobalization, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial intermediation, financial repression, full employment, George Gilder, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, labour market flexibility, land tenure, late capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, means of production, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage tax deduction, neoliberal agenda, new economy, phenotype, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, structural adjustment programs, the built environment, The Chicago School, transaction costs, union organizing, urban renewal, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent

The latter had not been politically active in the past, but the foundation of Jerry Falwell’s ‘moral majority’ as a political movement in 1978 changed all of that. The Republican Party now had its Christian base. It also appealed to the cultural nationalism of the white working classes and their besieged sense of moral righteousness (besieged because this class lived under conditions of chronic economic insecurity and felt excluded from many of the benefits that were being distributed through affirmative action and other state programmes). This political base could be mobilized through the positives of religion and cultural nationalism and negatively through coded, if not blatant, racism, homophobia, and anti-feminism. The problem was not capitalism and the neoliberalization of culture, but the ‘liberals’ who had used excessive state power to provide for special groups (blacks, women, environmentalists, etc.).

But the moral values that have now become central to the neo-conservatives can best be understood as products of the particular coalition that was built in the 1970s, between elite class and business interests intent on restoring their class power, on the one hand, and an electoral base among the ‘moral majority’ of the disaffected white working class on the other. The moral values centred on cultural nationalism, moral righteousness, Christianity (of a certain evangelical sort), family values, and right-to-life issues, and on antagonism to the new social movements such as feminism, gay rights, affirmative action, and environmentalism. While this alliance was mainly tactical under Reagan, the domestic disorder of the Clinton years forced the moral values argument to the top of the agenda in the Republicanism of Bush the younger. It now forms the core of the moral agenda of the neoconservative movement.25 But it would be wrong to see this neoconservative turn as exceptional or peculiar to the US, even though there are special elements at work there that may not be present elsewhere.


pages: 313 words: 94,490

Made to Stick: Why Some Ideas Survive and Others Die by Chip Heath, Dan Heath

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affirmative action, availability heuristic, Barry Marshall: ulcers, correlation does not imply causation, desegregation, Menlo Park, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Stephen Hawking, telemarketer

Actually, this conventional wisdom is wrong. There’s not much evidence that public opinion can be predicted by narrow self-interest. In 1998, Donald Kinder, a professor of political science at the University of Michigan, wrote an influential survey of thirty years of research on this topic. He summarizes the effects of self-interest on political views as “trifling.” Trifling! Kinder writes: When faced with affirmative action, white and black Americans come to their views without calculating personal harms or benefits. The unemployed do not line up behind policies designed to alleviate economic distress. The medically needy are no more likely to favor government health insurance than the fully insured. Parents of children in public schools are not more likely to support government aid to education than other citizens.

Imagine that a company offers: The bonus and new job-framing studies are from Chip Heath, “On the Social Psychology of Agency Relationships: Lay Theories of Motivation Overemphasize Extrinsic Rewards,” Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 78 (1999): 25–62. Dining in Iraq: The Floyd Lee story is from a marvelous article by Julian E. Barnes, “A Culinary Oasis,” U.S. News & World Report, December 6, 2004, 28. The Popcorn Popper and Political Science: The popcorn popper story is from Caples/Hahn, Tested Advertising, 71. When faced with affirmative action: Donald Kinder, “Opinion and Action in the Realm of Politics,” in Handbook of Social Psychology, ed. Daniel T. Gilbert, Susan T. Fiske, and Gardner Lindzey, 4th ed. (London: Oxford University Press, 1988), 778–867. The extended quote is from. 190 A related idea comes from James March: James March describes the two patterns of making decisions—consequence versus identity—in Chapters 1 and 2 of James G.


pages: 340 words: 96,242

Mars Crossing by Geoffrey A. Landis

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affirmative action, experimental subject, Magellanic Cloud, Mars Rover

Before her was a vertical drop of a mile, straight down, and then a slope of broken rock and detritus that extended downward and away for ten miles or more, to a bottom so distant that the features were blurred by the omnipresent atmospheric dust. Tana's voice was almost awed. "Yikes," she said. "Are we really going down this?" Radkowski's voice, when it came, was a hoarse whisper. "Yes," he said. "Down and across." I to paused, and then in a whisper so soft that it was almost inaudible through the radio noise, added, "We have no choice." 3 TANA IN SCHOOL Tana's grandmother had told her about affirmative action—that whatever she managed to achieve, white people were going to assume that she got it simply by being black. "Ain't no way you're gonna avoid it," she told Tana. "You just go and pay no attention to them, ignore it and do a good job." It seemed unfair, Tana told her, but her grandmother disagreed. "Not a one of them white folks got where they were without help," she said. "Not one. Their parents knew people, they got into the right schools, they got connections, they got a job because their uncle knew somebody.

Their parents knew people, they got into the right schools, they got connections, they got a job because their uncle knew somebody. No, they won't admit it. Maybe they don't even know it themselves. But they got help, every single one of 'em." Tana listened to what she said—her grandmother had always been a sharp cookie and a good judge of character—but she didn't actually believe it. She had every intention of getting where she was going, affirmative action or no. Her way to medical school was paid by a Hawthorne Foundation scholarship that covered her tuition and expenses and a little bit for her to live on as well. The very first day of med school, before she knew anybody, before she even could find her way around the strange new campus without the map in the med school handbook, one of the boys in her class cornered her in a hall. In a peremptory tone, he demanded to know whether she was paying her own way or if she had a scholarship.


pages: 452 words: 110,488

The Cheating Culture: Why More Americans Are Doing Wrong to Get Ahead by David Callahan

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1960s counterculture, affirmative action, corporate governance, David Brooks, deindustrialization, East Village, forensic accounting, full employment, game design, greed is good, high batting average, housing crisis, illegal immigration, income inequality, job satisfaction, market fundamentalism, McMansion, microcredit, moral hazard, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Plutocrats, plutocrats, postindustrial economy, profit maximization, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ray Oldenburg, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, Thorstein Veblen, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, World Values Survey, young professional

The only explanation to many observers in the Glass case was that the guy must have suffered from some kind of sociopathology, a view that Glass gives some credence to in his novel, which features a protagonist with an excessive desire to be loved. A more complicated set of motives has been imputed to Jayson Blair. These include not just psychological problems but drug addiction and alcoholism as well. Blair has said that all of these may have played a role. It's also been alleged that Blair got away with cheating because he was black and was coddled by a newspaper mindlessly committed to affirmative action. (An explanation that Blair has said is absurd.) Only a few postmortems of these journalistic scandals have focused on the most obvious possible motive for why young, ambitious professionals might take such big risks—to reap big rewards. Fabrications by journalists are nothing new nor are conflicts of interest in the media. But while there is no hard evidence that misconduct in journalism has increased in recent years, there are plenty of reasons to think that journalists are facing new pressures on their integrity that stem from a greater focus on the bottom line and bigger pay disparities.

Serious wealth-building efforts are needed to address a racial wealth gap that has left an estimated 60 percent of African American households with no assets or a negative net worth. Communities of color—historically marginalized in the political process—should also be the locus of new initiatives to foster civic education and participation. Jurisdictional boundaries that isolate nonwhite urban communities from surrounding suburban areas must be redrawn. And affirmative action must continue until the day comes when leaders across all the nation's institutions have legitimacy in an America of tomorrow destined to look very different than that of today. A Different Bottom Line Far-reaching efforts to create a new social contract in America are only part of the solution to today's cheating epidemic. To crack the culture of cheating, we must reform business and leading professions through a combination of government pressure from the outside and change from the inside.

Griftopia: Bubble Machines, Vampire Squids, and the Long Con That Is Breaking America by Matt Taibbi

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, carried interest, clean water, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, David Brooks, desegregation, diversification, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, financial innovation, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, illegal immigration, interest rate swap, laissez-faire capitalism, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, margin call, market bubble, medical malpractice, moral hazard, mortgage debt, obamacare, passive investing, Ponzi scheme, prediction markets, quantitative easing, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Sergey Aleynikov, short selling, sovereign wealth fund, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Y2K, Yom Kippur War

Which is too bad, because when they get past the pathetic self-regard and start to articulate their grievances, they are rooted in genuine anxieties about what’s going on in this country. In the case of these Westchester County revolutionaries, the rallying cry was a lawsuit filed jointly by a liberal nonprofit group in New York City and the Department of Housing and Urban Development against the county. The suit alleged that Westchester falsified HUD grant applications, asking for federal grant money without conforming to federal affirmative action guidelines designed to push desegregation. The county lost the suit and as a result was now going to be forced by the federal government to build seven hundred new subsidized low-income housing units in the area. Whereas subsidized housing in the county had historically been built closer to New York City, the new ruling would now place “affordable housing” in places like Elmsford whether Elmsford wanted it or not.

The odd thing about Bock’s speech is that, throughout the course of this lawsuit, nobody ever really accused the citizens of Westchester of being racist. There was never any grassroots protest against racism or segregation in the county. The entire controversy was dreamed up and resolved behind closed doors by lawyers, mostly out-of-town lawyers. What they accused the government of Westchester of was having an inadequate amount of zeal for submitting the mountains of paperwork that goes hand in hand with antiquated, Johnson-era affirmative action housing programs. The Westchester housing settlement that resulted from that suit is the kind of politics that would turn anyone into a Tea Partier—a classic example of dizzy left-wing meddling mixed with socially meaningless legal grifting that enriches opportunistic lawyers with an eye for low-hanging fruit. What happened: A nonprofit organization called the Anti-Discrimination Center based out of New York City stumbled upon a mandate in federal housing guidelines that required communities applying for federal housing money to conduct studies to see if their populations were too racially segregated.


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The Post-American World: Release 2.0 by Fareed Zakaria

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affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, airport security, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, conceptual framework, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, delayed gratification, Deng Xiaoping, double entry bookkeeping, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial innovation, global reserve currency, global supply chain, illegal immigration, interest rate derivative, knowledge economy, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, mutually assured destruction, new economy, oil shock, open economy, out of africa, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, South China Sea, Steven Pinker, The Great Moderation, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, trade route, Washington Consensus, working-age population, young professional

Officials expanded overall government spending on education, which was a measly 2.8 percent of GDP in 2006, to 4 percent in 2010, a large portion of which is devoted to a small number of globally competitive elite institutions. Such a focus would be impossible in democratic India, for example, where vast resources are spent on short-term subsidies to satisfy voters. (India’s elite educational institutions, by contrast, are under pressure to limit merit-based admissions and accept half their students on the basis of quotas and affirmative action.) It is unusual for a nondemocratic government to have managed growth effectively for so long. Most autocratic governments quickly become insular, corrupt, and stupid—and preside over economic plunder and stagnation. The record of Marcos, Mobutu, and Mugabe is far more typical. (And lest one veers into cultural explanations, keep in mind that the record of the Chinese government under Mao was atrocious.)

When I explained to him for the first time what the book was about, he said in a somewhat distressed tone, “Why do you want to write a book about the future? If you’re wrong, people won’t buy the book anymore.” At least at this point, three years later, I don’t think I’ve embarrassed him. Index Abrahamic religions, 122, 171, 172 Abu Sayyaf, 11 Abyssinia, 195 Academy of Science, 211 Acheson, Dean, 255, 256 Acquaviva, Claudio, 124 Adams, James Truslow, 237 affirmative action, 109 Afghanistan, 13, 15, 54, 101, 172, 185, 199, 235–36, 241, 247, 260, 277, 284 Afghan War, 13, 241, 247, 260 Africa: agriculture in, 70 Chinese influence in, 129–32, 270 Christian population of, 98 colonization of, 65, 79, 80, 129, 156 corruption in, 130–32 economies of, 21n, 40, 68, 129, 130, 242–43 geography of, 77 instability of, 12–13, 20, 29, 40, 65, 68 national debts of, 130 natural resources of, 129 North, 12–13, 20, 80 slaves from, 79 sub-Saharan, 80 U.S. influence in, 270–71, 273 see also specific countries AFRICOM, 270–71 Aggarwal, Anil, 155 aging populations, 214–15 agriculture, 21, 30, 31, 32–33, 65–67, 70, 71–72, 100, 106, 112, 136, 151, 160 Agtmael, Antoine van, 2 Ahmadinejad, Mahmoud, 16, 55 AIDS, 149, 161 AIG, 43–44 air conditioners, 102 air pollution, 111 airport security, 280 Akbar, 75 Al-Azhar University, 15 Albright, Madeleine, 246 Alembert, Jean Le Rond d’, 123 alerts, terrorist, 277 algebra, 67 Algeria, 13 algorithm, 67 Al-Jabr wa-al-Muqabilah, 67 Al Jazeera, 96 al-Khwarizmi, 67 Al Qaeda, 5, 10–18, 172, 248n, 270, 277 Ambrose, Stephen, 37 American dream, 237 American Enterprise Institute, 213 Amery, Leo, 193 Amsterdam, 67 Anglo-Chinese Wars, 81 Angola, 284 Annan, Kofi, 272 anti-Americanism, 13, 35, 39, 42, 60, 166, 241, 245, 251–55, 274, 283 Apple, Inc., 203 Arab culture, 67, 75, 76, 77, 80, 98 Arab-Israeli conflict, 6, 96, 246 arbitrage, 27 architecture, 95, 98, 103, 105, 152 Argentina, 3, 26, 55, 115 Armenia, 209 Arnold, Thomas, 187 Arroyo, Gloria, 133 art, modern, 95 ash-Sheikh, Abdulaziz al, 15 Asia: agriculture in, 70 Chinese influence in, 132–36, 143, 173, 176–77, 259, 267, 281 colonization of, 79, 80–82, 156 demographics of, 214–15 East, 20, 23, 29, 32, 36, 52, 64n, 65, 122, 133, 214, 241–42, 245 economies of, 52, 75, 138, 151–52, 221 education in, 208–12 financial markets of, 221–22 geography of, 76 global influence of, 245, 257, 259 India’s influence in, 151–52, 173, 181 manufacturing sector of, 202–3 South, 21n, 52, 60 technology sector of, 200–208 U.S. influence in, 90, 241–42, 245, 259–60, 266, 267, 273–74, 280–81 Western influence in, 90, 93, 99 see also specific countries “Asian Tigers,” 26 assets, 219 Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), 132, 133 Atatürk, Kemal, 84 Australia, 78, 132, 143, 196, 252, 266 Austria, 223 automobile industry, 33, 110, 149, 192, 205, 225, 229–30, 244 Autor, David, 231 Bacon, Francis, 86 bailouts, 43, 44 Baker, James A., III, 39, 244 Bakiyev, Kurmanbek, 54 balance of power, 79 Bali bombings (2002), 11, 17 Balkans, 20, 29, 117–18, 245, 246, 247 Bangalore, 50 Bangladesh, 60, 159, 281 Ban Ki-moon, 30 banking industry, 36, 43–45, 81, 106, 107, 109, 110, 127, 139, 153, 157 Barma, Naazneen, 38 Barnett, Correlli, 262 “Base Structure Report” (2006), 262 Bay of Pigs invasion (1961), 20 BBC, 96, 120 Bear Stearns, xi Beijing, 71, 103, 105, 111, 137, 150, 211 “Beijing Consensus, The” (Ramo), 142–43 Beijing Olympic Games (2008), 5, 103, 105, 137 Belgium, 41 Berlin, 103 Berlin Wall, 24 Beveridge Plan, 197 Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), 158–59, 160, 178, 179–80 Bhutan, 166 Bialik, Carl, 205 Bible, 172 bicycles, 192 bin Laden, Osama, 12, 13, 14–15, 85, 269–70 biological weapons, 18 biotechnology, 201–2, 215 bipolar order, 4 Bismarck, Otto von, 198, 257, 266–67 Blackwill, Robert, 177 Blair, Tony, 274 Blinder, Alan, 230–31 Bloomberg, Michael, 220–21 “blue card,” 224 blue jeans, 88, 89, 91 Boer War, 188–90, 261 Bollywood, 90, 94, 147, 153–55 Bono, 272 Boorstin, Daniel, 69 Bosnia, 272 Brahmans, 74 “brain drain,” 167 brand names, 203 Brazil, xii, 2, 3–4, 19, 23, 26, 28–29, 39, 48, 49, 53, 55, 60, 79, 95, 98, 257, 258, 259, 263 Bretton Woods Conference (1944), 253 British East India Company, 60, 80, 82–83 British Empire, 36, 37, 57, 60, 65, 79, 80–83, 84, 89, 94, 97–98, 151, 154, 156, 158–59, 161, 162–63, 164, 170, 173, 179, 184–99, 237, 261–63, 266, 268 British Guiana, 194n broadband service, 28, 224–25 Brookings, Robert, 235 Brookings Institution, 235 Brzezinski, Zbigniew, 36 Buck, Pearl, 100 Buddhism, 124, 171, 172 budget deficits, 219, 241–42, 244 Buffett, Warren, 45–46 Bulgaria, 182 Burma, 79, 121, 264, 273 Burns, Ken, 37 Buruma, Ian, 187 Bush, George H.


pages: 124 words: 39,011

Beyond Outrage: Expanded Edition: What Has Gone Wrong With Our Economy and Our Democracy, and How to Fix It by Robert B. Reich

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2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, banking crisis, carried interest, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, job automation, Mahatma Gandhi, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special drawing rights, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, women in the workforce, working poor

Rockefeller established philanthropic institutions that survive today. But a large portion of charitable deductions claimed by the wealthy go not to the poor. They go to culture palaces—operas, art museums, symphonies, and theaters—where the wealthy spend much of their leisure time, and to the universities they once attended and expect their children to attend (perhaps with the added inducement of knowing that these schools often practice affirmative action for “legacies”). I’m all in favor of supporting the arts and our universities, but let’s face it: These aren’t really charities, as most people understand the term. They’re often investments in the lifestyles the wealthy already enjoy and want their children to have too. They’re also investments in prestige—especially if they result in the family name being engraved on the new wing of an art museum or symphony hall.


pages: 128 words: 38,187

The New Prophets of Capital by Nicole Aschoff

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3D printing, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Bretton Woods, clean water, collective bargaining, crony capitalism, feminist movement, follow your passion, Food sovereignty, glass ceiling, global supply chain, global value chain, helicopter parent, hiring and firing, income inequality, Khan Academy, late capitalism, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, performance metric, profit motive, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, school vouchers, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Slavoj Žižek, structural adjustment programs, Thomas L Friedman, Tim Cook: Apple, urban renewal, women in the workforce, working poor

Framing the issue as “work-life balance”—as if the two were diametrically opposed—practically ensures work will lose out. Who would ever choose work over life?12 Women’s decisions to give up on their ambitions as adults are often the result of learned dispositions and habits acquired during childhood. But despite this socialization and its long-term effects, Sandberg doesn’t really believe in glass ceilings or see the need for affirmative action. She thinks the main force holding women back—at least educated women—is their own hang-ups and fears. Women don’t need favors, they just need to believe in themselves. “Fear is at the root of so many of the barriers that women face … Without fear, women can pursue professional success and personal fulfillment.”13 Deborah Gruenfeld calls Sandberg a post-feminist—a woman who believes that “when you blame someone else for keeping you back, you are accepting your powerlessness.”14 So how should women take power and the corner office?


pages: 446 words: 578

The end of history and the last man by Francis Fukuyama

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, centre right, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, Isaac Newton, Joseph Schumpeter, kremlinology, labour mobility, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, nuclear winter, open economy, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Socratic dialogue, strikebreaker, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions

In the heyday of the civil rights movement, most A m e r i c a n blacks aspired to complete integration into white society, implying a full acceptance of the dominant cultural values of A m e r i c a n society. T h e problem for black Americans was understood not as one concerning the values themselves, but the willingness of white society to recognize the dignity of blacks who accepted those values. Despite the abo­ lition of legally sanctioned barriers to equality in the 1 9 6 0 s , how­ ever, and the rise of a variety of affirmative action p r o g r a m s giving preference to blacks, a certain sector of the A m e r i c a n black population not only failed to advance economically, but actually lost ground. One political result of persistent economic failure, however, is the now m o r e frequently h e a r d assertion that the traditional mea­ sures of economic success, such as work, education, and employ­ ment, represent not universal but "white" values.

This tension, noted clearly by T o c q u e v i l l e , will be as "necessary and ineradicable" as the inequality out of which it grows. Every effort to give the disad­ vantaged "equal dignity" will mean the abridgment of the free4 In the Realm of Freedom 293 dom o r rights of other people, all the m o r e so when the sources of disadvantage lie deep within the social structure. Every place granted to a minority candidate f o r a j o b o r a university education u n d e r an affirmative action p r o g r a m means one less place f o r others; every g o v e r n m e n t dollar spent on national health insur­ ance o r welfare means that much less f o r the private economy; every attempt to protect w o r k e r s f r o m u n e m p l o y m e n t o r firms from bankruptcy will mean less economic f r e e d o m . T h e r e is no fixed or natural point at which liberty and equality come into balance, n o r any way of optimizing both simultaneously.

The "New Imperialism": Analysis of Late Nineteenth Century Expansion, second edition. D. C. Heath, Boston. Zolberg, Aristide. 1981. "Origins of the Modern World System: A Missing Link." World Politics 33 (January) : 2 5 3 - 2 8 1 . Zuckert, Catherine H. 1988. Understanding the Political Spirit: Philosophical Inves­ tigations from Socrates to Nietzsche. Yale University Press, New Haven, Conn. INDEX Abortion, 176 Acid rain, 86 Affirmative action, 237, 293 Afghanistan, 26, 127, 275 African National Congress, 15, 111 Afrikaners, 14, 2 1 , 1 1 1 , 172 Afro-American culture, 237 Aganbegyan, Abel, 29 A toe-dominated regime (Syria), 16 Albalkin, Leonid, 29 Albania, 27, 112 Alcibiades, 3 1 7 Alexander II, Czar of Russia, 75 Alfonsin government (Argen­ tina), 14 Algeria, 275 Alienation, 65, 197, 335 All Quiet on the Western Front (Re­ marque), 5 Alwyn, Patricio, 42 Ambition, 162 American Bill of Rights, 43, 159 American Civil War, 1 7 1 , 175— 176, 2 6 1 , 330 American Revolution, 42, 64, 134 Amish, 85 Amour-propre, 8 3 - 8 4 , 155, 162, 255 Andropov, Yuri, 47 Angell, Norman, 5 Anger, 1 6 3 - 1 6 5 , 1 7 1 , 172, 1 7 8 180 Angola, 35 Animal behavior, 297 Anomie, 337 Anthropology, 151 Anti-liberal doctrines, 2 3 5 - 2 4 4 Anti-Stalinism, 30, 40 Apartheid, 2 0 - 2 1 , 77, 1 1 1 , 1 7 1 172 Aquino, Corazon, 14, 1 1 9 - 1 2 0 Arab-Israeli conflict, 283 Aral Sea, 115 Argentina, 14, 16, 19, 20, 23, 42, 1 0 4 - 1 0 6 , 1 1 2 , 1 1 3 , 256 Aristocracies, 45, 1 8 5 - 8 6 , 200, 259, 260, 265 Aristophanes, 296 Aristotle, 5 5 - 5 6 , 127, 335 Aron, Raymond, 66, 95 ASEAN (Association of South­ east Asian Nations), 102 Assembly of Women (Aris­ tophanes), 294 Associational life, 3 2 2 - 3 2 4 Astayev, Viktor, 37 Ataturk, Kemal, 236, 256, 272 Athens, 48, 127, 184, 247, 3 1 6 , 317 Athletic competition, 3 1 8 - 3 2 0 Atlantic Charter, 258 Augustine, Saint, 56, 183 Australia, 1 1 1 Austria-Hungary, 333 Authoritarianism, 8 - 9 , 1 1 , 12, 37, 3 9 - 4 2 , 124 current crisis of, 1 3 - 2 2 , 44, 47 market-oriented, 123, 124 new Asian, 2 3 8 - 2 4 3 403 404 Ba'ath parties, 16, 236 Bacon, Francis, 56, 57, 72, 135 Baigan, Ishida, 227 Balance of power, 2 4 7 - 2 5 0 Baltic states, 2 7 - 2 8 , 2 1 5 , 273 Bangladesh, 275 Basques, 269 Battle of Jena, significance of, 64, 67 Beast with red cheeks, 162, 1 7 0 - 1 8 0 , 188 "Bee and the Communist Ideal, The" (Nuikin), 23 Belief, 3 0 9 - 3 1 0 Bell, Daniel, 91 Bellah, Robert, 227, 229 Belorussia, 35 Beria, Lavrenty, 32, 40 Berlin Wall, 27, 178, 263, 280 Biology, 151 Bipolarity, 248, 255, 262 Black market (Soviet), 32 Black underclass, 2 9 3 - 2 9 4 Bogomolov, Oleg, 29 Bolshevik party, 43 Bolshevik Revolution, 24, 25, 66, 3 0 4 - 3 0 5 Bombing, 6 Bonfire of the Vanities, The (Wolfe), 329 Botswana, 35 Bourgeois, 145, 160, 180, 185, 188, 189, 3 1 4 , 323, 329 Brazil, 14, 20, 42, 1 0 4 - 1 0 5 , 112, 123 Brezhnev, Leonid, 8, 10, 32, 76 Brezhneva, Galina, 16 Bryce, Lord, 42 Buddhism, 2 1 6 - 2 1 7 , 227 Bukovsky, Vladimir, 169 Bulgaria, 27, 36, 112 Bureaucracy, 65, 89 as characteristic of modern societies, 7 7 - 7 8 INDEX Burma, 14, 85 Bush, George, 3 1 8 , 328 Bushido ethic, 227 Caetano, Marcello, 13, 18 Calvinism, 226, 227, 229 Cambodia, 79, 127, 275, 293 Canada, 264 Capitalism, 44, 9 0 - 9 1 , 98, 99, 102, 103, 106, 108, 114, 120, 204, 2 2 6 - 2 3 0 , 290, 292,316 Capitalism, Socialism, and Democ­ racy (Schumpeter), 123 Capital punishment, 261 Carthage, 248 Caste system, 228 Catholicism, 19, 221 Ceaucescu, Nicolae, 1 1 5 Centrally planned economic sys­ tems, 90, 9 1 , 9 3 - 9 6 , 98, 107 Ceylon, 123 Chad, 275 Chamorro, Violetta, 14 Charismatic authority, 115 Charter 77, 166 Charter of the United Nations, 282 Checks and balances, 188 Chemical and biological weap­ ons, 278 Chemistry, 151 Chernenko, Konstantin, 47 Chernobyl, 1 1 5 Chiang Ching-kuo, 14 Chile, 14, 2 1 , 42, 104, 112, 123 Chinese Revolution, 1 1 , 66, 127 Christian Democracy, 284 Christianity, 56 grounds for human equality, 1 9 6 - 1 9 7 , 301 Hegel and, 2 1 6 , 301 as slave ideology, 62, 1 9 6 198, 205, 2 6 1 , 301 INDEX Churbanov, Yury, 32 Churchill, Winston, 3 1 8 CIA (Central Intelligence Agency), 18, 28 Citizenship, 202, 322 Civil rights, 4 2 - 4 3 , 2 0 3 - 2 0 4 , 237 Civil society, 33, 2 1 9 , 2 2 1 , 222 Civil war American, 1 7 1 , 1 7 5 - 1 7 6 , 2 6 1 , 330 English, 271 Spanish, 79 Class conflict, 65, 1 1 8 - 1 1 9 Classical liberal trade theory, 100 CNN (Cable News Network), 7 Cold War, 7, 10, 46, 127, 233, 246, 248, 252, 262, 264, 272, 282, 283 Collectivization, 30 Collor de Mello, Fernando, 42 Colombia, 14 Colonialism, 99, 258, 267, 338 Communications technology, 7 Communism, 7, 45; see also Au­ thoritarianism; Communist parties; Totalitarianism belief in permanence of, 8, 10 Havel on, 1 6 6 - 1 6 9 legitimacy of, 1 0 - 1 1 as slave ideology, 205 Soviet-style, 9 - 1 0 worldwide collapse of, 8, 12, 2 5 - 3 8 , 1 7 7 - 1 7 9 , 264, 280, 293, 296 Communist Manifesto (Marx and Engels), 65 Communist parties Chinese, 34 Filipino, 1 1 9 Portuguese, 18, 47 South African, 15 405 Soviet, 26, 27 Spanish, 19 Community, 242, 304, 3 2 2 - 3 2 7 Compassion, rise of, 261 Comte, Auguste, 68 Condorcet, Marquis de, 57, 62 Conflict resolution, 1 1 7 - 1 1 9 Confucianism, 2 1 7 , 325 Congress of Vienna, 267, 331 Conservatives, in Soviet Union, 40-41 Constitution of the United States, 25, 153, 184, 187, 200, 204, 296 Consumer electronics industry, 84 Consumerism, 4, 63, 8 3 - 8 5 , 126, 169, 230, 242 Contradictions, 6 1 , 64, 65, 136, 137, 139 Cortés, Hernando, 259 Cosmopolitanism, 126 Costa Rica, 123, 2 1 7 - 2 1 8 "Cotton mafia," 32 Craft guilds, 232 Crimean War, 75 Critique of Pure Reason (Kant), 151 Croatia, 272, 273 Cuba, 10, 14, 25, 127 Cultural relativism, 340 Cultural Revolution, 79, 95, 96 Culture preconditions for democracy, 215, 2 1 9 - 2 2 2 relationship to thymos, 2 1 3 work attitudes and, 2 2 4 - 2 2 5 , 230-234 Cunhal, Alvaro, 18 Custine, Marquis de, 25 Cyprus, 20 Czechoslovakia democratic transition in, 36, 112 406 Czechoslovakia (cont.) fall of communist govern­ ment, 27, 1 7 7 - 1 7 8 nationalism in, 273 Darwin, Charles, 299 Debray, Régis, 320 Declaration of Independence, 134, 153, 158, 186, 196, 200, 204, 296 Decline of the West (Spengler), 68 Defensive modernization, 7 4 - 7 6 de Gaulle, Charles, 332 de Klerk, F.


pages: 468 words: 233,091

Founders at Work: Stories of Startups' Early Days by Jessica Livingston

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8-hour work day, affirmative action, AltaVista, Apple II, Brewster Kahle, business process, Byte Shop, Danny Hillis, don't be evil, fear of failure, financial independence, Firefox, full text search, game design, Googley, HyperCard, illegal immigration, Internet Archive, Jeff Bezos, Maui Hawaii, Menlo Park, nuclear winter, Paul Buchheit, Paul Graham, Peter Thiel, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Sand Hill Road, side project, Silicon Valley, slashdot, social software, software patent, South of Market, San Francisco, Startup school, stealth mode startup, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, web application, Y Combinator

So you were really much more naïve as a student graduating in the ’70s—even with a double major and a minor and some other good stuff thrown in. But I felt empowered. The early ’70s was a big era of affirmative action and companies were forced to go hire women. I was interviewed for some really interesting jobs, and one that I thought sounded really great was this job at the Federal Reserve Bank. It was a brand new building, built by one of I.M. Pei’s designers. The president of that Federal Reserve Bank was a really young guy. They had all state-of-the-art hardware, software, and furniture for the time, so it felt like, “Wow, I get to be in this brand new hot place, the Federal Reserve Bank.” That sounds like an oxymoron saying it now. The truth was that all these jobs they were recruiting for affirmative action, if you weren’t really a competent young woman, you would fail. There was a gap between skills and jobs because they had to hire you and they had to hire you in stretch positions to get women populated.

Index Numbers and symbols 1984 recession, 144 37signals, 309–316 5K contest, 258 A Accel Partners, 101–102, 108 Accidental Empires, 64 Acorn, Al, 44 acquisition offers, 137, 215, 217–218 Adams, Tracy, 326 Adobe Acrobat, 293 Adobe Illustrator, 287 Adobe Systems, 281–296 Adobe Type Manager (ATM), 292 AdSense, 161–163, 171 advertising, 130, 131, 311. See also click-through; targeted advertising affirmative action, 298 aggregators. See desktop-based aggregators @Home, 61 Alexa Internet, 274–277 Allen, Paul, 182, 198 Alliant Computer Systems, 427–446 Alsop, Stewart, 194 Altair computer, 33–34 Altman, Sam, 449 Amazon, 277 Anderson, Eve, 326 Andreessen, Mark, 134 angel investors, 209, 213–216, 260, 447 Anybot, 451 AOL, 132 Apple Computer, 31–58, 173, 186, 267, 268, 281, 285–286 Apple I, 38–42, 44–45 Apple II, 31, 42–43, 49, 50, 78, 89, 94, 185 Apple II user group, 89 Apple III, 51 455 456 Index arcade games, 32 Architext.


pages: 580 words: 168,476

The Price of Inequality: How Today's Divided Society Endangers Our Future by Joseph E. Stiglitz

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, Andrei Shleifer, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Basel III, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Dava Sobel, declining real wages, deskilling, Exxon Valdez, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Flash crash, framing effect, full employment, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, inflation targeting, invisible hand, John Harrison: Longitude, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, London Interbank Offered Rate, lone genius, low skilled workers, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, market fundamentalism, medical bankruptcy, microcredit, moral hazard, mortgage tax deduction, obamacare, offshore financial centre, paper trading, patent troll, payday loans, price stability, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, spectrum auction, Steve Jobs, technology bubble, The Chicago School, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, The Myth of the Rational Market, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, ultimatum game, uranium enrichment, very high income, We are the 99%, women in the workforce

And yet, our attitude toward unions has been the opposite. They are vilified, and in many states there are explicit attempts to undermine them, but there is no recognition of the important role that they can play in countervailing other special interests and in defending the basic social protections that are necessary if workers are to accept change and to adjust to the changing economic environment.19 Affirmative action, to eliminate the legacy of discrimination. One of the most invidious—and hardest to eradicate—sources of inequality is discrimination, both ongoing discrimination today and the legacy of past discrimination. In different countries it takes on different forms, but almost everywhere there is racial and gender discrimination. Market forces on their own won’t eradicate it. We’ve described how, together with social forces, they can enable it to persist.

We’ve described how, together with social forces, they can enable it to persist. But such discrimination corrodes our basic values, our basic sense of identity, the notion of nationhood. Strong laws prohibiting discrimination are essential; but the effects of past discrimination continue, and so even if we were successful in eliminating discrimination today, its consequences would still be with us. Fortunately, we’ve learned how to improve matters through affirmative action programs—softer than hard quotas, but when implemented with good intentions, they can help our society evolve in ways that are consistent with our basic principles. Because education is the key to opportunity, such programs are perhaps even more important there than elsewhere. Restoring sustainable and equitable growth A growth agenda, based on public investment. We explained why trickle-down economics doesn’t work: growth doesn’t automatically benefit all.

See also Emma Rothschild and Amartya Sen, “Adam Smith’s Economics,” The Cambridge Companion to Adam Smith (Cambridge: Campbridge University Press, 2006), pp. 319–65, especially the discussion of the commonwealth beginning on p. 347. INDEX Abed, Fazle Hasan, 196 Acacia Research Corporation, 203 Accenture, 360 advertising, 147, 335, 348, 354 see also marketing affirmative action, 282 Afghanistan, 143, 176, 209, 211, 218 Africa, 23, 40 African Americans: discrimination against, 68, 69, 70, 71, 129, 303, 305, 308, 328, 367, 369 disenfranchisement of, 345, 349 wealth of, 13, 70, 71, 329, 384 agriculture: government subsidies in, 51, 64, 179, 180, 320, 326, 379 in Great Depression, 56–57, 231, 233 AIG, 35, 49, 67, 180, 253, 369 airlines, deregulation of, 317 air traffic controllers, 65 Alien Torts Statute, 59 Ally, 374 Alperovitz, Gar, 78 alternative minimum tax, 394 American Airlines, 318 American Tobacco Company, 317 Andreessen, Marc, 318 Angelides, Phil, 372 antiglobalization movement, xiii, 277 Apple, 203, 360 Arab Spring, ix–xi, xiv, 287 Archer Daniels Midland (ADM), 51, 320 Arnall, Roland, 333 Asia, 64, 157 financial crisis in, 61, 231, 352, 353 AT&T, 44, 203, 317 Atkinson, Anthony B., xxiii auction theory, 50 austerity, 207, 220, 221, 230–36 Australia, 5, 14, 18, 22, 135, 286 autoworkers, 67 balanced-budget multiplier, 217–18, 379 Bangladesh, microcredit schemes in, 196, 197 bankers: bonuses for, x, xiv, xv, 21, 79, 141, 169, 245, 247, 270, 319, 333, 363 criminal prosecution of, xvi, 70, 119, 199, 205–6, 372, 373 economic influence of, xxii–xxiii, 79–80, 240 private incentives of, 33, 34, 87, 90, 96, 109–10 risky behavior by, xi, xxiii, 37, 90, 101, 109, 171, 198, 239–40, 246, 247, 269, 270, 336, 387 see also corporations; financial markets; financial sector Bank of America, 70, 374 bankruptcy: corporate, 313 derivatives claims in, 49, 271 government regulation of, 30 personal, 10, 275, 301 reform of, 58 student debt in, 58, 94, 195, 196, 265, 271, 323, 371 see also Chapter 11; foreclosures bankruptcy law, 193–97, 201, 202, 270, 271, 284 Bardeen, John, 41 Bartel, Larry, xxiv Basov, Nikolay, 315 Bear Stearns, 388 Belgium, 19, 22, 286 Berlusconi, Silvio, 349 Bernanke, Ben, 247, 248, 252, 257, 389 Berners-Lee, Tim, 41, 315 Bhutan, 122, 312 Bilmes, Linda, 176 Bipartisan Policy Center, 207 Bischoff, Kendra, 75 BlackBerry, 203 Blankfein, Lloyd, 124 Bloomberg, Michael, xiv bondholders, 168, 240, 261 bonds, municipal, 212, 378 Bowles, Erskine, 207 Bowles-Simpson Deficit Reduction Commission, 207, 221, 379, 380 Brattain, Walter, 41 Brazil, 5, 51, 249 economic growth in, 139, 298, 353 Bridgestone/Firestone, 104 British Petroleum (BP), xviii, 99, 189, 190, 367, 374 “Buffett rule,” 395 Buffett, Warren, 77, 180, 269, 333, 395, 396 Burnham, Walter Dean, 130 Bush, George W., 71, 73, 86, 87, 97, 101, 114, 169, 177, 208, 212, 221, 228, 330, 360, 383 Bush administration, xiv, 167, 168, 171, 178 business: anticompetitive behavior in, 44–46, 317, 318 corruption in, 176 government partnerships with, 174 government regulation of, 47 innovations in, 35, 46, 41, 78, 96, 178–79, 314, 315 political power of, 47, 50, 51, 62, 95, 99, 101, 111, 131–32, 135, 136, 285, 286, 319, 325, 350 teamwork in, 113, 343 trust in, 121–22 see also corporations; financial sector business, small, 61, 167, 225, 226, 241, 245, 395 California, electricity market liberalization in, 177–78 campaign finance, 37, 47, 131–32, 135, 136, 162, 196, 200, 206, 285–86, 319, 325, 350, 373, 397 Canada, 5, 18, 19 capital, 59, 323 social, 122–23, 125, 135 capital controls, 60, 181, 182, 277, 353 capital gains, 71–72, 87, 88, 115, 211, 274, 297, 298, 315, 330, 361, 378, 395 Cardoso, Enrique, 5 Carter, Jimmy, 71 Cayman Islands, 270 cell phones, 98, 203, 274 Census Bureau, U.S., 27, 305 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 209 Chait, Jonathan, 19, 116–17 Chapter 11, 284, 313, 363 see also bankruptcy Chavez, Hugo, 40 Cheney, Richard, 101 Chicago school, 44–45, 47, 256, 317, 391 child care, 10, 301 Chile, 141, 258 China, 19, 54, 64, 249, 280 economic strength of, 144, 175 inflation in, 259–60 Citibank, 204–5, 369, 387 cities, community segregation in, 75–76 Citizens United v.


pages: 544 words: 168,076

Red Plenty by Francis Spufford

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Anton Chekhov, asset allocation, Buckminster Fuller, clean water, cognitive dissonance, computer age, double helix, Fellow of the Royal Society, John von Neumann, linear programming, market clearing, New Journalism, oil shock, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, RAND corporation, Simon Kuznets, the scientific method

Kazan had possessed a Muslim intelligentsia for centuries, but Tatars were not one of the minorities famous in the USSR for educational mobility, like Jews and Armenians, and they were not very strongly represented in twentieth-century Soviet intellectual life, with exceptions such as the computer designer Bashir Rameev. Presumably, Emil’s reasonably comfortable family experience under Stalin means that his parents (at least Party middle-rankers, judging by his own sharply upward career trajectory) successfully negotiated the sudden reversal of Soviet ‘nationalities’ policy during the later thirties. For this, see Terry Dean Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1929–1939 (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 2001). For a fabulously dismal description of post-Soviet Kazan, see Daniel Kalder, Lost Cosmonaut: Travels to the Republics That Tourism Forgot (London: Faber, 2006). 11 The title song from the old musical, ‘The Happy-Go-Lucky Guys’: see James von Geldern and Richard Stites, eds, Mass Culture in Soviet Russia.

Kazan had possessed a Muslim intelligentsia for centuries, but Tatars were not one of the minorities famous in the USSR for educational mobility, like Jews and Armenians, and they were not very strongly represented in twentieth-century Soviet intellectual life, with exceptions such as the computer designer Bashir Rameev. Presumably, Emil’s reasonably comfortable family experience under Stalin means that his parents (at least Party middle-rankers, judging by his own sharply upward career trajectory) successfully negotiated the sudden reversal of Soviet ‘nationalities’ policy during the later thirties. For this, see Terry Dean Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1929–1939 (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 2001). For a fabulously dismal description of post-Soviet Kazan, see Daniel Kalder, Lost Cosmonaut: Travels to the Republics That Tourism Forgot (London: Faber, 2006). 11 The title song from the old musical, ‘The Happy-Go-Lucky Guys’: see James von Geldern and Richard Stites, eds, Mass Culture in Soviet Russia.

McKean, St Petersburg Between the Revolutions: Workers and Revolutionarie/i> (New Haven CT: Yale University Press, 1990) Ken Macleod, The Cassini Division (London: Legend, 1998) Janet Malcolm, Reading Chekhov: A Critical Journey (New York: Random House, 2001) Boris Nikolaevich Malinovsky, Pioneers of Soviet Computing, ed. Anne Fitzpatrick, trans. Emmanuel Aronie. Available at www.sovietcomputing.com Terry Dean Martin, The Affirmative Action Empire: Nations and Nationalism in the Soviet Union, 1923–1939 (Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press, 2001) Frank J. Miller, Folklore for Stalin: Russian Folklore and Pseudo-folklore of the Stalin Era (Armonk: M.E.Sharpe, Inc., 1990) Philip Mirowski, Machine Dreams: Economics Becomes a Cyborg Science (Cambridge: CUP, 2002) Ludwig von Mises, Socialism, 1922; trans. from the German by J. Kahane (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1981) Nikolai Nekrasov (‘Nicholas Nekrassov’), Who Can Be Happy and Free in Russia?


pages: 602 words: 120,848

Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer-And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class by Paul Pierson, Jacob S. Hacker

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, asset allocation, barriers to entry, Bonfire of the Vanities, business climate, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, desegregation, employer provided health coverage, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, Howard Zinn, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, Martin Wolf, medical bankruptcy, moral hazard, Nate Silver, new economy, night-watchman state, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, union organizing, very high income, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce

Both moves were designed to make the party more electorally competitive, especially in the South. In this last ambition the DLC fell short. In that conservative region, Democrats would continue to cede ground to ascendant Republicans. In other respects, however, developments in the party more closely tracked the DLC blueprint—and by 1992 would emerge in full form in the “New Democrat” campaign of Bill Clinton. The party’s appeals began to mute aspects of cultural liberalism on guns, affirmative action, and crime, and took a tougher line on national defense. Proposals for welfare reform were structured to send a reassuring message to moderate voters about work and family. Yet the DLC’s reformation project was clearly as much or more about economics. Most of the group’s leaders had built careers on a business-friendly posture, and they pushed to make that stance more prominent in the Democratic Party.

., January 2010, http://www.roadmap.republicans.budget.house.gov/UploadedFiles/Roadmap2Final2.pdf. 13 Ari Melber, “Year One of Organizing for America,” President Special Report (January 2010), www.techpresident.com/ofayear1. 14 Michael Waldman, My Fellow Americans: The Most Important Speeches of American Presidents, From George Washington to George W. Bush (Naperville, IL: Sourcebooks, 2003), 106; Michael Sandel, “Obama and Civic Idealism,” Democracy 16 (Spring 2010): 10. Index Page numbers in italics refer to figures and tables. abortion, 145–46, 147, 179, 202, 235 Abramoff, Jack, 199 Adams, John, 77 advertising, 104, 105–6, 171, 176, 206, 251, 277, 283, 295 affirmative action, 181 AFL-CIO, 57, 97, 129, 140, 218, 276 agenda-setting, 123–26, 168–70, 179–80, 259–62, 268, 286–88 agribusiness, 280 agriculture, 84, 85, 108, 189, 246, 280 AIG, 261 airlines industry, 119, 184 air-traffic controllers strike (1981), 58–59, 186–87, 191 Alliance for Worker Retirement Security, 144 Almond, Gabriel, 144 Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT), 49–50, 215–18 Amar, Akhil, 76 amendments, constitutional, 86, 201, 266, 294 American Bankers Association, 124–25, 292 American Council for Capital Formation, 124–25 “American Democracy in an Age of Rising Inequality,” 150 American Enterprise Institute (AEI), 123 American Federation of Labor (AFL), 140 American Legion, 138, 143, 144 “American Option,” 266, 267, 302; see also DeMint, Jim American Petroleum Institute (API), 144, 274 American Political Science Association, 150 Americans for Financial Reform, 275, 285, 292 Americans for Limited Government, 284 Americans for Prosperity, 284 Americans for Tax Reform (ATR), 208, 209–10, 284 Americans with Disabilities Act (1990), 192 America’s Health Insurance Plans (AHIP), 275 antitrust regulation, 71, 80 approval ratings, 165, 258, 268, 282 Archey, William, 206 Armey, Dick, 190, 200, 201, 209, 210, 241, 283 Articles of Confederation, 297, 298–99 Association of State Democratic Chairs, 176 “Astroturf” organizations, 144, 274 Babbitt, Bruce, 181 Bai, Matt, 260 Balz, Daniel, 192 banking industry: bailouts of, 1–2, 71, 198, 226, 249–50, 254, 261 commercial, 69, 71, 197, 249–50, 275 deregulation of, 69, 185, 196, 197–98 government regulation of, 69, 71, 80, 185, 196, 197–98, 282 investment, 69, 71, 197, 229, 249–50 mortgages issued by, 2, 32–33, 197–98, 216, 301 risk management by, 1–2, 44, 45–46, 115 tax reforms opposed by, 89 Bartels, Larry, 110–12, 151–52, 160, 167, 234 Bartlett, Bruce, 267 Baucus, Max, 238–39, 245, 260, 267, 268, 273–74 Bayh, Evan, 239 Beane, Billy, 234 Bear Stearns, 67, 70 Bebchuk, Lucian, 63, 64 Beck, Glenn, 284, 294, 339n Beilenson, Tony, 128 Bernanke, Ben, 34, 267 Berry, Jeffrey, 145, 146 Biden, Joseph, 260 Billings, Robert, Sr., 203 bipartisanship, 100, 183, 185, 186–88, 190, 191–93, 212, 219, 230–31, 233, 259–62, 267–68, 293–300 Blankfein Lloyd C., 1, 2 Bloomberg, Michael, 225, 256 boards of directors, 63–64, 65 Boehner, John, 275, 292, 294 Bogle, John, 63, 229 Bok, Derek, 141 bonuses, 2, 67, 70 Born, Brooksley, 198, 249 Boxer, Barbara, 240, 247 “bracket creep,” 187, 216 Bradley, Bill, 243 Brandeis, Louis, 80–81 Breaux, John, 6, 181, 183, 184, 239, 245 “Broadland,” 15, 17, 24–25, 25, 26, 194, 290 Brock, William, 172–73, 174, 175, 176, 265–66 Brokaw, Tom, 156 Broockman, David, 269 Brookings Institution, 123, 124 Brooks, David, 147 Browder, Earl, 67 Browder, William, 67 Brown, Scott, 282, 284, 287 Brownstein, Ronald, 192 Bryan, William Jennings, 170–71 Buckley, William F., Jr., 221–22 Buffett, Warren, 229, 249 Bush, George H.


pages: 598 words: 140,612

Triumph of the City: How Our Greatest Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier, and Happier by Edward L. Glaeser

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affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Broken windows theory, carbon footprint, Celebration, Florida, clean water, congestion charging, declining real wages, desegregation, diversified portfolio, Edward Glaeser, endowment effect, European colonialism, financial innovation, Frank Gehry, global village, Guggenheim Bilbao, haute cuisine, Home mortgage interest deduction, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, job-hopping, John Snow's cholera map, Mahatma Gandhi, McMansion, megacity, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, New Urbanism, place-making, Ponzi scheme, Potemkin village, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rent control, RFID, Richard Florida, Rosa Parks, school vouchers, Seaside, Florida, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart cities, Steven Pinker, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, William Shockley: the traitorous eight, Works Progress Administration, young professional

In the bright, optimistic days of the early 1960s, many American cities turned from old-style machine politicians to young, charismatic leaders. In Detroit and New York, an alliance of liberals and African Americans elected Jerome Cavanagh and John Lindsay respectively. While his predecessors had been seen as abettors of police brutality, Cavanagh promised fairer law enforcement. He launched affirmative-action programs and marched with Martin Luther King Jr. John Lindsay also fought police brutality and supported affirmative action. Lindsay’s finest hour may have been in the after-math of King’s shooting, when he walked the streets of Harlem and cooled tempers with warmth and compassion. But ultimately neither mayor could control the forces that were convulsing his city. Neither can be blamed for failing to halt the manufacturing exodus from his city—the economic headwinds were just too strong.


pages: 391 words: 22,799

To Serve God and Wal-Mart: The Making of Christian Free Enterprise by Bethany Moreton

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, big-box store, Bretton Woods, Buckminster Fuller, collective bargaining, corporate personhood, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frederick Winslow Taylor, George Gilder, global village, informal economy, invisible hand, market fundamentalism, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage tax deduction, Naomi Klein, new economy, New Urbanism, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, prediction markets, price anchoring, Ralph Nader, RFID, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, walkable city, Washington Consensus, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog, Works Progress Administration

Kruse, White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007); Matthew D. Lassiter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007); and Robert O. Self, American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005); and see below at note 8. Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth Century America (New York: W.W. Norton, 2005); see also Manning Marable, How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America: Problems in Race, Political Economy, and Society (Boston: South End Press, 1983). Kevin P. Phillips, The Emerging Republican Majority (New Rochelle, NY: Arlington House, 1969). On the failure of Phillips’s “Southern strategy” and its replacement with “suburban populism,” see Lassiter, The Silent Majority, 251–75.

James Kindall, “Searching for Uncle Sam,” Star [weekly insert of Kansas City Star], December 16, 1984, 24; direct quotation from Steve Trollinger. 14. Uncited clipping displayed at Wal-Mart Visitors’ Center, Bentonville, Arkansas, 2005. 15. “People’s Platform of 1896,” in National Party Platforms, Volume I, 1840–1956, comp. Donald Bruce Johnson (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978), 104–6. 16. Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America (New York: W.W. Norton, 2005). 17. On federal promotion of agriculture in the early twentieth century, see Postel, Populist Vision, 278–79; Sanders, Roots of Reform, 391–94; on federal serÂ�vice to commerce in the 1920s, see William Leach, Land of Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a New American Culture (New York: Pantheon Books, 1993), 349–78. 18.


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The Red Queen: Sex and the Evolution of Human Nature by Matt Ridley

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affirmative action, Alfred Russel Wallace, Atahualpa, Bonfire of the Vanities, demographic transition, double helix, Drosophila, feminist movement, invention of agriculture, Menlo Park, phenotype, rent control, theory of mind, University of East Anglia, women in the workforce

Women are going ‘out to work’ again as they did when they sought tubers and berries in the Pleistocene.24 Therefore, there is absolutely no justification from evolutionary biology for the view that men should earn and women should darn their socks. There may be professions, such as car mechanic or big-game hunter, that men are psychologically more suited to than women, just as there are professions, such as doctor and nanny, that women are probably naturally better at. But there is no general support in biology for sexism about careers. Indeed, in a curious way, an evolutionary perspective justifies affirmative action more than a more egalitarian philosophy would. For it implies that women have different ambitions even more than different abilities. Men’s reproductive success depended for generations on climbing political hierarchies. Women have rarely had an incentive to seek success of that kind, for their reproductive success depended on other things. Therefore, evolutionary thinking predicts that women will often not seek to climb political ladders, but it says nothing about how good they will be if they do.

., 1990, ‘Parasites and Mate Choice in Red Junglefowl’, American Zoologist, 30:235–44 Index Abortion, sex-selective, 117, 122 Aché people, 185, 220 Acheulian technology, 314 Adaptation and Natural Selection (Williams), 35 Adapted Mind, The (Barkow, Cosmides, and Tooby), 303 Adrenogenital syndrome, 247 Adultery, 170, 187, 195, 210–36 among birds, 213–16, 219 concealed ovulation and, 222–4 among hunter-gatherers, 220–21 inheritance patterns and, 230–35 jealousy and, 227–30 orgasm effect and, 216–19 polygamy and, 224–7 testicular size and, 211–14 violence and, 196–7 Aeschylus, 197 Affirmative action, 254–5 African Queen, The (film), 199 Aggression, 306–7 gender differences in, 242, 244 Agriculture, 187–8 AIDS, 68, 72, 73, 99, 175 Aka pygmies, 187 Akhenaten, 191, 273 Albatrosses, 177 Alexander, Richard, 319–20, 322 Alliance theory, 276 Altitude, 76–7 Altmann, Jeanne, 113 Altruism, 34–6, 74 reciprocal, 187, 189 Anaxagoras, 115 Anderson, Roy, 81 Antony and Cleopatra (Shakespeare), 10–11 Anthropology, 4, 266, 307, 308 Antibiotics, 68 Antibodies, 71, 72 Antigens, 72 Apes exogamy of, 182–3 gender differences in behavior of, 242 mating systems of, 170, 180–81, 205–9 violence among, 195–6 See also Chimpanzees; Gibbons; Gorillas; Orang-utans Aphids, 55, 57 Aquinas, Thomas, 6 Aristotle, 115 Arms race analogies, 65–8, 69 Artificial intelligence, 310 Artificial life, 66–7, 75 Assortative mating pattern, 296 Attractiveness, see Beauty Augustus, 193 Austad, Steven, 111 Austen, Jane, 296, 322 Australian aborigines, 186, 221 Australopithecus afarensis, 183, 300–301, 316–17 Automixis, 37 Aztecs, 191 Baboons, intelligence of, 324–6 Babylon, 191, 199 Bacteria, 63–4, 68, 69, 90–91 antibiotics and, 68 descendants of, 96 fusion and, 98–9, 99–100 male-killing genes in, 103 Badcock, Christopher, 331 Baker, Robin, 216–18 Baldwin, James Mark, 244 Baldwin effect, 312 Bamboo, 77–8 Bangladesh, 198 Barlow, Horace, 321 Basolo, Alexandra, 157 Bateman, A.


pages: 484 words: 131,168

The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart by Bill Bishop, Robert G. Cushing

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1960s counterculture, affirmative action, big-box store, blue-collar work, Cass Sunstein, citizen journalism, cognitive dissonance, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, immigration reform, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, music of the spheres, New Urbanism, post-industrial society, Post-materialism, post-materialism, Ralph Nader, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, stem cell, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, War on Poverty, white flight, World Values Survey

In 2005, David Schkade and Cass Sunstein recruited sixty-three Colorado citizens ages twenty to seventy-five, half from Boulder and half from Colorado Springs.13 In 2004, 67 percent of the people in Boulder County had voted for John Kerry. In the same election, 67 percent of the people in El Paso County (Colorado Springs) had voted for George W. Bush. Schkade and Sunstein screened participants—in order to pick liberals from Boulder and conservatives from Colorado Springs—and then measured the individual opinions of these citizens about three issues: global warming, gay marriage, and affirmative action. True to form, the Boulder citizens were initially more liberal on these issues than the participants from Colorado Springs. Schkade and Sunstein then divided the citizens from the two cities into batches of six—making ten groups, five from each city. The groups were then asked to discuss the three issues, to deliberate, and then to come to a consensus on the same questions each participant had been asked individually.

The creation of these arbitrary groups quickly resulted in the most base kind of discrimination, students were excluded from play because of their eye color, and blue-eyed students asserted their superiority over brown-eyed students. Descriptions and videos of Elliott's experiment can be found at http://www.janeelliott.com/index.htm. [back] *** * Schkade and Sunstein assigned a simple ten-point scale (ranging from very strongly agree to very strongly disagree) that participants marked in answering three questions, one each about affirmative action, global warming, and gay marriage. The difference between the answers given by the individuals from Colorado Springs and those given by the individuals from Boulder averaged 4.59 points before deliberation After deliberation, the difference between the groups had grown to 6.24. [back] *** * GIuckman quoted T S. Eliot's observation on the need for overlapping and conflicting connections "Indeed, the more the better so that everyone should be an ally of everyone else in some respects, and an opponent in several others, and no one conflict, envy or fear will predominate" (quoted in Gluckman, Custom and Conflict in Africa, p 2).


pages: 482 words: 122,497

The Wrecking Crew: How Conservatives Rule by Thomas Frank

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affirmative action, anti-communist, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, edge city, financial deregulation, full employment, George Gilder, guest worker program, income inequality, invisible hand, job satisfaction, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage debt, Naomi Klein, new economy, P = NP, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Nader, rent control, Richard Florida, road to serfdom, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, stem cell, Telecommunications Act of 1996, the scientific method, too big to fail, union organizing, War on Poverty

Corruption was a subject conservatives thought they understood well; it suffused their every statement about politics; they simply located it somewhere else—in the liberal state, whose very existence they knew to be a rigged game in which powerful insiders advanced their own interests. Conservatives thought they could spot bullshit a mile away; they saw lies and theft and even extortion in every bit of liberal legislation; and they were champion accusers, charging their enemies with corruption almost as a matter of course. Bribery? Well, the wingers would demand, what do you call all the subsidies and welfare and food stamps and affirmative action and Social Security benefits that flow from Uncle Sam to the “special interests” who keep returning these damned liberals to Congress? Self-aggrandizement? How about the vast army of bureaucrats and Washington “experts” whose only concern is to grab more power for themselves, to exert control over every little aspect of the economy? Theft? Isn’t that just a synonym for income tax? And isn’t waste a synonym for all the idiotic pork-barrel projects on which they blow our money?

But in 1997, when Gingrich gave up his confrontational stance against President Clinton and decided to give a balanced budget priority over tax cuts, a large chunk of the conservative movement joined the rebellion against him. “Who is the most powerful liberal in American politics?” wrote Pete King, a Republican congressman from New York, referring to Gingrich. He has prevented the Republican majority in Congress from addressing affirmative action and race-based quotas. He has forced congressional Republicans to shelve their drive to defund the National Endowment for the Arts. He has stood firm against tax cuts. He is a confidant of Jesse Jackson’s. He is a pal to Alec Baldwin. He is a cheerleader for bipartisan cooperation at any cost and a pious opponent of the unspeakable horrors of harsh partisan rhetoric. Peter King, “Why I Oppose Newt,” Weekly Standard, March 31, 1997.


pages: 433 words: 125,031

Brazillionaires: The Godfathers of Modern Brazil by Alex Cuadros

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, big-box store, BRICs, cognitive dissonance, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, facts on the ground, family office, high net worth, index fund, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, Mark Zuckerberg, NetJets, offshore financial centre, profit motive, rent-seeking, risk/return, savings glut, short selling, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, stem cell, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, We are the 99%

When I did interviews at banks, the only blacks I saw wore the hokey outfits of old-fashioned maids and butlers as they brought coffee to us on a silver tray. The divide starts early. The average poor white kid gets better schooling than the average poor black kid. Brazil’s best universities are state-run and cost nothing but are so competitive that, given the crappiness of basic public education, it’s very hard to get in unless you can afford private school or private tutoring. When public universities adopted affirmative action starting in the early 2000s, many white Brazilians were outraged. TV Globo’s news chief, Ali Kamel, wrote a book titled Não Somos Racistas (We Are Not Racists) in which he complained that the quotas undermined the principle of meritocracy. It’s a curious position for the employee of a company whose current owners were born into their places at the top of the pyramid. Of the hundred and fifty Brazilians worth at least a billion reais— around a quarter million dollars—none is black.

Meritocracy, like any word, loses its meaning if you repeat it often enough. I started to feel this, immersed in Lemannland. As a concept it’s hard to argue with, but as it travels, it gets diluted. Among well-to-do Brazilians, meritocracia became an incantation against the mediocrity of government and those who survive on its teat. That book by the Globo exec—We Are Not Racists, which called affirmative action unfair—was one example. Once I met a twenty something named Beth who complained about Bolsa Família, the welfare program; she had attended private school, still lived with her parents, and worked at her father’s textile company. My dentist shared Beth’s disdain. “Some of us, like you and me, have to work,” she told me once while poking an instrument in my mouth. “But we have these people who do nothing and get to live the good life.”


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The Voice of Reason: Essays in Objectivist Thought by Ayn Rand, Leonard Peikoff, Peter Schwartz

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business process, cuban missile crisis, haute cuisine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, laissez-faire capitalism, means of production, medical malpractice, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, War on Poverty

—ending on a voice declaring: “This is the American way—with every man entitled to have and express his own opinion.” I, who come from Soviet Russia, can assure you that debates and differences of that kind were and are permitted in Soviet Russia. What about political or philosophical issues? Why didn’t those upholders of the American Way show people disagreeing about nuclear weapons? Or about abortion? Or about “affirmative action”? If that committee stands for the American Way—there is no such Way any longer. Observe also that in today’s proliferation of pressure groups, the lowest sort of unskilled laborer is regarded as “the public,” and presents claims to society in the name of “the public interest,” and is encouraged to assert his “right” to a livelihood—but the businessmen, the intelligent, the creative, the successful men who make the laborer’s livelihood possible, have no rights, and no (legitimate) interests, are not entitled to their livelihood (their profits), and are not part of “the public.”

To be progressive in history today means precisely this: it means to respect the rewriting of all the newest groups, especially if their spokesmen make no sense to you; that shows that you are open-minded, and are not trying to impose your group’s private views on others. To each his own subjectivism. Is this an exaggeration? A prominent history professor at Stanford University, Carl Degler, recently made a plea for women’s history, explaining that history varies subjectively from men to women. He declared: “The real test of the success of affirmative action for women will come not by counting the number or proportion of women in a department or profession, but by the extent to which men ... are willing to accept the new and peculiar interests of women as legitimate and serious, even when those interests are strikingly novel and perhaps even bizarre when compared with current acceptable work in a given field.”9 [Emphasis added.] I once heard a feminist intellectual on television declare that the central fact of the ages is rape, and that the culmination of the historical process is the discovery of the clitoral orgasm, which has finally freed women from men.

Making Globalization Work by Joseph E. Stiglitz

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affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, business process, capital controls, central bank independence, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Doha Development Round, Exxon Valdez, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Firefox, full employment, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, happiness index / gross national happiness, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, incomplete markets, Indoor air pollution, informal economy, inventory management, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, microcredit, moral hazard, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, oil rush, open borders, open economy, price stability, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, race to the bottom, reserve currency, rising living standards, risk tolerance, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, statistical model, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, union organizing, Washington Consensus

The East Asian countries believed, as we have seen, that government should do more. East Asian nations feel that it is their responsibility to maintain full employment and actively promote growth, and their governments remain concerned about inequality and social stability. In Malaysia, the role of government has extended in yet another direction. For decades, the Malaysian government has carried out an aggressive affirmative action program to help the ethnic Malays. This was an important part of nation building; the view that all groups would benefit from a more stable and equitable society was widely accepted, even though some members of Malaysia's ethnic Chinese community may have lost opportunities as a result. However, because the government made sure that all shared in the fruits of development, ethnic conflict has largely been avoided. 5o MAKING GLOBALIZATION WORK People are at the core of development Development is about transforming the lives of people, not just transforming economies.

GDP in, 45 privatization in, 36 recessions in, 36, 146 regional development banks in, 236 unemployment in, 146 Washington Consensus embraced by, 35, 36 League of Nations, 18, 291 legal frameworks: for global economy, 207-8 globalizing anti-monopoly, 201, 202-3 government's role in, 49 leishmaniasis, 316n life expectancy, 10, 31, 37, 41, 44, 46 limited liability, 193-94, 210 and compensation, 193-96 reforms for, 203, 207 social costs of, 194 INDEX "limited liability partnerships," 194 linkage, 315n Linux, 112 literacy, 31, 32, 41, 267 loans, 14, 212-13, 219 from industrial countries, 237 to resource-rich countries, 146 short-term, 219 U.S. as recipient of low interest, 248-50, 265 from World Bank, 41, 216, 226 see also overlending lobbyists, 131, 191 local communities, 53-54, 192 local thinking, 278 logging, 156-57 London, Saudis in, 144-45 Los Angeles, 164, 189 Lula da Silva, Luiz Inacio, 224 Luxembourg, 139, 295n lysine, 200 McCain, John, 138 McNamara, Robert, 13 macroeconomics, xii, 237, 279 macro-stability, 27 Madagascar, 170, 331n Maharajah of Mysore, 42 Mahathir bin Mohamad, 51, 143, 320n malaria, 123, 124, 127, 266, 295n, 316n Malaysia, 32, 33, 139, 150, 245 affirmative action program in, 49 brain drain and, 51 income in, 31, 297n oil in, 33-34, 143 p o v e r t y i n , 2 9 7 n reserves held by, 247-48 Maldives, 164-65, 167, 171 Mali, 307n, 331n Mankiw, N. Gregory, 270 manufacturing, xi, 25, 32, 77 maquiladora factories, 65 market economy, xi-xii, xiii, 273, 277 according to Smith, 189-90 forms of, xv, 9-10 managed, 26-27 unemployment and, 273 market efficiency, x market failures, 190, 296n-97n market fundamentalism, xiii, xiv, 29-30, 35, 48, 293n markets, 47 balance between government and, xv 351 as center of successful economy, 27 economic efficiencies and, xiii, xiv, xvi, 29 as factor in growth, 48 limitations of, xii, xiv undermined by extensive patents, 109 Marshall, Alfred, 326n materialism, 188-89 mathematics, patents and, 113-14 Mauritania, 331n Mauritius, 303n Maximilian, Archduke of Austria, 214 Medicare drug benefits, 191 Menem, Carlos, 221 Mengistu Haile Mariam, 229 Metaclad, 130 "me-too" drugs, 313n, 317n Mexico, 6, 46, 91, 92, 134, 152, 214, 308n air pollution in, 164 economic crisis of, 233 employment in, 65 growth in, 64 NAFTA and, 61-62, 64-66, 197, 285, 300n, 301n, 302n remittances to, 89 tomato exports from, 64-65 wages in, 65 micro-loans, 51-53 Microsoft, 58, 109, 111, 112, 191, 202-3, 279, 312n-13n Middle East, 104, 134, 136, 137 Millennium Development Goals, 14, 249, 267, 295n, 336n Millennium Summit, 14, 99 mining industry, 141, 143, 194, 195, 199, 206 Mkapa, Benjamin W, 8, 41 Mobutu Sese Seko, 136, 229 Moldova, 40, 211, 212, 218, 225, 227 Mongolia, 40 monopolies, 58, 92, 311n and economic inefficiency, 107-8 enforcement of competition policy on, 204 global approach needed for, 201, 202-3 globalization of, 200-203 as greater threat to development than developed nations, 119 innovation reduced by, 109, 202 legal oversight of, 200, 201, 202-3 of prices in pharmaceutical industry, 120 technology and, 58 Monsanto, 187 Monterrey, Mexico, 99, 287 352 INDEX Monti, Mario, 201 Montreal Protocol (1987), 168, 176 "moral hazard" problem, 217 morality, as irrelevant in Smith an economics, 189-90 Morocco, 97, 103-4, 130, 310n most favored nation principle, 75, 82 Mozambique, 331 n Mozilla Firefox, 112, 314n multifiber agreement, 305n multinational corporations, see corporations Mumbai, India, 3, 6-7, 275 Museveni, Yoweri, 41 Myrdal, Gunnar, 30 Myriad, 114, 314n Napoleon III, Emperor of France, 214 National Institutes of Health, 113-14, 317n nation-state, 19-24 natural resources, 149, 153 managing use of, 54-55 see also resource-rich countries; specific resources Nayaar, Deepak, 4 neem tree, 126-27 Nestle, 187 Netherlands, 111, 139, 148, 295n Netscape, 58, 109, 202, 314n networking, 5 new drug applications (NDAs), 313n Newfoundland, 214 New Zealand, 78, 93, 319n Nicaragua, 307n, 331n Niger, 331n Nigeria, 40, 41, 55, 136, 148, 198, 320n, 324n debt of, 229, 234-35 oil in, 134, 135, 146 Nike, 198 Nobel, Alfred, 133 Nobel Prize, x, xii nonagricultural market access (NAMA), 307n nonmarket economies, 92 nontariff barriers, 64, 90-96, 129-31 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), 61-62, 64-66, 76, 130-31, 197, 270, 285, 300n, 301n, 302n North Korea, 178 Norway, 85, 91, 149-50, 169, 295n Novartis, 127, 318n nuclear proliferation, 266. 325n odious debt, 228-31, 241, 242, 331n Office of Science and Technology Policy, 116 Office of the U.S.


pages: 518 words: 147,036

The Fissured Workplace by David Weil

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, banking crisis, barriers to entry, business process, call centre, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, Clayton Christensen, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, employer provided health coverage, Frank Levy and Richard Murnane: The New Division of Labor, George Akerlof, global supply chain, global value chain, hiring and firing, income inequality, intermodal, inventory management, Jane Jacobs, Kenneth Rogoff, law of one price, loss aversion, low skilled workers, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, Network effects, new economy, occupational segregation, performance metric, pre–internet, price discrimination, principal–agent problem, Rana Plaza, Richard Florida, Richard Thaler, Ronald Coase, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, statistical model, Steve Jobs, supply-chain management, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Nature of the Firm, transaction costs, ultimatum game, union organizing, women in the workforce, Y2K, yield management

Rapid growth in existing and new markets, expanding product lines, and the increasing complexity created by coordinating a large organization raised the need to find methods of promoting from within a company, finding mechanisms for resolving disputes, and making sure that compensation, review, and disciplinary policies led to the retention of good employees.28 Departments related to administering the human resource policies for the workforce also grew during this period. In 1955 a little fewer than 30% of a representative sample of large firms had personnel / human resource management offices. By 1965 about 35% had such offices. Bolstered by the need to comply with new workplace laws governing pensions, occupational health and safety (including the Occupational Health and Safety Act), discrimination, and affirmative action passed in the later 1960s and the first half of the 1970s, the number of firms with human resource offices grew quickly: by 1975 the proportion with such departments reached just under 50%, and by 1985 it hit 70%.29 Large firms with internal labor markets were not only characterized by explicit human resource policies administered by departments and personnel specialists. Workers in large enterprises in the 1970s and 1980s—regardless of union status—tended to be paid more than otherwise comparable workers in small enterprises and to receive better benefits and face more desirable working conditions than workers of comparable ability, productivity, and even “collar color.”30 These large-firm wage effects began to shrink (although not disappear) only in the 1990s.31 Internal labor markets also brought expanded benefits to workers, particularly in large firms.

For example, Foulkes (1980), in a comprehensive review of nonunion personnel policies at the peak of the postwar period, notes that “promotion from within is an important cornerstone of the personnel policies and practices of all the companies studied, although the methods and the selection criteria by which the companies implement promotion from within vary” (143). 29. The estimates are based on Dobbin and Sutton (1998), using a stratified random sample of 279 public, for-profit, and nonprofit organizations in thirteen sectors with offices in California, New Jersey, or Virginia. The growth was particularly dramatic in personnel / human resource functions dealing with discrimination and affirmative action, with no company respondents reporting an office (or officer) with such responsibility in 1967, up to 25% so reporting in 1977, and over 40% so reporting by 1987. 30. C. Brown and Medoff (1989) provide the most comprehensive evidence that workers in large firms and large establishments earn significantly higher wages even after controlling for the above factors as well as occupation and industry.

The America That Reagan Built by J. David Woodard

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, colonial rule, Columbine, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, friendly fire, glass ceiling, global village, Gordon Gekko, gun show loophole, income inequality, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, laissez-faire capitalism, late capitalism, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, new economy, postindustrial economy, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, stem cell, Ted Kaczynski, The Predators' Ball, trickle-down economics, women in the workforce, Y2K, young professional

In May of 1985, Attorney General Ed Meese appointed a commission to study the effects of pornography and suggest ways to control it.34 The recommendations had little effect because the individualistic ethic of the time valued choice and consumption over any standard of government control of cultural morality. For most Americans, the return of economic prosperity was tacit proof that an improvement of black and white relations was imminent. An expanding economy meant gains for everyone. Discussions of race revolved around the place of affirmative action, but the nation was occasionally treated to sensational stories of scandal, and introduced to new leaders. In November 1987, a black teenager covered in dog excrement with racial slurs written on her body was discovered crawling in the garbage of a town south of Poughkeepsie, New York. The girl, Tawana Brawley, was soon represented by the Reverend Al Sharpton of New York City and two lawyers.35 Sharpton had no congregation, but did have a reputation as a community activist and spokesman for dissident causes.

In five days of televised testimony, which was the longest since public hearings on judicial nominees began in 1939, Bork did not do a great deal to help his case.5 He seemed to equivocate from his position of ‘‘original intent.’’ According to this doctrine, courts can protect only those liberties guaranteed as rights under the Constitution; all other liberties are subject to limitation by the legislative branch. Throughout his career, Bork was highly critical of the judicial activism of the Supreme Court in cases involving abortion, affirmative action, and civil rights. The courts, he said, should not thwart the will of popularly elected lawmakers. For example, Bork had written that the Fourteenth Amendment should apply only to race, and not to gender issues. Yet in his testimony, the judge said equal protection should apply to women.6 As he tried to moderate some of his positions to be acceptable to Democrats in Congress, Judge Bork alienated his supporters and further infuriated his detractors.


pages: 486 words: 148,485

Being Wrong: Adventures in the Margin of Error by Kathryn Schulz

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affirmative action, anti-communist, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, car-free, Cass Sunstein, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, conceptual framework, cosmological constant, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, desegregation, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, lake wobegon effect, Ronald Reagan, six sigma, stem cell, Steven Pinker, Tenerife airport disaster, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, trade route

In a sense, the infamous polarization of the 2004 electorate could be boiled down to this: voters who were disquieted by changes of mind versus voters who were disquieted by impermeable conviction. Accusing your opponent of changing his mind is, I will grant, a standard move in the playbook of American politics. But in John Kerry’s case, that accusation was the playbook. It wasn’t just his altered stances on Vietnam and Iraq that attracted criticism. Kerry’s detractors also charged him with vacillating on the death penalty, welfare reform, social security, gay marriage, affirmative action, the Patriot Act, and No Child Left Behind, among others. To give you a sense of the tenor of the election season, William Safire, the “On Language” columnist for the New York Times Magazine, took on the phrases “wishy-washy,” “waffle,” and “flip-flop,” all between March and October of 2004.† Jay Leno proposed two possible slogans for the Kerry campaign: “A mind is a terrible thing to make up,” and “Undecided voters—I’m just like you!”

Unfortunately, it is called memory, and as we have seen, it is notoriously unreliable. Moreover, it is most unreliable precisely with respect to accurately recalling past beliefs. This effect is widely documented. For instance, in 1973, the psychologist Greg Markus asked over 3,000 people to rate their stances (along one of those seven-point “strongly disagree / strongly agree” scales) on a range of social issues, including affirmative action, the legalization of marijuana, and equal rights for women. A decade later, he asked these same people to assess their positions again—and also to recall how they had felt about the issues a decade earlier. Across the board, these “what I used to think” ratings far more closely reflected the subjects’ current beliefs than those they had actually held in 1973. Here, it wasn’t just the wrongness that disappeared from the process of belief change.


pages: 387 words: 120,092

The Idea of Israel: A History of Power and Knowledge by Ilan Pappe

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affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, double helix, facts on the ground, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, New Journalism, postnationalism / post nation state, stem cell, urban planning, Yom Kippur War

Thus a department of history was asked to give voice to multiple historical narratives that had been ignored or misrepresented in the past by the hegemonic white American narrative. Hispanic, gender, African American, and gay histories were now offered, along with similar perspectives on culture, literature and other fields of inquiry. At times the debate was regarded as a war, because in some circles it was held that for these points of view to be fairly represented in academia, members of those very groups were the best candidates to put them across. Affirmative action and positive discrimination were sometimes the solution. Lawsuits, the disintegration of departments, and the sacking of staff members were the more extreme manifestations of this discussion. But, as in any academic war, nobody died or was even wounded. Israeli academics tried to follow suit. They wished to represent the Palestinian, the Mizrachi, and the feminist sides of the story, to demand their introduction into the national narrative, and even to claim a place for them in the cultural canon.

Indeed, the only group in Israel that is better represented today than in the 1990s is women. Palestinians, Mizrachi Jews, and in particular Palestinian and Mizrachi women, constitute a mere fraction of the ten thousand or so members of staff in Israeli academia (less than one per cent for Palestinians, 9 per cent for Mizrachi Jews, and one per cent for Mizrachi women).39 For the Israel academic to be able even to experiment with what is called affirmative action – and I say ‘experiment’ because I am aware of the drawbacks of this technique – these scholars had to become activists against Zionism. For most of them, however, political activism did not go beyond writing articles or books. The price would have been too high. Demanding representation of other groups was thus a complex and risky endeavour. One could hide for a while behind politically correct jargon borrowed from the United States.


pages: 537 words: 158,544

Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order by Parag Khanna

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Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Bartolomé de las Casas, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, complexity theory, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, energy security, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, flex fuel, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, global supply chain, haute couture, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, Islamic Golden Age, Khyber Pass, knowledge economy, land reform, low skilled workers, means of production, megacity, Monroe Doctrine, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Pax Mongolica, pirate software, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, Potemkin village, price stability, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, special economic zone, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Thomas L Friedman, trade route, trickle-down economics, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce

In the precious little space of Singapore, acreage is zoned years in advance to anticipate future housing and industry needs; high-tech industrial areas are referred to as “estates.” Lacking other resources, currency reserves have been Singapore’s force multiplier. Through the state company Temasek, Singapore holds shares in major conglomerates across Asia, and it invested in China long before others, earning it long-term credibility and leverage. “Since Asia produces such technically skilled workers these days,” the businessman continued, “affirmative action in Singapore means hiring more Caucasians.” Singapore is the most successful avatar of the Asian way—and a model packaged for export. Lee’s one-word answer to explain Singapore’s success is “confidence,” for he has sought to be “correct, not politically correct.”16 Under Lee’s “Nothing is free” value system, rich and poor alike adjust to incentives—fares, fines, fees, penalties—for excessive consumption or even multiple car ownership.

Chinese and Indians were granted citizenship at independence, and efforts were made to unite non-Chinese Malays to avoid domination by the mostly urban Chinese—hence the expulsion of Singapore in 1965. Asian values, Islam, and democracy are all stirring together in the Malaysian pot, but without yet coming to a boil. “Many wonder if an economic crisis would precipitate ethnic violence as it did in 1969, but we would rather achieve income equality than test the notion,” remarked a conservative politician privately. Like South Africa, Malaysia has a unique affirmative action scheme for its majority Malay population—referred to as the Bumiputra (“sons of the soil”)—which has created a stable middle class by providing low-interest loans to companies they own. The tension between ethnic Malays and the powerful Chinese population is nearly invisible, but it is still palpable. V. S. Naipaul compared the presence of the Chinese in Malaysia to injecting a 220-volt current into a country equipped for 110 volts only.


pages: 207 words: 63,071

My Start-Up Life: What A by Ben Casnocha, Marc Benioff

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, barriers to entry, Bonfire of the Vanities, business process, call centre, David Brooks, don't be evil, fear of failure, hiring and firing, index fund, informal economy, Jeff Bezos, Lao Tzu, Menlo Park, Paul Graham, place-making, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Sand Hill Road, side project, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, technology bubble, traffic fines

by William Poundstone The Four Obsessions of an Extraordinary Executive, by Patrick Lencioni The Entrepreneur’s Guide to Business Law, by Constance Bagley Good to Great, by Jim Collins On Becoming a Leader, by Warren Bennis 179 180 APPENDIX C Information Rules, by Carl Shapiro and Hal Varian eBoys, by Randal Stross Fooled by Randomness, by Nassim Nicholas Taleb Compassionate Capitalism, by Marc Benioff Love Is the Killer App, by Tim Sanders Globalization The World Is Flat, by Tom Friedman Creative Destruction, by Tyler Cowen Globaloney, by Michael Veseth Money Makes the World Go Round, by Barbara Garson How “American” Is Globalization? by William Marling Intellectual Life The Blank Slate, by Steven Pinker The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, by Erving Goffman Reflections by an Affirmative Action Baby, by Stephen Carter Integrity, by Stephen Carter The Accidental Asian, by Eric Liu Mind Wide Open, by Steven Johnson Socrates Café, by Chris Phillips Self-Renewal, by John Gardner Public Intellectuals, by Richard Posner Psychology Influence: The Psychology of Persuasion, by Robert Cialdini Flow, by Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi Man’s Search for Meaning, by Viktor Frankl Biography/Memoir My Life, by Bill Clinton This Boy’s Life, by Tobias Wolff Swimming Across, by Andy Grove All Over But the Shoutin’, by Rick Bragg Personal History, by Katherine Graham Emerson: Mind on Fire, by Robert Richardson In an Uncertain World, by Robert Rubin The Year of Magical Thinking, by Joan Didion Religion End of Faith, by Sam Harris The Universe in a Single Atom, by the Dalai Lama APPENDIX C The World’s Religions, by Huston Smith The Bhagavad-Gita Plan B: Further Thoughts on Faith, by Anne Lamott Under the Banner of Heaven, by Jon Krakauer Politics/Current Affairs Ghost Wars, by Steve Coll Running the World, by David Rothkopf Founding Brothers, by Joseph Ellis A Conflict of Visions, by Thomas Sowell Going Nucular, by Geoffrey Nunberg America at the Crossroads, by Francis Fukuyama Holidays in Hell, by P.


pages: 234 words: 53,078

The Conservative Nanny State: How the Wealthy Use the Government to Stay Rich and Get Richer by Dean Baker

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, Bretton Woods, corporate governance, declining real wages, full employment, index fund, Jeff Bezos, medical malpractice, medical residency, offshore financial centre, price discrimination, risk tolerance

The dreams of small business owners should not be nightmares for taxpayers and their employees. Nanny State Subsidies for Small Businesses There are three basic ways in which the government provides subsidies to small businesses: favorable tax treatment, below market rate loans, and exemptions from labor and safety standards that apply to other businesses. In addition, various levels of government often apply affirmative action standards for small businesses, setting aside a certain portion of their contracts for businesses that are below a specific size.5 The government provides tax benefits to small businesses through two mechanisms, one of them legal, and the other not quite legal. The first mechanism is a large set of tax breaks that are explicitly designed to help small businesses. Effectively, the government applies a different set of tax rules based on the size of the business.


pages: 225 words: 61,388

Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is a Better Way for Africa by Dambisa Moyo

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, Bretton Woods, colonial rule, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, diversification, diversified portfolio, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, failed state, financial innovation, financial intermediation, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, invisible hand, M-Pesa, market fundamentalism, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, moral hazard, Ponzi scheme, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, sovereign wealth fund, The Chicago School, trade liberalization, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, Yom Kippur War

This may well be the case, but this is where African governments should step in and regulate – African governments (accountable to their own people), mind you, not everyone else. For example, in order to increase the participation of indigenous Africans in many of the industrial and mining opportunities, some African governments are legislating for a required minimum level of participation by the local population. In much the same way that South Africa introduced its Black Economic Empowerment regulations, and the US has its affirmative-action policies, Zambia recently announced the Citizens Economic Empowerment Commission, which covers similar ground.10 They’ve got what we want, and we’ve got what they need Bartering infrastructure for energy reserves is well understood by the Chinese and Africans alike. It’s a trade-off, and there are no illusions as to who does what, to whom and why. There are those who see China as merely using Africa for its own political and economic ends.

Power Systems: Conversations on Global Democratic Uprisings and the New Challenges to U.S. Empire by Noam Chomsky, David Barsamian

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, Chelsea Manning, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate personhood, David Brooks, discovery of DNA, double helix, failed state, Howard Zinn, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, inflation targeting, Julian Assange, land reform, Martin Wolf, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, pattern recognition, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, single-payer health, sovereign wealth fund, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, Tobin tax, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks

Crozier, Huntington, and Watanuki, The Crisis of Democracy, p. 162. 12. Andrew Martin and Andrew W. Lehren, “A Generation Hobbled by the Soaring Cost of College,” New York Times, 12 May 2012. Janet Lorin, “Student-Loan Debt Reaches Record $1 Trillion, Report Says,” Bloomberg News, 22 March 2012. 13. Ron Lieber, “Student Debt and a Push for Fairness,” New York Times, 4 June 2010. 14. On racism under the GI bill, see Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America (New York: W. W. Norton, 2005), p. 114. 15. Paul de la Garza, “Mexico Students Strike over Higher Fees,” Chicago Tribune, 20 May 1999. Julia Preston, “University Officials Yield to Student Strike in Mexico,” New York Times, 8 June 1999. 16. Tim Walker, “In High-Performing Countries, Education Reform Is a Two-Way Street,” NEA Today, 31 March 2011. 17.

Masters of Mankind by Noam Chomsky

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, failed state, income inequality, land reform, Martin Wolf, means of production, nuremberg principles, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit maximization, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, union organizing, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

They have long warned of “the hazard facing industrialists” in “the newly realized political power of the masses,” and the need to wage and win “the everlasting battle for the minds of men” and “indoctrinate citizens with the capitalist story” until “they are able to play back the story with remarkable fidelity”; and so on, in an impressive flow, accompanied by even more impressive efforts, and surely one of the central themes of modern history.10 It is a tribute to the skill of the warriors fighting the everlasting battle that when the dam finally broke during the 1996 primaries, there was real surprise and alarm at the appeal on class lines by a demagogue assuming a populist mantle. Pat Buchanan “opened a second front” in the “class war,” New York Times commentator Jason DeParle reported. Before that, unhappy people were expressing their anger and frustration by targeting “welfare families, immigrants and beneficiaries of affirmative action.” But now, they were discovering bosses, managers, investors, speculators, even class conflict, features of our harmonious society that had somehow escaped notice.11 Ears that were tuned to a different part of the spectrum might have made the discovery a few years earlier; say, in 1978, when UAW President Doug Fraser condemned business leaders for having “chosen to wage a one-sided class war in this country—a war against working people, the unemployed, the poor, the minorities, the very young and the very old, and even many in the middle class of our society,” and having “broken and discarded the fragile, unwritten compact previously existing during a period of growth and progress.”12 Or twenty years before that, in the labor press when it still existed on a substantial scale and was seeking—in its own words—to combat the corporate offensive to “sell the American people on the virtues of big business,” and to provide “antidotes for the worst poisons of the kept press,” the commercial media, which have the task of damning labor at every opportunity while carefully glossing over the sins of the banking and industrial magnates who really control the nation.”13 And long before, back to the early days of the industrial revolution.


pages: 275 words: 77,955

Capitalism and Freedom by Milton Friedman

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, central bank independence, Corn Laws, Deng Xiaoping, floating exchange rates, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, liquidity trap, market friction, minimum wage unemployment, price discrimination, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing

Closer to home, the intellectuals, always devotees of big government and by wide majorities supporters of the national Democratic party, had been disillusioned by the Vietnam War, particularly the role played by Presidents Kennedy and Johnson. Many of the great reform programs—such guidons of the past as welfare, public housing, support of trade unions, integration of schools, federal aid to education, affirmative action—were turning to ashes. As with the rest of the population, their pocketbooks were being hit with inflation and high taxes. These phenomena, not the persuasiveness of the ideas expressed in books dealing with principles, explain the transition from the overwhelming defeat of Barry Goldwater in 1964 to the overwhelming victory of Ronald Reagan in 1980—two men with essentially the same program and the same message.


pages: 236 words: 77,735

Rigged Money: Beating Wall Street at Its Own Game by Lee Munson

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affirmative action, asset allocation, backtesting, barriers to entry, Bernie Madoff, Bretton Woods, buy low sell high, California gold rush, call centre, Credit Default Swap, diversification, diversified portfolio, estate planning, fiat currency, financial innovation, fixed income, Flash crash, follow your passion, German hyperinflation, High speed trading, housing crisis, index fund, joint-stock company, moral hazard, passive investing, Ponzi scheme, price discovery process, random walk, risk tolerance, risk-adjusted returns, risk/return, too big to fail, trade route, Vanguard fund, walking around money

Investment bankers do not like when an analyst at their firm has a sell on a firm, since it is unlikely they will get investment-banking fees from them. Furthermore, a sell is hardly an optimistic word. It suggests that something exists that you should stay away from, like the plague or bird flu. Most often a sell is placed on a stock that is so dead and buried that nobody cares in the first place, but a firm selling research can get credit for a fair and balanced lineup of recommendations. It is kind of like affirmative action for stock ratings. The general trap for intrepid investors is letting the cynicism take over and looking for buys in the sell list. While I get the idea of looking for treasure in another person’s trash, you are still fighting the tide. Sometimes it is better to just leave them alone. Plus, most of the time sells are really bad stocks! Hold, by any other name, still means sell. Before firms had pressure to actually come out and say the word sell, they just said hold.


pages: 209 words: 80,086

The Global Auction: The Broken Promises of Education, Jobs, and Incomes by Phillip Brown, Hugh Lauder, David Ashton

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affirmative action, barriers to entry, Branko Milanovic, BRICs, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, collective bargaining, corporate governance, credit crunch, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, deskilling, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, future of work, glass ceiling, global supply chain, immigration reform, income inequality, industrial robot, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market bubble, market design, neoliberal agenda, new economy, pensions crisis, post-industrial society, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, QWERTY keyboard, race to the bottom, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, stem cell, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, winner-take-all economy, working poor

Positional conflict has, therefore, not only cast the rich against poor but created a middle class at war with itself.5 If the American Dream is to be reclaimed, politicians cannot turn a blind eye to this elite self-recruitment. Even the right-wing Noble Prize winner James Buchanan has argued that when the wealthy die, their money should be returned to the community so as to preserve a meritocracy. It can’t be right that selection to America’s top universities amount to what Daniel Golden calls “affirmative action for rich white people” in his book on how America’s elites buy their way into top universities. He argues that the children of wealthy or influential 134 The Global Auction parents enjoy the “preferences of privilege.” This means regular students applying to Ivy League universities may find themselves vying for only 40 percent of places because the rest are reserved for preferential candidates.6 Reforms to close the opportunity gap are therefore required at both ends of the social spectrum to create a fairer competition for a livelihood.


pages: 266 words: 80,018

The Snowden Files: The Inside Story of the World's Most Wanted Man by Luke Harding

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affirmative action, airport security, Anton Chekhov, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, Berlin Wall, Chelsea Manning, don't be evil, Edward Snowden, Etonian, Firefox, Google Earth, Jacob Appelbaum, job-hopping, Julian Assange, Khan Academy, kremlinology, Mark Zuckerberg, Maui Hawaii, national security letter, pre–internet, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rolodex, Silicon Valley, Skype, social graph, Steve Jobs, web application, WikiLeaks

TheTrueHOOHA posts on Ars: ‘We need an idealist first and foremost. Hillary Clinton, I think, would be a pox on the country.’ Once Obama won and became president, Snowden came to dislike him intensely. He criticised the White House’s attempts to ban assault weapons. The lodestar in Snowden’s thinking, at this time and later, was the US constitution; in this case the second amendment and the right to bear arms. Snowden was unimpressed by affirmative action. He was also against social security, believing that individuals shouldn’t go running to the state for help, even in times of trouble. A couple of users called him out on this, one posting: ‘Yeah! Fuck old people!’ TheTrueHOOHA responded with fury. He wrote: ‘You fucking retards … my grandmother is eighty fucking three this year and, you know what, she still supports herself as a goddamned hairdresser … maybe when you grow up and actually pay taxes, you’ll understand.’


pages: 236 words: 67,953

Brave New World of Work by Ulrich Beck

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, full employment, future of work, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, job automation, knowledge worker, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, low skilled workers, McJob, means of production, mini-job, postnationalism / post nation state, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, rising living standards, Silicon Valley, working poor, working-age population

What robs technologically advanced capitalism of its legitimacy is not that it tears down national barriers and produces ever more with ever less labour, but rather that it blocks political initiatives towards a new European social model and social contract. Anyone today who thinks about unemployment should not remain trapped in old disputes about the ‘second labour market’, ‘falling wage costs’ or ‘affirmative action’. The question that needs to be asked is how democracy will be possible after the full-employment society. What appears as a final collapse must instead be converted into a founding period for new ideas and models, a period that will open the way to the state, economy and society of the twenty-first century. The right to breaks in lifetime economic activity The ‘pessimistic optimist’ André Gorz argues that if no recipes are useful any more, the only option is to recognize the ‘crisis’ and to make it the basis of a new normality.


pages: 243 words: 66,908

Thinking in Systems: A Primer by Meadows. Donella, Diana Wright

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affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, Buckminster Fuller, clean water, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, game design, illegal immigration, invisible hand, Just-in-time delivery, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, peak oil, race to the bottom, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thomas L Friedman, Whole Earth Review

It could mean that neither insurance companies nor public funds should pay for medical costs resulting from smoking or from accidents in which a motorcycle rider didn’t wear a helmet or a car rider didn’t fasten the seat belt. It could mean Congress would no longer be allowed to legislate rules from which it exempts itself. (There are many rules from which Congress has exempted itself, including affirmative action hiring requirements and the necessity of preparing environmental impact statements.) A great deal of responsibility was lost when rulers who declared war were no longer expected to lead the troops into battle. Warfare became even more irresponsible when it became possible to push a button and cause tremendous damage at such a distance that the person pushing the button never even sees the damage.


pages: 286 words: 79,601

Great American Hypocrites: Toppling the Big Myths of Republican Politics by Glenn Greenwald

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affirmative action, anti-communist, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, national security letter, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith

Indeed, Goldberg says he first entered the media fray “to defend my mom” from those who deemed her the money-grubbing Wicked Witch of the Upper West Side. Of course, like all right-wing National Review tough guys, Jonah hates handouts; believes strongly in the glorious virtues of self-sufficiency and pulling oneself up by one’s bootstraps (and, apparently, by one’s unsevered umbilical cord); demands meritocratic policies; and is teeming with stiff-spined courage. These are the kind of people who hate affirmative action because of how unfair it is, but who thrive on legacy admissions to college and have their mommies and daddies secure them jobs and careers. Our coddled, cowardly warriors on the Right (with an eager assist from their media enablers) have made masculinity and Tough Guy iconography a central part of their political identity. Here, as but one of countless examples of this core adherence to faux masculinity, is Jonah Goldberg’s revealing explanation in October 2003 of his support of the war on Iraq.


pages: 251 words: 76,225

The Geek Feminist Revolution by Kameron Hurley

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, clean water, desegregation, en.wikipedia.org, Ferguson, Missouri, game design, Google Hangouts, hiring and firing, Kickstarter, means of production, Skype, women in the workforce

The tastes of the voting audience for the Hugos, the attendees of the World Science Fiction Convention (or Worldcon), seem to have grown more diverse in recent years, and the selections have reflected that. In 2014 the awards were dominated by writers of color and women, myself included. So it was a surprise when a majority of voters woke up April 4 to a nomination slate almost exclusively overrun by novels, stories, and related fan efforts promoted by a small group of writers who claim the Hugos are turning into affirmative-action awards catering to left-wing ideologies. Their efforts to influence the voting process are led by a notorious right-wing novelist and internet personality who’s best known for his desire to deny women the right to vote2 and his firm belief that black people are “savages.”3 When I won two awards last year, it seemed like an impossible achievement for me, because I knew the history of the Hugos.


pages: 1,351 words: 404,177

Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America by Rick Perlstein

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affirmative action, Alistair Cooke, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cognitive dissonance, cuban missile crisis, delayed gratification, desegregation, East Village, European colonialism, full employment, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, immigration reform, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index card, indoor plumbing, Mahatma Gandhi, Marshall McLuhan, Monroe Doctrine, New Urbanism, Own Your Own Home, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price mechanism, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, the medium is the message, traveling salesman, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, walking around money, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog

Delegates would now have to be selected via “procedures open to public participation within the calendar year of the National Convention.” Open was a magic word for reform Democrats. They were convinced the banning of the back rooms was what it would take to win in 1972. Richard Nixon understood things differently. His political operation was all back rooms. Reformers such as Fred Dutton saw the Democrats’ moves toward what would later be called affirmative action as an imperative to save the Democratic Party. When Richard Nixon had made his own steps toward affirmative action, he saw it as a tool to destroy the Democrats. Building trades unions controlled apprenticeship opportunities that often passed from father to son, making construction sites among the most segregated workplaces in the nation. Labor Secretary George Shultz, hoping to reform them, came up with the idea of voluntary goals for integrating government building projects.

Professor Beer complained, “Our charge is to clean up this process…. Our charge is not to decide what the outcome is supposed to be.” George Mitchell, the national committeeman from Maine, Edmund Muskie’s representative, said it would be interpreted as “some sort of quota.” Professor Ranney said he feared he’d opened a “Pandora’s box.” Will Davis of Texas said the South would never stand for it. The vote was called; what would later come to be called “affirmative action” won 13–7. However, Mandate for Change included a footnote: “It is the understanding of the Commission that this is not to be accomplished by the mandatory imposition of quotas.” The New York Times gave the release of the McGovern Commission’s report on April 28, 1970, a big spread. They led with the commission’s apocalyptic claim that “the only alternative to broader citizen participation in politics was the anti-politics of the street.”

“grotesque sculptures of scarred flesh”: “The Other Prisoners,” Time, March 19, 1973. Failed antiwar candidacies and voting-age referendum: Washington Star, June 8, 1970. Michigan survey on young voters and Wallace: Reg Weaver and Hal Gulliver, The Southern Strategy (New York: Scribner, 1971), 105. Delegates would now have to be: Shafer, Quiet Revolution, 29. “Philadelphia Plan”: Thomas J. Sugrue, “Affirmative Action from Below: Civil Rights, the Building Trades, and the Politics of Racial Equality in the Urban North, 1945–1969,” Journal of American History 1 (June 2004): 145–73. Electoral college reform: Alexander Keyssar, “Peculiar Institution,” Boston Globe, October 17, 2004. “Our ability to change this system”: PPP 289, September 11, 1970. “If Nixon don’t give us back”: Reeves, President Nixon, 229.

Executive Orders by Tom Clancy

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affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, card file, defense in depth, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, experimental subject, financial independence, friendly fire, Monroe Doctrine, out of africa, Own Your Own Home, Plutocrats, plutocrats, rolodex, South China Sea, trade route

Cops, he reasoned, knew about using informants, didn't have to be taught street smarts, and knew about surviving in dangerous areas. All of that would save training dollars, and probably produce better field officers. The proposal had been File-13'd by two successive DDOs, but Mary Pat had known about it from the beginning, and approved the concept. “Can you sell it?” “John, you're going to help me sell it. Look how well Domingo here has turned out.” “You mean I'm not affirmative action?” Chavez asked. “No, Ding, that's only with his daughter,” Mrs. Foley suggested. “Ryan will go for it. He isn't very keen on the Director. Anyway, for now I want you two to do your debrief on SANDALWOOD.” “What about our cover?” Clark asked. He didn't have to explain what he meant. Mary Pat had never got her hands dirty in the field-she was espionage, not the paramilitary side of the Operations Directorate-but she understood just fine.

” The chief of staff waited for Ryan's color to go back down. He turned the sound back up. “What's most disturbing, however,” Kealty was saying now, “is what Ryan said about his appointments to the Supreme Court. It's pretty clear he wants to turn the clock back on a lot of things. Litmus tests on issues like abortion, appointing only strict-constructionists. It makes you wonder if he wants to overturn affirmative action, and heaven knows what else. Unfortunately, we find ourselves in a situation where the sitting President will exercise immense power, particularly in the courts. And Ryan just doesn't know how, Barry. He doesn't, and what we learned today about what he wants to do-well, it's just plain frightening, isn't it?” “Am I on a different planet, Arnie?” Jack demanded. “I didn't say 'litmus test.'

But he still had to go out to the hustings, a word whose meaning he'd never learned, and campaign for people, or at least give speeches. Or something. The position paper's guidance hadn't exactly been clear on that. Having already shot himself in the foot on the issue of abortion-higher up and more to the centerline, Arnie van Damm had remarked acidly the previous day, to reinforce his earlier lesson-now Ryan would have to make his political stance clear on a multitude of issues: affirmative action at one end of the alphabet, and welfare at the other, with taxes, the environment, and God only knew what else in between. Once he'd decided where he stood on such things, Callie Weston would write a series of speeches for him to deliver from Seattle to Miami and God only knew where else in between. Hawaii and Alaska were left out because they were small states in terms of political importance, and poles apart ideologically, anyway.


pages: 506 words: 167,034

Riding Rockets: The Outrageous Tales of a Space Shuttle Astronaut by Mike Mullane

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, dark matter, Donald Trump, Donner party, feminist movement, financial independence, invisible hand, Magellanic Cloud, placebo effect, Potemkin village, publish or perish, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, space pen, Stephen Hawking, urban sprawl, Winter of Discontent

Behind the sheet Ron stood at her right and extended his arm through another hole. The effect was that Ron’s black arm appeared to be Judy’s. Through a left-side hole, the white TFNG extended his excessively hairy arm as if it were also Judy’s. Clothing was pinned to the sheet to give the appearance the mutation was dressed. And what a mutation—a woman with one black and one white arm, an affirmative action wet dream. The skit continued as an “astronaut selection board”—fellow TFNGs, of course—interviewed this androgynous creature. All this time, the arm and hand movements, comically uncoordinated, brought howls of laughter. The final question posed was “What makes you qualified to be an astronaut?” With ebony-and-ivory arms waving, Judy replied, “I have some ratherunique qualifications.” At that, the laughter hit max-q.

At the time I wondered how her beauty had played in her passage through the wickets of life to become an astronaut; wickets that, for the most part, had been male tended. Had she been waved through some of those gates because her smile had melted a professor or perhaps her dynamite body had influenced a male astronaut sitting on the selection committee? We males are suspicious of female beauty because we know ourselves too well. But, over the years, Judy had proven she wasn’t an astronaut because of her sex appeal or because of an abuse of the affirmative action program. She was an astronaut because she was qualified to be one. I had watched her fly formation from the backseats of T-38s and lead instrument approaches in bad weather and do it as well as me (and my backseat fighter and T-38 time had made me a damned fine instrument pilot). I had seen her expertly operate the robot arm. I had watched her rappel off the side of the orbiter mock-up in our emergency training, parasail into the water in our survival training, work 20 feet underwater in a 300-pound spacesuit.


pages: 934 words: 232,651

Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 1945-1956 by Anne Applebaum

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, Internet Archive, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, land reform, language of flowers, means of production, New Urbanism, Potemkin village, price mechanism, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Slavoj Žižek, stakhanovite, strikebreaker, union organizing, urban planning

Even in the late 1940s and early 1950s, older professors habitually protected younger students and colleagues from police investigation.31 Ties of family, loyalty, and academic influence often proved stronger, at least behind the scenes, than fear of the party or the secret police. But the proletarianization of the student body was, for the communist parties, far more important. Bourgeois professors would die out eventually, and then they could be replaced by eager members of the working classes. In Polish, the term for this wave of academic affirmative action was awans społeczyny, a rather ugly bureaucratic phrase that translates, more or less, as “social advance.” The term took on enormous significance over time, referring both to a policy—the rapid promotion of peasants’ and workers’ children into higher education—as well as to the “socially advanced” class that emerged as a result. A similar form of social advance was a central goal of every country in Eastern Europe.

One former Polish schoolteacher, though not a communist himself, spent the first part of his career teaching adult literacy classes to refugees from Ukraine and marveled at the impact: “They became different people.” Participating in the campaign helped convince him that the party, though it made mistakes, ultimately meant well.34 But the mere teaching of reading and writing would not by itself create a new elite. Across the bloc, other forms of more aggressive affirmative action were also put in place. The children of workers and peasants had privileged access to university places, training programs, jobs, and promotions. In East Germany, education bureaucrats actively recruited workers and peasants to join special courses designed to move them quickly up the ladder. Students could qualify for these preuniversity entrance courses if their parents came from the correct social background and if they could submit “political character references of democratic organizations,” either trade unions or youth groups.35 In Poland, Union of Polish Youth activists actually took control of the university admissions process through the institution of “technical secretaries,” functionaries who were placed in deans’ offices where they “through self-sacrificing work contributed to the improvement of the action.”


pages: 701 words: 199,010

The Crisis of Crowding: Quant Copycats, Ugly Models, and the New Crash Normal by Ludwig B. Chincarini

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affirmative action, asset-backed security, automated trading system, bank run, banking crisis, Basel III, Bernie Madoff, Black-Scholes formula, buttonwood tree, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, corporate governance, correlation coefficient, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, delta neutral, discounted cash flows, diversification, diversified portfolio, family office, financial innovation, financial intermediation, fixed income, Flash crash, full employment, Gini coefficient, high net worth, hindsight bias, housing crisis, implied volatility, income inequality, interest rate derivative, interest rate swap, labour mobility, liquidity trap, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, margin call, market design, market fundamentalism, merger arbitrage, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, oil shock, price stability, quantitative easing, quantitative hedge fund, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, Ralph Waldo Emerson, regulatory arbitrage, Renaissance Technologies, risk tolerance, risk-adjusted returns, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, Sharpe ratio, short selling, sovereign wealth fund, speech recognition, statistical arbitrage, statistical model, systematic trading, The Great Moderation, too big to fail, transaction costs, value at risk, yield curve, zero-coupon bond

When I was working at the CBOE, I remember traders selling options some days and then being so excited they took their wife out for dinner that night. It’s the same idea. They hadn’t made a real profit. They had sold an option and created a liability for themselves. —Myron Scholes interview, July 9, 2011 Financial leaders and followers alike need more and better financial education. In the United States, growing affirmative action (aka diversity) in the workplace and schools, grade inflation, and meaningless degrees are all movements in the wrong direction. More financial education would help people understand their risks, from buying a home to managing a business. Better education could also help financial professionals make appropriate distinctions between helpful derivatives and those of questionable usefulness to society.

A system full of regulation might have fewer crises, but might also offer a slow route to long-term prosperity. A system with less regulation might have more agitated business cycles, more innovation, and higher long-term growth. We must consider the economic impact of universal health care, where the healthier and wealthier substantially subsidize the poor and less healthy, as well as the effects of affirmative action policies that may lead to less efficient workers in the workplace or less able students in the universities.21 Politicians should also concern themselves with system choices rather than easy, rhetorical sound bites that only distract and misinform the general population. My own intuition is that there is a tradeoff. Innovation needs uncertainty. If you knew for certain that something was going to be successful, then you will build infrastructure to make it work.


pages: 326 words: 29,543

The Docks by Bill Sharpsteen

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affirmative action, anti-communist, big-box store, collective bargaining, Google Earth, intermodal, inventory management, jitney, Just-in-time delivery, new economy, Panamax, place-making, Port of Oakland, post-Panamax, RAND corporation, refrigerator car, strikebreaker, women in the workforce

She gave up her beloved academics in the middle of writing her master’s thesis so she could make sure the fight for women at the docks was done right. She passed up an opportunity to study in Sweden for a year. Her anger fueled her, kept her strong. “I had other things in mind that I wanted to be doing. [But] I had to be here and now for this thing. And to be threatened at the same time. So by then I was hot.” And yet incredibly, in the end, Williams tells me without a hint of irony, “This has been the most successful affirmative action program in the country. Ever.” As for the Golden Consent Decree, Judge Takasugi ruled in 1999 that his 1983 court order had done its job. Women were now a permanent part of the waterfront workforce. Williams agrees. Now a ship planner, working in an office before a computer for the most part, she says women have been largely accepted at the docks. She tells how once at ╯ The Womenâ•… /â•… 219 the Matson Shipping terminal, a group of men threw a baby shower for a woman coworker.


pages: 267 words: 106,340

Europe old and new: transnationalism, belonging, xenophobia by Ray Taras

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, carbon footprint, centre right, collective bargaining, energy security, full employment, illegal immigration, immigration reform, low skilled workers, Mikhail Gorbachev, Naomi Klein, North Sea oil, open economy, postnationalism / post nation state, Potemkin village, Ronald Reagan, World Values Survey

For citizens east and west, viewing the other half of Europe as alien is selfdefeating. Emphasizing markers, distinctions, and borders in the enlarged EU is unlikely to produce personal gains. This is not to say that they do not remain salient and influential, only that using them is not a good game plan. Saying you are Welsh or Latvian or Slovene is unlikely to impress anyone in a Europe become more knowledgeable about itself. There are no affirmative action considerations to speak of and it is the marketplace that determines one’s place in the enlarged community. As one esoteric example, Latvia has become a favorite destination for people from England because they can throw cheap stag and hen parties there—not because they are Latviaphiles. Despite, or perhaps precisely because of, such travel, it is sometimes said that old Europe still knows little about its new counterpart while eastern Europeans for many reasons have had to learn about the advanced western states.


pages: 327 words: 103,336

Everything Is Obvious: *Once You Know the Answer by Duncan J. Watts

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Black Swan, butterfly effect, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, clockwork universe, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, complexity theory, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, death of newspapers, discovery of DNA, East Village, easy for humans, difficult for computers, edge city, en.wikipedia.org, Erik Brynjolfsson, framing effect, Geoffrey West, Santa Fe Institute, happiness index / gross national happiness, high batting average, hindsight bias, illegal immigration, interest rate swap, invention of the printing press, invention of the telescope, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, lake wobegon effect, Long Term Capital Management, loss aversion, medical malpractice, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, natural language processing, Netflix Prize, Network effects, oil shock, packet switching, pattern recognition, performance metric, phenotype, planetary scale, prediction markets, pre–internet, RAND corporation, random walk, RFID, school choice, Silicon Valley, statistical model, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, supply-chain management, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, too big to fail, Toyota Production System, ultimatum game, urban planning, Vincenzo Peruggia: Mona Lisa, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, X Prize

And as sociologists have also shown, many of these social environments tend to be highly homogeneous in terms of race, gender, age, and education. As a result, it is entirely possible that the similarity we see around us has less to do with our own psychological preferences than the restricted opportunities that the world presents to us.16 Resolving problems like this one is important because it has implications for how we go about dealing with controversial issues like racial segregation and affirmative action. Settling the matter with data, however, is extremely difficult because disentangling the various cause-and-effect relationships requires one to keep track of individuals, networks, and groups over extended intervals of time.17 And historically, that sort of data just hasn’t been available. Communication technologies like e-mail, however, have the potential to change all that. Because reciprocated e-mails for the most part represent real relationships, it is possible to use e-mail exchanges as a way to observe underlying social networks.


pages: 358 words: 95,115

NurtureShock: New Thinking About Children by Po Bronson, Ashley Merryman

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affirmative action, Columbine, delayed gratification, desegregation, impulse control, index card, job satisfaction, lake wobegon effect, meta analysis, meta-analysis, randomized controlled trial, Steven Pinker, telemarketer, theory of mind

Quinn, Alan M. Slater, Kang Lee, Liezhong Ge, and Olivier Pascalis, “The Other-Race Effect Develops During Infancy: Evidence of Perceptual Narrowing,” Psychological Science, vol. 18, no. 12, pp. 1084–1089 (2007). Kurlaendar, Michal, and John T. Yun, “Is Diversity a Compelling Educational Interest? Evidence From Louisville.” In: G. Orfield (Ed.), Diversity Challenged: Evidence in the Impact of Affirmative Action, pp. 111–141. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Educational Publishing Group (2001). Meredith v. Jefferson County Board of Education, 551 U.S. ___ (2007). “Mission Statement,” Civil Rights Project web site (2007). http://www.civilrightsproject.ucla.edu/aboutus.php Moody, James, “Race, School Integration, and Friendship Segregation in America,” American Journal of Sociology, vol. 107, no. 3, pp. 679–716 (2001).


pages: 142 words: 18,753

Bobos in Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There by David Brooks

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1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Community Supported Agriculture, David Brooks, Donald Trump, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Gilder, haute couture, haute cuisine, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, place-making, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Silicon Valley, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Thorstein Veblen, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban planning, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra

The Clintonites chose three key words—“Opportunity, Responsibility, and Community”—as their perpetual campaign themes, rarely pausing over whether there might be tensions between them. They embraced school uniforms and other traditional-sounding gestures, as well as condoms in schools and other liberal-sounding measures. Clinton triangulated above the hard-edged warriors on left and right and presented a soft and comfortable synthesis. He could, he declared, balance the budget without painful budget cuts, reform welfare without meanness, mend affirmative action but not end it, toughen the drug war while spending more on rehabilitation, preserve public schools while championing charter school alternatives. Battered early in the administration with a culture war skirmish over gays in the military, the Clintonites settled on “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.” If ever there was a slogan that captures the Third Way efforts to find a peaceful middle ground, that was it.


pages: 334 words: 98,950

Bad Samaritans: The Myth of Free Trade and the Secret History of Capitalism by Ha-Joon Chang

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, falling living standards, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial deregulation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, labour mobility, land reform, low skilled workers, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, moral hazard, offshore financial centre, oil shock, price stability, principal–agent problem, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transfer pricing, urban sprawl, World Values Survey

When privatizing, care must be taken to sell the right enterprise at the right price to the right buyer, and to subject the enterprise to the right regulatory regime thereafter – if this is not done, privatization is not likely to work, even in industries that do not naturally favour state ownership. SOE performance can often be improved without privatization. One important thing to do is to review critically the goals of the enterprises and establish clear priorities among them. Very often, public enterprises are charged with serving too many goals – for example, social goals (e.g., affirmative action for women and minorities), employment generation and industrialization. There is nothing wrong with state-owned enterprises serving multiple goals, but what the goals are and the relative priority among them need to be made clear. The monitoring system can also be improved. In many countries, SOEs are monitored by multiple agencies, which means either that they are not meaningfully supervised by any particular agency or that there is a supervisory over-kill that disrupts daily management – for example, the state-owned Korean Electricity Company was reported to have undergone eight government inspections, lasting 108 days, in 1981 alone.


pages: 314 words: 94,600

Business Metadata: Capturing Enterprise Knowledge by William H. Inmon, Bonnie K. O'Neil, Lowell Fryman

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affirmative action, bioinformatics, business intelligence, business process, call centre, carbon-based life, continuous integration, corporate governance, create, read, update, delete, database schema, en.wikipedia.org, informal economy, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, semantic web, The Wisdom of Crowds, web application

A document may be authored or owned by one division of the company but perceived as being part of another functional area, for search purposes. For example, Hannon (2005) points out that tuition reimbursement policies may be set by Finance but are considered related to HR, so the average searcher would expect to find tuition reimbursement guidelines under the HR category; the same applies to something like Affirmative Action policies, which may be written by the legal department but should be searchable under HR. Therefore, the originator of the document may not always be the appropriate place for it to reside for search. The decision of where documents belong is a decision for governance. 4.6 Summary 4.5.2.7 77 Governance and Taxonomy Zach Wahl points out that it is critical to have a cross-disciplinary team assisting in taxonomy creation (Wahl, 2006).


pages: 289 words: 99,936

Digital Dead End: Fighting for Social Justice in the Information Age by Virginia Eubanks

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, call centre, cognitive dissonance, desegregation, Fall of the Berlin Wall, future of work, game design, global village, index card, informal economy, invisible hand, Kevin Kelly, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, low-wage service sector, microcredit, new economy, post-industrial society, race to the bottom, rent control, Silicon Valley, South of Market, San Francisco, telemarketer, Thomas L Friedman, trickle-down economics, union organizing, urban planning, web application, white flight, women in the workforce, working poor

They explained that displacement, impoverishment, Conclusion 157 unemployment, and environmental destruction are not worth a handful of high-tech jobs benefiting highly educated people. Cuemi Gibson’s response was typical: Virginia: If you had the ear of the mayor of Troy, what advice would you give him for developing a socially just Tech Valley? Cuemi: Put plants on the bus line! Provide education and training; provide fair employment. Affirmative action! Have some Black supervisors, female supervisors. Work with an open-door policy. Be fair in what hours people work. Have a day care center. Try to have stress-free environment. Provide employee assistance, like rehab and counseling for long-term employees. [Z]ero tolerance for racism and sexism. [F]air employment. I’d like a fair pay rate. Not a minimum wage, a living wage. Hearing women in the YWCA community’s answers, I would try and refocus.


pages: 523 words: 111,615

The Economics of Enough: How to Run the Economy as if the Future Matters by Diane Coyle

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, bonus culture, Branko Milanovic, BRICs, call centre, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, collapse of Lehman Brothers, conceptual framework, corporate governance, correlation does not imply causation, Credit Default Swap, deindustrialization, demographic transition, Diane Coyle, disintermediation, Edward Glaeser, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, experimental economics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Financial Instability Hypothesis, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, happiness index / gross national happiness, Hyman Minsky, If something cannot go on forever, it will stop, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, market bubble, market design, market fundamentalism, megacity, Network effects, new economy, night-watchman state, Northern Rock, oil shock, principal–agent problem, profit motive, purchasing power parity, railway mania, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South Sea Bubble, Steven Pinker, The Design of Experiments, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, The Market for Lemons, The Myth of the Rational Market, The Spirit Level, transaction costs, transfer pricing, tulip mania, ultimatum game, University of East Anglia, web application, web of trust, winner-take-all economy, World Values Survey

Diversity of another kind has been a source of tension, and that is the legally mandated diversity in the workplace and public institutions. Laws passed throughout the developed world since the pathbreaking civil rights legislation in the United States have increasingly required both public and private sector employers and civic institutions to ensure members of a range of social groups are not disadvantaged. The ebb and flow of the heated debate over affirmative action and the “political correctness” wars are testament to how divisive these laws are in fact. Again, liberal-minded people would prefer not to acknowledge that there is real opposition to mandatory diversity of this kind, but it certainly exists. Thomas Frank argues that the left’s failure to take cultural concerns of a large group of Americans seriously led them to repeated electoral defeats, at least until Barack Obama’s election as president in November 2008.35 The weight this should be given in explaining the pattern of election results is debatable, given the range of other factors at play.


pages: 356 words: 103,944

The Globalization Paradox: Democracy and the Future of the World Economy by Dani Rodrik

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collective bargaining, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, financial innovation, floating exchange rates, frictionless, frictionless market, full employment, George Akerlof, guest worker program, Hernando de Soto, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, joint-stock company, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, land reform, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, margin call, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, night-watchman state, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, open economy, price stability, profit maximization, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, savings glut, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Tobin tax, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, tulip mania, Washington Consensus, World Values Survey

In 1997, a U.S. firm challenged a Mexican municipality’s refusal to grant a construction permit for a toxic waste facility and was awarded $15.6 million in damages. The same year, a U.S. chemical company challenged a Canadian ban on a gasoline additive and received $13 million in a settlement.13 Perhaps the most worrying case to date involves a suit brought against the South African government in 2007 by three Italian mining companies. The companies charge that South Africa’s affirmative action program, called Black Economic Empowerment, violates the rights provided to them under existing bilateral investment treaties. The program aims to reverse South Africa’s long history of racial discrimination and is an integral element in the country’s democratic transition. It requires that mining companies alter their employment practices and sell a minority share to black partners. The Italian companies have asked for $350 million in return for what they assert is an expropriation of their South African operations.14 If they win, they will have achieved an outcome beyond the reach of any domestic investor.


pages: 362 words: 99,063

The Education of Millionaires: It's Not What You Think and It's Not Too Late by Michael Ellsberg

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affirmative action, Black Swan, Burning Man, corporate governance, financial independence, follow your passion, future of work, hiring and firing, job automation, knowledge worker, Lean Startup, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, meta analysis, meta-analysis, new economy, Peter Thiel, profit motive, race to the bottom, Sand Hill Road, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steve Ballmer, telemarketer, Tony Hsieh

NOTES To find full citations to all works cited, as well as Web links to these works, visit http://www.ellsberg.com/education-works-cited. ■ INTRODUCTION 1 Robinson, accessed March 28, 2010. 2 Murray, locations 986–987 on Kindle edition. 3 Cherry, accessed December 19, 2010. 4 See Gladwell’s discussion, in Outliers, of the Michigan Law School study, which found that minority students—despite being admitted with lower grades and test scores, as a part of affirmative action, and despite earning lower grades in law school—went on to have law careers every bit as successful as their white peers. (Kindle edition, locations 1050–1059.) “Being a successful lawyer is about a lot more than IQ,” Gladwell concludes, to explain the findings of the study. (Kindle edition, locations 1105–1114.) 5 I want to make clear that while I think certain of Gladwell’s points in his book support the basic message of my book, I doubt he himself would agree with much in my book overall.


pages: 292 words: 94,324

How Doctors Think by Jerome Groopman

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affirmative action, Atul Gawande, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, deliberate practice, fear of failure, framing effect, index card, iterative process, medical malpractice, medical residency, Menlo Park, pattern recognition, placebo effect, stem cell, theory of mind

Although there has been a significant increase in the number of women in medicine—now more than 50 percent in many parts of the country—as well as in the number of minorities, prejudice remains. Bigby believes this prejudice factors into her doctoring. She still feels, some thirty years after her residency, that she has to prove herself as a black woman, that she has to strive to be flawless, because some people still assume that she arrived at her senior post because of affirmative action and political correctness. "I...,"she said, her voice faltering briefly, "feel that I have to do everything better just to be judged as okay. It is something I wish I could let go of. It's something that I wish just wasn't there." In 1997, Dr. Eric J. Cassell wrote an insightful and illuminating book, Doctoring: The Nature of Primary Care Medicine. Cassell is a clinical professor of internal medicine at Weill Medical College of Cornell University in New York and has a thriving Manhattan practice.

Dear Fatty by Dawn French

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affirmative action, British Empire, carbon footprint, clockwatching, Desert Island Discs, upwardly mobile

That was the first of many times I saw a glimpse of that stubborn chap who lives inside you and is, I suspect, constantly screaming ‘For fuck’s sake, hurry up, catch up and get it, then just say yes, then you’ll see, you cretin!’ inside your head. Am I right? You ran out of patience with me and my procrastination quite quickly and sent me a list of other, more talented and available actresses including Miriam Margolyes, Alison Steadman and Julie Walters. That certainly jolted me into affirmative action. Thank God I said yes, because honestly, making that series for the next 13 years with you was some of the most fun I’ve ever had. For me, coming to work with you every day was the ultimate lure. I suspected it would be fascinating to watch you sculpt the scripts with Paul, at close hand. I suspected I would learn a lot about teamwork and tolerance and keeping an open mind. I suspected I would laugh all day.


pages: 347 words: 99,317

Bad Samaritans: The Guilty Secrets of Rich Nations and the Threat to Global Prosperity by Ha-Joon Chang

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, falling living standards, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial deregulation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, labour mobility, land reform, low skilled workers, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, moral hazard, offshore financial centre, oil shock, price stability, principal–agent problem, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transfer pricing, urban sprawl, World Values Survey

When privatizing, care must be taken to sell the right enterprise at the right price to the right buyer, and to subject the enterprise to the right regulatory regime thereafter – if this is not done, privatization is not likely to work, even in industries that do not naturally favour state ownership. SOE performance can often be improved without privatization. One important thing to do is to review critically the goals of the enterprises and establish clear priorities among them. Very often, public enterprises are charged with serving too many goals – for example, social goals (e.g., affirmative action for women and minorities), employment generation and industrialization. There is nothing wrong with state-owned enterprises serving multiple goals, but what the goals are and the relative priority among them need to be made clear. The monitoring system can also be improved. In many countries, SOEs are monitored by multiple agencies, which means either that they are not meaningfully supervised by any particular agency or that there is a supervisory over-kill that disrupts daily management – for example, the state-owned Korean Electricity Company was reported to have undergone eight government inspections, lasting 108 days, in 1981 alone.


pages: 309 words: 95,644

On Writing Well (30th Anniversary Edition) by William Zinsser

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affirmative action, Alistair Cooke, Donald Trump, feminist movement, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, New Journalism, telemarketer, Thomas L Friedman

The first President Bush, questioned about his stand on assault rifles, said: “There are various groups that think you can ban certain kinds of guns. I am not in that mode. I am in the mode of being deeply concerned.” But my all-time champ is Elliot Richardson, who held four major cabinet positions in the 1970s. It’s hard to know where to begin picking from his trove of equivocal statements, but consider this one: “And yet, on balance, affirmative action has, I think, been a qualified success.” A 13-word sentence with five hedging words. I give it first prize as the most wishy-washy sentence in modern public discourse, though a rival would be his analysis of how to ease boredom among assembly-line workers: “And so, at last, I come to the one firm conviction that I mentioned at the beginning: it is that the subject is too new for final judgments.”


pages: 264 words: 90,379

Blink: The Power of Thinking Without Thinking by Malcolm Gladwell

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affirmative action, airport security, Albert Einstein, complexity theory, David Brooks, East Village, haute couture, Kevin Kelly, medical malpractice, medical residency, Menlo Park, new economy, pattern recognition, phenotype, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Stephen Hawking, theory of mind, young professional

Before the advent of blind auditions, the percentage of women in major symphony orchestras in the United States was less than 5 percent. Today, twenty-five years later, it’s close to 50 percent. This is not a trivial accomplishment. Suppose that back before the advent of screens, you and I had been on a committee charged with addressing the terrible problem of discrimination against women in major symphony orchestras. What would we have proposed? I think we would have talked about creating affirmative action programs for women in the music world. I think we would have talked about awareness programs for gender bias, and how to teach female musicians to be more assertive in making the case for their own ability. We would have had long discussions about social discrimination. I think, in other words, that our suggestions for change would have been fairly global and long-term. Think about what we would have been dealing with, after all.


pages: 338 words: 112,127

Leaving Orbit: Notes From the Last Days of American Spaceflight by Margaret Lazarus Dean

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affirmative action, Elon Musk, helicopter parent, index card, Mars Rover, New Journalism, operation paperclip, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman: Challenger O-ring, risk tolerance, sensible shoes, V2 rocket

This man and I are far apart on pretty much everything else (he tells me later that women are genetically disabled in terms of our spatial relations, especially at night, a disability responsible for as many traffic accidents as alcohol; when I ask him politely why, if this is so, women have successfully landed the space shuttle—the most difficult feat any pilot or astronaut can face—including twice at night, he answers, “affirmative action”), but we have spaceflight in common, and so today we share binoculars, information, and snacks. We look off agreeably into the sky together, and our companionship today, the companionship of many unexpected groupings and pairings like this one, is one of those things the space program has given us that is hard to put a value on. The night before the launch of Apollo 11, Norman Mailer visited sites where tourists had gathered to watch the launch—maybe this very spot, he doesn’t specify.


pages: 349 words: 95,972

Messy: The Power of Disorder to Transform Our Lives by Tim Harford

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affirmative action, Air France Flight 447, Airbnb, airport security, Albert Einstein, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Amazon Web Services, Atul Gawande, autonomous vehicles, banking crisis, Barry Marshall: ulcers, Basel III, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Broken windows theory, call centre, Cass Sunstein, Chris Urmson, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, crowdsourcing, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Erdős number, experimental subject, Ferguson, Missouri, Filter Bubble, Frank Gehry, game design, global supply chain, Googley, Guggenheim Bilbao, high net worth, Inbox Zero, income inequality, Internet of things, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, Loebner Prize, Louis Pasteur, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, Merlin Mann, microbiome, out of africa, Paul Erdős, Richard Thaler, Rosa Parks, self-driving car, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, Stewart Brand, telemarketer, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Turing test, urban decay

One instructive study was conducted by the legal scholar and policy wonk Cass Sunstein, with two social psychologists, Reid Hastie and David Schkade. The three researchers assembled participants from two quite different cities: Boulder, Colorado, where people often lean to the left (it’s known jokingly as “The People’s Republic of Boulder”) and Colorado Springs, which is well known as a conservative stronghold. Participants were privately asked their views on three politically heated topics: climate change, affirmative action, and same-sex partnerships. Then they were put into groups with others from their town, and asked to discuss the issues as a group.14 Before these discussions, as one might expect, the people from Boulder tended to espouse left-wing views while the citizens of Colorado Springs tended to favor the views of the right. But there was a broad spread of views among each town’s citizens, and a substantial overlap between the groups: some people from liberal Boulder were to the right of some people from conservative Colorado Springs.


pages: 492 words: 70,082

Immigration worldwide: policies, practices, and trends by Uma Anand Segal, Doreen Elliott, Nazneen S. Mayadas

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, borderless world, British Empire, Celtic Tiger, centre right, conceptual framework, credit crunch, demographic transition, deskilling, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, full employment, global village, guest worker program, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, informal economy, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, low skilled workers, minimum wage unemployment, New Urbanism, open borders, phenotype, South China Sea, structural adjustment programs, trade route, transaction costs, upwardly mobile, urban planning, women in the workforce

Furthermore, such a policy has to implement effective concepts of ‘‘integrated and continuing German language promotion’’ in all educational institutions. The history of migration teaches that not only immigrants but also their descendants confront social inequalities (limited professional Germany opportunities, negative stigmatization). It takes time—sometimes up to the fourth or fifth generation—in order for these negative consequences to vanish. However, the public debate on the introduction of affirmative action, a decidedly controversial measure aimed to create equal opportunities, is still in its infancy in Germany. The question if an implementation of such measures for certain sectors could make sense in Germany and has yet to be widely discussed. Even the antidiscrimination law that passed in 2006 does not play a decisive role in the National Integration Plan (Nationaler Integrationsplan). Notes 1.

While many critics expected the new center-right government to abandon what is called in France ‘‘the fight against discrimination’’ (la lutte contre les discriminations) this turned out not to be the case. Instead, the center-right government set up the High Authority for the Fight against Discrimination (HALDE) as required by the European directives. In addition, Nicolas Sarkozy turned out to be open toward measures of affirmative action as well as other measures to increase diversity and repeatedly started a national debate on the issue, which many French consider to be in complete contradiction with the republican ideals. A few years earlier, a heated academic debate between Michèle Tribalat and Hervé le Bras, the first in favor of and the latter against the introduction of ethnic categories to the French census, showed just how emotive the subject of the public recognition of ethnic difference in France really is.


pages: 913 words: 299,770

A People's History of the United States by Howard Zinn

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affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, death of newspapers, desegregation, equal pay for equal work, feminist movement, friendly fire, full employment, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, land reform, Mercator projection, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, very high income, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration

By the fall of 1991, Reagan and Bush had filled more than half of the 837 federal judgeships, and appointed enough right-wing justices to transform the Supreme Court. In the seventies, with liberal justices William Brennan and Thurgood Marshall in the lead, the Court had declared death penalties unconstitutional, had supported (in Roe v. Wade) the right of women to choose abortions, and had interpreted the civil rights law as permitting special attention to blacks and women to make up for past discrimination (affirmative action). William Rehnquist, first named to the Supreme Court by Richard Nixon, was made Chief Justice by Ronald Reagan. In the Reagan-Bush years, the Rehnquist Court made a series of decisions that weakened Roe v. Wade, brought back the death penalty, reduced the rights of detainees against police powers, prevented doctors in federally supported family planning clinics from giving women information on abortions, and said that poor people could be forced to pay for public education (education was not “a fundamental right”).

To locate a specific passage, please use the search feature of your e-book reader. abolitionists, 117, 120, 121, 122, 124, 155, 181–90 passim abortion, 574 Abrams, Elliot, 586, 590 Acheson, Dean, 438 activism, after 1960s, 565 Adamic, Louis, 399–400 Adams, Henry, 258–59 Adams, John, 67, 68, 70, 77, 100, 109, 110 Adams, Mrs. John (Abigail), 109–10 Adams, John Quincy, 130, 132, 153 Adams, Samuel, 60, 61, 66, 93, 95 affirmative action, 574 Afghanistan, 572, 604–05, 659, 678–81 Africa, 363, 429–30 black civilization and culture, 26–27, 28 economic importance, 569 slavery and slave trade, 26, 27–28, 32 African National Congress, 608 Agency for International Development (AID), 569, 658 Agnew, Spiro, 544, 545 Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA), 393, 397 Alabama, Indians in, 127, 128, 133, 136, 137, 141–43 Albright, Madeleine, 659, 666 Aldrich, Nelson W., 351 Allan, Robert, 291 Allen, Ethan, 63 Allen, Robert, 465 Allende, Salvadore, 548, 554 Alliance for Progress, 438 Alperovitz, Gar, 423 Al Qaeda, 678 alternative media, 624–25 American Anti-Slavery Society, 119, 155 American Civil Liberties Union, 436 American colonies, 12–17, 21, 23–25, 29–58 banking and finance, 70, 90, 91–92, 93, 97 business and industry, 48, 49, 51, 52, 65, 84 children, 43, 44, 49, 55 indentured servants 42–47, 23, 25, 32, 37, 42–47 slavery, 23, 27–38 passim, 43, 46, 49, 11, 53–58 passim, 72, 103, 105–06 rebellions, 32–38 passim, 53, 54, 55, 56, 59, 72 taxation, 39, 40, 41, 48, 52, 61, 63, 65, 66, 69, 71, 72, 109 women, 43, 44, 49, 72, 73, 102, 104–11 passim see also Revolutionary War American Federation of Labor (AFL), 251, 269, 306, 307, 328–30, 335, 352, 377, 380, 381, 385, 399, 401, 417 American Indian Movement (AIM), 534 American Revolution, see Revolutionary War American Tobacco Company, 254, 260, 310 American with Disabilities Act, 629 Ames, Oakes, 255 Amherst, Jeffrey, 87 Anderson, John, 611 Angola, 618 Anthony, Susan, 342–43 Anti-Imperialist League, 311, 314–15, 317 antinuclear movement, 601–05 passim Aptheker, Herbert, 36, 174, 176, 194, 209 Arab-Americans, 600, 680 Arawak Indians, 1–7 passim, 9, 10, 11 Armour, Philip, 255 Armour and Company, 309 Aspin, Les, 584, 652 Astor, John Jacob, 305 Astor family, 238, 242 Atlantic Charter, 412 Attica prison riot, 520–21, 523 Attucks, Crispus, 67 Avillo, Philip, 621–22 Aziz, Tariq, 596 Aztecs, 11–12 Bacon, Nathaniel, 39, 40–41 Bacon, Robert, 351 Bacon’s Rebellion, 37, 39–42, 45, 54, 55, 59 Badillo, Herman, 566 Baez, Joan, 537 Bagley, William, 263 Bailyn, Bernard, 101 Baker, Ella, 404 Baker, James, 596 Baker, Polly, 107 Baldwin, Hanson, 422 Baldwin, Samuel, 52 Ball, George, 561 Ballard, Martha Moore, 111 Baltimore, Lord, 84 Baltimore (Md.), 88, 222–23, 245, 246 Bancroft, George, 90 banking and economy, 101, 130, 189, 206, 224, 238, 242, 254–58 passim, 277, 284, 287 Colonial era; 70, 90, 91–92, 93, 97 crises and depressions, 224, 225, 242–43, 260, 277–78, 323, 386–94 foreign investment capital, 427, 561 international regulation, 349, 414, 561 Banneker, Benjamin, 89 Barbados, 44 Barbot, John, 28 Barnet, Richard, 427 Barlett, Donald, 580 Barsamian, David, 624–25, 671 Baruch, Bernard, 363 Beard, Charles, 90–91, 98, 371 Beecher, Catharine, 116 Beecher, William, 605 Belcher, Andrew, 51 Bellamy, Edward, 264, 278 Bellush, Bernard, 392–93 Belmont, August, 246, 256 Benavidez, Roy, 578 Benin, 26 Benjamin, Judah, 195 Bennett, Gwendolyn, 445–46 Bennett, William, 629 Benston, Margaret, 506 Berger, Victor, 353 Berkeley, William, 41, 42, 44 Berkman, Alexander, 272, 277, 321, 372, 375 Bernstein, Barton, 392 Bernstein, Carl, 545 Berrigan, Daniel, 488–89, 602 Berrigan, Philip, 488, 601, 602 Berthoff, Rowland, 84 Beveridge, Albert, 299 Billings, Warren, 359 Bingham, Eula, 575 bin Laden, Osama, 678, 679 Blackett, P.


pages: 586 words: 159,901

Wall Street: How It Works And for Whom by Doug Henwood

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, asset allocation, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital asset pricing model, capital controls, central bank independence, corporate governance, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, debt deflation, declining real wages, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, diversification, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, equity premium, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, experimental subject, facts on the ground, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Financial Instability Hypothesis, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Akerlof, George Gilder, hiring and firing, Hyman Minsky, implied volatility, index arbitrage, index fund, interest rate swap, Internet Archive, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, kremlinology, labor-force participation, late capitalism, law of one price, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, London Interbank Offered Rate, Louis Bachelier, market bubble, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, oil shock, payday loans, pension reform, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price mechanism, price stability, prisoner's dilemma, profit maximization, Ralph Nader, random walk, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, risk tolerance, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, shareholder value, short selling, Slavoj Žižek, South Sea Bubble, The Market for Lemons, The Nature of the Firm, The Predators' Ball, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transaction costs, transcontinental railway, women in the workforce, yield curve, zero-coupon bond

Elsewhere, Wolff (1996) reports that between 1983 and 1992, 57% of the increase in financial wealth went to the richest 1%, 39% to the next 19%, and just 4% to the bottom 80%. Things were a bit less lopsided between the 1962 and 1983 surveys; the upper middle class (the 90th to 99th percentiles) did notably better and the bottom 80% even gained wealth rather than losing it. Even so, wealth concentrated between 1962 and 1983. It seems to be in the very nature of wealth to concentrate, much as interest compounds over time. Despite myths of affirmative action and upward mobility, the tendency of wealth to concentrate, for advantage to breed advantage, makes it hard on people who start with nothing. Quite surprisingly, economists don't really have a very solid idea of what share of personal wealth comes from savings during individuals' lifetimes, and what share is inherited. This is in sharp contrast to the reams of studies on the "intergenerational transmission of welfare dependency."


pages: 205 words: 18,208

The Transparent Society: Will Technology Force Us to Choose Between Privacy and Freedom? by David Brin

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affirmative action, airport security, Ayatollah Khomeini, clean water, cognitive dissonance, corporate governance, data acquisition, death of newspapers, Extropian, Howard Rheingold, illegal immigration, informal economy, Iridium satellite, Jaron Lanier, John von Neumann, Kevin Kelly, means of production, mutually assured destruction, offshore financial centre, open economy, packet switching, pattern recognition, pirate software, placebo effect, Plutocrats, plutocrats, prediction markets, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, Saturday Night Live, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, Stewart Brand, telepresence, trade route, Vannevar Bush, Vernor Vinge, Whole Earth Catalog, Whole Earth Review, Yogi Berra, Zimmermann PGP

This agenda of expansion is taken very seriously, especially by groups just experiencing inclusion, or whose improving economic status has not kept pace with their increased liberties and expectations. Impatience with difficult stages in the process can lead to dramatic or violent episodes of social criticism. Even people who agree on the fundamental desirability of tolerance frequently deride each other over differences in preferred technique for achieving the same end (for example, whether affirmative action programs redress old injuries or serve to perpetuate racialism as an unfair means of judging people). Today, large segments of the population push inclusiveness further still, calling it “murder” to slay a dolphin, or an ape, or members of a threatened species—even species that our hard-pressed ancestors considered vital food sources. Please understand that I am not talking only about the subcultural phenomenon called “political correctness.”


pages: 395 words: 114,583

Corduroy Mansions: A Novel by Alexander McCall Smith

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A Pattern Language, affirmative action, Alistair Cooke, banking crisis, carbon footprint, food miles

From his position on the pavement, seated at the feet of a human being whom he had only just met but instinctively liked, Freddie de la Hay, Pimlico terrier, sniffed at the air. He had a very good nose—a trained nose, in fact, because before he had been acquired by the opinionated columnist Manfred James, he had been employed as a sniffer dog at Heathrow Airport. He had been good at his job, but had been dismissed as part of an affirmative action programme when it had been discovered that all the dogs at the airport were male. After this matter had been raised by a local politician, it was announced that there would be a policy of equal opportunity for female sniffer dogs—an absurd notion that had provoked outraged rants in those newspapers given to such things. But for some, at least, the point raised by this exercise was a valid one.


pages: 655 words: 151,111

London: The Autobiography by Jon E. Lewis

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affirmative action, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, John Snow's cholera map, side project, strikebreaker, Winter of Discontent

The forces of error, doubt and despair were so firmly entrenched in British society, as the ‘winter of discontent’ had just powerfully illustrated, that overcoming them would not be possible without some measure of discord. The election of a Conservative government under Margaret Thatcher had profound implications for London. The Greater London Council (GLC, the successor to the LCC) was headed by Ken Livingstone, a populist Labour politician bent on pursuing affirmative-action programmes for ‘minorities’ and a subsidized ‘Fares Fair’ transport policy that slashed Tube and bus fares. Mr Livingstone also had the pronounced habit of using the GLC as a platform to criticize the Conservative government’s policies on nuclear armament and Northern Ireland. All of the above were anathema to Margaret Thatcher, doyenne of traditional values and free enterprise. Soon Thatcher would deal with Livingstone, but first there were other enemies within London.


pages: 440 words: 117,978

Cuckoo's Egg by Clifford Stoll

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affirmative action, call centre, Golden Gate Park, hiring and firing, Menlo Park, Paul Graham, Richard Stallman, Silicon Valley

It was an all-day feed, starting with fresh oysters from the San Francisco wharf, moving on leisurely to Martha’s wild mushroom soup, then the goose. Then we lay around like beached whales until we worked up the energy to take a short walk. Over pie and herbal tea, the talk turned to law, and Martha’s friend Vicky held forth on environmental regulation while a couple of professors argued over affirmative action. Finally, too full and contented for intelligent conversation, we lay in front of the fire and roasted chestnuts. Vicky and Claudia played piano duets; Laurie sang a ballad, and I thought about planets and galaxies. Worries about computer networks and spies seemed unreal in this warm world of friends, food, and music. A down-home Thanksgiving in Berkeley. At the lab, I forgot about the hacker.


pages: 458 words: 134,028

Microtrends: The Small Forces Behind Tomorrow's Big Changes by Mark Penn, E. Kinney Zalesne

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, big-box store, call centre, corporate governance, David Brooks, Donald Trump, extreme commuting, Exxon Valdez, feminist movement, glass ceiling, Gordon Gekko, haute couture, illegal immigration, immigration reform, index card, Isaac Newton, job satisfaction, labor-force participation, late fees, life extension, low skilled workers, mobile money, new economy, RAND corporation, Renaissance Technologies, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Superbowl ad, the payments system, Thomas L Friedman, upwardly mobile, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, Y2K

White parents who want to adopt a black child in America are still subjected to “cultural competency” training—a nod to the days (from the 1970s through the early 1990s) when transracial adoptions were denounced as “cultural genocide.” But apart from needing our respect and support, interracial families of all sorts are owed our attention, because very quietly they are eroding the assumptions that have guided America’s race-related policies, customs, and habits for decades. For example, what does affirmative action mean, in an era when people’s ancestors were both victims and oppressors? Do such people get preferential treatment, or not? How long will we adhere to the “one drop” rule in identifying people’s race? Illinois senator Barack Obama has a white mother, who raised him exclusively, but does anyone (including the senator) tell his story without reflecting on his blackness? Halle Berry has a white Mom, too, who also raised her alone.


pages: 289 words: 113,211

A Demon of Our Own Design: Markets, Hedge Funds, and the Perils of Financial Innovation by Richard Bookstaber

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, asset allocation, backtesting, Black Swan, Black-Scholes formula, Bonfire of the Vanities, butterfly effect, commodity trading advisor, computer age, disintermediation, diversification, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Lorenz: Chaos theory, family office, financial innovation, fixed income, frictionless, frictionless market, George Akerlof, implied volatility, index arbitrage, Jeff Bezos, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, loose coupling, margin call, market bubble, market design, merger arbitrage, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, moral hazard, new economy, Nick Leeson, oil shock, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, random walk, Renaissance Technologies, risk tolerance, risk/return, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, rolodex, Saturday Night Live, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, statistical arbitrage, The Market for Lemons, time value of money, too big to fail, transaction costs, tulip mania, uranium enrichment, yield curve, zero-coupon bond

And of course, as anyone at the school will tell you, while “not at all considered in making the admission decision,” underwriting a few test-run fund-raisers might not hurt. Nor, as Jack Grubman surmised, would making a well-directed contribution. The competitive nursery school phenomenon is a New York singularity that is difficult for normal folk to fathom. Many of those parents fiercely competing for spots for their children are simultaneously pushing for diversity, affirmative action, and social equality on many fronts; it’s just that the public school down the street is not one of them. We have had friends implore us to donate to school fund-raisers they were sponsoring so that they could demonstrate their worth as a valuable asset for the “parent body”—the first time I had heard that term. 131 ccc_demon_125-142_ch07.qxd 2/13/07 A DEMON 1:46 PM OF Page 132 OUR OWN DESIGN These nursery schools are also a feeder for the next rung up the New York private school ladder, which also wrangles the affluent parent body.

Guns, germs, and steel: the fates of human societies by Jared M. Diamond

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affirmative action, Atahualpa, British Empire, California gold rush, correlation does not imply causation, cuban missile crisis, discovery of the americas, European colonialism, Francisco Pizarro, Hernando de Soto, invention of movable type, invention of the wheel, invention of writing, James Watt: steam engine, Maui Hawaii, QWERTY keyboard, the scientific method, trade route

Robert Burke and William Wills were smart enough to write, but not smart enough to survive in Australian desert regions where Aborigines were living. The people who did create a society in Australia were Aboriginal Aus- tralians. Of course, the society that they created was not a literate, food- producing, industrial democracy. The reasons follow straightforwardly from features of the Australian environment. Guns, Germs and Steel CHAPTER 16 How CHINA BECAME CHINESE I MMIGRATION, AFFIRMATIVE ACTION, MULTILINGUALISM, ethnic diversitymy state of California was among the pioneers of these controversial policies and is now pioneering a backlash against them. A glance into the classrooms of the Los Angeles public school system, where my sons are being educated, fleshes out the abstract debates with the faces of children. Those children represent over 80 languages spoken in the home, with English-speaking whites in the minority.


pages: 422 words: 131,666

Life Inc.: How the World Became a Corporation and How to Take It Back by Douglas Rushkoff

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affirmative action, Amazon Mechanical Turk, banks create money, big-box store, Bretton Woods, car-free, colonial exploitation, Community Supported Agriculture, complexity theory, computer age, corporate governance, credit crunch, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, death of newspapers, don't be evil, Donald Trump, double entry bookkeeping, easy for humans, difficult for computers, financial innovation, Firefox, full employment, global village, Google Earth, greed is good, Howard Rheingold, income per capita, invention of the printing press, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, John Nash: game theory, joint-stock company, Kevin Kelly, laissez-faire capitalism, loss aversion, market bubble, market design, Marshall McLuhan, Milgram experiment, moral hazard, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, new economy, New Urbanism, Norbert Wiener, peak oil, place-making, placebo effect, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, price stability, principal–agent problem, private military company, profit maximization, profit motive, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, RFID, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, short selling, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, social software, Steve Jobs, Telecommunications Act of 1996, telemarketer, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, trade route, trickle-down economics, union organizing, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, Vannevar Bush, Victor Gruen, white flight, working poor, Works Progress Administration, Y2K, young professional

Even most progressive journalism—just like the kind that emerged in the early 1900s—tends to frighten and isolate the middle classes rather than bring them out of their homes to improve their communities. Populists such as CNN’s Lou Dobbs, and others speaking out on behalf of working stiffs, stoke more rage and discontent than thoughtful engagement. In the isolation of our living rooms and surrounded by bills, the menaces of immigrants willing to take our jobs for less pay and affirmative-action candidates offered our jobs with fewer qualifications feel all too real. Experiencing all this through the sensationalist lens of Big Media only reduces our connection to the real world in which all this stuff is supposedly occurring. We seek to take on our institutional enemies vicariously through our late-night comedians, or “directly” through our laptops. We get to enter contests through which we can compete to create the most effective video ad for an issue or a candidate.


pages: 497 words: 130,817

Pedigree: How Elite Students Get Elite Jobs by Lauren A. Rivera

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affirmative action, availability heuristic, barriers to entry, Donald Trump, fundamental attribution error, glass ceiling, income inequality, job satisfaction, knowledge economy, meta analysis, meta-analysis, new economy, performance metric, profit maximization, profit motive, school choice, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, The Wisdom of Crowds, unpaid internship, women in the workforce, young professional

FALSE DOORS: DIVERSITY JOB FAIRS To be honest, I can’t think of anyone we had seen just at one of those job fairs who we then hired. —Brent, law firm hiring manager The nearly exclusive focus on students at listed schools tilts the playing field by socioeconomic status. My research shows that it also limits competition by gender and race.28 As federal contractors, most of the firms I studied are required to demonstrate that they are taking “affirmative action” to increase their representations of qualified women and minorities.29 Compared to many other types of white-collar, high-prestige employers in the United States, these firms devote significant monetary and human resources to attracting and retaining diverse talent. Many have diversity councils, full- or part-time diversity staff, and nearly all participate in targeted recruiting programs aimed at increasing the demographic diversity of applicant pools.


pages: 497 words: 144,283

Connectography: Mapping the Future of Global Civilization by Parag Khanna

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1919 Motor Transport Corps convoy, 2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, 3D printing, 9 dash line, additive manufacturing, Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Airbnb, Albert Einstein, amateurs talk tactics, professionals talk logistics, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Asian financial crisis, asset allocation, autonomous vehicles, banking crisis, Basel III, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, Black Swan, blockchain, borderless world, Boycotts of Israel, Branko Milanovic, BRICs, British Empire, business intelligence, call centre, capital controls, charter city, clean water, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, complexity theory, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, crony capitalism, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, cuban missile crisis, data is the new oil, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, Deng Xiaoping, Detroit bankruptcy, diversification, Doha Development Round, edge city, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, energy security, ethereum blockchain, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, family office, Ferguson, Missouri, financial innovation, financial repression, forward guidance, global supply chain, global value chain, global village, Google Earth, Hernando de Soto, high net worth, Hyperloop, ice-free Arctic, if you build it, they will come, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, informal economy, Infrastructure as a Service, interest rate swap, Internet of things, Isaac Newton, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, John von Neumann, Julian Assange, Just-in-time delivery, Kevin Kelly, Khyber Pass, Kibera, Kickstarter, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, LNG terminal, low cost carrier, manufacturing employment, mass affluent, megacity, Mercator projection, microcredit, mittelstand, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, New Economic Geography, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, oil rush, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, openstreetmap, out of africa, Panamax, Peace of Westphalia, peak oil, Peter Thiel, Plutocrats, plutocrats, post-oil, post-Panamax, private military company, purchasing power parity, QWERTY keyboard, race to the bottom, Rana Plaza, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Scramble for Africa, Second Machine Age, sharing economy, Shenzhen was a fishing village, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, six sigma, Skype, smart cities, Smart Cities: Big Data, Civic Hackers, and the Quest for a New Utopia, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, spice trade, Stuxnet, supply-chain management, sustainable-tourism, TaskRabbit, telepresence, the built environment, Tim Cook: Apple, trade route, transaction costs, UNCLOS, uranium enrichment, urban planning, urban sprawl, WikiLeaks, young professional, zero day

Even as more and more people imagine themselves working and eventually retiring in Dubai (it’s a lot safer than Mexico), almost the entire population lives in this oxymoronic state of “permanent transit” in which they are legally second-class citizens. This gives Dubai’s authorities the right to send anyone packing. The rulers’ top priority is, rightly, the Emirati nationals who have been loyal subjects for generations. They are given lavish subsidies to maintain their contentedness, forcibly promoted in foreign companies through an upscale affirmative action program known as Emiratization, and hold the upper hand in the all-important real estate market. But extreme wealth has meant the onset of serious lifestyle diseases such as obesity for men and plummeting fertility for women (now among the lowest in the world). As the relentless demographic dilution of Emiratis continues, the U.A.E.’s most noted intellectual dissident, Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, speaks of the “agony of being a minority in my own country.”4 He laments that Emiratis are too few in number and powerless over the forces reshaping the country to enjoy for much longer the global phenomenon Dubai has become.


pages: 444 words: 138,781

Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City by Matthew Desmond

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affirmative action, Cass Sunstein, crack epidemic, Credit Default Swap, deindustrialization, desegregation, dumpster diving, ending welfare as we know it, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, housing crisis, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, late fees, New Urbanism, payday loans, price discrimination, profit motive, rent control, statistical model, superstar cities, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, thinkpad, upwardly mobile, working poor, young professional

(New York: Routledge, 2010), 21. 19. Beryl Satter, Family Properties: How the Struggle over Race and Real Estate Transformed Chicago and Urban America (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2009), 6; see also Spear, Black Chicago, 148; Trotter, Black Milwaukee, 180. 20. Michael Bennett, When Dreams Come True: The GI Bill and the Making of Modern America (McLean: Brassey’s Publishing, 1966); Ira Katznelson, When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America (New York: Norton, 2005). 21. At 43 percent, blacks have the lowest homeownership rates in the country today. At 73 percent, whites have the highest. Robert Callis and Melissa Kresin, Residential Vacancies and Homeownership in the Third Quarter 2014 (Washington, DC: US Census Bureau, October 2014), Table 7; Ta-Nehisi Coates, “The Case for Reparations,” The Atlantic, June 2014. 22.


pages: 424 words: 121,425

How the Other Half Banks: Exclusion, Exploitation, and the Threat to Democracy by Mehrsa Baradaran

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access to a mobile phone, affirmative action, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, barriers to entry, British Empire, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, cashless society, credit crunch, David Graeber, disintermediation, diversification, failed state, fiat currency, financial innovation, financial intermediation, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, housing crisis, income inequality, Internet Archive, invisible hand, Kickstarter, M-Pesa, McMansion, microcredit, mobile money, moral hazard, mortgage debt, new economy, Own Your Own Home, payday loans, peer-to-peer lending, price discrimination, profit maximization, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, savings glut, the built environment, the payments system, too big to fail, trade route, transaction costs, unbanked and underbanked, underbanked, union organizing, white flight, working poor

The most expansive and controversial of all such efforts is the Community Reinvestment Act (CRA).64 The CRA was created to respond to banks fleeing from low-income neighborhoods, a process labeled “redlining,” or drawing a literal or figurative line around geographic areas and refusing to lend there either because of profitability concerns or racial discrimination.65 The CRA responds to this phenomenon much the same way that affirmative action laws respond to discrimination: it imposes duties on banks to lend to underserved communities even while recognizing the economic barriers involved.66 This law is the very embodiment of the tension at the heart of the banking industry. The CRA’s genesis, application, and vilification are where banking past meets banking present—where the public nature of banks is asserted and then rejected.


pages: 468 words: 123,823

A People's History of Poverty in America by Stephen Pimpare

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affirmative action, British Empire, car-free, clean water, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, dumpster diving, East Village, Frederick Winslow Taylor, George Gilder, hiring and firing, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, impulse control, income inequality, index card, Jane Jacobs, low skilled workers, Mahatma Gandhi, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Naomi Klein, New Urbanism, payday loans, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, union organizing, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, working poor, Works Progress Administration

I’m supposed to be the one that you grab for your purse when I walk by. I’m the person that doesn’t vote. I’m the person that is supposed to drink. I’m the person that is supposed to smoke weed. I’m the motherfucker that is supposed to fill your jails. I’m the person that you make examples to your kid of what not to be like. I’m supposed to be a basketball player. I’m supposed to make it only because of affirmative action. I’m not supposed to be positive. I’m not supposed to be educated. I’m not supposed to know what I know. But I do.39 When we home in only on the dark side of areas of concentrated poverty, we fail to appreciate what a life lived there is really like. Most descriptions of our early slums and of poor neighborhoods since then have been through the eyes of the middle-class observers who have focused on the worst in them.


pages: 475 words: 149,310

Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire by Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, conceptual framework, David Graeber, Defenestration of Prague, deskilling, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, global village, Howard Rheingold, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, Joseph Schumpeter, labour mobility, land reform, land tenure, late capitalism, means of production, Naomi Klein, new economy, private military company, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Richard Stallman, Slavoj Žižek, The Chicago School, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, Tobin tax, transaction costs, union organizing, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

In the era of globalization it is becoming increasingly clear that the historical moment of liberalism has passed. GRIEVANCES OF RIGHTS AND JUSTICE Rights and justice have traditionally been guaranteed by national constitutions, and thus protests have been cast in terms of “civil rights” directed to national authorities. Significant grievances in terms of civil rights continue to be expressed today, particularly among minority groups in the dominant countries, such as struggles to maintain affirmative action for women and people of color in the United States, for the rights of Muslims in France, and for native populations in Canada and Australia. Increasingly, particularly in the subordinated countries, where the nation-state is not capable of guaranteeing rights, protesters appeal directly to international and global authorities, shifting the discussion from “civil rights” to “human rights.” Throughout the world today human-rights NGOs express grievances of injustices against women, racial minorities, indigenous populations, workers, fisherman, farmers, and other subordinated groups.


pages: 331 words: 60,536

The Sovereign Individual: How to Survive and Thrive During the Collapse of the Welfare State by James Dale Davidson, Rees Mogg

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affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, bank run, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, borderless world, British Empire, California gold rush, clean water, colonial rule, Columbine, compound rate of return, Danny Hillis, debt deflation, ending welfare as we know it, epigenetics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, financial independence, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, George Gilder, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, information retrieval, Isaac Newton, Kevin Kelly, market clearing, Martin Wolf, Menlo Park, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, Parkinson's law, pattern recognition, phenotype, price mechanism, profit maximization, rent-seeking, reserve currency, road to serfdom, Ronald Coase, school vouchers, seigniorage, Silicon Valley, spice trade, statistical model, telepresence, The Nature of the Firm, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transaction costs, Turing machine, union organizing, very high income

And even where populations respond less angrily, you can expect the probable losers to do whatever is within their power to forestall the erosion of state compulsion. This will lead to some surprising twists. In the United States, for example, nativist sentiment has historically been tinged with more than a slight tincture of racism. This is a tradition that began with the nineteenth-century "White Caps" and Ku Klux Klan. Yet blacks, as a group, are major beneficiaries of income transfers, affirmative action, and other fruits of political compulsion. They are also disproportionately represented in the U.S. military. Therefore, they are likely to emerge, along with bluecollar whites, as among the most fervent partisans of American nationalism. Politicians willing to cater to the insecurities of those whose relative talents fall well down on Ammon's turnip will come noisily to the fore in almost every country.


pages: 795 words: 212,447

Dead or Alive by Tom Clancy, Grant (CON) Blackwood

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affirmative action, air freight, airport security, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Benoit Mandelbrot, defense in depth, failed state, friendly fire, Google Earth, Panamax, post-Panamax, Skype, uranium enrichment, urban sprawl

Reynolds was well spoken and had a good academic mind, of that there was no question, but after nearly a year on the job, she was still far, far down the wrong side of the learning curve and realizing, McMullen suspected, that the real world and the world of textbooks had little in common. And what about you, Wes, old buddy? he thought. A black man, under thirty, a Yale-graduated lawyer with half a dozen years of quasigovernmental think-tank service under his belt. He had no doubt the media and gossip mavens said the same thing about him: He was an affirmative-action choice and in way over his head, which was partially true, at least the last part. He was in over his head but learning to swim quickly. The problem was, the better his backstroke got, the dirtier the pool seemed. Kealty was a decent enough man, but he was too concerned with the big picture—about his “vision” for the country and its place in the world—and less focused on the “how” of making it happen.


pages: 351 words: 102,379

Too big to fail: the inside story of how Wall Street and Washington fought to save the financial system from crisis--and themselves by Andrew Ross Sorkin

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fear of failure, fixed income, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, housing crisis, indoor plumbing, invisible hand, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, margin call, market bubble, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, NetJets, Northern Rock, oil shock, paper trading, risk tolerance, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, shareholder value, short selling, sovereign wealth fund, supply-chain management, too big to fail, value at risk, éminence grise

In the early 1980s, the Dartmouth campus was a major battleground of the culture wars, which were inflamed by the emergence of a right-wing campus newspaper, The Dartmouth Review. The paper, which produced prominent conservative writers such as Dinesh D’Souza and Laura Ingraham, published a number of incendiary stories, including one that featured a list of the members of the college’s Gay Students Association, and another a column against affirmative action written in what was purported to be “black English.” Taking the bait, liberal Dartmouth students waged protests against the paper. Geithner played conciliator, persuading the protesters to channel their outrage by starting a rival publication. After college, Geithner attended the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, where he graduated with a master’s degree in 1985. That same year he married his Dartmouth sweetheart, Carole Sonnenfeld.


pages: 741 words: 179,454

Extreme Money: Masters of the Universe and the Cult of Risk by Satyajit Das

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, algorithmic trading, Andy Kessler, Asian financial crisis, asset allocation, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, Basel III, Benoit Mandelbrot, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Black Swan, Bonfire of the Vanities, bonus culture, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, capital asset pricing model, Carmen Reinhart, carried interest, Celtic Tiger, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, corporate governance, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, debt deflation, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, discrete time, diversification, diversified portfolio, Doomsday Clock, Emanuel Derman, en.wikipedia.org, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, financial innovation, fixed income, full employment, global reserve currency, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, happiness index / gross national happiness, haute cuisine, high net worth, Hyman Minsky, index fund, interest rate swap, invention of the wheel, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, job automation, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kevin Kelly, labour market flexibility, laissez-faire capitalism, load shedding, locking in a profit, Long Term Capital Management, Louis Bachelier, margin call, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Marshall McLuhan, Martin Wolf, merger arbitrage, Mikhail Gorbachev, Milgram experiment, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, Network effects, new economy, Nick Leeson, Nixon shock, Northern Rock, nuclear winter, oil shock, Own Your Own Home, pets.com, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price anchoring, price stability, profit maximization, quantitative easing, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, random walk, Ray Kurzweil, regulatory arbitrage, rent control, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Richard Thaler, risk-adjusted returns, risk/return, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Rod Stewart played at Stephen Schwarzman birthday party, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, savings glut, shareholder value, Sharpe ratio, short selling, Silicon Valley, six sigma, Slavoj Žižek, South Sea Bubble, special economic zone, statistical model, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, the market place, the medium is the message, The Myth of the Rational Market, The Nature of the Firm, The Predators' Ball, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Turing test, Upton Sinclair, value at risk, Yogi Berra, zero-coupon bond

Richard Fuld, CEO of Lehman Brothers for almost two decades, was “neither a leader nor a dazzling intellect.”21 In the culture of the deal, banks endlessly copy each other’s strategies or products, chasing the same customers, competing on price and the ability to take risk. Complex systems of fealty exist within firms. Fiercely secretive, bankers are reluctant to share information, seeking an edge over their internal and external competitors. People eat what they kill. Despite affirmative action programs and considerable lip service to modern employment practices, the firms are backward in their treatment of women, minorities, and cultural differences. A proudly misogynist culture dominates at every level. Joseph Akermann, head of Germany’s Deutsche Bank, thought that adding women to the firm’s men-only management board would make the forum “more colorful and prettier.”22 In 2007 Morgan Stanley agreed to pay $62 million to settle a number of gender discrimination claims bought by female employees.


pages: 898 words: 253,177

Cadillac Desert by Marc Reisner

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, California gold rush, clean water, Golden Gate Park, hacker house, jitney, Maui Hawaii, oil shale / tar sands, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, trade route, transcontinental railway, uranium enrichment, Works Progress Administration

Huntington and Harriman, who let no one into their [previous] land purchasing schemes, but who bought up everything for themselves, consented to let the other in.” Loewenthal was, of course, enough of a cynic to know exactly why they had. The participants, taken together, represented the power establishment of southern California with an exquisite sense of proportion. Railroads, banking, newspapers, utilities, land development—it was a monopolists’ version of affirmative action. Besides, William Kerckhoff was a prominent conservationist and friend of Gifford Pinchot, the chief of the U.S. Forest Service, whose influence with President Theodore Roosevelt could prove invaluable. Harriman’s railroad owned a hundred miles of right-of-way along the aqueduct path that the city would need permission to cross, and Huntington owned the building that housed the regional headquarters of the Reclamation Service!


pages: 812 words: 180,057

The Generals: American Military Command From World War II to Today by Thomas E. Ricks

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affirmative action, airport security, amateurs talk tactics, professionals talk logistics, Columbine, cuban missile crisis, hiring and firing, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, Yom Kippur War

After retiring as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in September 1993, he had veered onto the thin ice of an old general involved in politics. Like Douglas MacArthur, he delivered the keynote address at a Republican National Convention. Just as the Chicago convention of 1952 had soured on MacArthur in response to his talk, the San Diego convention of 1996 was unhappy with Powell’s speech, in which he emphatically supported affirmative action and abortion rights. (In another odd parallel, the 1952 Republican convention had been the first to nominate a World War II vet, Eisenhower, while the 1996 convention would be the last, selecting another Kansan, Sen. Bob Dole.) Had Powell left for private life at that point, his reputation would have remained unblemished. But late in his career, his exquisite sense of timing deserted him.


pages: 678 words: 216,204

The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom by Yochai Benkler

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affirmative action, barriers to entry, bioinformatics, Brownian motion, call centre, Cass Sunstein, centre right, clean water, dark matter, desegregation, East Village, fear of failure, Firefox, game design, George Gilder, hiring and firing, Howard Rheingold, informal economy, invention of radio, Isaac Newton, iterative process, Jean Tirole, jimmy wales, market bubble, market clearing, Marshall McLuhan, New Journalism, optical character recognition, pattern recognition, pre–internet, price discrimination, profit maximization, profit motive, random walk, recommendation engine, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, RFID, Richard Stallman, Ronald Coase, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, SETI@home, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Skype, slashdot, social software, software patent, spectrum auction, technoutopianism, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, The Nature of the Firm, transaction costs

On the eve of the second reconstruction era, which was to overhaul the legal framework of race relations over the two decades beginning with the desegregation of the armed forces in the late 1940s and culminating with the civil rights acts passed between 1964-1968, the two sides of the debate over desegregation and the legacy of slavery were minting new icons through which to express their most basic beliefs about the South and its peculiar institutions. As the following three decades unfolded and the South was gradually forced to change its ways, the cultural domain continued to work out the meaning of race relations in the United States and the history of slavery. The actual slogging of regulation of discrimination, implementation of desegregation and later affirmative action, and the more local politics of hiring and firing were punctuated throughout this period by salient iconic retellings of the stories of race relations in the United States, from Guess Who's Coming to Dinner? to Roots. The point of this chapter, however, is not to discuss race relations, but to understand culture and cultural production in terms of political theory. Gone with the Wind and Strange Fruit or Guess Who's Coming to Dinner?


pages: 756 words: 228,797

Ayn Rand and the World She Made by Anne C. Heller

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, conceptual framework, greed is good, laissez-faire capitalism, Milgram experiment, Mont Pelerin Society, New Journalism, open borders, price stability, profit motive, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, theory of mind, Thorstein Veblen, transcontinental railway, upwardly mobile, wage slave, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration, young professional

She also named him an editor of The Objectivist and of its scaled-down successor publication, The Ayn Rand Letter, until late 1974, when the Letter was discontinued. “I am tired of saying ‘I told you so,’” she wrote. The essays she contributed to almost every issue were not the sweeping policy statements of the 1960s; they were sometimes illuminating, more often bitter assessments of current events. She published position papers against the war on poverty, “selfless” hippies, affirmative action, government funding of the arts, international relief aid, the Watergate Committee—as well as in opposition to the Vietnam War and a wave of 1970s anti-obscenity legislation. She crafted a brilliant and farsighted critique of B. F. Skinner’s 1971 behaviorist manifesto, Beyond Freedom and Dignity, in which she aptly quoted Victor Hugo: “And he [the student Marius in Les Misérables] blesses God for having given him these two riches which many of the rich are lacking: work, which gives him freedom, and thought, which gives him dignity.”


pages: 641 words: 182,927

In Pursuit of Privilege: A History of New York City's Upper Class and the Making of a Metropolis by Clifton Hood

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affirmative action, British Empire, David Brooks, death of newspapers, deindustrialization, family office, Golden Gate Park, Google Earth, jitney, new economy, New Urbanism, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ray Oldenburg, ride hailing / ride sharing, Scientific racism, Steven Levy, The Great Good Place, Thorstein Veblen, trade route, urban planning, We are the 99%, white flight

Princeton University, Department of Public Information, press release, April 17, 1972, Folder 1, Box 1, Series 1, Admissions Office Records, PU; The Freshman Herald, Class of 1976 (Princeton University: n.p., 1972), 89–95; Untitled document. C. 1947, Folder 2, Box 1, Series 1, Admissions Office Records, PU. 114. “Interviews: Shelby Cullom Davis, ’30,” Daily Princetonian, October 4, 1974; T. Harding Jones, “Opinion: The Importance of Seeking Conservatives,” Daily Princetonian, May 29, 1974; Paul Mogin, “Opinion: Affirmative Action,” Daily Princetonian, March 12, 1975; Sonia Sotomayor, “Opinion: Anti-Latino Discrimination at Princeton,” Daily Princetonian, May 10, 1974; Paul Horowitz to the chairman, Daily Princetonian, April 14, 1975; Ken Foote to the chairman, Daily Princetonian, April 13, 1976; and Daily Princetonian, October 16, 1973, February 20 and April 29, 1976. 115. Sonia Sotomayor, My Beloved World (New York: Knopf, 2013), 145. 116.


pages: 602 words: 177,874

Thank You for Being Late: An Optimist's Guide to Thriving in the Age of Accelerations by Thomas L. Friedman

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3D printing, additive manufacturing, affirmative action, Airbnb, AltaVista, Amazon Web Services, autonomous vehicles, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, blockchain, business process, call centre, centre right, Clayton Christensen, clean water, cloud computing, corporate social responsibility, crowdsourcing, David Brooks, demand response, demographic dividend, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Erik Brynjolfsson, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Ferguson, Missouri, first square of the chessboard / second half of the chessboard, Flash crash, game design, gig economy, global supply chain, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, indoor plumbing, Internet of things, invention of the steam engine, inventory management, Jeff Bezos, job automation, John von Neumann, Khan Academy, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, land tenure, linear programming, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, Maui Hawaii, Menlo Park, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, pattern recognition, planetary scale, pull request, Ralph Waldo Emerson, ransomware, Ray Kurzweil, Richard Florida, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Second Machine Age, self-driving car, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart cities, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, TaskRabbit, Thomas L Friedman, transaction costs, Transnistria, urban decay, urban planning, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce, Y2K, Yogi Berra

Indeed, when I visit their labs I feel like James Bond going to visit “Q” in his British Secret Service research lab at the start of every Bond movie, where 007 gets outfitted with the latest poison pen or flying Aston Martin. You always see things you had no idea were possible. I had that experience in 2014, when I decided to write a column about General Electric’s research center in Niskayuna, New York. GE’s lab is like a mini United Nations. Every engineering team looks like one of those multiethnic Benetton ads. But this was not affirmative action at work; it was a brutal meritocracy. When you are competing in the global technology Olympics every day, you have to recruit the best talent from anywhere you can find it. On that trip I was given a tour of GE’s three-dimensional manufacturing unit by its then director, Luana Iorio. In the old days, explained Iorio, when GE wanted to build a jet engine part, a designer would have to design the product, then GE would have to build the machine tools to make a prototype of that part, which could take up to a year, and then it would manufacture the part and test it, with each test iteration taking a few months.


pages: 851 words: 247,711

The Atlantic and Its Enemies: A History of the Cold War by Norman Stone

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, British Empire, central bank independence, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, illegal immigration, income per capita, interchangeable parts, Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, labour mobility, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, North Sea oil, oil shock, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, price stability, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, V2 rocket, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Yom Kippur War, éminence grise

Myron Magnet, a scholar of English literature who knew his nineteenth century, wrote (in 1993) The Dream and the Nightmare and it was easy for him to catalogue the failures of the ‘Great Society’: as Reagan said, ‘We declared war on poverty, and we lost.’ There was also a failure, though a more complicated one, as regards America’s racial problem. ‘School bussing, more public housing projects, affirmative action, job-training programs, drug treatment projects . . . multi-cultural curricula, new textbooks, all-black college dorms, sensitivity courses, minority set-asides, Martin Luther King Day, and the political correctness movement at colleges’ had only led, all in all, to rather greater apartheid than before. Magnet went too far in ascribing all of this to the culture of the sixties: it all followed in a pattern of social engineering that had longer origins.


pages: 647 words: 201,252

The Mad Man: Or, the Mysteries of Manhattan by Samuel R. Delany

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, East Village, index card, place-making, publish or perish

Say—” and he drew the word out, lengthily and thoughtfully—“you know who you ought to talk to? Apple Blossom—Ronnie Apple. He was here the night it happened. I mean, we must have talked about it nonstop over the whole next three weeks! He doesn’t come in a lot anymore. But he drops in from time to time. You say this is going to get you your Ph.D?” “Well, it’ll make my getting it a little easier.” “Okay. I’m going to do my bit for affirmative action. Look, write your phone number down here.” He handed me a card. “Next time Blossom comes in, I’ll ask him if he wants to talk to you about it. And if he says okay, I’ll give you a call, and you can set up a time to talk.” “He was in the bar? When it happened.” “He said he saw the whole thing. And though she is a character—and some of these queens want to be in the center of everything—still, I don’t think she’s a hopeless liar.”


pages: 708 words: 176,708

The WikiLeaks Files: The World According to US Empire by Wikileaks

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affirmative action, anti-communist, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, central bank independence, Chelsea Manning, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Edward Snowden, energy security, energy transition, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, experimental subject, F. W. de Klerk, facts on the ground, failed state, financial innovation, Food sovereignty, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, future of journalism, high net worth, invisible hand, Julian Assange, Mikhail Gorbachev, millennium bug, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monroe Doctrine, Naomi Klein, Northern Rock, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, statistical model, structural adjustment programs, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, uranium enrichment, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, éminence grise

Carter argued that his foreign policy was based on an historical vision of the US role in a changing world: “Our policy is rooted in our moral values, which never change. Our policy is reinforced by our material wealth and by our military power. Our policy is designed to serve mankind.” These policies were reflected in Carter’s Foreign Service appointments. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance practiced affirmative action, increasing the proportion of minorities from 6 to 11 percent and of women from 10 to 14 percent in the Foreign Service. Black ambassadors, a rarity during the Nixon years, were appointed to serve all over the world, not just in black states. By the end of his term, Carter had appointed a record fourteen black ambassadors. These changes were epitomized by the appointment of civil rights leader Andrew Young as the country’s ambassador to the United Nations in 1977.4 Diplomats at the State Department seemed to take a particular interest in Ambassador Young’s stormy career.


pages: 558 words: 168,179

Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right by Jane Mayer

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Bakken shale, bank run, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, centre right, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, collective bargaining, crony capitalism, David Brooks, desegregation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, energy security, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, George Gilder, housing crisis, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, invisible hand, job automation, low skilled workers, market fundamentalism, Mont Pelerin Society, More Guns, Less Crime, Nate Silver, New Journalism, obamacare, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ralph Nader, Renaissance Technologies, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, school choice, school vouchers, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, the scientific method, University of East Anglia, Unsafe at Any Speed, War on Poverty, working poor

The company’s relations with federal authorities worsened further in the 1960s as the Allen-Bradley company, not unlike the Olin Corporation, found itself in the crosshairs of new laws driven by more demanding societal expectations. In 1966, a federal judge sided with a group of female employees who sued the company for paying them lower wages than male employees operating the same machinery. Then, in 1968, federal authorities targeted the company for racially discriminatory hiring policies. In response, the company agreed to institute an affirmative action plan. Meanwhile, unionized employees at the plant went on strike, causing an eleven-day work stoppage. The combination of antitrust, race, gender, and labor disputes at the company provided fertile ground for the politics of backlash building in the executive suite. — The Bradley Foundation, meanwhile, also became increasingly politicized. Originally, the foundation’s purpose was to help aid needy employees and the residents of Milwaukee, as well as prevent cruelty to animals.


pages: 1,079 words: 321,718

Surfaces and Essences by Douglas Hofstadter, Emmanuel Sander

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Arthur Eddington, Benoit Mandelbrot, Brownian motion, Chance favours the prepared mind, cognitive dissonance, computer age, computer vision, dematerialisation, Donald Trump, Douglas Hofstadter, Ernest Rutherford, experimental subject, Flynn Effect, Georg Cantor, Gerolamo Cardano, Golden Gate Park, haute couture, haute cuisine, Henri Poincaré, Isaac Newton, l'esprit de l'escalier, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, mandelbrot fractal, Menlo Park, Norbert Wiener, place-making, Silicon Valley, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, theory of mind, upwardly mobile, urban sprawl

Below are listed some concepts — just a minuscule subset of the concepts that our culture abounds in — the possession of which would seem to give us a substantial leg up on people from previous generations or centuries: Positive and negative feedback, vicious circle, self-fulfilling prophecy, famous for being famous, backlash, supply and demand, market forces, the subconscious, subliminal imagery, Freudian slip, (Edipus complex, defense mechanism, sour grapes, passive-aggressive behavior, peer pressure, racial profiling, ethnic stereotype, status symbol, zero-sum game, catch-22, gestalt, chemical bond, catalyst, photosynthesis, DNA, virus, genetic code, dominant and recessive genes, immune system, auto-immune disease, natural selection, food chain, endangered species, ecological niche, exponential growth, population explosion, contraception, noise pollution, toxic waste, crop rotation, cross-fertilization, cloning, chain reaction, chain store, chain letter, email, spam, phishing, six degrees of separation, Internet, Web-surfing, uploading and downloading, video game, viral video, virtual reality, chat room, cybersecurity, data mining, artificial intelligence, IQ, robotics, morphing, time reversal, slow motion, time-lapse photography, instant replay, zooming in and out, galaxy, black hole, atom, superconductivity, radioactivity, nuclear fission, antimatter, sound wave, wavelength, X-ray, ultrasound, magnetic-resonance imagery, laser, laser surgery, heart transplant, defibrillator, space station, weightlessness, bungee jumping, home run, switch hitter, slam-dunk, Hail Mary pass, sudden-death playoff, make an end run around someone, ultramarathon, pole dancing, speed dating, multitasking, brainstorming, namedropping, channel-surfing, soap opera, chick flick, remake, rerun, subtitles, sound bite, buzzword, musical chairs, telephone tag, the game of Telephone, upping the ante, playing chicken, bumper cars, SUVs, automatic transmission, oil change, radar trap, whiplash, backseat driver, oil spill, superglue, megachurch, placebo, politically correct language, slippery slope, pushing the envelope, stock-market crash, recycling, biodegradability, assembly line, black box, wind-chill factor, frequent-flyer miles, hub airport, fast food, soft drink, food court, VIP lounge, moving sidewalk, shuttle bus, cell-phone lot, genocide, propaganda, paparazzi, culture shock, hunger strike, generation gap, quality time, Murphy’s law, roller coaster, in-joke, outsource, downsize, upgrade, bell-shaped curve, fractal shape, breast implant, Barbie doll, trophy wife, surrogate mother, first lady, worst-case scenario, prenuptial agreement, gentrification, paradigm shift, affirmative action, gridlock, veganism, karaoke, power lunch, brown-bag lunch, blue-chip company, yellow journalism, purple prose, greenhouse effect, orange alert, red tape, white noise, gray matter, black list… Not only does our culture provide us with such potent concepts, it also encourages us to analogically extend them both playfully and seriously, which gives rise to a snowballing of the number of concepts.


pages: 914 words: 270,937

Clear and Present Danger by Tom Clancy

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affirmative action, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, card file

For that matter, he enjoyed the greasy smell of the tractor and the vibration of the motor. He couldn't entirely escape reality, of course. Clipped to his belt was a portable telephone whose electronic chiming was noticeable over the rumble of the tractor. Jack switched off as he hit the activation button on the phone. "Hello." "Jack? Rob." "How you doing, Robby?" "Just got myself frocked." "Congratulations, Captain Jackson! Aren't you a little young for that?" "Call it affirmative action, lettin' the aviators catch up with the bubbleheads. Hey, Sissy and I are heading over to Annapolis. Any problem we stop by on the way?" "Hell, no. How about lunch?" "Sure it's no trouble?" Jackson asked. "Robby, give me a break," Ryan replied. "Since when did you get humble on me?" "Ever since you got important and all." Ryan violated an FCC rule with his retort. "Little over an hour okay?"


pages: 1,145 words: 310,655

1967: Israel, the War, and the Year That Transformed the Middle East by Tom Segev

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, distributed generation, friendly fire, full employment, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, invisible hand, open borders, Ronald Reagan, Yom Kippur War, young professional

The state had at its disposal two primary means to reach this end: schools and the military.22 But when Zionist leaders spoke of a “merging of diasporas,” they meant that the Mizrahim would assimilate into European society—which they hoped would be strong enough to absorb them—without requiring it to give up Western values and culture. This attitude still prevailed in 1966. “We must try and bring European culture to the Mizrahi communities,” said the writer Haim Hazaz. The story of this attempt is one of accomplishments and errors, illusion and sobriety, goodwill and arrogance to the point of racism, deliberate and nondeliberate discrimination, and affirmative action both useful and harmful. Above all, it is a story of alienation: the Ashkenazis found it difficult to live with the Mizrahim, who in turn found the Ashkenazis trying. The intermarriage rate in 1967 was approximately 15 percent. A study conducted among young people revealed that Ashkenazi youth felt alienation, and even hostility, toward Mizrahim. One teacher, Bilha Noy, documented accounts of growing up in Israel and heard many references to this hostility.


pages: 889 words: 433,897