War on Poverty

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pages: 332 words: 89,668

Two Nations, Indivisible: A History of Inequality in America: A History of Inequality in America by Jamie Bronstein

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, back-to-the-land, barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, blue-collar work, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate personhood, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gini coefficient, income inequality, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, labor-force participation, land reform, land tenure, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, moral panic, mortgage debt, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, obamacare, occupational segregation, Occupy movement, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price discrimination, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, Scientific racism, Simon Kuznets, single-payer health, strikebreaker, too big to fail, trade route, transcontinental railway, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, trickle-down economics, universal basic income, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, wage slave, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, Works Progress Administration

David Torstensson, “Beyond the City: Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty in Rural America,” Journal of Policy History vol. 25 no. 4 (2013): 587–613, at 593. 42. Ibid., 603. 43. Bailey and Duquette, “War on Poverty,” 360. 44. Quadagno, Color of Welfare, 57–58. 45. Lisa Gayle Hazirjian, “Combating NEED: Urban Conflict and the Transformations of the War on Poverty and the African American Freedom Struggle in Rocky Mount, North Carolina,” Journal of Urban History vol. 34 no. 4 (2008): 639–664, at 658. 46. Bailey and Duquette, “War on Poverty,” 367. 47. Bailey and Duquette, “War on Poverty,” 351; Robert Dallek, “Medicare’s Complicated Birth,” American Heritage vol. 60 no. 2 (2010): 28. 48. Gitterman, “Minimum Wage,” 68. 49. Bailey and Duquette, “War on Poverty,” 381. 50. Lester C. Thurow, “The Political Economy of Income Redistribution Policies,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science vol. 408 (1973): 146–155, at 151. 51.

The introduction of community organizers into poor neighborhoods to sign elders up for Medicaid or publicize available government jobs rankled, especially in the South.45 The OEO was also criticized because Director of the Office of Equal Opportunity Sargent Shriver could decide which states would receive funding; he withheld funds from southern states that flouted civil rights.46 Despite its controversial profile, the OEO was not the only important element of the War on Poverty. Johnson’s administration also addressed medical expenses as a cause of poverty with the establishment of Medicare for the elderly and Medicaid for the poor. Despite polls that indicated 63 percent of Americans supported Medicare and Medicaid, Johnson signed the legislation over the objections of the American Medical Association, which raised the same concerns it had during the 1930s. Ultimately, federal expenditure on health, education, and welfare tripled.47 Finally, Congress and the Johnson administration in 1966 also expanded the scope of the minimum wage so that for the first time it applied to workers in industries doing more than $250,000 in business and to agricultural workers.48 ASSESSING THE WAR ON POVERTY Objectively, the War on Poverty was a success in the short run.

Duquette, “How Johnson Fought the War on Poverty: The Economics and Politics of Funding at the Office of Economic Opportunity,” Journal of Economic History vol. 74 no. 2 (June 2014): 351–388; Cowie and Salvatore, “Rethinking the New Deal,” 16. 38. J. R. Pole, The Pursuit of Equality in American History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 264. 39. Lyndon B. Johnson, “State of the Union Address,” January 8, 1964, available online at http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/primary-resources/lbj-union64/, accessed January 7, 2016. 40. Carl M. Brauer, “Kennedy, Johnson and the War on Poverty,” Journal of American History vol. 69 no. 1 (June 1982): 98–119, at 108. 41. David Torstensson, “Beyond the City: Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty in Rural America,” Journal of Policy History vol. 25 no. 4 (2013): 587–613, at 593. 42.


pages: 406 words: 113,841

The American Way of Poverty: How the Other Half Still Lives by Sasha Abramsky

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, bank run, basic income, big-box store, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, housing crisis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, indoor plumbing, job automation, Kickstarter, Mark Zuckerberg, Maui Hawaii, microcredit, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, payday loans, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Potemkin village, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

Then, increasingly, poverty came to be thought of as a sickness rather than a consequence of unjust social systems and relationships. The War on Poverty has gotten a terribly bad rap, given it did a hell of a lot of good; part of the Great Society dealing with health, beautification. There was a whole package of reform of which it was a part. By naming it an anti-poverty program, it became more vulnerable politically. I don’t know, there’s this odd dissonance there, something clinical about “poverty.” Describing that condition of life as “poverty.” It misses the critical moral, social resources that people draw on to survive and transform their conditions of life. It’s injustice. It’s people having to live in conditions of deprivation that are unjust. It takes a justice issue and turns it into a social engineering problem or a charity problem. Arguably, that’s one reason why the original War on Poverty failed: Moral arguments, such as those detailed by Harrington, brought poverty center stage, but, once there, technocrats took control, essentially reducing a massive moral conundrum—poverty amidst plenty—into a set of scientific and statistical data.

Department of the Treasury, 253 Utah, 178 Vasquez, Mary, 180–181, 182–183, 292 Veterans, 86 Victoria, Queen, 70 Village Academy experimental high school, Pomona, California, 20–22 Wage protection, 12 Wages, low, 180–183, 292–294. See also Earned Income Tax Credit; Living wage; Minimum wage Wagner Act, 83 Walker, Scott, 180 Wallace, Ginny, 18, 20, 126 Wallace, Henry, 73 Wallis, Jim, 121, 196 Walmart, 180–183, 295–296, 297 War on Poverty, 75, 77, 78, 81, 86, 101 failure of, 205–213 War on Poverty, new, 121, 196–197, 198 Warren, Elizabeth, 88, 325 Washington, D. C., 103, 127 Washington State, 149, 250 Wealth accumulation of, 64–65 concentration of, 26–27, 32–34, 53–54 and tax cuts for the wealthy, 207 and tax increases on the wealthy, 39–40, 82, 287–288 Weber, Max, 64 Welfare, 12, 44–45 barriers to accessing, 105 (see also under Social programs) and benefit cuts, 117 and benefit levels, decline in, 105–110 See also individual social programs; Safety net; Social programs Welfare system, history of, 66–82 Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community (King), 79 Williams, Mark and Theresa, 169–170 Wisconsin, 180 Wisconsin Women’s Business Initiative (WWBI), 253 Women, 25, 82 Work trust fund, 201 Workers’ compensation, 71, 201 “Workfare for Food Stamps?”

After all, no society in human history has ever successfully banished poverty; and no polity with a modicum of respect for individual liberty has entirely negated the presence of inequality. But it did reflect a confidence in America’s innate sense of possibility; in an era of space travel and antibiotics, computers and robots, poverty was just one more frontier to be conquered, one more communal obstacle to be pushed aside. When it turned out to be an order of magnitude more complicated, Americans quickly grew tired of the effort. In 1968, four years after the War on Poverty was launched, Richard Nixon won election to the White House, in part by stoking popular resentment against welfare recipients. Twelve years after that, Ronald Reagan was elected president on a platform of rolling back much of the Great Society. Today, after four decades during which tackling economic hardship took a distant backseat to other priorities, one in six Americans live below the poverty line, their lives as constricted and as difficult as those of the men, women, and children who peopled the pages of The Other America in the Kennedy era.


pages: 284 words: 85,643

What's the Matter with White People by Joan Walsh

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, banking crisis, clean water, collective bargaining, David Brooks, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, full employment, global village, Golden Gate Park, hiring and firing, impulse control, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, mass immigration, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, upwardly mobile, urban decay, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

The week I was born, Life magazine featured a story on school desegregation, “Integration goes on—but with ugly incidents,” and a photo of Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. being jailed in Alabama. The same month, September 1958, the devout Irish Catholic turned devout American socialist Michael Harrington would begin the US tour that inspired his searing exposé of the hidden poor, The Other America, which helped drive the Johnson administration’s War on Poverty. After getting married, my father went to work as a writer and an editor at the nation’s oldest and largest Catholic textbook company, William H. Sadlier (cofounded by novelist Mary Anne Sadlier, who wrote novels to instruct and uplift Irish Catholic immigrants and was considered an Irish American counterpart to Harriet Beecher Stowe). Sadlier was located on Park Place, near Wall Street. His work had nothing to do with “the street,” but I knew he was working in the seat of American power.

Its second two demands, after “Meaningful Civil Rights Laws,” were “Full and Fair Employment” and a “Massive Federal Works Program.” The latter would turn out to be the road not taken, in any of the major attempts to address poverty and exclusion (black or otherwise) during the next fifty years. Lyndon Johnson would largely deliver on the first demand with the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, but his War on Poverty played at the margins of the labor market. At first, a strong and growing economy seemed to make concerns about jobs passé; unemployment was dropping. What few people noticed, though, was the decline in jobs for people without higher education, the result of automation and off-shoring. Johnson’s spending on the war would also make a big jobs initiative fiscally impossible. It’s not that no one proposed one.

., it is that of unemployment,” they wrote in a memo to Johnson’s labor secretary, W. Willard Wirtz. Harrington and Moynihan proposed a public works program, which Wirtz supported. But the Labor Department’s public works jobs proposals all carried price tags of $3 billion to $5 billion; Johnson couldn’t spend anything like that, with war spending climbing. In fact, the budget he submitted for 1965, the year he launched the War on Poverty, actually contained a slight cut to poverty programs. Instead, he chose Sargent Shriver’s approach—”a hand up, not a handout”—with programs such as job training and education, legal services, and Head Start, intended to ready the poor to take advantage of opportunity, rather than creating opportunities for them. Harrington and Moynihan’s idea for a public works program was rejected; Harrington left his consultancy with the Labor Department; Moynihan stayed on.


pages: 181 words: 50,196

The Rich and the Rest of Us by Tavis Smiley

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, back-to-the-land, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Buckminster Fuller, Corrections Corporation of America, Credit Default Swap, death of newspapers, deindustrialization, ending welfare as we know it, F. W. de Klerk, fixed income, full employment, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, income inequality, job automation, liberation theology, Mahatma Gandhi, mass incarceration, mega-rich, Nelson Mandela, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, traffic fines, trickle-down economics, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, women in the workforce, working poor

“Wages for the average worker declined and the nation’s homeownership rate fell. During Reagan’s two terms in the White House, which were boom times for the rich, the poverty rate in cities grew.”35 The goal here is not to solely criticize Reagan or Republicans. It is to chart the War on Poverty’s timeline and pinpoint the myopic moment when anti-poor rhetoric and subsequent legislation turned stereotypical, vicious, and punitive. Reagan was more than the general who waved the white flag of surrender in the War on Poverty; he actually initiated the “War on Welfare.” He was also the architect of “trickle-down” economics—a theory based on the false notion that tax policies that benefit the wealthy will magically lift the poor. Some of the most devastating conditions that the poor face today are legacies of the Reagan era.

Revised Census numbers released in 2011 revealed that the number of Americans living in poverty was closer to 50 million. In the Census Bureau’s history of tracking poverty statistics, the Great Recession marked the fourth period of consecutive annual increases in 52 years. POVERTY TIMELINE Year Poverty Percent 1959 22.4 percent Official tracking of the country’s poverty rate begins 1964 19.0 percent President Lyndon B. Johnson declares “War on Poverty” 1969 13.7 percent Johnson’s Great Society efforts help reduce poverty 1973 11.1 percent National poverty rate at an almost 20-year low 1979 12.4 percent Vietnam War, Conservative backlash, poverty ticks up 1983 15.2 percent A recession from mid-1981 to late 1982 takes its toll on the poor 1989 13.1 percent Economy steadies, poverty rate drops in Ronald Reagan’s 2nd term 1992 14.5 percent Reagan drastically slashes government benefit programs, poverty rises 1993 15.1 percent Ten-year gains reversed; Poverty back to 1983 level 1994 14.5 percent Economy perks, poverty level slightly reduced 1996 13.7 percent Poverty rate drops, Clinton introduces drastic welfare reform efforts 2000 11.3 percent Poverty rates fall dramatically due mostly to the opulent 1990s 2007 12.5 percent Poverty ticks up, 37.3 million in poverty before the recession begins 2008 13.2 percent Another 2.5 million fall below the poverty line 2009 14.3 percent 6.3 million more in poverty since 2007 2010 15.1 percent The largest percentage of long-term poor in five decades Number in Poverty and Poverty Rate: 1959 to 2010 The biggest blows to the already shrinking middle class were record unemployment and a housing bubble that burst, resulting in the foreclosure of nearly 4 million homes.

Michael Harrington’s classic The Other America (1962) forced many Americans to grapple with the conundrum that a country celebrated for its opulence had such glaring income disparities.13 Harrington’s landmark study of poverty in America has been credited as the motivation behind President Johnson’s Great Society policies. Although it was President John F. Kennedy who first came in possession of the book, it was Johnson who used it as a guide for his self-proclaimed “War on Poverty” after Kennedy’s assassination. Harrington’s book was so influential that the Boston Globe and other newspapers wrote that Medicaid, Medicare, food stamps, and the expanded Social Security benefits were all traceable to The Other America.14 The number of families who earned enough to rise out of poverty peaked at 68 percent in 1969. According to Katz and Stern, it dipped again in the 1970s and ’80s and, tragically, by 1989, poverty rates in America were back at 1940-era levels.


pages: 976 words: 235,576

The Meritocracy Trap: How America's Foundational Myth Feeds Inequality, Dismantles the Middle Class, and Devours the Elite by Daniel Markovits

"Robert Solow", 8-hour work day, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, Anton Chekhov, asset-backed security, assortative mating, basic income, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, business cycle, capital asset pricing model, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, computer age, corporate governance, corporate raider, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deskilling, Detroit bankruptcy, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Emanuel Derman, equity premium, European colonialism, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, fear of failure, financial innovation, financial intermediation, fixed income, Ford paid five dollars a day, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, future of work, gender pay gap, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, high net worth, hiring and firing, income inequality, industrial robot, interchangeable parts, invention of agriculture, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job satisfaction, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, Kodak vs Instagram, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass incarceration, medical residency, minimum wage unemployment, Myron Scholes, Nate Silver, New Economic Geography, new economy, offshore financial centre, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, precariat, purchasing power parity, rent-seeking, Richard Florida, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, school choice, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, six sigma, Skype, stakhanovite, stem cell, Steve Jobs, supply-chain management, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Thomas Davenport, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, total factor productivity, transaction costs, traveling salesman, universal basic income, unpaid internship, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce, working poor, young professional, zero-sum game

The program appealed to Johnson’s New Deal sensibilities, as he put it, and his first message to Congress, on November 27, 1963, proposed to “carry on the fight against poverty and misery, and disease and ignorance, in other lands and in our own.” The popular press took up the call to arms. In his first State of the Union message, on January 8, 1964, President Johnson declared his now-famous “unconditional War on Poverty in America.” The most important thing to understand about the War on Poverty is that it reduced poverty. Victory was not complete, unconditional, or even sufficient, of course, and poverty remains real and scandalous. The War on Poverty stalled in the late 1970s, and poverty has worsened in recent years, as it always does following economic downturns. But the War on Poverty’s core achievements have more or less endured, including in the face of rising economic inequality. Even in the shadow of the Great Recession, poverty is by any measure both narrower and shallower than in the past, and abject poverty remains unrecognizably less broad or deep.

As Arthur Okun (who had served as chairman of Lyndon Johnson’s Council of Economic Advisers) wrote in reflecting on the War on Poverty, the mechanisms of redistribution all carry money “from the rich to the poor in a leaky bucket.” Some of the redistributed money “will simply disappear in transit, so the poor will not receive all the money that is taken from the rich.” This way of thinking insists that helping the middle class today requires hurting the elite—and that the hurt will necessarily exceed the help. Moreover, because the rich are few, the hurt must be concentrated. Poverty might be eliminated, even using leaky buckets, by imposing widely shared and individually small burdens on a large affluent class. The War on Poverty targeted no one and required no substantial sacrifices in St. Clair Shores. But high-end inequality cannot, by its nature, be reduced except through individually large assessments against the rich.

Fisher, “Estimates of the Poverty Population Under the Current Official Definition for Years Before 1959,” mimeograph, Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1986. By one estimate: See Christine Ross, Sheldon Danziger, and Eugene Smolensky, “The Level and Trend of Poverty in the United States, 1939–1979,” Demography 24, no. 4 (November 1987): 589. War on Poverty: See, e.g., “Johnson State of Union Address Provides Budget $97.9 Billion, War on Poverty, Atomic Cutback,” New York Times, January 9, 1964, accessed August 11, 2018, www.nytimes.com/1964/01/09/archives/johnson-state-of-union-address-provides-budget-of-979-billion-war.html. Thorstein Veblen: John Patrick Diggins, Thorstein Veblen: Theorist of the Leisure Class (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), 33, 135. “are by custom exempt”: Veblen, Theory of the Leisure Class, 1.


pages: 235 words: 62,862

Utopia for Realists: The Case for a Universal Basic Income, Open Borders, and a 15-Hour Workweek by Rutger Bregman

autonomous vehicles, banking crisis, Bartolomé de las Casas, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, Branko Milanovic, cognitive dissonance, computer age, conceptual framework, credit crunch, David Graeber, Diane Coyle, Erik Brynjolfsson, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frank Levy and Richard Murnane: The New Division of Labor, full employment, George Gilder, George Santayana, happiness index / gross national happiness, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, income inequality, invention of gunpowder, James Watt: steam engine, John Markoff, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Kevin Kelly, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, Kodak vs Instagram, low skilled workers, means of production, megacity, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microcredit, minimum wage unemployment, Mont Pelerin Society, Nathan Meyer Rothschild: antibiotics, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, Paul Samuelson, Peter Thiel, post-industrial society, precariat, RAND corporation, randomized controlled trial, Ray Kurzweil, Ronald Reagan, Second Machine Age, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Skype, stem cell, Steven Pinker, telemarketer, The Future of Employment, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, wage slave, War on Poverty, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, wikimedia commons, women in the workforce, working poor, World Values Survey

Forget could even trace the impacts of receiving a basic income through to the next generation, both in earnings and in health. Dauphin – the town with no poverty – was one of five guaranteed income experiments in North America. The other four were all conducted in the U.S. Few people today are aware that the U.S. was just a hair’s breadth from realizing a social safety net at least as extensive as those in most Western European countries. When President Lyndon B. Johnson declared his “War on Poverty” in 1964, Democrats and Republicans alike rallied behind fundamental welfare reforms. First, however, some trial runs were needed. Tens of millions of dollars were budgeted to provide a basic income for more than 8,500 Americans in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Iowa, North Carolina, Indiana, Seattle, and Denver in what were also the first-ever large-scale social experiments to distinguish experimental and control groups.

Ten years later, a reanalysis of the data revealed that a statistical error had been made; in reality, there had been no change in the divorce rate at all.46 Futile, Dangerous, and Perverse “It Can Be Done! Conquering Poverty in America by 1976,” Nobel Prize winner James Tobin confidently wrote in 1967. At that time, almost 80% of Americans supported a guaranteed basic income.47 Years later, Ronald Reagan would famously sneer, “In the sixties we waged a war on poverty, and poverty won.” The great milestones of civilization always have the whiff of utopia about them at first. According to renowned sociologist Albert Hirschman, utopias are initially attacked on three grounds: futility (it’s not possible), danger (the risks are too great), and perversity (it will degenerate into dystopia). But Hirschman also wrote that almost as soon as a utopia becomes a reality, it often comes to be seen as utterly commonplace.

We can get rid of the whole bureaucratic rigamarole designed to force assistance recipients into low-productivity jobs at any cost, and we can help finance the new simplified system by chucking the maze of tax credits and deductions, too. Any further necessary funds can be raised by taxing assets, waste, raw materials, and consumption. Let’s look at the numbers. Eradicating poverty in the U.S. would cost only $175 billion, according to economist Matt Bruenig’s calculations.48 That’s roughly a quarter of U.S. military spending. Winning the war on poverty would be a bargain compared to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, which a Harvard study estimated have cost us a staggering $4–$6 trillion.49 As a matter of fact, all the world’s developed countries had it within their means to wipe out poverty years ago.50 And yet, a system that helps solely the poor only drives a deeper wedge between them and the rest of society. “A policy for the poor is a poor policy,” observed Richard Titmuss, the great theoretician of the British welfare state.


pages: 273 words: 87,159

The Vanishing Middle Class: Prejudice and Power in a Dual Economy by Peter Temin

"Robert Solow", 2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, clean water, corporate raider, Corrections Corporation of America, crack epidemic, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Ferguson, Missouri, financial innovation, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, full employment, income inequality, intangible asset, invisible hand, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, mandatory minimum, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, mass incarceration, means of production, mortgage debt, Network effects, New Urbanism, Nixon shock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, price stability, race to the bottom, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, the scientific method, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, white flight, working poor

Obama and, 25, 38, 81–84, 91, 96, 127, 175n12 poll taxes and, 58, 65 Reagan and, xii, 22–23, 35, 38, 44, 53, 83, 95, 104, 129, 142–143, 171n27 Republicans and, 19 (see also Republicans) Senate and, 19, 52–53, 59, 62–66, 72, 74, 80–84, 96–97, 107, 123 shopping and, 67–69 Southern Strategy and, 15, 27, 35, 81, 117, 142 state legislatures and, 19, 62–63, 95 Truman and, 81 Trump and, xii, 66, 81–82, 92, 154, 174n11 War on Drugs and, x, xv–xvi, 15, 27, 37–38, 53, 55, 104, 106, 110, 132 War on Poverty and, 17, 27, 126 Poll taxes, 58, 65 Pollution, 84 Popular vote, 62, 96 Poverty children and, 157 cross-country comparison and, 149 FTE (finance, technology, and electronics) sector and, 15 growing, 116 inner cities and, 13, 131–132 low-wage sector and, 27, 35, 39–40 persistent, 44 public education and, 116–117, 123–124, 126 War on Poverty and, 17, 27, 126, 168n2 Powell, Lewis ALEC and, 19 memo of, 83 neoliberalism of, 21 Memo of, 17–18, 77, 169n6 Nixon and, 27 U.S. Supreme Court and, 17–22, 27, 77, 83, 111, 116–117, 169n6, 170n2 Prejudice, 20, 38, 60 Preschool, 123–127, 156–157 President’s Council of Economic Advisers, 46 Presidents Day, 67 Princeton University, 49 Private prisons, 110–112, 177n21 Private public oxymoron, 101, 110–111, 156 Private public schools, 101, 110–111, 120–121, 127, 140, 143, 156 Privatization colleges and, 44, 101, 120–122 concepts of government and, 16, 19, 21–22, 44, 101, 110, 112, 120–122, 134, 158 mass transit and, 134 military and, 16, 22 prisons and, 22, 101, 110, 112, 120 public services and, 19 state enterprises and, 21 Production Bretton Woods and, 24, 32 conservatives and, 80–81 economic growth and, 3, 138 Industrial Revolution and, 87, 155 inequality models and, 164 Lewis model and, 6 offshore, 28, 32 Project Independence and, 16 subcontractors and, 30–31, 57 very rich and, 80–81, 84 women and, 59 World War I era and, 20, 27–28 World War II era and, 80–81 Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO), 22 Project Independence, 16, 71, 143 Property rights, 57, 81 Property taxes, 43, 103, 130 Public education, xvi Abbott decisions and, 124 African Americans and, xiv, 115–122, 125–128, 154, 157 benefits of early, 156–157 Broward County, Florida and, 118–119 Brown v.

Reluctant to raise taxes soon after the Kennedy tax cut of the previous year and lacking congressional support as well, he overheated the economy and put great pressure on the value of the dollar, fixed at that time by the Bretton Woods system that regulated international commerce after the Second World War. The postwar dollar shortage turned into a dollar glut.1 President Nixon set himself up in opposition to Johnson. He won election to the presidency through a Southern Strategy that appealed to Southern racism and opposition to the Civil Rights Movement. He abandoned Johnson’s War on Poverty and declared a War on Drugs in 1971. He also abandoned the fixed exchange rate of the Bretton Woods system to deal with the strain on the dollar exerted by the expanding war in Vietnam.2 Nixon switched the United States to a floating exchange rate, transferring responsibility for the domestic economy from the federal government, which controls fiscal policy, to the Federal Reserve System, which controls monetary policy.

The Southern Strategy appealed to white Southerners angered by the threat to their power from the Civil Rights Movement and the expansion of the franchise. They were the heirs of slave owners who resorted to Jim Crow policies after Reconstruction ended to preserve their political power. Their policy was to maintain African Americans in the South in a subordinate position.1 The low-wage sector—like the FTE sector—was born in 1971 as President Nixon replaced Johnson’s War on Poverty with a new War on Drugs and appointed Lewis Powell to the Supreme Court. As the War on Drugs expanded in subsequent decades, it was enforced far more strongly for African Americans than for whites, becoming, in Alexander’s widely used term, the “New Jim Crow,” revamping and renewing the racist intent of the repressive old anti-black Jim Crow laws that followed Reconstruction in the South. And Nixon’s appointment of Powell, author of the memorandum for the Chamber of Commerce described in chapter 2, unified the class interest of Powell with the race interest of white Southerners in a Southern Strategy.


pages: 362 words: 83,464

The New Class Conflict by Joel Kotkin

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, Bob Noyce, California gold rush, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carbon footprint, creative destruction, crony capitalism, David Graeber, deindustrialization, don't be evil, Downton Abbey, Edward Glaeser, Elon Musk, energy security, falling living standards, future of work, Gini coefficient, Google bus, housing crisis, income inequality, informal economy, Internet of things, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, job automation, John Markoff, John von Neumann, Joseph Schumpeter, Kevin Kelly, labor-force participation, low-wage service sector, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, mass affluent, McJob, McMansion, medical bankruptcy, Nate Silver, New Economic Geography, new economy, New Urbanism, obamacare, offshore financial centre, Paul Buchheit, payday loans, Peter Calthorpe, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-industrial society, RAND corporation, Ray Kurzweil, rent control, rent-seeking, Report Card for America’s Infrastructure, Richard Florida, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Steve Jobs, technoutopianism, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban sprawl, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, young professional

(blog), January 20, 2013, http://msmagazine.com/blog/2013/01/20/the-life-of-julia-as-a-future-standard-for-women. 88. Dylan Matthews, “Poverty in the 50 Years since ‘the Other America,’ in Five Charts,” Wonkblog (blog), Washington Post, July 11, 2012, http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2012/07/11/poverty-in-the-50-years-since-the-other-america-in-five-charts. 89. Robert Samuelson, “How We Won—and Lost—the War on Poverty,” Real Clear Politics, January 13, 2014, http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2014/01/13/how_we_won_--_and_lost_--_the_war_on_poverty_121197.html. 90. David Shipler, The Working Poor: Invisible in America (New York: Vintage, 2004), pp, 6–7. Chapter 5: Geography of Inequality 1. Encyclopæedia Britannica Online, s.v. “Vidal de La Blache, Paul,” http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/627886/Paul-Vidal-de-La-Blache. 2. William Bogart, Don’t Call It Sprawl: Metropolitan Structure in the 21st Century (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2006), p. 10. 3.

Dylan Matthews, “Poverty in the 50 Years since ‘the Other America,’ in Five Charts,” Wonkblog (blog), Washington Post, July 11, 2012, http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2012/07/11/poverty-in-the-50-years-since-the-other-america-in-five-charts; Mark Hugo Lopez and Gabriel Velasco, “Childhood Poverty Among Hispanics Sets Record, Leads Nation,” Pew Research Hispanic Trends Project, September 28, 2011, http://www.pewhispanic.org/2011/09/28/childhood-poverty-among-hispanics-sets-record-leads-nation. 12. Robert Samuelson, “How We Won—and Lost—the War on Poverty,” RealClearPolitics, January 13, 2014, http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2014/01/13/how_we_won_—_and_lost_—_the_war_on_poverty_121197.html. 13. Glenn Hubbard, “The Unemployment Puzzle: Where Have All the Workers Gone?” Wall Street Journal, April 4, 2014. 14. Eurostat, “Euro Area Unemployment Rate at 12.0%,” news release, January 31, 2014, http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/cache/ITY_PUBLIC/3-31012014-AP/EN/3-31012014-AP-EN.PDF; Eurostat, “Labour Force Survey Overview 2012,” http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/statistics_explained/index.php/Labour_force_survey_overview_2012; Max Tholl, “Home Is Where the Hardship Is,” European, May 7, 2014, http://www.theeuropean-magazine.com/max-tholl—2/8433-europes-lost-generation. 15.

The emergence of a “politics of happiness,” as one British author puts it, has proven a boon for the public sector and those parts of the private sector that work with government.24 Just as the Second World War sparked the growth of federally funded science for defense purposes, the onset of the Great Society two decades later gave birth to what the socialist writer Michael Harrington would dub “the social-industrial complex.”25 Harrington, whose writings, notably The Other America, helped usher in the “war on poverty,” lived to witness the extraordinary expansion of the social welfare state. Between 1950 and 1980, social welfare spending grew twentyfold, ten times the rate of the population increase. Such spending may have ameliorated some of the worst results of poverty and discrimination, but Harrington perceived that the largest beneficiaries were not the poor but those—both inside and outside government—who serviced them.26 In essence, the private sector increasingly sought to make addressing social problems “the new business of business,” as one top IBM executive put it.


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Pivotal Decade: How the United States Traded Factories for Finance in the Seventies by Judith Stein

"Robert Solow", 1960s counterculture, activist lawyer, affirmative action, airline deregulation, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, desegregation, energy security, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, intermodal, invisible hand, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, liberal capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market bubble, Martin Wolf, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, post-industrial society, post-oil, price mechanism, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, union organizing, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor, Yom Kippur War

In 1932, he thought that “the day is not far off when the economic problem will take the back seat where it belongs, and … the arena of the heart and head will be occupied where it belongs, or reoccupied by our real problems—the problems of life and of human relations, of creation and behavior and religion.”51 No longer did leaders accept the ancient nostrum that the poor will always be with us. Poverty was especially deviant in an affluent society. The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, which launched Johnson’s so-called War on Poverty, aimed to eliminate “the paradox of poverty in the midst of plenty.” Affluence was as much an ideology as a description of U.S. society. Politicians and academics forgot that the non-poor included many who were non-rich. Workers’ incomes had dramatically increased after the war. The median family income for 1968 was $8,632, when it had been $3,031 in 1947. But $8,632 was about a thousand dollars less than what the Bureau of Labor Statistics defined as “modest but adequate” income for an urban family of four.52 An accurate portrait of the working class fit uneasily into the prevailing dualisms of the decade: plenty v. poverty, rich v. poor, suburban v. urban, and white v. black.

“Our traditional two-party system has become a three-party system—Republican, McGovern, and Democrat. And, only the first two parties have a Presidential candidate in the coming election. Millions of patriotic Democrats were disenfranchised in the takeover of their convention.”41 If Nixon knew he must fish in Democratic waters, McGovern floundered. He had replaced Eagleton with the popular Sargent Shriver, the brother-in-law of President Kennedy and former head of the War on Poverty. Shriver was an able campaigner, a Chicagoan, and friend of Mayor Daley, but the stench of the Eagleton affair could not be removed. The conscientious Larry O’Brien, even though denied his spot at the DNC, continued to work for the McGovern campaign. As if to confirm Reagan’s analysis, O’Brien noticed that nowhere did the word Democrat appear in McGovern’s campaign literature. He reminded the candidate, “You, George, in addition to being the nominee of the party, are supposedly the head of the Democratic Party and reservations about so stating are troublesome.”

It started in the White House after Ford embraced the conservatives’ view of the economy. Like Nixon, Ford came from the moderate wing of the Republican Party. Congressman Ford had represented the area around Grand Rapids, in western Michigan. Well-liked by his peers in the Congress, he defeated Indiana’s Charles Halleck for minority leader in 1965, gaining the votes of liberal Republicans. Ford was more conservative than these backers. He had opposed the War on Poverty and supported the war in Vietnam. Nixon had wanted him to be his vice president in 1968, but Ford preferred to work instead toward becoming a future Speaker of the House. Nixon named him vice president after Spiro Agnew resigned.37 When Ford became president in August 1974, reducing inflation was at the top of his agenda, even though the rate had been falling the whole year while unemployment was rising.


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Wealth and Poverty: A New Edition for the Twenty-First Century by George Gilder

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, cleantech, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, equal pay for equal work, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Gilder, Gunnar Myrdal, Home mortgage interest deduction, Howard Zinn, income inequality, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job-hopping, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, margin call, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, medical malpractice, minimum wage unemployment, money market fund, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, non-fiction novel, North Sea oil, paradox of thrift, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, post-industrial society, price stability, Ralph Nader, rent control, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, skunkworks, Steve Jobs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, volatility arbitrage, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, yield curve, zero-sum game

Voltaire W Wachovia wage-and-price controls wage incentives wages minimum wage wage subsidies proposal Wall Street The Wall Street Journal Walras, Leon Walton, Sam Wang Laboratories Wanniski, Jude War Labor Board War and Peace (Leo Tolstoy) War Production Board War on Poverty Warsh, David Washington, D.C. Washington Mutual WASPs The Way the World Works (Jude Wanniski) wealth and the rich, attacks on material progress and mobility and wealth effects The Wealth of Nations (Adam Smith), wedge effect of taxes Wedgewood Benn, Welfare, demand reduction and fraud growth of history of housing ideology of inflation and recipients of in Massachusetts proper goal of reform of war on poverty and work requirement for welfare culture Welfare (Martin Anderson) West Africans West Indians Westinghouse, George White House widows Wildavsky, Aaron Wilshire Associates Wilson, David B.

Of course,” he notes, rather impatiently, “there are still exceptions,” but “their small number [as if exceptional riches could ever be commonplace] only proves the rule” of economic sclerosis.6 This mode of thinking also sometimes afflicts conservatives when they have been sufficiently trained in the social sciences. In the late 1970s, Martin Anderson, an economist who wrote speeches for both President Nixon and Ronald Reagan, began his book Welfare by declaring, “The ‘war on poverty’ that began in 1964 has been won.”7 He quoted the conclusion of Alice Rivlin, head of the Congressional Budget Office, that the combination of expanded welfare payments and in-kind benefits had effectively lifted all but a very small proportion (6.4 percent) of Americans above the poverty line. The Wall Street Journal editorial writers enlisted their formidable eloquence to propagate the good news to its 6 million readers.

Income distribution may indeed be skewed, conservatives could sing, but what other system in the history of the world—what system that continues to admit immigrants in huge numbers, what system that embraces some 300 million souls across a giant continent—could ever have succeeded in raising its lowest ranks of earners above a line of poverty that exceeded the median family income of the Soviet Union by perhaps $1,000 a year? Blacks may still be low on the pole of earnings, it is said, but even they have made great progress since the massive social programs of the 1960s were put into place. The war on poverty, we are to believe, has been won by income redistribution. Yet here again we see the blindness of the social scientist to realities that are blatantly evident to the naked eye. What actually happened since 1964 was a vast expansion of the welfare rolls that halted in its tracks an ongoing improvement in the lives of the poor, particularly blacks, and left behind—and here I choose my words as carefully as I can—a wreckage of broken lives and families worse than the aftermath of slavery.


The State and the Stork: The Population Debate and Policy Making in US History by Derek S. Hoff

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Alfred Russel Wallace, back-to-the-land, British Empire, business cycle, clean water, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, demographic transition, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, feminist movement, full employment, garden city movement, George Gilder, Gunnar Myrdal, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, manufacturing employment, mass immigration, New Economic Geography, new economy, old age dependency ratio, Paul Samuelson, peak oil, pensions crisis, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, The Chicago School, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, trickle-down economics, urban planning, urban sprawl, wage slave, War on Poverty, white flight, zero-sum game

Had the leading economic policy makers of the early 1960s situated prevailing anti–population growth views within their Keynesian “new economics”—and had population activists engaged the new economics—the economic case against population growth might have survived the collision with the two diametrically opposed forces that eventually overwhelmed it: (1) a pervasive fear of ecological destruction by a “population bomb,” and (2) an ascendant adoration of population growth among economic conservatives. The Demographic Bubble, Structural Unemployment, and the War on Poverty Among domestic policy makers, the most pressing demographic topic was whether the large cohort of Americans born since World War II—the “demographic bubble”—posed a threat to the economy and high quality of life. Policy makers primarily thought about the bulging Baby Boom cohort in terms of its employment effects. The activist employment policies of the Kennedy and Johnson administrations and the War on Poverty’s emphasis on youth were in large measure an effort to respond to the demographic bubble. Demographers commonly label 1964 as the final year of the Baby Boom.8 During the early 1960s, many demographers believed that birthrates would remain high, given prosperity and a continued celebration of the nuclear family rooted in the conservative cultural politics of the Cold War.

President Johnson’s January 1964 economic message to Congress embraced the idea, warning of the combination of population increase and rising output per worker driven by automation.41 Apprehension of the structural unemployment resulting from the Baby Boomers turning eighteen was thus important to the general zeitgeist surrounding Johnson’s War on Poverty. More specifically, the Youth Corps reemerged in the 1964 Economic Opportunity Act, the legislative cornerstone of the Great Society.42 The War on Poverty emphasized youth not only because, as historian Irwin Unger wrote, it was “the group among the poor who seemed most salvageable and most promising,” but also because it was the group growing the fastest.43 Yet while the stress on the Baby Boom cohort’s employment prospects was easily translatable into public policies, it also conveyed the impression that the sum total of the “population problem” in the United States was managing the Baby Boom generation’s entrance into adulthood.

As always, the demographic debate was about more than birthrates and sheer numbers of people; made manifest in diverse policy discussions, it encapsulated several interconnected issues related to the age, geographical location, and racial distribution of the population. Disparate population concerns left their mark not only on the development of federal contraception policy—the era’s best-known “population policy”—but also on macroeconomic and employment policy, the “War on Poverty,” and immigration reform. Nervousness about the economic fortunes of Baby Boom- 136 chapter 5 ers—and the macroeconomic effects of the Baby Boom cohort—added momentum for the state to pursue a “high-pressure” economy managed along Keynesian lines, broadened the base of support for family planning programs, and ensured immigration reform was designed to not increase the total population. As the population debate influenced a wide swath of public policies, and as economic liberalism reigned, Stable Population Keynesianism (SPK) remained vibrant.


Termites of the State: Why Complexity Leads to Inequality by Vito Tanzi

"Robert Solow", accounting loophole / creative accounting, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrei Shleifer, Andrew Keen, Asian financial crisis, asset allocation, barriers to entry, basic income, bitcoin, Black Swan, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, crony capitalism, David Graeber, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, experimental economics, financial repression, full employment, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, high net worth, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, income inequality, indoor plumbing, information asymmetry, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Jean Tirole, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, libertarian paternalism, Long Term Capital Management, market fundamentalism, means of production, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, New Urbanism, obamacare, offshore financial centre, open economy, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, price stability, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, pushing on a string, quantitative easing, rent control, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, The Market for Lemons, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, transaction costs, transfer pricing, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, unorthodox policies, urban planning, very high income, Vilfredo Pareto, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce

There would be the beginning of attacks on the certainty and on the trust that peoples had put in Keynesian countercyclical policies and in the benefits that had been expected to come from the larger role of the state in the economy, the role that had been introduced by President Johnson’s War on Poverty in the United States and by similar and, at times, more ambitious programs in other, especially European, countries. In future years some critics would point out that several trillion dollars had been spent fighting poverty in the United States, but, a half-century later, the official poverty rate in that country was still as high as it had been in the 1960s when the War on Poverty programs had been enacted. However, while the officially measured poverty rate in the United States had remained high, after some decline in the first few years immediately following the introduction of the War on Poverty, there are some reasons to believe that particular factors may have distorted the statistical results, thus hiding some of the progress that had been made on that score.

Hayek (who had been highly critical of Keynes’s views on countercyclical fiscal policy, even before the General Theory was published in 1936) would be unsparing in his criticism of Beveridge and of his welfare recommendations. He was reported to have declared that “[he had] never known a man who was known as an economist and who understood so little economics,” as he believed that Beveridge did (cited in Wapshott, 2011, p. 227). In this Welfare Policies 43 he may have shared, to some limited extent, Keynes’s own view, in the judgment of the architect of the creation of the British welfare state. The “War on Poverty” in the United States, the social programs that were introduced by President Johnson some years later (in 1964), and similar programs introduced in France, in the Scandinavian countries, and in some other countries were all examples of the ongoing, dramatic changes in economic thinking that had taken place since the 1920s, and of the growing optimism about what could be achieved with government policies.

A growing number of economists had come to believe that democratically elected, benevolent governments, with significant public resources, aided by competent and honest bureaucracies, and advised by clever economists, would be able to deliver on this objective. It should be noted that, by this time, the governments of most advanced countries had extended the voting rights to most adult citizens including women. President Johnson’s War on Poverty had, to some extent, delivered on a wish expressed by President Franklin D. Roosevelt a couple decades earlier in a “fireside chat” in January 1944 (the year before his death). The fireside chat might in turn have been influenced, or inspired, by the Beveridge Report, of which President Roosevelt would have been aware. In that chat, Roosevelt had proposed a “second Bill of Rights” for the American citizens, one that would focus on economic rather than political rights.


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Servant Economy: Where America's Elite Is Sending the Middle Class by Jeff Faux

back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business cycle, call centre, centre right, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Brooks, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, disruptive innovation, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, full employment, hiring and firing, Howard Zinn, Hyman Minsky, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, informal economy, invisible hand, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kickstarter, lake wobegon effect, Long Term Capital Management, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, McMansion, medical malpractice, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, Naomi Klein, new economy, oil shock, old-boy network, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price mechanism, price stability, private military company, Ralph Nader, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, South China Sea, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trade route, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, working poor, Yogi Berra, Yom Kippur War

They pushed for a minimum wage for all when virtually all union wages were well above the minimum, national health care when most union members had private health-care plans, workplace health and safety regulations when unionized members were most able to protect themselves, and the War on Poverty when most of their members were well above the poverty line. Unions were, as the saying went, “the people who brought you the weekend.” In the aftermath of John Kennedy’s assassination in 1963, Lyndon Johnson ushered in the Great Society, the New Deal’s second act. Within two years, Johnson had engineered Medicare, the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act, and the War on Poverty, which he confidently predicted would eliminate destitution in America within ten years. All of this would be painlessly and automatically financed by continual strong economic growth, because the progressive income tax brackets generated proportionally greater government revenues as people’s incomes rose.

The United States lacked the moral and political capital to fight the War on Poverty at home and a war on Asian peasants in Vietnam. “The bombs in Vietnam explode at home—they destroy the dream and possibility for a decent America,” he said in 1967.6 Vietnam was “taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them 8,000 miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem.”7 King was criticized by many liberals for endangering public support for domestic reform by linking it to foreign policy. But in the end he was right. The Vietnam War unbalanced the economy and required an aggressive jingoism that conflicted with the more humanitarian values required to support the War on Poverty. The Great Society would, of course, have been difficult to maintain even without the war.

As whites moved up the job and economic ladder, it created space for African Americans and other minorities to move into jobs and even neighborhoods that had excluded them in the past. Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights leaders argued that poverty was a burden on the whole economy and that when black workers earned more they spent more, generating more income for everyone. The civil rights movement and President Johnson’s War on Poverty program could not have achieved what they did without the expanding demand for workers and rising opportunities for everyone in the 1960s. There was backlash, of course, against racial integration, especially of schools and housing. The right wing smeared the civil rights movement as a communist conspiracy, but the movement persevered and ultimately prevailed. The Republicans who were elected during the post–World War II era were able to reduce our speed toward what seemed to be our social democratic future, but they could not alter the fact that we were headed in that direction.


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$2.00 A Day: Living on Almost Nothing in America by Kathryn Edin, H. Luke Shaefer

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, business cycle, clean water, ending welfare as we know it, future of work, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, impulse control, indoor plumbing, informal economy, low-wage service sector, mass incarceration, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, Ronald Reagan, The Future of Employment, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration

But Johnson’s call to action had fueled an explosion in policy making. More programs targeting poor families were passed as part of Johnson’s Great Society and its War on Poverty than at any other time in American history. Congress made the fledgling Food Stamp Program permanent (although the program grew dramatically during the 1970s under President Richard Nixon) and increased federal funds for school breakfasts and lunches, making them free to children from poor families. Social Security was expanded to better serve the poorest of its claimants, Head Start was born, and new health insurance programs for the poor (Medicaid) and elderly (Medicare) were created. What the War on Poverty did not do was target the cash welfare system (by then renamed Aid to Families with Dependent Children, or AFDC) for expansion. Yet the late 1960s and early 1970s marked the greatest period of caseload growth in the program’s history.

We were attracted to Chicago for our first site because of the research of the eminent sociologist William Julius Wilson, who used Chicago as his case study for The Truly Disadvantaged, the most important book written about poverty in the past three decades. It was Wilson who first observed, famously, that a poor child fared worse when she grew up among only poor neighbors than she would have if she’d been raised in a neighborhood that included members of the middle class, too. Wilson argued that the reason poverty had persisted in America even in the face of the War on Poverty declared by President Lyndon Johnson in 1964 was that in the 1970s and 1980s, poor African Americans had become increasingly isolated, relegated to sections of the city where their neighbors were more and more likely to be poor, and less and less likely to find gainful employment. For Wilson, it was the rise of joblessness among a black “ghetto underclass” that had left poverty rates so stubbornly high despite billions spent on antipoverty efforts.

Shedding light on the lives of the poor from New York to Appalachia to the Deep South, Harrington’s book asked how it was possible that so much poverty existed in a land of such prosperity. It challenged the country to ask what it was prepared to do about it. Prompted in part by the strong public reaction to The Other America, and just weeks after President John F. Kennedy’s assassination, President Lyndon Johnson declared an “unconditional war on poverty in America.” In his 1964 State of the Union address, Johnson lamented that “many Americans live on the outskirts of hope—some because of their poverty, and some because of their color, and all too many because of both.” He charged the country with a new task: to uplift the poor, “to help replace their despair with opportunity.” This at a time when the federal government didn’t yet have an official way to measure whether someone was poor.


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The View From Flyover Country: Dispatches From the Forgotten America by Sarah Kendzior

"side hustle", Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American ideology, barriers to entry, clean water, corporate personhood, crowdsourcing, David Brooks, David Graeber, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, George Santayana, glass ceiling, income inequality, low skilled workers, Lyft, Marshall McLuhan, Mohammed Bouazizi, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, payday loans, pink-collar, post-work, publish or perish, Richard Florida, ride hailing / ride sharing, Silicon Valley, the medium is the message, trickle-down economics, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, unpaid internship, Upton Sinclair, urban decay, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce

In an era when entry-level jobs become unpaid internships and full-time jobs turn into contingency labor, it is easy to imagine the cuts from the sequester becoming permanent. Shutdown furloughs may turn into layoffs, as elected officials, now marketing survival as the new American Dream, will assure us we did fine without them. The nonessential worker is the archetypal hire. Our worst-case scenarios are simply scenarios. Socioeconomic Astigmatism In 1964, President Lyndon B. Johnson declared a War on Poverty. Over the next half century, that war turned into a war on the poor. This war was once disguised as “compassionate conservatism” and debated with words like “responsibility” and “opportunity.” Compassionate conservatism assumed that we could take care of ourselves so we did not need to take care of each other. It was an attractive concept, simultaneously exalting the successes of America while relieving the individual of responsibility for those whom it failed.

After stating that the point of a college degree was not a “first job” but “a lifetime of citizenship, opportunity, growth and change,” she recounted her own experience. She wrote in a letter to The New York Times: I graduated from Bryn Mawr College in 1968, and my first job was working for the Department of Housing and Urban Development. My starting salary was low, but I was inspired by the civil rights movement and the War on Poverty to regard public service as an important calling. I went on to graduate school, joined the faculty at the University of Pennsylvania and ultimately became the president of Harvard University. Should Bryn Mawr have been judged based on what I was paid in my first year at HUD? Faust’s is an inspiring tale—and one beyond the comprehension of most young graduates in America today. “Don’t trust the boomers!”

Perhaps that is why the city’s corporate venues—like its high-end golf club, hockey arena, football stadium, and over half of the city’s commercial and industrial users—still have their water running despite owing over $30 million, while its most impoverished residents have their water, and their rights, taken away. In Detroit, corporations are people. Their worth is unquestioned because it is measured in dollars. The worth of the residents of Detroit is measured in utility, and so their utilities are denied. War on Poverty Human rights may be guaranteed by law, but one’s humanity is never a given. The U.S. was built on the labor of slaves considered three-fifths of a person. Today, one’s relative humanity—and the rights that accompany it—is shaped by race, class, gender, and geography. Citizens may be subject to the same written laws, but they are not equally subject to the same punishments and practices. Water is a litmus test of how much of a “person” you are considered to be.


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A People's History of Poverty in America by Stephen Pimpare

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, British Empire, car-free, clean water, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, dumpster diving, East Village, Frederick Winslow Taylor, George Gilder, hedonic treadmill, hiring and firing, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, impulse control, income inequality, index card, Jane Jacobs, low skilled workers, Mahatma Gandhi, mass incarceration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral panic, Naomi Klein, New Urbanism, payday loans, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, union organizing, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, working poor, Works Progress Administration

Not until discussion about AFDC and then the “welfare backlash” of the 1980s and 1990s do we again find African Americans incorporated in any substantive way into the narrative, and then it is largely as objects of white and elite animus.1 To use one crude measure, in the index of Michael Katz’s In the Shadow of the Poorhouse, which is among the most widely admired histories of American poverty and welfare (and rightly so), the first entry for “blacks” is on page 181, where they appear in a two-page discussion about housing, school segregation, and race riots (there is no listing for African Americans). The only other entries reference a handful of pages on blacks and the New Deal, the war on poverty, and AFDC—altogether, 7 pages in a text with 334, or 2 percent of the total.2 Walter Trattner’s From Poor Law to Welfare State does better, offering references to minister George Whitfield’s early efforts to bring slaves into his fold with free education programs (or, less charitably put, with efforts at indoctrination); discrimination against blacks in the early years of the antituberculosis campaigns; black infant mortality; African Americans and the formative juvenile justice system; and then to the New Deal, urban riots in the 1960s, and the civil rights movement, giving us indexed references to a total of 29 out of 395 pages of text, 7 percent of the total.

There is in each community a definite standard of living, and that charitable relief is concerned, not with raising or lowering it, but rather with eliminating the obstacles which particular individuals have in realizing the standard, and in securing the withdrawal from the industrial class of those who are unfit for a place in it. The WPA set its own line in 1937, as did a Joint Congressional Committee in 1949. CIO president Walter Reuther proposed a line of $3,000 in 1953, the amount coincidentally adopted a dozen years later by Lyndon Johnson to help measure the success of his war on poverty. In the same year, Rose Friedman of the conservative American Enterprise Institute argued for an alternative measure, one that would have been about 30 percent lower.11 Whether it’s Hull House’s efforts in the late 1800s and early 1900s (inspired, like Hunter, by Britain’s Charles Booth and Joseph Rowntree), or more recent attempts by economic historians to measure poverty in Revolutionary-era New England or the post–Civil War South, all efforts to establish an absolute poverty line should be viewed with suspicion, taken on their own terms, and judged to be, at best, reasoned estimates—a healthy skepticism we should also apply to our more recent, and supposedly more “scientific,” efforts.

Even in those states that passed maximum hour and other child-labor laws in the mid-1800s, little changed since such laws were rarely enforced. 61 Spargo, Bitter Cry of the Children, 172–73. 62 S.J. Kleinberg, “Children’s and Mothers’ Wage Labor in Three Eastern U.S. Cities, 1880–1920,” Social Science History 29, no. 1 (spring 2005): 45–76. 63 Kleinberg, Widows and Orphans First, 60. 64 Annelise Orleck, Storming Caesar’s Palace: How Black Mothers Fought Their Own War on Poverty (Boston: Beacon, 2005), 11. 65 Dodson, Don’t Call Us Out of Name. 5. Love: Women and Children First 1 Mark Robert Rank, One Nation, Underprivileged: Why American Poverty Affects Us All (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004); Mark R. Rank and Thomas A. Hirschl, “Welfare Use as a Life Course Event,” Social Work 47, no. 3 (July 2002). When government jobs are included, one estimate suggests that half of all Americans in 2004 alone had some direct dependence on government aid.


pages: 268 words: 74,724

Who Needs the Fed?: What Taylor Swift, Uber, and Robots Tell Us About Money, Credit, and Why We Should Abolish America's Central Bank by John Tamny

Airbnb, bank run, Bernie Madoff, bitcoin, Bretton Woods, buy and hold, Carmen Reinhart, corporate raider, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, crowdsourcing, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, fiat currency, financial innovation, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, George Gilder, Home mortgage interest deduction, Jeff Bezos, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, liquidity trap, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage tax deduction, NetJets, offshore financial centre, oil shock, peak oil, Peter Thiel, price stability, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Steve Jobs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, Travis Kalanick, Uber for X, War on Poverty, yield curve

And there lies the problem with federal spending on poverty, or government investments in ideas meant to cure its worst features. The powerful desire among outsiders to live in the United States is a certain signal that the War on Poverty was long ago won such that the spending isn’t necessary. Worse, all government programs develop constituencies. The jobs of individuals who vote are on the line. So even though the calculated rate of poverty4 is the same as it was when the war began, spending on that which, at least statistically, doesn’t work, and that really isn’t necessary, continues. In short, the alleged War on Poverty has failed, yet trillions continue to be spent on it. In the private sector such a war would have ended in bankruptcy long ago; that, or the strategy for fighting the problem would have long since changed.

The major difference is that when Globe.com falters, investors quickly starve it of capital so that it can destroy no more. When politicians spend, they have an unlimited source of funds—you, me, Michael Dell, and Larry Ellison—to tap. They can continue to support that which doesn’t work. Stated simply, businesses disappear on a daily basis, but government programs are generally forever. Since the federal government’s “War on Poverty” began, in the 1960s, more than $16 trillion has been spent on the battle.3 Yet, it seems that both liberals and conservatives miss the real story here. A more reasoned analysis, one driven by market signals, would strongly conclude that the United States conquered poverty back in the nineteenth century. That’s the case because the most powerful market signal of all—and nothing else comes close—concerns where people choose to live.

Not long before he was elected president of the United States, Barack Obama correctly criticized The Export-Import Bank (Ex-Im) as “little more than a fund for corporate welfare.”6 He was right. It exists to lend taxpayer funds to foreign companies interested in buying U.S. exports. Since reaching the White House, Obama has changed his position on the Bank. As of this writing, even a Republican-controlled Congress is still struggling to fully close this monument to crony capitalism. The existence of Ex-Im, along with the TVA and the War on Poverty, shows why supply-siders are so wrong when they sell income tax cuts to the political class as a way to get politicians more money to spend. That all three programs and subsidies still exist is a reminder that surging federal revenues morph into a major tax on future growth as politicians divine new ways to spend the money; the ideas hatched are exceedingly difficult to sunset. Consider always the “unseen”: the advances that never attained funding because surging federal revenues allowed Congress to spend and borrow with abandon.


Saving America's Cities: Ed Logue and the Struggle to Renew Urban America in the Suburban Age by Lizabeth Cohen

activist lawyer, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, car-free, charter city, deindustrialization, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, garden city movement, ghettoisation, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, hiring and firing, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, Jane Jacobs, land reform, megastructure, new economy, New Urbanism, Peter Eisenman, postindustrial economy, race to the bottom, rent control, Robert Gordon, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, Victor Gruen, Vilfredo Pareto, walkable city, War on Poverty, white flight, white picket fence, young professional

That David Lilienthal, trained as a lawyer, headed both these innovative agencies testified to the increasing priority put on administrative skill rather than narrowly defined technical knowledge.48 Beyond the New Deal, World War II was pivotal in promoting more rational state planning and the greater administrative expertise needed to implement it. When Hubert Humphrey laid out a liberal social agenda for the United States in his 1964 book, War on Poverty, he urged a transfer of “our genius for planning and management,” which had successfully met wartime “attacks from both sides of the globe,” to “fight[ing] the war on poverty.”49 Logue shared Humphrey’s conviction. As early as 1948, in a speech to the American Veterans Committee, he said, “To some people, planning is a bogey; but all veterans are familiar with it; it operates on all levels, sometimes it is good and sometimes bad, but all of us would agree it is necessary.”50 Even as it became clear that a new kind of expert was emerging to oversee urban redevelopment, there was no common label for this budding role.

Experimenting with job training and placement, prekindergarten education, legal assistance, community schools and health centers, tutoring, adult literacy, juvenile delinquency prevention, and other programs, CPI was widely recognized as the incubator for many of the community action programs—such as the Job Corps, Head Start, and Neighborhood Legal Services—that would become signatures of President Lyndon Baines Johnson’s (LBJ) national War on Poverty by the mid-1960s. From its inception in 1962 until 1966, CPI was headed by Mitchell “Mike” Sviridoff, a pal of Logue’s going back to his union-organizing days at Yale.4 Born in the same working-class neighborhood of New Haven as Dick Lee, Sviridoff, like Lee, could not afford college upon graduating high school and so headed into the labor force, where he became a sheet metal worker on the assembly line of United Aircraft in Stratford, Connecticut.

Lee closed his statement to the commission with an exhortation to the entire nation to do more “to make our cities showplaces of democracy.”42 Harris, for his part, declared, “As long as we have officials sitting back drawing up plans for our neighborhoods,” they are not “involving the people like it’s supposed to be in a so-called democratic society.”43 President Johnson’s Community Action Program, the centerpiece of his War on Poverty, had raised democratic expectations even higher for Harris and his peers by requiring “maximum feasible participation” of citizens in formulating social programs. It is worth noting that another uninvited speaker at the hearings, a conservative New Haven resident named Stephen J. Papa, also called for more listening “to the people who know the needs of the people in New Haven” to stem the tide of the middle-class exodus to the suburbs.


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Equal Is Unfair: America's Misguided Fight Against Income Inequality by Don Watkins, Yaron Brook

3D printing, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Apple II, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, blue-collar work, business process, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, collective bargaining, colonial exploitation, corporate governance, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deskilling, Edward Glaeser, Elon Musk, en.wikipedia.org, financial deregulation, immigration reform, income inequality, indoor plumbing, inventory management, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, Jony Ive, laissez-faire capitalism, Louis Pasteur, low skilled workers, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, Naomi Klein, new economy, obamacare, Peter Singer: altruism, Peter Thiel, profit motive, rent control, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, The Spirit Level, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Uber for X, urban renewal, War on Poverty, wealth creators, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game

At best, all the inequality critics can claim is that, under the unique economic conditions that prevailed during the post-war years, higher tax burdens on the wealthy existed alongside relatively high rates of economic growth. But would there have been even faster progress if the tax burden had been lower? On that issue, the Inequality Narrative has nothing to say. The Welfare State To credit the welfare state with creating a growing middle class requires us to ignore some basic facts of history. Until 1965, when Lyndon B. Johnson launched his so-called Great Society programs and the “War on Poverty,” the only significant welfare program was the Social Security Act of 1935, and it wasn’t until the end of the post-war era that a substantial number of Americans were receiving Social Security retirement checks.25 Moreover, the money paid out by Social Security could not have created or even expanded the middle class since Social Security payments were mainly financed by taxes on the middle class.

Its basic principle represents a total inversion of the ideal of opportunity: whereas the American Dream linked rewards to achievement, the welfare state declares that if you achieve something, you have no right to your rewards, but if you fail to achieve something, you’re entitled to the rewards of others. The effects of this inversion go far beyond stripping productive individuals of their wealth—although it’s disturbing how little that counts for today. It also discourages many people from even attempting to become self-supporting and self-directing. Nowhere are the welfare state’s corrosive effects on opportunity more clear than in its so-called War on Poverty. The list of anti-poverty programs is long, amounting to 126 separate programs at the federal level alone, including the Earned Income Tax Credit, Supplemental Security Income, food stamps, housing subsidies, work-training programs, child care subsidies, Medicaid, and much more. Spending on these and state and local programs is enormous, amounting to nearly $1 trillion a year.52 The first thing to observe about these anti-poverty programs is that they haven’t ended poverty—at least not poverty as the government defines it.

Spending on these and state and local programs is enormous, amounting to nearly $1 trillion a year.52 The first thing to observe about these anti-poverty programs is that they haven’t ended poverty—at least not poverty as the government defines it. (The absolute poverty we see in Haiti and Uganda was eliminated in the West long before the welfare state. When we speak about poverty in advanced countries we are talking about relative poverty.) The official poverty measure shows that the poverty rate remains about where it was when Lyndon B. Johnson launched his War on Poverty in the mid-1960s. That is somewhat misleading, however. Experts are in general agreement that the government’s official poverty measure overstates poverty, and that better assessments suggest that poverty has been cut in half over the last fifty years.53 What’s more, most of the people the government classifies as “poor” live relatively comfortable lives. Despite the genuine hardships they face, today’s poor typically enjoy an adequate diet, electricity, indoor plumbing, automobiles, and modern conveniences such as dishwashers, TVs, and DVD players.


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The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties by Christopher Caldwell

1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, big data - Walmart - Pop Tarts, blue-collar work, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, computer age, crack epidemic, crony capitalism, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Attenborough, desegregation, disintermediation, disruptive innovation, Edward Snowden, Erik Brynjolfsson, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Firefox, full employment, George Gilder, global value chain, Home mortgage interest deduction, illegal immigration, immigration reform, informal economy, Jeff Bezos, John Markoff, Kevin Kelly, libertarian paternalism, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, mass incarceration, mortgage tax deduction, Nate Silver, new economy, Norman Mailer, post-industrial society, pre–internet, profit motive, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Metcalfe, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog, zero-sum game

Although the size of the total credit market: Richard Duncan, The New Depression: The Breakdown of the Paper Money Economy (Singapore: John Wiley & Sons, 2012), 59. They would swell: “Figure 20 B: Total Pell Grant Expenditures and Number of Recipients, 1977–78 to 2017–2018.” In Sandy Baum, Jennifer Ma, Matea Pender, and C. J. Libassi (New York: CollegeBoard, 2018), 27. According to one sympathetic account: Christopher Jencks, “Did We Lose the War on Poverty?—II,” New York Review of Books, April 23, 2015. Jencks cites a chapter by Bridget Terry Long in Legacies of the War on Poverty, edited by Martha J. Bailey and Sheldon Danziger (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2013). the largest collector of Pell Grant tuition: Tamar Lewin, “Report Finds Low Graduation Rates at For-Profit Colleges,” New York Times, November 24, 2010. the government’s unfunded liabilities: Roy H. Webb, “The Stealth Budget: Unfunded Liabilities of the Federal Government,” FRB Richmond Economic Review 77, no. 3 (May–June 1991): 23–33.

Costing trillions upon trillions of dollars and spanning half a century, it rivals, in terms of energy invested, the peopling of the West, the building of transcontinental railways and highways, the maintenance of a Pax Americana for half a century after World War II, or, for that matter, any of the wars the country has fought, foreign or civil. On top of those conflicts, the United States has had two massive domestic policy programs that mobilized public resources and sentiments so thoroughly that they were presented to the public as what the philosopher and psychologist William James called a “moral equivalent of war”: the War on Poverty in the 1960s and the War on Drugs in the 1980s and ’90s. Both were mere battlefronts in a larger struggle over race relations. The reinterpretation of America’s entire history and purpose in light of its race problem is the main ideological legacy of the last fifty years. The scholar Derrick Bell described the quarter-century after the Supreme Court’s school desegregation decision Brown v.

White House counsel Clark Clifford saw “a pattern for a kind of life that the people of all Southeast Asia can begin to enjoy . . . So what the president wants to make is a demonstration.” The sociologist and Johnson advisor Daniel Patrick Moynihan was eager to use the military draft as an engine of upward mobility for blacks and the poor. By the summer of 1966, it was evident that the two Johnson wars, on poverty and in Vietnam, were set to open up a vast deficit that would make inflation inevitable. Johnson, with his cabinet’s help, bought time with various accounting tricks and falsifications. A year later, McNamara, speaking privately to Tom Wicker of the New York Times, was unrepentant. “Do you really think,” McNamara asked, “that if I had estimated the cost of the war correctly, Congress would have given any more for schools and housing?”


The Origins of the Urban Crisis by Sugrue, Thomas J.

affirmative action, business climate, collective bargaining, correlation coefficient, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, deindustrialization, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Ford paid five dollars a day, George Gilder, ghettoisation, Gunnar Myrdal, hiring and firing, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, informal economy, invisible hand, job automation, jobless men, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, mass incarceration, New Urbanism, oil shock, pink-collar, postindustrial economy, rent control, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, side project, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

Cavanagh’s election was almost accidental: he was supported by an unlikely alliance of African Americans and white neighborhood groups, both alienated (for different reasons) by Miriani’s equivocal, middle-of-the-road position on race and housing.8 Under Cavanagh, who astutely lobbied government officials for assistance, War on Poverty dollars flooded into Detroit. Detroit was second only to New York in the amount of federal dollars that it received in the 1960s. But officials channeled government assistance down familiar routes and established programs that did not fundamentally deviate from the limited agenda that social welfare, labor, and civil rights groups had set in the 1950s. By and large, War on Poverty programs embodied the conventional wisdom of mainstream economists and social welfare advocates, and focused on behavioral modification as the solution to poverty. The most far-reaching antipoverty programs targeted jobless youth.

Government, it was argued, should play a role in the transformation of youth culture. The problem with such initiatives as Thomas F. Jackson has argued in his seminal article on antipoverty policy in the 1960s, was that they “failed to eliminate income poverty or reduce income inequality [or] to increase the aggregate supply of jobs in urban and other labor markets.” The education, job training, and youth programs that were at the heart of the War on Poverty in Detroit were built on the same premises and suffered many of the same limitations as the previous generation of ad hoc programs. None responded adequately to deindustrialization and discrimination.9 Simultaneous with the organized protest of civil rights groups were spontaneous outbursts of violent resistance on the streets of Detroit. A growing segment of the black population, especially young people who had little attachment to civil rights and reform organizations, began to vent their discontent at shopkeepers and police officers, the only two groups of whites who regularly appeared in largely black neighborhoods.

“The close identification of the Democratic party with the cause of racial justice,” argues Allen Matusow, “did it special injury.”16 Jonathan Rieder contends that the 1960s rebellion of the “silent majority” was in part a response to “certain structural limitations of liberal reform,” especially “black demands” that “ran up against the limits of liberalism.”17 Wallace’s meteoric rise seems to sustain Thomas and Mary Edsall’s argument that the Alabama independent “captured the central political dilemma of racial liberalism and the Democratic party: the inability of Democrats to provide a political home for those whites who felt they were paying—unwillingly—the largest ‘costs’ in the struggle to achieve an integrated society.”18 The Edsalls, Rieder, and Matusow, although they correctly emphasize the importance of white discontent as a national political force, err in their overemphasis on the role of the Great Society and the sixties rebellions in the rise of the “silent majority.” To view the defection of whites from Democratic ranks simply as a reaction to the War on Poverty, civil rights, and black power movements ignores racial cleavages that shaped local politics in the north well before the tumult of the 1960s. Urban antiliberalism had deep roots in a simmering politics of race and neighborhood defensiveness that divided northern cities well before George Wallace began his first speaking tours in the Snowbelt, well before Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act, well before the long, hot summers of Watts, Harlem, Chicago, Newark, and Detroit, and well before affirmative action and busing began to dominate the civil rights agenda.


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The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander

affirmative action, cognitive bias, Columbine, Corrections Corporation of America, deindustrialization, desegregation, different worldview, ending welfare as we know it, friendly fire, Gunnar Myrdal, illegal immigration, land reform, large denomination, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, means of production, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

Black “welfare cheats” and their dangerous offspring emerged, for the first time, in the political discourse and media imagery. Liberals, by contrast, insisted that social reforms such as the War on Poverty and civil rights legislation would get at the “root causes” of criminal behavior and stressed the social conditions that predictably generate crime. Lyndon Johnson, for example, argued during his 1964 presidential campaign against Barry Goldwater that antipoverty programs were, in effect, anticrime programs: “There is something mighty wrong when a candidate for the highest office bemoans violence in the streets but votes against the War on Poverty, votes against the Civil Rights Act and votes against major educational bills that come before him as a legislator.”56 Competing images of the poor as “deserving” and “undeserving” became central components of the debate.

The wave of activism associated with economic justice helped to focus President Kennedy’s attention on poverty and black unemployment. In the summer of 1963, he initiated a series of staff studies on those subjects. By the end of the summer, he declared his intention to make the eradication of poverty a key legislative objective in 1964.35 Following Kennedy’s assassination, President Lyndon Johnson embraced the antipoverty rhetoric with great passion, calling for an “unconditional war on poverty,” in his State of the Union Address in January 1964. Weeks later he proposed to Congress the Economic Opportunities Bill of 1964. The shift in focus served to align the goals of the Civil Rights Movement with key political goals of poor and working-class whites, who were also demanding economic reforms. As the Civil Rights Movement began to evolve into a “Poor People’s Movement,” it promised to address not only black poverty, but white poverty as well—thus raising the specter of a poor and working-class movement that cut across racial lines.

Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton’s book, American Apartheid, documents how racially segregated ghettos were deliberately created by federal policy, not impersonal market forces or private housing choices.79 The enduring racial isolation of the ghetto poor has made them uniquely vulnerable in the War on Drugs. What happens to them does not directly affect—and is scarcely noticed by—the privileged beyond the ghetto’s invisible walls. Thus it is here, in the poverty-stricken, racially segregated ghettos, where the War on Poverty has been abandoned and factories have disappeared, that the drug war has been waged with the greatest ferocity. SWAT teams are deployed here; buy-and-bust operations are concentrated here; drug raids of apartment buildings occur here; stop-and-frisk operations occur on the streets here. Black and brown youth are the primary targets. It is not uncommon for a young black teenager living in a ghetto community to be stopped, interrogated, and frisked numerous times in the course of a month, or even a single week, often by paramilitary units.


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The Metropolitan Revolution: The Rise of Post-Urban America by Jon C. Teaford

anti-communist, big-box store, conceptual framework, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, East Village, edge city, estate planning, Golden Gate Park, Gunnar Myrdal, Haight Ashbury, housing crisis, illegal immigration, Jane Jacobs, Joan Didion, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Potemkin village, rent control, Seaside, Florida, Silicon Valley, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, Victor Gruen, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, young professional

Reinforcing the perception of rebellion were government-sponsored community action programs. In 1964 President Johnson launched his War on Poverty, a federal initiative to level the social and economic playing field in America. One vital element of the federal scheme was the community action councils, which were to guide the assault on poverty in poor neighborhoods throughout the nation. There was to be “maximum feasible participation” by the poor on these neighborhood councils. In the minds of many Americans, the program was intended to empower the poor, specifically poor blacks, and enable them to seize control of their destinies from the prevailing white power structure. According to one contemporary observer, the federal bureaucrats in charge of the War on Poverty “operated on the assumption that the involvement of the poor in policy-making was necessary in order to redistribute power in the cities; without power redistribution, they believed, there would be no great improvement in the lot of the Negro poor.”68 The notion of a federally funded revolution understandably troubled many white central-city officials.

Report of Commission on Civil Disorders, p. 107; Fine, Violence in the Model City, pp. 341–42. 65. Report of Commission on Civil Disorders, pp. 106–7, 115, 164. 66. Ibid., pp. 1, 407. 67. Ibid., pp. 134, 177. 68. Piven and Cloward, Regulating the Poor, p. 269. 69. Ralph M. Kramer, Participation of the Poor: Comparative Community Case Studies in the War on Poverty (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1969), pp. 25, 31. 70. Daniel P. Moynihan, Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding: Community Action in the War on Poverty (New York: Free Press, 1970), p. 156. 71. Kramer, Participation of the Poor, p. 53. 72. Estelle Zannes, Checkmate in Cleveland: The Rhetoric of Confrontation During the Stokes Years (Cleveland: Press of Case Western Reserve University, 1972), p. 49. 73. William E. Nelson Jr. and Philip J. Meranto, Electing Black Mayors: Political Action in the Black Community (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1977), p. 159. 74.

San Clemente, Calif. San Francisco, Calif.; African American population of; Chinatown; department stores in; Filipinos in; foreign born in; gentrification in; Ghirardelli Square, as festival marketplace in; highway opponents in; homosexuals in; office buildings in; postwar planning in; public housing in; racial discrimination in; racial violence in; shopping mall near; and Silicon Valley; urban renewal in; and War on Poverty San Juan Capistrano, Calif. San Marino, Calif. San Mateo, Calif. Sanders, Harland Scala, Florence Scarsdale, N.Y.; building restrictions in; clubs in; government of; neighborhood associations in; schools in; wealth of residents of; zoning in Schaumburg, Ill. Scottsdale, Ariz. Seal Beach, Calif. Seaside, Fla. Seattle, Wash.: Asian Americans in; department stores in; downtown decline in; downtown population of; edge city near; gentrification in; homosexuals in; Pike Place; rehabilitation of old commercial areas in; shopper preferences in; theaters in Shaker Heights, Ohio Shelley, John Shelley v.


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If Then: How Simulmatics Corporation Invented the Future by Jill Lepore

A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, anti-communist, Buckminster Fuller, computer age, coronavirus, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, game design, George Gilder, Grace Hopper, Hacker Ethic, Howard Zinn, index card, information retrieval, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, Jeffrey Epstein, job automation, land reform, linear programming, Mahatma Gandhi, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, Maui Hawaii, Menlo Park, New Journalism, New Urbanism, Norbert Wiener, Norman Mailer, packet switching, Peter Thiel, profit motive, RAND corporation, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, smart cities, South China Sea, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, Telecommunications Act of 1996, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog

Isserman and Kazin, America Divided, 145. And see, broadly, Malcolm McLaughlin, The Long Hot Summer of 1967: Urban Rebellion in America (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). Claude Brown and Arthur Dunmey, “Harlem’s America,” New Leader, September 1966. For a brilliant reconstruction and discussion of the relationship between the war on poverty and the war on crime, including the emphasis on prediction in both efforts, see Elizabeth Hinton, From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime: The Making of Mass Incarceration in America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017). Especially useful is ELG, “Statement to Stockholders, September 20, 1966,” in which Greenfield notes the growth of the company between 1965 and 1966 and explains, “The seeds of our future growth were already germinating in 1964.

He would see Congress pass, at last, a new civil rights law. “We have talked long enough in this country about equal rights for all Americans, whatever their race or color,” he said, his voice rising. Congress interrupted him with applause. “We have talked for one hundred years or more. It is time now to write the next chapter, and to write it in the books of law.”9 Johnson would pledge to create a Great Society. He would announce a war on poverty. He sought federal aid for public education, and for the care of the sick and the poor and the old, with the establishment of Medicare and Medicaid. Johnson was a legislative mastermind. “Kennedy couldn’t have gotten the Ten Commandments through Congress,” Johnson later scoffed, privately. Johnson’s program was not Kennedy’s program; compared to Johnson, Kennedy was a conservative. What cause had Kennedy died for?

The LAPD was notorious for its brutality. The violence lasted for six nights and involved an astonishing thirty-five thousand people. A thousand people were injured. Thirty-four were killed. “If I’ve got to die, I ain’t dying in Vietnam,” said one protester. “I’m going to die here.”8 Lyndon Johnson shepherded the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, declared a War on Poverty, and planned to build a Great Society, with federal aid for economic development. Conservatives read the riots as an indictment of everything he had done and hoped to do. Greenfield had a plan of his own, Claude Brown told the Senate. Greenfield had the idea that there were mathematical geniuses all over Harlem, in every ghetto in the country, kids who were running numbers games, hustlers with a natural aptitude for business.


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The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart by Bill Bishop, Robert G. Cushing

"Robert Solow", 1960s counterculture, affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, assortative mating, big-box store, blue-collar work, Cass Sunstein, citizen journalism, cognitive dissonance, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, immigration reform, income inequality, industrial cluster, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, longitudinal study, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, music of the spheres, New Urbanism, post-industrial society, post-materialism, Ralph Nader, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, stem cell, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, War on Poverty, white flight, World Values Survey

On the first day of school in the fall of 1965, Gene Roberts of the New York Times reported that southern educators "said it was the biggest day of integration in the Souths history."38 On January 25, LBJ proposed a budget containing what the New York Times described as the "biggest expansion of domestic welfare and educational programs since the New Deal of the nineteen thirties."39 Two months later, Johnson signed the bill creating the Appalachian Regional Commission, the first, but certainly not the last, War on Poverty bill to reach the president that year. The first children entered Head Start in May. In 1965, "for the first time since the Great Depression, the federal government began to exert a strong and direct influence on the arts," wrote Julia Ardery, as Congress created both the National Endowment for the Arts and the National Endowment for the Humanities.40 Johnson could control Congress, but he couldn't contain the conflict in Vietnam or the American South.

Professor Ivor Crewe was Carteresque when he testified that "there is no doubt that distrust and alienation has risen to a higher level than ever before."60 When Americans looked within their own history to explain this change in the national psyche, they latched on to nouns: Watts, My Lai, Watergate, Stagflation, Monica, Enron, Katrina. But, as Dalton explained, nouns don't tell the story. People, places, and events familiar to Americans wouldn't cause trust to decline in countries with wildly different political histories. Why Bill Clinton Didn't Declare a War on Poverty The loss of faith in public institutions has been the "key change in American public opinion over the last 40 years," Vanderbilt University political scientist Marc Hetherington concludes. The decline in trust placed Democrats at a permanent disadvantage, one that both diminished their chances for winning elections and hogtied their efforts to govern.61 President John Kennedy had been able to proclaim a "New Frontier" and President Lyndon Johnson could declare a "Great Society" because Americans trusted government.

In the new political climate, they proposed solutions to public problems that were to be carried out by a government that most people—even Democrats—no longer trusted to act in society's best interest. Hetherington points out that Bill Clinton was not so different from Johnson in his background or his politics. Both had grown up poor in the South. Both were presidents during economic expansions. Both had partisan advantages in Congress. But whereas Johnson declared the War on Poverty, Clinton announced that the "era of big government is over." What separated Johnson's administration from Clinton's wasn't the power of the right wing, the reticence of business, or Democratic perfidy, Hetherington argues. The difference was that people trusted government in 1965 and they didn't in 1993.62 Hetherington found the perfect example of the Democrats' dilemma. In 1964, 41 percent of Americans wanted the federal government to integrate schools.


pages: 294 words: 77,356

Automating Inequality by Virginia Eubanks

autonomous vehicles, basic income, business process, call centre, cognitive dissonance, collective bargaining, correlation does not imply causation, deindustrialization, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, experimental subject, housing crisis, IBM and the Holocaust, income inequality, job automation, mandatory minimum, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, minimum wage unemployment, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, New Urbanism, payday loans, performance metric, Ronald Reagan, self-driving car, statistical model, strikebreaker, underbanked, universal basic income, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration, young professional, zero-sum game

And, ideally, agreed by all to be perfectly apolitical.”10 Automated eligibility, coordinated entry, and the AFST all tell a similar story: once we perfect the algorithms, a free market and free information will guarantee the best results for the greatest number. We won’t need government at all. Troubling this vision of a government governing best by governing least is the fact that, historically, we have only made headway against persistent poverty when mass protest compelled substantial federal investment. Many of the programs of the Social Security Act, the GI Bill, and the War on Poverty suffered from fatal flaws: by excluding women and men of color from their programs, they limited their own equalizing potential. But they offered broadly social solutions to risk and acknowledged that prosperity should be widely shared. The very existence of a social safety net is premised on an agreement to share the social costs of uncertainty. Welfare states distribute the consequences of bad luck more equally across society’s members.

In a letter to supporters, King warned that the Poor People’s Campaign was America’s “last chance” to arouse its “conscience toward constructive democratic change.”3 Instead, by 1976, the digital poorhouse had emerged and a movement to restrict the rights of poor families was sweeping the country. The combination of more restrictive rules, faster processing, less human discretion, and more complete surveillance shredded our already inadequate social safety net. The Congress used the cost of the war in Vietnam to rationalize dismantling War on Poverty programs. The peacetime GI Bill, public service jobs, and minimum guaranteed income called for by the Poor People’s Campaign never materialized. * * * Today, these goals still sometimes feel hopelessly out of reach. But if we are serious about dismantling the digital poorhouse—and ending poverty—we could do worse than to start with this list of 50-year-old demands. Certainly, creating enough adequately paying jobs would eliminate much of the cyclical use of public programs that occurs when working-class people—and even some in the professional middle class—dip below the poverty line and into the densest web of the digital poorhouse.

In the Matter of an Inquiry into the Administration, Discipline, and Moral Welfare of the Rensselaer County Poorhouse. Albany, NY: New York State Archives, 1905. Jackson, Larry R., and William A. Johnson. “Protest by the Poor: The Welfare Rights Movement in New York City.” New York: RAND Institute, 1973. Katz, Michael B. In the Shadow of the Poorhouse: A Social History of Welfare in America. New York: Basic Books, 1996. ________. The Undeserving Poor: From the War on Poverty to the War on Welfare. 1st ed. New York: Pantheon Books, 1990. Katz, Michael B., and the Committee for Research on the Urban Underclass Social of the Science Research Council . The “Underclass” Debate: Views from History. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993. Kennedy, Howard. “Policy Due on ‘Night Raid’ Checking of Welfare Cases,” LA Times, Feb. 18, 1963, 1. Killgrove, Kristina.


pages: 198 words: 52,089

Dream Hoarders: How the American Upper Middle Class Is Leaving Everyone Else in the Dust, Why That Is a Problem, and What to Do About It by Richard V. Reeves

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, assortative mating, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, circulation of elites, cognitive dissonance, desegregation, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, income inequality, knowledge economy, land value tax, longitudinal study, mortgage tax deduction, obamacare, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, positional goods, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, unpaid internship, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, working-age population, zero-sum game

Meanwhile, class barriers have risen, in five areas in particular: economic fortunes, educational attainment, family formation, geography, and in terms of health and life expectancy. “WE ARE THE 20 PERCENT”: THE MONEYED UPPER MIDDLE CLASS The American conversation about economic inequality has two dominant motifs. The first is the persistence of poverty, even in a country that a hundred years ago W. E. B. Du Bois labeled “a land of dollars.”8 Nobody can plausibly suggest that the War on Poverty was won: 15 percent of Americans remain in poverty, according to official estimates.9 But nor can anyone sensibly suggest that the War on Poverty was lost, either. The poverty rate has dropped by 7 percent since 1959, largely as a result of increased government transfers to those with low incomes. The fairest conclusion is a draw. The second theme, especially salient in recent years, is the extraordinary gains of those at the very top—variously the “upper class,” the “super-rich,” the “top 1 percent.”

See Class mobility Social networks, 114 Social skills, 42, 114 Solon, Gary, 9 Sombart, Werner, 18 Some Thoughts Concerning Education (Locke), 41 Sosyura, Denis, 70 Spatial segregation, 30–32 Stanford University, 109 Student Opportunity Program, 146 Stutzman, Marlin, 8 Subcommittee on Higher Education and Workforce Training, 146 Subsidized housing, 139 Summers, Harry, 118 Summers, Larry, 109, 118, 142 Swift, Adam, 38, 98, 99 Switzer, Barry, 12 “Take Our Daughters and Sons to Work Day,” 114–15 Tax policy: American Opportunity Tax Credit, 135, 137; exclusionary zoning assisted via, 13–14, 102–06, 138–41; mortgage interest tax subsidies, 105–06, 149–51; reforms, 148–52; subsidies, 102–06, 148–52 Teacher Incentive Fund, 132 Teacher quality, 131–33 Tea Party, 7 Teles, Steven, 12, 96 Testocratic merit, 82 Texas A&M University, 142, 144 Thompson, Derek, 146 Tilly, Charles, 35, 100 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 17 Torche, Florencia, 55, 62 Trump, Donald, 2, 3–4 Twilight of the Elites (Hayes), 7, 76 Unintended pregnancies, 13, 39–40, 125–28 United Kingdom: class mobility in, 68, 155; college education in, 56, 91; home visits in, 129–30; inheritance of class in, 58; internships in, 147; social class in, 5 University of California system, 142 University of Georgia, 142 University of North Carolina, 143 Upper middle class: children’s advantages, 8–9, 37–56; defined, 19–20; inequality gap from rest of middle class, 6–8, 17–36; inheritance of status by, 9–10, 57–74; market meritocracy rewards skills developed by, 10–12, 75–94; opportunity hoarding by, 12–13, 95–122; political power of, 8; sacrifices required from, 13–15, 123–52. See also Children’s advantages; Inequality gap; Inheritance of status; Market meritocracy; Opportunity hoarding; Sacrifices required Upstream, 126 Vance, J. D., 75–76, 120 Van Hollen, Chris, 1–2 Venator, Joanna, 126 Vocational education, 50 Vonnegut, Kurt, 78 Wage inequalities, 26–27. See also Income inequality Waldfogel, Jane, 45 Waldman, Paul, 2 Walker, Darren, 145 War on Poverty, 22 Washbrook, Liz, 45 West, Darrell, 135 White anxiety, 3 Williams, Bernard, 81–82 Winship, Scott, 66–67 Wolff, Edward, 26 Women. See Gender Yale University, 109, 120 Young, Michael, 11–12, 29, 78–80 Zhang, Kan, 34 Z-lists, 112–13 Zoning. See Exclusionary zoning


pages: 470 words: 148,730

Good Economics for Hard Times: Better Answers to Our Biggest Problems by Abhijit V. Banerjee, Esther Duflo

"Robert Solow", 3D printing, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, basic income, Bernie Sanders, business cycle, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, charter city, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, decarbonisation, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, endowment effect, energy transition, Erik Brynjolfsson, experimental economics, experimental subject, facts on the ground, fear of failure, financial innovation, George Akerlof, high net worth, immigration reform, income inequality, Indoor air pollution, industrial cluster, industrial robot, information asymmetry, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Jane Jacobs, Jean Tirole, Jeff Bezos, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, land reform, loss aversion, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, obamacare, offshore financial centre, open economy, Paul Samuelson, place-making, price stability, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, randomized controlled trial, Richard Thaler, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, school choice, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, self-driving car, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, smart meter, social graph, spinning jenny, Steve Jobs, technology bubble, The Chicago School, The Future of Employment, The Market for Lemons, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, universal basic income, urban sprawl, very high income, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working-age population, Y2K

Everyone knew someone who suffered from sudden poverty. John Steinbeck’s brave Okies fleeing the Dust Bowl are a staple of high school classes. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal marked the beginning of an era where poverty was seen as something society could fight, and beat, with government intervention. This continued until the 1960s, culminating in Lyndon B. Johnson’s “war on poverty.” But when growth slowed and resources were tight, the war on poverty turned into war on the poor. Ronald Reagan would return time and again to the image of the so-called welfare queen, who was black, lazy, female, and fraudulent. The model for this was Linda Taylor, a woman from Chicago who had four aliases and was convicted of $8,000 in fraud, for which she spent several years in prison. This was one and a half years longer than onetime billionaire capitalist hero Charles Keating, the central figure in the most famous corruption scandal of the Reagan era (the Keating Five scandal), and the related savings and loans crisis that was to cost taxpayers over $500 billion in bailout money.

In 2018, President Trump’s Council of Economic Advisers issued a report advocating a work requirement as a condition of eligibility for the three major noncash assistance programs: Medicaid, SNAP (food stamps), and rental assistance.18 In June of 2018, Arkansas became the first state to implement a work requirement for Medicaid adults. Interestingly, the Council of Economic Advisers’ main argument was no longer that the war on poverty had failed but, on the contrary, that “our war on poverty is largely over and a success.” The report argued that “the safety net—including government tax and [both cash and non-cash] transfer policies—has contributed to a dramatic reduction in poverty [correctly measured] in the United States. However, the policies have been accompanied by a decline in self-sufficiency [in terms of receipt of welfare benefits] among non-disabled working-age adults.

This was one and a half years longer than onetime billionaire capitalist hero Charles Keating, the central figure in the most famous corruption scandal of the Reagan era (the Keating Five scandal), and the related savings and loans crisis that was to cost taxpayers over $500 billion in bailout money. In a new twist, the moral turpitude of the poor was now presented as the consequence of welfare itself. In 1986, Reagan famously declared the war on poverty lost. It was welfare that made us lose the war, by discouraging work and encouraging dependency, which led to the “crisis of family breakdowns, especially among the welfare poor, both black and white.”14 In a radio address to the nation on February 15, 1986, Reagan declared: We’re in danger of creating a permanent culture of poverty as inescapable as any chain or bond; a second and separate America, an America of lost dreams and stunted lives.


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Dopesick: Dealers, Doctors, and the Drug Company That Addicted America by Beth Macy

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, centre right, crack epidemic, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, invisible hand, labor-force participation, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, McMansion, medical residency, meta analysis, meta-analysis, obamacare, offshore financial centre, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, single-payer health, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor

Across central Appalachia’s coal country, people hadn’t yet begun locking their toolsheds and barn doors as a guard against those addicted to OxyContin, looking for anything to steal to fund their next fix. The region was still referred to as the coalfields, even though coal-mining jobs had long been in steep decline. It had been three decades since President Lyndon Johnson squatted on the porch of a ramshackle house just a few counties west, having a chat with an unemployed sawmiller that led him to launch his War on Poverty, which resulted in bedrock social programs like food stamps, Medicaid, Medicare, and Head Start. But poverty remained very much with the coalfields the day Stallard had his first brush with a new and powerful painkiller. Whereas half the region lived in poverty in 1964 and hunger abounded, it now held national records for obesity, disability rates, and drug diversion, the practice of using and/or selling prescriptions for nonmedical purposes.

He was standing by the counter, made of materials recycled from a long-gone coal company’s commissary where coal miners once gathered to collect their pay in scrip. The miners had portions of their pay deducted from their salary to build the clinic in 1973. They’d also organized bake sales and talent shows, and spent years soliciting donations, many of the efforts shepherded by a trio of plucky nuns who’d migrated to the region a decade earlier, heeding LBJ’s and Robert Kennedy’s call to help Appalachia fight the War on Poverty. Nicknamed the Nickel and Dime Clinic, it was literally built by coal miners and community activists, people who chipped in every penny of their spare change. These weren’t simply Van Zee’s patients who were showing up in the ER; they were also dear friends, many of them descendants of the coal miners whose pictures lined his exam-room walls. They hailed from nearby coal camps with names like Monarch, Virginia Lee, and Bonnie Blue.

“I said, ‘Look, I’m an Appalachian scholar, and my family goes back here forever, and I take tremendous insult,’” she recalled. She stormed out with the others, and the newspaper ad never ran. * The next day Friedman gathered with Richard Stallard and other law enforcement officers at Kathy’s Country Kitchen in the Lee County seat. Sister Beth Davies, the pluckiest of the three nuns who had answered the War on Poverty call, was in attendance. So was pharmacist Greg Stewart, a miner’s son whose parents had personally helped build the St. Charles clinic. When Stewart filled OxyContin prescriptions, he begged his customers to lock their medication up. He’d already been the victim of two robbery attempts, including one by the son of a neighboring hair-salon owner who crawled in through the ceiling vents connecting the salon to Stewart’s store.


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The Narrow Corridor: States, Societies, and the Fate of Liberty by Daron Acemoglu, James A. Robinson

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, AltaVista, Andrei Shleifer, bank run, Berlin Wall, British Empire, California gold rush, central bank independence, centre right, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, colonial rule, Computer Numeric Control, conceptual framework, Corn Laws, corporate governance, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, Dava Sobel, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Snowden, en.wikipedia.org, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, information asymmetry, interest rate swap, invention of movable type, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, John Harrison: Longitude, joint-stock company, Kula ring, labor-force participation, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, manufacturing employment, mass incarceration, Maui Hawaii, means of production, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, obamacare, openstreetmap, out of africa, PageRank, pattern recognition, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Skype, spinning jenny, Steven Pinker, the market place, transcontinental railway, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks

FDR also signed the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 and created an elaborate bureaucracy to enforce this law, investigating whether firms were in compliance and bringing lawsuits against them if they weren’t (even though, as we have seen, later legislation such as Title VII of the Civil Rights Act eschewed this approach and went back to the public-private partnership model). An equally significant expansion of the role of the federal state in the economy was spearheaded by President Johnson’s “Great Society” program. Johnson introduced the central tenet of the program, the “War on Poverty,” in his 1964 State of the Union address by stating, “This administration today, here and now, declares unconditional war on poverty in America.” The War on Poverty too was a response to social changes, driven by both high rates of poverty that had long existed in many parts of the United States and the growing disparities between whites and blacks who had come to form a majority in many neighborhoods in inner cities. These economic conditions came to be viewed as the primary cause of the growing crime rates.

Most innovative perhaps were the educational programs, which included Head Start, providing preschool education for poor children; the Bilingual Education Act of 1968 for local school districts to assist children from non-English-speaking families; and the huge expansion of federal aid to universities and students from poor backgrounds for attending college. Though society’s mobilization has triggered a spectacular growth in the capacity of the federal state, the architecture of the Constitution continued to influence the way that some of these programs were developed as well as their outcomes (Ronald Reagan quipped about the War on Poverty that “the federal government declared war on poverty, and poverty won”). Consider, for example, FDR’s flagship Social Security Act. Until the New Deal the United States had failed to develop any broad-based social insurance policy while Britain had started to move in that direction in 1906 and Germany even earlier in the 1880s. Private pension plans did exist in the United States but they reached less than 10 percent of the workforce.

Or that there are high levels of poverty in many parts of the country and that African Americans have often been excluded from opportunities and public services. Nor should we be surprised that this public-private partnership model hasn’t worked well for providing a social safety net to poor Americans. As society became more mobilized and assertive, the American Leviathan has sometimes been induced to step in with programs such as President Johnson’s “War on Poverty” to fill this void, but this has often been an incomplete effort. Perhaps paradoxically, we’ll also see that this path of the American Leviathan has had another important unintended consequence: the lack of effective monitoring of state activities in some crucial dimensions. Hemmed in by the straitjacket imposed by the Federalists’ compromises and the public-private partnership model, the American state could not deal through legitimate channels with the increasingly complex security challenges posed by the Cold War and the recent rise in international terrorism.


pages: 239 words: 62,005

Don't Burn This Book: Thinking for Yourself in an Age of Unreason by Dave Rubin

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, Burning Man, butterfly effect, centre right, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, Donald Trump, failed state, gender pay gap, illegal immigration, immigration reform, job automation, low skilled workers, mutually assured destruction, obamacare, Peter Thiel, pre–internet, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, school choice, Silicon Valley, Steven Pinker, Tim Cook: Apple, unpaid internship, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

The following year he showed the first film to be screened in the White House—The Birth of a Nation, which was essentially KKK propaganda. By 1918 Wilson had banned any criticism of the government via the controversial Espionage and Sedition Acts. Jump forward to 1964 and the biggest congressional opposition to the Civil Rights Act came from Democrats. The following year, President Lyndon B. Johnson, a Democrat, launched his War on Poverty, which was billed as correcting racially related poverty. At this time, the out-of-wedlock birth rate was 25 percent among blacks (according to the Office of Policy Planning and Research). In 2015 it was 77 percent. Dr. Thomas Sowell described this phenomenon by saying, “The black family, which had survived centuries of slavery and discrimination, began rapidly disintegrating in the liberal welfare state that subsidized unwed pregnancy and changed welfare from an emergency rescue to a way of life.”

., 70, 131–32 Buttigieg, Pete, 159 BuzzFeed, 9, 21–22, 60, 149 Cain, Caleb, 159, 161, 162 cancel culture, 85 Capehart, Jonathan, 154 capitalism, 141–42 Carlson, Tucker, 122–24 Carnevale, Anthony, 104 “Cashing in on the Rise of the Alt-Right” (Harkinson), 77 catastrophizing, 196–97 CBD (cannabidiol), 33 CBS, 149–50 Chabloz, Alison, 52 character assassination, 16–17 Charlesworth, Tessa, 98 Charlie Hebdo terrorist attack, 20–21 China, 139–40 Churchill, Winston, 203 Civil Rights Act of 1964, 38, 112 Clarkson, Kelly, 198 classical liberalism, 7–8, 28, 29–71 abortion and, 45–49 definition, 30 drugs and, 32–36 economics and, 62–67 foreign policy and, 67–71 free speech and, 50–54 gay marriage and, 37–39 gun control and, 54–58 historical proponents of, 30–31 immigration and, 39–45 individual rights, protection of, 30–31 political language of, 96 stereotypes, neutralization of, 31 tolerance of opposing viewpoints and, 37–39 trans issues and, 59–62 class warfare, 65 Clinton, Hillary, 42, 113 CNN, 10, 21–22, 148–49, 150 Covington story and, 153, 155 Jussie Smollett news story and, 157 Russian Hoax and, 158 college professors, left-wing political brainwashing by, 151 comedy, 187–90 coming out, 3–5 Confederate flag, 112 conservatives political language of, 96 pro-life position of, 49 Cook, Tim, 146 Covington story scandal, 152–55 crack, 34–35 Cruz, Nikolas, 58 culture war, 197–201 Cuomo, Andrew, 156 Daily Beast, The, 149 Daily Show, The (TV show), 62–63, 134–35 Daily Signal, The, 92 Damore, James, 25–26 Daniels, Jessie, 92 Darcy, Oliver, 161 David and Goliath story, 183 debt, government, 66 Declaration of Independence, 31, 144 Deconstructing Harry (film), 4 defensive gun use, lives saved from, 106 DeFranco, Philip, 159, 160–61 DeGeneres, Ellen, 146 Democratic Party, historical background of Civil Rights Act, opposition to, 112 Confederate flag, creation of, 112 Dred Scott ruling and, 111 Ku Klux Klan, formation of, 111–12 Lincoln assassination and, 112 opposition to Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, 112 school choice, opposition to, 113 War on Poverty and, 112 Democrats = good, Republicans = bad myth, 111–13 Demos, 101 denial, 12 digital journalism, 151 discrimination, 83 Dred Scott ruling, 111 dressing as the person you want to be, 175–79 drugs, 32–36 alcohol, 33–34 government role, 34–36 marijuana, 33 nicotine, 33 Schedule I controlled substances, 34–35 state versus federal issue, 36 taxation and, 35 Dunham, Lena, 127 economic issues, 62–67 government debt, 66 government size and spending, 64 minimum wage, 62, 65–66 tax rates, 64–65 unpaid internships, 62–63 welfare, 66 Economist, The, 80 Ehrlich, Paul, 108 Elder, Larry, 87–95 “An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force” (Fryer), 98 environmental issues, 108–10 extreme weather, 109 food shortage, 108–9 polar bears, 110 Equality Act of 1974, 38 Evans, Chris, 127 Evergreen State College, 22, 23 extreme weather, 109 Facebook, speech guidelines of, 53 fact checking, 8, 87–113 Democrats = good, Republicans = bad myth, 111–13 Elder interview and, 87–95 environmental issues, 108–10 gun control, 105–6 hate crimes, 107–8 learning and growing when faced with new facts, 94–95 nuclear family, importance of, 91–93 political languages, recognizing, 95–97 slow thinking, practicing, 96–97 systemic racism, 89–92, 97–100 wage gap, 103–5 war on women, 100–103 fake news, 9–10, 148–65 algorithmic manipulation of news intake, 163 blatant falsehoods, 163 categories of, 162–63 college professors, left-wing political brainwashing by, 151 Covington story scandal, 152–55 curating list of trusted journalists who operate in good faith, 163–64 distrust of media, 162 gut instinct, following your, 164 historical background, 149–51 institutional, 163 Jussie Smollett news story, 155–57 narrative-driven, 162 political activism and propagandism by journalists, 151–52 proprietors of, examples of, 148–49 Roose’s hit piece blaming Rubin and others for radicalizing youth, 159–62 Russian Hoax and, 157–58 family, 91–93, 112–13 Family Guy (TV show), 189 fatherless children, 91–92 Feinstein, Dianne, 44 Ferguson, Niall, 134 Field of Dreams (film), 177 Fifteenth Amendment, 112 First Amendment free speech rights, 14, 50–54 Fonda, Jane, 103 food shortage, 108–9 foreign policy, 67–71 peace through strength strategy, 67–68 red line in Syria, failure to enforce, 68 troop withdrawals, 70 Ukraine, NATO’s failure to help, 69 Forrest, Nathan Bedford, 111–12 Fourteenth Amendment, 112 Fox News, 150 France, 69, 141 free speech, 50–54, 207 combating conspiracy theories and bad ideas with, 50–51 comedy and, 189 as essential to civilized society, 52 exceptions specified by Supreme Court, 50 hate speech laws and, 52 Kaepernick’s kneeling for national anthem and, 53–54 progressive policing of, 52–53 free thinking, 7–8, 28, 29–71.

., 98–99 Virtue of Nationalism, The (Hazony), 40 virtue signaling, 127–28 Vox, 9, 149, 159 Vulture, 154 wage gap, 103–5 wake-up call, embracing, 7, 12–28 Affleck’s attack of Harris and Maher on Real Time with Bill Maher, 17–20 author’s wake-up call, 14–22 Charlie Hebdo attack and left’s response, 20–22 Damore’s memo at Google, left’s response to, 25–26 fear of fallout from, 13 independent thinking and, 28 leftism and liberalism, distinguished, 13–14 presumptions, overcoming, 14–15 problem, admitting there’s a, 12 rejection by left, sense of community and other benefits of, 27–28 Shepherd accused of being transphobic, 24–25 truth and reality, embracing, 12–13 Weinstein, and silencing of dissent by left, 22–24 The Young Turks, character assassination of Webb by, 16–17 Waking Up: A Guide to Spirituality Without Religion (Harris), 17–18 Walmart, 65–66 Ware, Bonnie, 195–96 War of the Worlds (radio broadcast), 198 War on Poverty, 112–13 war on women, 100–103 custody of children in divorce, men versus women, 102 homicide rates and, 101 incarceration rates of women versus men, 102 longevity, 102 online trolling by women versus men, 101–2 Selective Service registration not required for women, 102 taxes paid, men versus women, 102–3 university attendance, rates of, 100–101 wage gap myth, 103–5 Washington Post, The, 99, 149 Covington story and, 153, 154 Jussie Smollett news story and, 157 Waters, Maxine, 156 weather, extremes in, 109 Webb, David, 16–17 Weinstein, Bret, 6–7, 22–24 Weinstein, Eric, 162–63 welfare, 66 Wen, Leana, 47 Western values, hatred for.


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Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America by Rick Perlstein

affirmative action, Alistair Cooke, American ideology, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cognitive dissonance, cuban missile crisis, delayed gratification, desegregation, East Village, European colonialism, full employment, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, immigration reform, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index card, indoor plumbing, Joan Didion, Kitchen Debate, liberal capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Marshall McLuhan, Monroe Doctrine, moral panic, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, Own Your Own Home, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price mechanism, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, the medium is the message, traveling salesman, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, walking around money, War on Poverty, white picket fence, Whole Earth Catalog

Constitutionally, the governor had to make the request by avowing that Detroit was under a state of insurrection and that the resources at his control were exhausted. Practically, it was a president’s duty, honoring his pledge to defend the Constitution against enemies foreign and domestic, to volunteer the army. Since 1964, when riots wracked Harlem, Lyndon Johnson had been agonizing about riots, how to stop them, what they meant, how to keep them from wrecking his war on poverty—and why his war on poverty wasn’t preventing the riots. Asked at his July 18 news conference for his “views on what happened in New Jersey in the last couple of days,” he launched into his standard peroration about the healing power of antipoverty programs—prefacing his remarks with the absurd claim “I don’t think I have any more information on it than you have.” Attorney General Ramsey Clark got his back, saying, “There are few activities that are more local” than law enforcement, so there was little the federal government could do—an unsatisfying answer to those who pointed out that the response of liberals to every other problem was to call for federal action.

The House slapped down the civil rats bill by a vote of 207–176. Only twenty-two Republicans voted in favor. The anguished cries of liberals masked the magnitude of their retreat: that their dreams of warring on poverty had once been so much grander than $40 million for rats. Johnson had never seen the political squeeze coming. “Push ahead full tilt,” he had said on one of his first days as president, when his new economic adviser told him President Kennedy had been considering a poverty initiative—a program on which President Kennedy was proceeding exceedingly cautiously, for fear of offending middle-class whites. Now, middle-class whites were indeed sorely offended by the War on Poverty. Lyndon Johnson’s poverty programs were doing, after all, what they were supposed to be doing: redistributing wealth, and thus redistributing power. When polled in 1961, 59 percent of the electorate said the federal government bore responsibility to make sure every American had an adequate job and income.

Then the government started making modest steps toward that goal, and by 1969, only 31 percent still thought that. The income of nonwhites had started rising faster than the income of whites, and though the gap was not nearly closed, many whites’ incomes were beginning to stagnate, even, in real terms, to fall. The War on Poverty came out of their hard-earned tax dollars—draining money, some whites thought, toward ungrateful rioters. Who still demanded their welfare checks. A White House study found that three-fourths of white Bostonians thought most welfare cases were fraudulent. Backlash against the War on Poverty had always been latent. Civil rats showed that backlash to now be mature—as, in places such as Detroit, the races made ready for war. A local black nationalist minister, Albert Cleage, observed to a reporter that the shooting ranges were packed and the city was way behind in processing gun registrations.


pages: 399 words: 116,828

When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor by William Julius Wilson

affirmative action, business cycle, citizen journalism, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, declining real wages, deindustrialization, deliberate practice, desegregation, Donald Trump, edge city, ending welfare as we know it, fixed income, full employment, George Gilder, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, informal economy, jobless men, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, mass immigration, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, school choice, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

A study relying on longitudinal data (data collected on a specific group over a substantial period) found that the persistently poor families (defined as having family incomes below the poverty line during at least eight years in a ten-year period) in the United States tended to be headed by women, and that 31 percent of all persistently poor households were headed by nonelderly black women. This is a startling figure when you realize that, according to the 1990 census, African-Americans account for just over 12 percent of the entire U.S. population. As Kathryn Edin has pointed out, “More children are poor today than at any time since before Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty began three decades ago. Children living in households headed by single mothers are America’s poorest demographic group. This fact is not surprising, since single mothers who work seldom earn enough to bring their families out of poverty and most cannot get child support, medical benefits, housing subsidies, or cheap child care.” In 1993, whereas the median income of married-couple families was $43,578, the median income of single-parent families in which the mother was divorced was $17,014.

In 1978, the French social scientist Robert Castel argued that the paradox of poverty in affluent American society has rested on the notion that “the poor are individuals who themselves bear the chief responsibility for their condition. As a result, the politics of welfare centers around the management of individual deficiencies.” From the building of almshouses in the late nineteenth century to President Johnson’s War on Poverty, Americans have failed to emphasize the social rights of the poor, “rights whose interpretation is independent of the views of the agencies charged with dispensing assistance.” Data from public opinion polls support this argument. They indicate that Americans tend to be far more concerned about the duties or social obligations of the poor, particularly the welfare poor, than about their social rights as American citizens.

Are There Enough Jobs? Welfare Reform and Labor Market Reality. Illinois Job Gap Project, Center for Urban Economic Development, University of Illinois, Chicago. Case, Anne C, and Lawrence F. Katz. 1990. “The Company You Keep: The Effects of Family and Neighborhood on Disadvantaged Youth.” Working paper no. 3705, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge. Castel, Robert. 1978. “The ‘War on Poverty’ and the Status of Poverty in an Affluent Society.” Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 19 (January): 47–60. Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. 1995a. “Is the EITC Growing at a Rate That Is ‘Out of Control’?” Washington, D.C., May 9. ———. 1995b. “The Earned Income Tax Credit Reductions in the Senate Budget Resolution.” Washington, D.C., June 5. ———. 1995c. “The Administration Releases New Estimates of House and Senate Budget Bills’ Effects on Poverty and Income Distribution.”


pages: 596 words: 163,682

The Third Pillar: How Markets and the State Leave the Community Behind by Raghuram Rajan

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, banking crisis, barriers to entry, basic income, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, blockchain, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Build a better mousetrap, business cycle, business process, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, central bank independence, computer vision, conceptual framework, corporate governance, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, crony capitalism, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, currency manipulation / currency intervention, data acquisition, David Brooks, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, deskilling, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, facts on the ground, financial innovation, financial repression, full employment, future of work, global supply chain, high net worth, housing crisis, illegal immigration, income inequality, industrial cluster, intangible asset, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Jaron Lanier, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, moral hazard, Network effects, new economy, Nicholas Carr, obamacare, Productivity paradox, profit maximization, race to the bottom, Richard Thaler, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, Stanford marshmallow experiment, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, The Future of Employment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, transfer pricing, Travis Kalanick, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, Upton Sinclair, Walter Mischel, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working-age population, World Values Survey, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

President Lyndon Johnson, who had lived among, and worked with, the poor during his youth and through the Depression years, provided persuasive leadership. The political attractiveness of targeting the votes of blacks who had migrated from southern agricultural jobs for the industrial jobs in northern cities gave politicians the incentive to follow.17 Congress enacted a radical set of government- and community-based programs intended to wage war on poverty and make the United States into Johnson’s Great Society. Funding was increased significantly for welfare, especially for the indigent elderly, for health care (including Medicare for the elderly and Medicaid for the poor), and for education—the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965 was reauthorized by President Bush as the No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, and by President Obama as the Every Student Succeeds Act in 2015.

Moreover, it was not clear whether the objective of community engagement was to organize a new power structure for the community, confront the existing power structure, or extend or assist the existing power structure.18 At any rate, the programs did not sit well with existing structures and interests, and did not draw in those in the community with sensible ideas of how to raise economic opportunity. Traditional political leadership, intent on protecting its turf, pushed back on community involvement, while neighborhood activists fought any structure that was not their own. Almost inevitably, the War on Poverty became more top-down than bottom-up, and failed to sustain enthusiasm even among initial supporters like Dr. King, who wanted more comprehensive, coordinated action. As the Vietnam War consumed President Johnson’s political energies, some of the innovative spending was repurposed to support the war effort. As northern blacks became confirmed Democratic voters and not voters in play, political support disintegrated, and the innovative decentralized aspects of the program atrophied.19 What remained was the increased federal and state spending on social security, health care, and education.

The world was, by and large, at peace. AND THEN GROWTH STOPPED . . . Unfortunately, as the 1960s ended, and just as governments had promised their citizens a substantial share of the high anticipated future growth, growth suddenly proved much harder to generate. There were plenty of proximate causes: rising inflation in the United States as spending on the Vietnam quagmire added to the new social spending promised in the War on Poverty; the subsequent breakdown of the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchange rates as the United States abandoned the international convertibility of the dollar into gold; the tripling of oil prices as OPEC tested its powers after the Yom Kippur war broke out . . . But perhaps the most obvious reason was that the gains from the Second Industrial Revolution had largely played out. This would not have mattered earlier in Europe and Japan when they were in catch-up mode.


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The Fourth Revolution: The Global Race to Reinvent the State by John Micklethwait, Adrian Wooldridge

Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Asian financial crisis, assortative mating, banking crisis, barriers to entry, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, cashless society, central bank independence, Chelsea Manning, circulation of elites, Clayton Christensen, Corn Laws, corporate governance, credit crunch, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, Detroit bankruptcy, disintermediation, Edward Snowden, Etonian, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, Khan Academy, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, Kodak vs Instagram, labor-force participation, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, liberal capitalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, mittelstand, mobile money, Mont Pelerin Society, Nelson Mandela, night-watchman state, Norman Macrae, obamacare, oil shale / tar sands, old age dependency ratio, open economy, Parag Khanna, Peace of Westphalia, pension reform, pensions crisis, personalized medicine, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, popular capitalism, profit maximization, rent control, rent-seeking, ride hailing / ride sharing, road to serfdom, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, school choice, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, Skype, special economic zone, too big to fail, total factor productivity, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, working-age population, zero-sum game

By the 1970s the American government seemed to be failing at everything it touched—wars (Vietnam), the economy (stagflation), crime (the drug epidemic), social cohesion (the culture wars). Even Europe’s love affair with the welfare state was beginning to sour. This was a time of strikes, energy crises, and riots. It was also a time when the modish ideas of the 1960s, such as comprehensive education in Britain or the “war on poverty” in America, got “mugged by reality,” in Irving Kristol’s classic phrase. Worse, the welfare state was failing in its core functions—in the ideas that the Webbs and their disciples had trumpeted. R. H. Tawney had promised that, under the welfare state, Britain “would cease to be the rule for the rich to be rewarded, not only with riches, but with a preferential share of health and life, and for the penalty of the poor to be not merely poverty, but ignorance, sickness and premature death.”13 Yet in the 1970s the gap between Britain’s upper and lower social classes in terms of age-adjusted mortality was more than twice as large as it had been in the 1930s.14 The upper classes continued to be fitter and taller than the lower classes—3.2 centimeters taller, to be exact—as well as richer.15 In America even the architects of the “war on poverty” admitted that “unprecedented generosity . . . had not made much of a dent in the poverty, dependency, delinquency, or ­despair against which the 1964 war had been declared.”16 Many of the 1960s reforms aimed at producing equality of results, rather than just equality of opportunity, were producing very unegalitarian results, especially in education.

Tawney had promised that, under the welfare state, Britain “would cease to be the rule for the rich to be rewarded, not only with riches, but with a preferential share of health and life, and for the penalty of the poor to be not merely poverty, but ignorance, sickness and premature death.”13 Yet in the 1970s the gap between Britain’s upper and lower social classes in terms of age-adjusted mortality was more than twice as large as it had been in the 1930s.14 The upper classes continued to be fitter and taller than the lower classes—3.2 centimeters taller, to be exact—as well as richer.15 In America even the architects of the “war on poverty” admitted that “unprecedented generosity . . . had not made much of a dent in the poverty, dependency, delinquency, or ­despair against which the 1964 war had been declared.”16 Many of the 1960s reforms aimed at producing equality of results, rather than just equality of opportunity, were producing very unegalitarian results, especially in education. Britain’s decision to abolish the grammar schools reduced social mobility.

., 143 Trevelyan, Charles, 52–53 Tsinghua University, 157 Tullock, Gordon, 84 Tunisia, 253 Turkey, 13, 254 Turner, Ted, 238 tyranny of the majority, 226, 250, 255 unemployment insurance, 123, 244, 245 unfunded liabilities, 14, 119, 120, 129, 130, 232, 245–46, 264, 265 unions, public-sector: innovation blocked by, 20 pay and benefits of, 113–15, 119–20 political power of, 112–15 Unirule Institute of Economics, 154 United Nations, 76, 265 United States: affirmative action in, 79 antiliberal discourse in, 95–96 big government in, 71–72 checks and balances system in, 226, 250, 255–56, 265 China contrasted with, 147, 153 crony capitalism in, 237–38, 246 deficits and deficit spending in, 14, 97, 100, 120, 231, 241 democracy’s failures in, 254–59 education reform in, 212, 214–15 elitism in, 162 entitlements in, 241–42 expanding role of government in, 62, 77 falling crime rate in, 181 financial liabilities of, 15–16, 119–20 financial services industry in, 239 fiscal uncertainty in, 12, 255 government bloat in, 9, 98, 177 in Iraq War, 143 local government in, 217 money politics in, 256–58 national debt of, 120, 241–42 political polarization in, 100, 125–26, 164, 255, 256 postwar era in, 78 privatization in, 234–37 public pessimism in, 11, 126 public spending in, 9, 261 small-government model in, 54–55 state capitalism in, 235–36 taxes in, 82, 116–17, 121, 237, 240–41 Webbs and, 71 welfare reform in, 95 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 265 Uppsala, University of, 78 Urban Institute, 185 utilitarianism, 49, 57, 58 Van Reenen, John, 191 Veep (TV show), 227 VisionSpring, 203 Voegeli, William, 115 voting rights, 7, 9, 51 voucher systems, 171, 176–77, 220 Wade, John, 49 Wallas, Graham, 77 Wallgren, Britta, 172 Wall Street Journal, 90 Wang Jisi, 164 war, technology and, 182 war on poverty, 87, 88 war on terror, 98, 143 Warren, Earl, 105–6, 124–25 Washington, D.C., 210 Washington, George, 250 Washington consensus, 8, 96, 142, 164 Washington Post, 86 Webb, Beatrice and Sidney, 7, 27–28, 64, 66, 68, 71, 74, 75, 87, 116, 134, 140, 219, 268 collectivism as principle of, 68 as creators of welfare state, 65 eugenics endorsed by, 67–68 national minimum concept of, 68, 69 Stalin admired by, 67 statism and, 67 Weibo, 161 Weiner, Anthony, 227–28 welfare state, Asian model of, 164–65 health-care spending in, 142 social insurance as basis of, 140–41, 142, 242, 243 spending on, Western model vs., 142 welfare state, Western model of, 7–9, 65–80, 88, 221 aging population and, 15, 122–23, 124, 165, 174, 178, 183–84, 232, 241–42 as “all-you-can-eat” buffet, 17, 137, 140, 183, 241 creation of, 27–28, 263, 268–69 dependency and, 129–30 education in, 68, 69 elitism and, 77–78 entitlements in, see entitlements equality and, 68–69, 74, 79, 222 in Europe, 75 expanding public sector in, 76 failure of egalitarian policies in, 87–90 fraternity and, 74, 79 government bloat in, 9–11, 18–19, 89–90, 98, 177, 222–23, 227, 229–30, 231, 233 inefficiency in, 89, 229 interest groups in, 90 Lee Kuan Yew’s criticism of, 17 middle class in, 17, 88, 122 national minimum and, 68, 69 Nordic reinvention of, 169–78, 183–84, 186–87, 212, 265–66 overreaching by, 87, 176, 222, 229–30, 233, 264, 265, 268, 269 perverse incentives created by, 89 poverty and, 68 social assistance as basis of, 140, 142 social services and, 68, 69, 74 as threat to democracy, 22, 142 as threat to freedom, 22, 74, 222 Webbs as creators of, 65, 220 Wells, H.G., 66 Wen Jiabao, 162 Westminster model, 54 When China Rules the World (Jacques), 163 Whitaker, Jeremiah, 34 “Why I Am Not a Conservative” (Hayek), 85 Wilders, Geert, 259 Will, George, 30 Willetts, David, 124 William III, King of England, 43 Williamson, John, 8, 163–64 Wilson, James Q., 198 Wolfson Institute of Preventive Medicine, 209 Woolf, Virginia, 28–29 World Bank, 76 Asian financial crisis and, 143 World Economic Forum, 146, 148 World Forum on Democracy, 252 World Health Organization, 201 World on Fire (Chua), 143 World Trade Organization, 260 World War II, 73–74, 232 Wukan, China, 160 Xi Jinping, 133, 145, 148, 161, 164, 165 Xilai, Bo, 154, 162 Xinmin Weekly, 162 Yang Jianchang, 159–61 Yeltsin, Boris, 253 Ye Lucheng, 151 Yes, Minister (TV show), 194 Yongle, Emperor of China, 36 youth, public spending as biased against, 124 Zakaria, Fareed, 143 Zhang Weiwei, 164 Zheng He, 36 Zingales, Luigi, 128, 239 Zuma, Jacob, 254


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The Upside of Inequality by Edward Conard

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, assortative mating, bank run, Berlin Wall, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, Climatic Research Unit, cloud computing, corporate governance, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, disruptive innovation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, en.wikipedia.org, Erik Brynjolfsson, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, future of work, Gini coefficient, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, informal economy, information asymmetry, intangible asset, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of the telephone, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kodak vs Instagram, labor-force participation, liquidity trap, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, means of production, meta analysis, meta-analysis, new economy, offshore financial centre, paradox of thrift, Paul Samuelson, pushing on a string, quantitative easing, randomized controlled trial, risk-adjusted returns, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, selection bias, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Snapchat, Steve Jobs, survivorship bias, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, total factor productivity, twin studies, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, University of East Anglia, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, zero-sum game

., “Need-Tested Benefits: Estimated Eligibility and Benefit Receipt by Families and Individuals.” Michael Tanner and Charles Hughes, “The Work Versus Welfare Trade-Off: 2013,” Cato Institute (2013), http://object.cato.org/sites/cato.org/files/pubs/pdf/the_work_versus_welfare_trade-off_2013_wp.pdf. Robert Rector and Rachel Sheffield, “The War on Poverty After 50 Years,” Heritage Foundation (2014), http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2014/09/the-war-on-poverty-after-50-years. 20. “Current Population Survey,” U.S. Census Bureau, tabulation of data by Sentier Research, accessed November 2015. 21. “Social Spending During the Crisis: Social Expenditure (SOCX) Data Update 2012,” Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 2012, http://www.oecd.org/els/soc/OECD2012SocialSpendingDuring TheCrisis8pages.pdf.

It’s hard to look at the macro evidence and not feel deep concern that a safety net, which competes with people’s need to work, dulls incentives to work, and that this harms many able-bodied low-wage workers and their children. Differences in the workforce participation rates of able-bodied adults are alarming. Growth in unproductive behavior, such as out-of-wedlock births among lower-wage workers, is worrisome. Lack of increase in the work effort of poor, able-bodied workers, despite increases in social spending, is discouraging. One can’t help but wonder if the “War on Poverty” caused more able-bodied poverty than it cured. Solutions to Poverty Are Likely to Be Prohibitively Expensive That said, it’s likely to be quite expensive to put able-bodied but reluctant workers to work. It costs far more than just their wages to hire lower-skilled and less-productive workers, especially people who are reluctant to work. The cost of hiring these workers may be so high that many workers may be employable only at wages below zero—thieves and disruptive workers who damage customer relationships and scare off sought-after employees, for example.


pages: 537 words: 200,923

City: Urbanism and Its End by Douglas W. Rae

agricultural Revolution, barriers to entry, business climate, City Beautiful movement, complexity theory, creative destruction, desegregation, edge city, ghettoisation, Gunnar Myrdal, income per capita, informal economy, information asymmetry, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, manufacturing employment, New Economic Geography, new economy, New Urbanism, Peter Calthorpe, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Saturday Night Live, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the market place, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, Works Progress Administration

Discussed by Marris and Rein, Dilemmas, 36ff. Discussed and quoted in Powledge, Model City, 51–52. 52. Asbell, “Dick Lee Discovers How Much Is Not Enough.” 53. See Marris and Rein, Dilemmas, esp. 25 –26. 54. See Wolfinger, Politics of Progress, 198. 55. “Community Action Policy Review” (New Haven: CPI, 1965). 56. See Miller, Fifteenth Ward and the Great Society, chaps. 3 –6. 57. Edgar Cahn and Jean Cahn, “The War on Poverty: A Civilian Perspective,” Yale Law Journal 73, no. 8 (1964). 58. Asbell, “Dick Lee Discovers How Much Is Not Enough.” 59. Ibid. 60. In 1966, CPI staffer Peter Almond would report: “They would call meetings, at which their programs were discussed. There was never, at least at any meetings I ever attended, any opening where the citizen’s word would have any kind of direct and obvious impact. . . .

There was never, at least at any meetings I ever attended, any opening where the citizen’s word would have any kind of direct and obvious impact. . . . And that is where CPI and the city and the mayor are failing, as far as I’m concerned.” Quoted in Powledge, Model City, 143. 61. Robert Giaimo, “Investigation into the Operation of Community Progress, Inc.” (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Record, 1968). 62. Howard Shuman, “Behind the Scenes and Under the Rug,” Washington Monthly, 1969. 63. “Old Industrial City Wages Dramatic War on Poverty,” Trenton Sunday Times Advertiser, July 12, 1964. Quoted in Powledge, Model City. 64. Although this quote is often repeated in the secondary literature, I have been unable to find a primary source for it. 65. Quoted in Powledge, Model City, 149. 66. All quotations and facts in this section are taken from stories in the New Haven Register for August 20, 21, and 22, 1967. 67. Kerner Commission Report (New York: Pantheon, 1968). 68.

New York: Harper & Row, 1973. Brown, Elizabeth Mills. New Haven: A Guide to Architecture and Urban Design. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976. Bucki, Cecelia. Bridgeport’s Socialist New Deal, 1915 –36. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001. Burnham, Daniel H., and Edward H. Bennett. Plan of Chicago (1909). New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1993. Cahn, Edgar, and Jean Cahn. “The War on Poverty: A Civilian Perspective.” Yale Law Journal 73, no. 8 (1964). Cain, John F. “The Influence of Race and Income on Racial Segregation and Housing Policy.” In Housing Desegregation and Federal Policy, edited by John M. Goering, 99–118. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986. Calder, Isabel MacBeath. The New Haven Colony. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962. Calthorpe, Peter. The New American Metropolis: Ecology, Community, and the American Dream.


pages: 225 words: 55,458

Back to School: Why Everyone Deserves a Second Chance at Education by Mike Rose

blue-collar work, centre right, creative destruction, delayed gratification, George Santayana, income inequality, MITM: man-in-the-middle, moral panic, new economy, Ronald Reagan, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the built environment, urban renewal, War on Poverty

So, all in all, I know the remedial side of the street pretty well. I’m going to fast-forward through my undergraduate English major (that English teacher had turned me on to literature, and, besides, he was an English major) and zoom across a subsequent year of a doctoral program in English—which turned out to be too removed from the work of the world for me. Looking to ground myself and make a living, I found the Teacher Corps, a War on Poverty program that placed prospective teachers in lowincome schools. That was my introduction to teaching and education, and after Teacher Corps I would go on to work for eight more years in a community college and in a range of programs for special populations: from traffic cops and parole aides to returning Vietnam veterans. I see now how much the Veterans Program in particular shaped my subsequent teaching and development of curriculum—and eventually my research on remediation.

Cronbach, “Beyond the Two Disciplines of Scientific Psychology,” American Psychologist, vol. 30, 1975, 116–126. 140 “As Bill Gates said . . .‘drill in’ on that skill.”: Marketplace Life, Interview with Bill Gates, February 28, 2011. www .marketplace.org/topics/life/importance-teachers-education. 141 “We have here the makings in education . . . ”: Michael B. Katz, The Undeserving Poor: From the War on Poverty to the War on Welfare (New York: Pantheon, 1990). 205 NOTES Chapter 6 147 The Physical Environment: “This section draws on . . .”: C. Carney Strange and James H. Banning, Educating by Design: Creating Campus Learning Environments That Work (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2001). 170 “. . . undergraduate curriculum from the 1950s.”: Frederick Rudolph, Curriculum: A History of the American Undergraduate Course of Study Since 1636 (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1978). 173 “The sociologist James Rosenbaum . . .”: James E.


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"They Take Our Jobs!": And 20 Other Myths About Immigration by Aviva Chomsky

affirmative action, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, call centre, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, European colonialism, full employment, guest worker program, illegal immigration, immigration reform, informal economy, invisible hand, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, mass incarceration, new economy, out of africa, postindustrial economy, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, thinkpad, trickle-down economics, union organizing, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce

In broad terms, this has meant privatizations, a shift away from government regulation of industry, cutbacks in government services, and a free trade agenda that has pushed other governments—especially Third World governments—to follow these same policies in more extreme ways. Domestically, this process has been described as a retreat from the mid-century redistributive government role embodied in the New Deal and the War on Poverty. Although those programs are associated (rightly) with the Democratic Party, the Democrats of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries have retreated from the social welfare orientation of their predecessors, at least at the national level. Internationally, the new consensus is sometimes (not very accurately) called globalization. The philosophy behind it can be seen in the Chicago School of Economics–inspired program implemented in Chile in the 1970s, in the Structural Adjustment Programs (or SAPs) mandated by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund for the Third World in the 1980s, and in the so-called Washington Consensus prescribed for Latin American and other Third World economies in the 1990s.

By the 1930s, however, the term ‘overpopulation’ had acquired another meaning, one that blamed excessive sexuality and fertility for the poverty of the island as a whole.”6 Women’s studies professor Laura Briggs explains that “by 1932, responding to the problem of ‘overpopulation’ had become the cornerstone of federal policy in Puerto Rico.”7 Promoters of birth control policies in Puerto Rico believed that “it was better to prevent poor or dark-skinned people from being born.”8 In the 1940s and ’50s, U.S. pharmaceutical companies used the island as a giant laboratory for contraceptive research, including early trials of the birth control pill.9 High rates of sterilization of blacks and Native Americans also continued into the second half of the century. In the 1950s, sterilization, “preponderantly aimed at African American and poor women, began to be wielded by state courts and legislatures as a punishment for bearing illegitimate children or as extortion to ensure ongoing receipt of family assistance.”10 Sterilization rates rose again, especially after the War on Poverty in the 1960s introduced federally funded sterilizations through Medicaid and the Office of Economic Opportunity, leading to what one analyst called “widespread sterilization abuse” during the 1960s and ’70s. Between 1960 and 1974 over 100,000 sterilizations were carried out annually.11 The Indian Health Service began providing family planning services in 1965. Protests and federal investigations revealed that regulations requiring consent were routinely violated.


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How the World Works by Noam Chomsky, Arthur Naiman, David Barsamian

affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, capital controls, clean water, corporate governance, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, glass ceiling, Howard Zinn, income inequality, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, land reform, liberation theology, Monroe Doctrine, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, transfer pricing, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor

Their candidate won, and there was indeed welfare capitalism…until it wasn’t needed any more, at which point it was dropped. During the Depression, there was again a live union movement in Flint, and popular rights were again extended. But the business counterattack began right after the Second World War. It took a while this time, but by the 1950s, it was getting somewhere. It slowed somewhat in the 1960s, when there was a lot more ferment—programs like the War on Poverty, things coming out of the civil rights movement—but by the early 1970s, it reached new heights, and it’s been going pretty much fullsteam ever since. The typical picture painted by business propaganda since the Second World War—in everything from television comedies to scholarly books—has been: We all live together in harmony. Joe Six-Pack, his loyal wife, the hard-working executive, the friendly banker—we’re all one big happy family.

See also Israel; Middle East plutonium, disposal of Poland police, foreign policy use of Policy Planning Study (PPS) 23, political change, strategies for political class political correctness (PC) political discourse, terms in political system, new parties in Politics (Aristotle) “politics, investment theory of,” Politics of Heroin, The Politics of War Pol Pot poor, the. See poverty population control populism, phony Port-au-Prince (Haiti) Port of Spain (Trinidad) Portuguese empire collapse postmodernism potato famine in Ireland poverty among children in NYC in Brazil democracy vs. in Eastern Europe economic recovery and in Haiti in India vs. US in Latin America shantytowns and slums in US US pacification of the poor War on Poverty welfare Powell, Colin power generation, alternatives for power, speaking truth to preaching to the choir “preferential option for the poor,” Preston, Julia PRI (Institutional Revolution Party) prisoner’s dilemma prisoners of war prison labor, Chinese prisons privatizing Social Security process patents vs. product patents “profits” now called “jobs,” programmers, Indian Progressive Caucus Progressive Policy Institute progress, signs of, (and not) Prohibition propaganda.

See Soviet Union Ustasha US Trade Representative (USTR) panel Vaid, Urvashi Vancouver (BC) Vanguard Party (USSR) Vanity Fair Vatican Vermont victims, worthy vs. unworthy Viet Minh Vietnam bombing of Boston Globe on war Chomsky’s visit to Japanese investment in “nation building” in New York Times on NY Times on Pentagon Papers NY Times on war “peace treaty” with punished by US after war state terror in Vietnam syndrome Vietnam War domino theory and ensuring service role as reason for US-blocked peace attempts US cruelty afterwards US escalation of US goals achieved in US rationale for “vile maxim” of the “masters,” village self-government in India violence Virtual Equality “vital center, the,” von Humboldt, Wilhelm VW (Volkswagen) Wall Street Journal war criminals war on drugsSee also drugs War on Poverty Washington Institute for Near East Studies Washington Post wealth weapons manufacturers Webb, Gary Weizmann, Chaim Welch, John welfare for corporations in Kerala opposition to Reagan’s racist take on rich people on wages raised by welfare capitalism welfare states needed for democracy in Sweden well-being, consumption vs. Wellstone, Paul West Bank settlements. See also Israel educational system in legal system confusions re Palestinians expelled from “peace process” and threat of moderation in US-Israel disagreement on West Bengal See also India Western Europe WGBH (Boston) what you can do When Time Shall Be No More Wicker, Tom Wilson, Woodrow Winship, Tom Witness for Peace Wolfe, Tom Wolin, Richard women in Argentina in India in Kerala low voter turnout in 1924, rights won by women’s rights workers.


pages: 349 words: 114,914

We Were Eight Years in Power: An American Tragedy by Ta-Nehisi Coates

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Broken windows theory, Charles Lindbergh, crack epidemic, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, fear of failure, Ferguson, Missouri, Gunnar Myrdal, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, income inequality, jitney, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, moral panic, new economy, obamacare, payday loans, phenotype, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, War on Poverty, white flight

As the historian James Patterson writes in Freedom Is Not Enough, his book about Moynihan, he was possessed by “the optimism of youth.” He believed in the marriage of government and social science to formulate policy. “All manner of later experiences in politics were to test this youthful faith.” Moynihan stayed on at the Labor Department during Lyndon B. Johnson’s administration, but became increasingly disillusioned with Johnson’s War on Poverty. He believed that the initiative should be run through an established societal institution: the patriarchal family. Fathers should be supported by public policy, in the form of jobs funded by the government. Moynihan believed that unemployment, specifically male unemployment, was the biggest impediment to the social mobility of the poor. He was, it might be said, a conservative radical who disdained service programs such as Head Start and traditional welfare programs such as Aid to Families with Dependent Children, and instead imagined a broad national program that subsidized families through jobs programs for men and a guaranteed minimum income for every family.

But Moynihan still professed concern for the family, and for the black family in particular. He began pushing for a minimum income for all American families. Nixon promoted Moynihan’s proposal—called the Family Assistance Plan—before the American public in a television address in August 1969, and officially presented it to Congress in October. This was a personal victory for Moynihan—a triumph in an argument he had been waging since the War on Poverty began, over the need to help families, not individuals. “I felt I was finally rid of a subject. A subject that just…spoiled my life,” Moynihan told The New York Times that November. “Four—long—years of being called awful things. The people you would most want to admire you detesting you. Being anathematized and stigmatized. And I said, ‘Well, the President’s done this, and now I’m rid of it.’ ” But he was not rid of it.

The decline of law and order “can be traced directly to the spread of the corrosive doctrine that every citizen possesses an inherent right to decide for himself which laws to obey and when to obey them.” The cure, as Nixon saw it, was not addressing criminogenic conditions, but locking up more people. “Doubling the conviction rate in this country would do far more to cure crime in America than quadrupling the funds for [the] War on Poverty,” he said in 1968. As president, Nixon did just that: During his second term, incarceration rates began their historic rise. Drugs in particular attracted Nixon’s ire. Heroin dealers were “literally the slave traders of our time,” he said, “traffickers in living death. They must be hunted to the end of the earth.” Nixon’s war on crime was more rhetoric than substance. “I was cranking out that bullshit on Nixon’s crime policy before he was elected,” wrote White House counsel John Dean, in his memoir of his time in the administration.*17 “And it was bullshit, too.


pages: 392 words: 112,954

I Can't Breathe by Matt Taibbi

"side hustle", activist lawyer, affirmative action, Broken windows theory, desegregation, Donald Trump, East Village, Ferguson, Missouri, Frank Gehry, mass incarceration, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ronald Reagan, Snapchat, War on Poverty

The Black Codes were transparently designed as a ready-made legal excuse to act in any situation when black people started to get too comfortable exercising their basic rights in the presence of white people. Just as the Codes appeared after the end of slavery and the fall of Reconstruction, Broken Windows grew out of a brief but powerful moment of racial reconciliation in the sixties: the end of segregation, the passing of civil rights laws, and the launching of Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty. The Great Society programs that came out of that War on Poverty set into motion a series of unintended consequences. The assistance programs always had a strong bureaucratic and even punitive element. The government created armies of inspectors and social workers who, in the process of administering public assistance, got involved in regulating every aspect of life in poor black neighborhoods. This regulation became even more intrusive when the Supreme Court in the seventies gave the state a permanent right to enter any home of anyone on public assistance.

It was to be a plan of unity and integration, finally fixing the inequities of American society, where “no child will go unfed, and no youngster will go unschooled.” The ensuing series of legislative programs passed included Medicare, Medicaid, the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act, the Food Stamp Act, even the Public Broadcasting Act that created PBS. The Great Society was to domestic politics what the moon program was to the military-industrial complex, an audacious long shot. The very phrase “War on Poverty” conjured images of the unity and collective determination America had employed to defeat the Nazis. These programs were never meant to be an expensive Band-Aid used to maintain a perpetual uncomfortable détente between rich and poor, black and white. They were designed to wipe out divisions and inequities and leave one prosperous, integrated people standing at war’s end. But almost immediately, in the years after the project was announced, Johnson began to get cold feet.


Basic Income: A Radical Proposal for a Free Society and a Sane Economy by Philippe van Parijs, Yannick Vanderborght

"Robert Solow", Airbnb, Albert Einstein, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, centre right, collective bargaining, cryptocurrency, David Graeber, declining real wages, diversified portfolio, Edward Snowden, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, full employment, future of work, George Akerlof, illegal immigration, income per capita, informal economy, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Kickstarter, Marshall McLuhan, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, open borders, Paul Samuelson, pension reform, precariat, price mechanism, profit motive, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, road to serfdom, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, selection bias, sharing economy, sovereign wealth fund, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Tobin tax, universal basic income, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor

In subsequent articles and interviews, however, he spelled out his proposal and the long-Â� 84 Hi story: From Uto pi an D ream to World wi de M ovement term perspective in which it was being made. The negative income tax, in his view, should replace the bulk of AmerÂ�iÂ�ca’s welfare programs. We have a maze of detailed governmental programs that have been justified on welfare grounds—Â� though typically their product is “Â�illfare”: public housing, urban renewal, old-Â�age and unemployment insurance, job training, the host of assorted programs Â�under the mislabeled “war on poverty,” farm price supports, and so on at incredible length.â•‹.â•‹.â•‹.╋╉The Negative Income Tax would be vastly superior to this collection of welfare meaÂ�sures. It would concentrate public funds on supplementing the incomes of the poor—Â�not distribute funds broadside in the hope that some Â�will trickle down to the poor.67 Friedman, however, did not Â�favor just any negative income tax.

Tobin developed his proposal inÂ�deÂ�penÂ�dently of Friedman’s: “At some point [in the 1960s] I became aware of Friedman’s proposal, but I thought it was confined to a negative income tax rate equal to the lowest income tax bracket tax rate, and that Â�didn’t seem to me to offer substantial help” (Tobin 2001). But he is likely to have been inspired by other proposals such as the “negative rates taxation” proposed by Robert J. Lampman (1965), according to Tobin (New York Times, March 8, 1997) “the intellectual architect of the war on poverty.” 77. Tobin 1965, 1968. 78. “The essential characteristic of demogrants is that the payment is made to all families in the potential eligible group, regardless of income” (Tobin et al. 1967: 161 fn 4). The term “demogrant” was commonly used in the 1960s to refer to “a payment made to all persons above or below a certain age, with no other eligibility conditions except perhaps residence in the country” (Burns 1965: 132).

Dresden: Carl Reissner Verlag. 357 B ibliogra p hy Prats, Magali. 1996. “L’allocation universelle à l’épreuve de la Théorie de la justice.” Documents pour l’enseignement économique et social 106: 71–110. Preiss, Joshua. 2015. “Milton Friedman on Freedom and the Negative Income Tax.” Basic Income Studies 10(2): 169–191. Quadagno, Jill. 1995. The Color of Welfare: How Racism Undermined the War on Poverty. New York: Oxford University Press. Québec solidaire. 2014. Plateforme électorale. Elections 2014. Montréal: Québec solidaire. Quinn, Michael. 1994. “Jeremy Bentham on the Relief of Indigence: An Exercise in Applied Philosophy.” Utilitas 6(1): 81–96. Raes, Koen. 1985. “Variaties op een thema. Kritiek op de loskoppeling.” Komma 22: 21–32. —Â�—Â�—. 1988/2013. “Basic Income and Social Power.” In K.


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Give People Money by Annie Lowrey

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Airbnb, airport security, autonomous vehicles, barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, clean water, collective bargaining, computer age, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, full employment, gender pay gap, gig economy, Google Earth, Home mortgage interest deduction, income inequality, indoor plumbing, information asymmetry, Jaron Lanier, jitney, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Kickstarter, Kodak vs Instagram, labor-force participation, late capitalism, Lyft, M-Pesa, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, McMansion, Menlo Park, mobile money, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, Peter Thiel, post scarcity, post-work, Potemkin village, precariat, randomized controlled trial, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Sam Altman, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, Steve Jobs, TaskRabbit, The Future of Employment, theory of mind, total factor productivity, Turing test, two tier labour market, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, women in the workforce, working poor, World Values Survey, Y Combinator

Roosevelt enacted the New Deal, boosting infrastructure investment, launching public-works programs, reforming the banking sector, and so on. The Social Security Act of 1935 provided “old age payments,” and the government set up the Aid to Dependent Children program that later became welfare. Three decades later, Lyndon Johnson led another dramatic expansion of this safety net as part of his civil rights–era “unconditional war” on poverty. “Many Americans live on the outskirts of hope—some because of their poverty, and some because of their color, and all too many because of both,” he told a joint session of Congress at his 1964 State of the Union. “One thousand dollars invested in salvaging an unemployable youth today can return $40,000 or more in his lifetime.” With bipartisan support, his administration expanded Social Security, and also created the food stamp program, Medicare, and Medicaid.

The Role of Policy Visibility” (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, Feb. 28, 2012). “American social programs”: Frances Fox Piven, “Why Welfare Is Racist,” in Race and the Politics of Welfare Reform, ed. Sanford F. Schram, Joe Brian Soss, and Richard Carl Fording (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2010), 323. even wealthy black individuals: Richard Rothstein, “Modern Segregation” (presentation to the Atlantic Live Conference, Reinventing the War on Poverty, Washington, DC, Mar. 6, 2014), http://www.epi.org/​publication/​modern-segregation/. “on explicit condition that no sales be made to blacks”: Richard Rothstein, “School Policy Is Housing Policy: Deconcentrating Disadvantage to Address the Achievement Gap” in Race, Equity, and Education: Sixty Years from Brown, ed. Pedro Noguera, Jill Pierce, and Roey Ahram (New York: Springer, 2015), 32.


pages: 255 words: 75,172

Sleeping Giant: How the New Working Class Will Transform America by Tamara Draut

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, always be closing, American ideology, battle of ideas, big-box store, blue-collar work, collective bargaining, creative destruction, David Brooks, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, ending welfare as we know it, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, full employment, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, job satisfaction, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, mass incarceration, minimum wage unemployment, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, occupational segregation, payday loans, pink-collar, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, shared worldview, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trickle-down economics, union organizing, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, white flight, women in the workforce, young professional

In addition to the mythical “welfare queen” with “eighty names” and “twelve Social Security cards,” whose tax-free income alone was “over $150,000,” Reagan described the criminal as “a staring face—a face that belongs to a frightening reality of our time: the face of the human predator.”48 He promised to crack down on crime by bringing more federal resources to bear on the problem—law and order being the one exception to a rigid intolerance for government spending. As neighborhoods in our greatest cities cried out for help in dealing with the spasms of joblessness and a rising drug trade, there was no New Deal. Or new War on Poverty. There was a war on drugs. And it was, and still is, being waged with near impunity in black and brown communities.49 Today 2.2 million people are incarcerated in prisons or jails, up from just 350,000 in 1980.50 A full 60 percent of incarcerated individuals are people of color, and two-thirds of all people in prison for drug offenses are people of color. Today one out of three black men and one out of six Latino men is likely to be imprisoned at some point in his life, compared to one out of seventeen white men.

Here’s just a sample of O’Reilly’s harangues against those whose struggle mightily to make it in America: In 2004, he ranted, “You gotta look people in the eye and tell ’em they’re irresponsible and lazy. And who’s gonna wanna do that? Because that’s what poverty is, ladies and gentlemen. In this country, you can succeed if you get educated and work hard. Period. Period.”14 In 2012, O’Reilly listed what he called the “true causes of poverty” as “poor education, addiction, irresponsible behavior, and laziness.”15 In 2014, during the week that marked the fiftieth anniversary of LBJ’s War on Poverty, O’Reilly again said that “true poverty” “is being driven by personal behavior,” which included, according to him, “addictive behavior, laziness, apathy.”16 Why does what Bill O’Reilly thinks and communicates to his audience matter? Because his is the most viewed cable news show, regularly drawing in between 2 and 3 million viewers each night. And those viewers are hit over the head with a message that people who struggle to make ends meet are bottom-feeders, “takers” in Romney lingo, who lack the work ethic and will to pull themselves up.


pages: 232

Planet of Slums by Mike Davis

barriers to entry, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, centre right, clean water, conceptual framework, crony capitalism, declining real wages, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, edge city, European colonialism, failed state, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, housing crisis, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Internet Archive, jitney, jobless men, Kibera, labor-force participation, land reform, land tenure, liberation theology, low-wage service sector, mandelbrot fractal, market bubble, megacity, microcredit, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, Pearl River Delta, Ponzi scheme, RAND corporation, rent control, structural adjustment programs, surplus humans, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor

Soft Imperialism Since the mid-1990s the World Bank, the United Nations Development Program, and other aid institutions have increasingly bypassed or short-circuited governments to work directly with regional and neighborhood non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Indeed, the NGO revolution - there are now tens of thousands in Third World cities has reshaped the landscape of urban development aid in much the same way that the War on Poverty in the 1960s transformed relations between Washington, big city political machines, and insurgent innercity constituencies.17 As the intermediary role of the state has declined, the big international institutions have acquired their own grassroots presence through dependent NGOs in thousands of slums and poor urban communities. Typically, an international lender-donor like the World Bank, the UK Department for International Development, the Ford Foundation, or the German Friedrich Ebert Foundation will work through a major NGO which, in turn, provides expertise to a local NGO or indigenous recipient.

In a review of recent studies, including a major report by the London-based Panos Institute, Rita Abrahamsen concludes that "rather than empowering 'civil society,' the PRSP process has entrenched the position of a small, homogeneous 'iron triangle' of transnational professionals based in key government ministries (especially Finance), multilateral and bilateral development agencies and international NGOs."19 What Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz in his brief tenure as chief economist for the Bank described as an emerging "post-Washington Consensus" might be better characterized as "soft imperialism," with the major NGOs captive to the agenda of the international donors, and grassroots groups similarly dependent upon the international NGOs.20 For all the glowing rhetoric about democratization, self-help, social capital, and the strengthening of civil society, the actual power relations in this new NGO universe resemble nothing so much as traditional clientelism. Moreover, like the community organizations patronized by the War on Poverty in the 1960s, Third World NGOs have proven brilliant at coopting local leadership as well as hegemonizing the social space traditionally occupied by the Left Even if there are some celebrated exceptions - such as the militant NGOs so instrumental in creating the World Social Forums - the broad impact of the NGO/ "civil society revolution," as even some World Bank researchers acknowledge, has been to bureaucratize and deradicalize urban social movements.21 18 Sebastian Mallaby, The World's Banker: A Story of Failed States, Financial Crises, and the Wealth and Poverty of Nations, New York 2004, pp. 89-90, 145. 19 Rita Abrahamsen, "Review Essay: Poverty Reduction or Adjustment by Another Name?


pages: 494 words: 132,975

Keynes Hayek: The Clash That Defined Modern Economics by Nicholas Wapshott

"Robert Solow", airport security, banking crisis, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, collective bargaining, complexity theory, creative destruction, cuban missile crisis, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, Gunnar Myrdal, if you build it, they will come, Isaac Newton, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, means of production, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage debt, New Journalism, Northern Rock, Paul Samuelson, Philip Mirowski, price mechanism, pushing on a string, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trickle-down economics, War on Poverty, Yom Kippur War

Armed with a landslide victory over the ultra-conservative Barry Goldwater65 in the 1964 election, Johnson, an avid New Dealer in the 1930s, embarked on a vast public spending spree. As Arkansas representative Wilbur Mills66 recalled, “Johnson always was a spender, in a sense, different from Kennedy. He thought that you could always stimulate the economy better through public spending than you could through private spending.”67 Johnson’s program was as radical as anything Franklin Roosevelt had attempted. He extended civil rights to African-Americans, embarked on a “war on poverty” through federal entitlements, and instituted Medicare to give health care to everyone over age sixty-five and Medicaid for those who could not afford health insurance. The 1960s was a decade of unparalleled wealth. Whereas the 1950s had been years of widespread affluence, the 1960s made the average worker comfortably well-off. Luxuries such as color televisions, airplane travel, and a second car in the driveway became commonplace.

pid=11286. 40 Richard Milhous Nixon (1913–94), 36th vice president (1953–61) and 37th president of the United States (1969–74). 41 John Fitzgerald “Jack” Kennedy (1917–63), 35th president of the United States (1961–63). 42 Stein, On the Other Hand, p. 85. 43 John Kenneth Galbraith, Ambassador’s Journal (Houghton Mifflin, New York, 1969), p. 48. 44 William McChesney Martin Jr. (1906–98), longest-serving chairman of the Federal Reserve, from April 1951 to January 1970, and the son of the architect of the Federal Reserve Act, William McChesney Martin. 45 When Leon Keserling complained to Kennedy that he was appointing too many conservatives to key positions, Kennedy retorted, “You don’t realize that I only got elected by one half of one per cent,” to which Keserling responded, “I suppose that if Dick Nixon had been elected by one half of one percent, he would have appointed me Secretary of the Treasury to please the liberals.” Oral history interview with Leon Keyserling by Jerry N. Hess, Washington, D.C., May 10, 1971, p. 94. 46 Walter Wolfgang Heller (1915–87), chair of economics at the University of Minnesota. Helped design the Marshall Plan of 1947 that reinvigorated Europe after World War II. Suggested to Lyndon Johnson the “War on Poverty.” 47 Kermit Gordon (1916–76), later president of the Brookings Institution who oversaw the first budget of Johnson’s Great Society. 48 John F. Kennedy, “State of the Union Message to Congress,” February 2, 1961, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=8111&st=kennedy&st1=congress. 49 Michael O’Brien, John F. Kennedy: A Biography (Macmillan, London, 2006), p. 637. 50 Arthur M.

., 128, 157, 170, 178–79, 199, 228–30, 232, 236–46, 251, 253, 261, 277, 282, 283 —wage levels and, 148 United Nations, 228, 229 United States: —banking system of, 28, 41, 84–85 —capitalism in, 46, 144–46 —domestic programs of, 157–70, 202, 205, 228, 231–32, 240, 248, 253, 256, 320n —economy of, 46, 52–53, 62, 106, 111, 141–42, 188–90, 228–46, 253–55, 261–65, 269–72 —foreign aid of, 136, 228 —Hayek’s influence in, xiii–xiv, 201–11, 234, 246, 247–65, 267–74 —inflation rate of, 230, 232, 236, 238–39, 242–46, 248, 251, 255, 261–62, 263, 267, 271 —infrastructure of, 159, 163, 189, 281 —interest rates in, 232, 235, 236, 246, 277, 280, 282, 284 —Keynesianism in, 146–47, 154–70, 188–90, 228–46, 276–84 —military spending of, 190, 231–34, 237, 241, 261, 264, 274, 276–78 —national security of, 233–34, 237, 276–77 —space program of, 234, 237 taxation in, 231, 262–63 —unemployment rate in, 128, 157, 170, 178–79, 199, 228–30, 232, 236–46, 251, 253, 261, 277, 282, 283 —Versailles Treaty and, 4–5, 155–57 —welfare programs in, 240, 264 —in World War II, 189–90, 229, 234 University of Chicago Press, 194, 201–2, 212, 216, 247 utilities, 291 utopias, 290–91, 292 value: —of currency, 22–23 —determination of, 5, 22–23 —of equipment (depreciation), 105–6, 118–19 —of goods, 74–75, 101, 117 —monetary, 22–23, 74–75, 120–21, 161 Vanity Fair, 157 “velocity of circulation,” 26, 33, 104, 136 Versailles Treaty, xii, xiii, 3, 4–5, 8–14, 17, 28, 56, 68, 84, 136, 137, 155–57, 158, 189 Vienna, xi–xiii, 1–3, 15–16, 17, 18–21, 27, 29–30, 40, 44, 111, 145, 214–15 Vienna, University of, 3, 15, 19, 20–22, 140 Vietnam War, 241 Viner, Jacob, 216, 221–22, 329n Volcker, Paul, 246, 261, 263, 286 voluntary savings, 104, 107 von Szeliski, Victor, 164 voting rights, 140 wages, 32, 38–39, 60, 63, 118, 119–20, 134, 135, 148, 188, 241 —controls on, 243–44 —increases in, 118, 119–20, 134 —production costs and, 119–20 Walras, Léon, 74 war debt, 4–5, 8–14, 21–22, 31–32, 84, 155–57, 206 warfare, 4, 137, 138, 190–92, 194, 229, 231–34 war on poverty, 240 war on terror, 276–78 “War Potential and War Finance” (Keynes), 191–92 Watergate scandal, 244 wealth accumulation, 56–57, 117–20, 127, 143–44, 149–50, 222, 241, 279, 287 Wealth of Nations, The (Smith), 218 Webb, Beatrice, 24, 64 Webb, Sidney, 24 Weber, Max, 21, 304n Wedgwood, Veronica, 212, 329n weights and measures, 201 Weimar Republic, 9 welfare state, 199–200, 201, 222, 227, 233, 234–35, 240, 249–50, 253, 258–61, 264, 267, 288–89, 295 Westminster Abbey, 226 wholesale prices, 62 “Why I Am Not a Conservative” (Hayek), 220 Wicksell, Knut, 42, 43, 48, 55, 74, 91, 100, 103, 120 “widow’s cruse,” 127 Wieser, Friedrich von, 20, 21–22 Wilhelm II, Emperor of Germany, 9 William Volcker Charities Fund, 211, 216, 218 Wilson, Woodrow, 4–5, 11, 28, 155–57, 161 Winant, John, 226 Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 3, 114, 300n Wolfson, Adam, 288–89, 292 Woolf, Leonard, 53, 226 Woolf, Virginia, 5, 53, 301n Wootton, Barbara, 202–3, 320n, 326n “Working of the Price Mechanism in the Course of the Credit Cycle, The” (Hayek), 76–78 World Bank, 136, 193 WorldCom, 278 World War I, 3–5, 16, 19–20, 22, 55–56, 68, 69, 72, 84, 155–57, 189 World War II, 136, 189–92, 229, 234 Wright, Quincy, 85 Yale University, 271 Yom Kippur War, 244 Yugoslavia, 16, 17 Zionism, 158 More praise for KEYNES HAYEK “An essential primer on the two men who shaped modern finance.”


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Fool Me Twice: Fighting the Assault on Science in America by Shawn Lawrence Otto

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anthropic principle, Berlin Wall, Brownian motion, carbon footprint, Cepheid variable, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, commoditize, cosmological constant, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Dean Kamen, desegregation, different worldview, double helix, energy security, Exxon Valdez, fudge factor, ghettoisation, global pandemic, Harlow Shapley and Heber Curtis, Harvard Computers: women astronomers, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Louis Pasteur, mutually assured destruction, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, shareholder value, sharing economy, smart grid, Solar eclipse in 1919, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, transaction costs, University of East Anglia, War on Poverty, white flight, Winter of Discontent, working poor, yellow journalism, zero-sum game

At its peak, the Apollo Program would employ some 400,000 people.5 There were just two problems: We didn’t have a clue about how to do it, and we didn’t have the money either, with the country in a major recession and federal tax revenues down. To make matters worse, Kennedy’s inspirational ideas for domestic policy were getting shot down. He had painted a grand vision of the New Frontier and the War on Poverty, but he couldn’t get Congress to pay for a major expansion of social programs, at least not yet. But if a program were tied to the cold war, he thought he could get Congress to support it like they had the National Interstate and Defense Highways Act five years before and the National Defense Education Act of 1958.6 Apollo could be a bold new vision and a jobs program, an economic stimulus with benefits.

But if a program were tied to the cold war, he thought he could get Congress to support it like they had the National Interstate and Defense Highways Act five years before and the National Defense Education Act of 1958.6 Apollo could be a bold new vision and a jobs program, an economic stimulus with benefits. The cultural anxiety was so high by then that the very idea of Russians crawling all over the Moon caused a visceral reaction in many Main Street Americans. Kennedy thought he had a winner. But once the budget numbers came back, they showed that the program would cost almost $20 billion over eight years, eating up all the discretionary funds that Kennedy needed for his War on Poverty. If he wanted Apollo, he would likely have to sacrifice everything else. He began looking for a way out. He realized that if he took away the cold-war justification, he’d lose the support of fiscal conservatives, and he could use that loss to move the deadline back indefinitely by defunding it. So he reached out to Khrushchev, his worst enemy, at the Vienna Summit and suggested over lunch that they bury the space-race hatchet and go to the Moon together as a cooperative venture.

See also specific legislator name U.S. presidents, 15–18, 226–27. See also specific name V Vaccination debate, 151–55, 178–79 Value on ecosystem, 259 Values war, 111, 163–66, 171 Varmus, Harold, 8–9, 19 Vaughn, Lewis, 136 Velocity-distance relationship, 69 Vioxx (rofecoxib) lawsuit, 17 Vitalism, concept of, 118–19 Vonnegut, Kurt Jr., 97–98 “Vulgar induction,” 194–95, 289 W Wakefield, Andrew, 152, 154 War on Poverty, 95 Washington, George, 22, 90–91 Watson, James, 78 Watts, Anthony, 201 Weapons of mass destruction, 11. See also Atomic bomb Webber, Michael, 274–76, 289 Welles, Orson, 144 Western Christianity, 41–43 Westphal, Scott, 184, 299 Whitfield, Ed, 218–19 Willer, Robb, 283–85 Williams, Brian, 286 Wilson, Edward O., 4, 129 Wilson, Robert, 309–11 World War II, 73–79 Wundt, Wilhelm, 117 Y Yellow journalism, 150–51 Z Zakir, Waseem, 195 Mention of specific companies, organizations, or authorities in this book does not imply endorsement by the author or publisher, nor does mention of specific companies, organizations, or authorities imply that they endorse this book, its author, or the publisher.


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The Voice of Reason: Essays in Objectivist Thought by Ayn Rand, Leonard Peikoff, Peter Schwartz

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business process, cuban missile crisis, haute cuisine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, laissez-faire capitalism, means of production, medical malpractice, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, source of truth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, War on Poverty

Ask yourself: what is the moral and intellectual state of a nation that gives a blank check on its wealth, its work, its efforts, its lives to a “yearner” and “dreamer,” to spend on lost causes? Can anyone feel morally inspired to live and work for such a purpose? Can anyone preserve any values by looking at anything today? If a man who earns his living hears constant denunciations of his “selfish greed” and then, as a moral example, is offered the spectacle of the War on Poverty—which fills the newspapers with allegations of political favoritism, intrigues, maneuvering, corruption among its “selfless” administrators—what will happen to his sense of honesty? If a young man struggles sixteen hours a day to work his way through school, and then has to pay taxes to help the dropouts from the dropout programs—what will happen to his ambition? If a man saves for years to build a home, which is then seized by the profiteers of Urban Renewal because their profits are “in the public interest,” but his are not—what will happen to his sense of justice?

It is not their practice that I challenge, but their moral premise. Poverty is not a mortgage on the labor of others—misfortune is not a mortgage on achievement—failure is not a mortgage on success—suffering is not a claim check, and its relief is not the goal of existence—man is not a sacrificial animal on anyone’s altar or for anyone’s cause—life is not one huge hospital. Those who suggest that we substitute a war on poverty for the space program should ask themselves whether the premises and values that form the character of an astronaut would be satisfied by a lifetime of carrying bedpans and teaching the alphabet to the mentally retarded. The answer applies as well to the values and premises of the astronauts’ admirers. Slums are not a substitute for stars. The question we are constantly hearing today is: why are men able to reach the moon, but unable to solve their social-political problems?

Apparently, they had not grasped the modern notion, the basic premise of the welfare state: that rewards are divorced from achievement, that one obtains money from the government by giving nothing in return, and the more one gets, the more one should demand. The response of Congress to Apollo 11 included some prominent voices who declared that NASA’s appropriations should be cut because the lunar mission has succeeded.(!) The purpose of the years of scientific work is completed, they said, and “national priorities” demand that we now pour more money down the sewers of the war on poverty. If you want to know the process that embitters, corrupts, and destroys the managers of government projects, you are seeing it in action. I hope that the NASA administrators will be able to withstand it. As far as “national priorities” are concerned, I want to say the following: we do not have to have a mixed economy, we still have a chance to change our course and thus to survive. But if we do continue down the road of a mixed economy, then let them pour all the millions and billions they can into the space program.


pages: 407 words: 135,242

The Streets Were Paved With Gold by Ken Auletta

British Empire, business climate, clean water, collective bargaining, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, hiring and firing, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, job satisfaction, Joseph Schumpeter, mortgage debt, Norman Mailer, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, Parkinson's law, Ponzi scheme, price stability, profit motive, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, Ronald Reagan, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working-age population

Instead, on May 13, 1965, the same day John Lindsay announced his candidacy for mayor, he trotted out Deputy Mayor Edward F. Cavanagh, Jr., who meekly recited a six-minute message for the benefit of two Board of Estimate members. Wagner still proposed to close the gap by issuing short-term notes. It amounted, he said, to “borrow now, repay later.” The Mayor’s message echoed the boundless optimism and rhetoric of the day: “I intend that we shall press ahead with the war on crime, the war on poverty, the war on narcotics addiction, the war on slums, the war on disease and the war on civil ugliness.” Such “wars” cost money, and the Mayor presented a record $3.87 billion budget—up $514,299,699—plus a first-time fiscal trick to pay for it. Unlike subsequent mayors, Wagner did not hide his tricks. It was debated on the floor of the legislature, where State Senator John Marchi called it “bad budget practice” and prophesied, “We can do it next year, we can do it ten years from now, this is the effect of the proposal.”

In May 1976, Comptroller Goldin explained it before the Annual Conference of Municipal Finance Officers: “There was a broad feeling, I believe, that even though the City’s accounting and budgeting had been revealed as a kind of Rube Goldberg conception—a system which defied understanding or control—it was better to leave it alone as long as it churned out enough money to meet the bills and pay the debts.” While the game was divorced from rules, it was not divorced from the political ethos of the time. The public was demanding, expecting, more. In truth, it would have been difficult, even if New York had enjoyed strong leadership, to have cut the city’s budget. The sixties saw Mayor Wagner pledge a local war on poverty. President Kennedy promised Camelot. President Johnson promised both guns and butter. Mayor Lindsay promised Fun City. Martin Luther King had a dream. The Great Society was going to transform slums into Scarsdales, Vietnam into Ohio. Public expectations rose. Cities seethed with rage when the inflated promises of the Great Society and New Frontier were not met, and City Hall tried to step into the breach.

.…” “Hell, five years ago all the so-called ‘budgetary gimmicks’ were being called genius,” Lindsay’s former chief of staff, Jay Kriegel, told writer Harry Stein. “It wasn’t Lindsay, it was the times.” And the times were optimistic. John Kennedy kicked off the decade of the sixties promising to “get this country moving again.” Lyndon Johnson’s first State of the Union message, in 1964, announced “a national war on poverty. Our objective: total victory.” Vietnam was to preserve the world for democracy. When John Lindsay captured the mayoralty in 1965, Newsweek’s cover story rhapsodized that his campaign was “the most important political operation in America today.…” In addition to optimism, the sixties featured social upheaval. A new wave of immigrants—from Puerto Rico and the South—came to New York seeking opportunity.


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Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire by Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, conceptual framework, continuation of politics by other means, David Graeber, Defenestration of Prague, deskilling, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, global village, Howard Rheingold, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, land tenure, late capitalism, liberation theology, means of production, Naomi Klein, new economy, Paul Samuelson, post-work, private military company, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Richard Stallman, Slavoj Žižek, The Chicago School, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, Tobin tax, transaction costs, union organizing, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

In other cases, the metaphorical discourse of war is invoked as a strategic political maneuver in order to achieve the total mobilization of social forces for a united purpose that is typical of a war effort. The war on poverty, for example, launched in the United States in the mid-1960s by the Johnson administration, used the discourse of war to avoid partisan conflict and rally national forces for a domestic policy goal. Because poverty is an abstract enemy and the means to combat it are nonviolent, the war discourse in this case remains merely rhetorical. With the war on drugs, however, which began in the 1980s, and more so with the twenty-first-century war on terrorism, the rhetoric of war begins to develop a more concrete character. As in the case of the war on poverty, here too the enemies are posed not as specific nation-states or political communities or even individuals but rather as abstract concepts or perhaps as sets of practices. Much more successfully than the war on poverty, these discourses of war serve to mobilize all social forces and suspend or limit normal political exchange.


The Cigarette: A Political History by Sarah Milov

activist lawyer, affirmative action, airline deregulation, American Legislative Exchange Council, barriers to entry, British Empire, collective bargaining, corporate personhood, deindustrialization, fixed income, Frederick Winslow Taylor, G4S, global supply chain, imperial preference, Indoor air pollution, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Kitchen Debate, land tenure, new economy, New Journalism, Philip Mirowski, pink-collar, Potemkin village, precariat, price stability, profit maximization, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, Silicon Valley, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, Torches of Freedom, trade route, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, War on Poverty, women in the workforce

Bureaucracies in thrall to organized interests would have to contend with lawyers speaking on behalf of consumers, the environment, women, and nonwhites.35 Or better yet, public institutions would have to contend with the demands of unorganized Americans themselves. Beginning in the mid-1960s, institutions themselves began to yield to the participatory ideal. The 1964 Wilderness Act was the first piece of federal legislation to require participation by citizens’ groups in proposals for wilderness designations.36 And the mandate of “maximum feasible participation” of poor people in designing the War on Poverty’s Community Action Programs suggested the potency of the participatory ideal. Of course, neither tobacco interests nor their allies in Congress would cede ground to this broadened conception of the public when it was articulated in front of regulatory agencies and in the courts. Regulating after the Report The Surgeon General’s Report triggered an equal and opposite reaction from Congress and the Federal Trade Commission (FTC).

In the late 1960s, the state began to invite citizen participation in the formation and implementation of environmental legislation. For example, the 1967 Air Quality Act provided for citizen participation in public hearings, offering encouragement to neighborhood groups across the country. And the 1970 Clean Air Act encouraged grassroots involvement in policymaking, requiring that states hold public hearings on proposed environmental laws so that citizen groups could present testimony.85 From the War on Poverty’s Community Action Agencies to city-based experiments in community policing to the advisory committees of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), state regulations began to open to new constituencies in dramatic ways that reflected an expanding conception of the public. These experiments in openness were never as accessible as their architects intended. But they did stimulate the formation of countless citizen groups, and a rising sense of expectation among Americans who could see promise and peril in the new social legislation.

., 305n40 UNRRA (United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration), 326n35 Unsafe at Any Speed (Nader), 134 USDA (Department of Agriculture), 34–38, 51–52, 84, 92–96, 107, 124, 152–156, 291–292, 301n22 U.S. Steel, 14, 20 U.S. v. SCRAP, 187–188 Van den Haag, Ernest, 219 The Ventilator, 176–177 Verband der Zigarettenindustrie, 89 Village Voice, 194 Virginia, 31–32, 82 Volpe, John, 168 Voting Rights Act, 153 Wallace, Henry C., 33–36, 46–48, 52, 55, 57, 60, 62, 319n50 Wall Street Journal, 61, 169, 218 Wanamaker, John, 25 warehouses, 30, 44, 72–74, 113, 199 War on Poverty, 125, 186 Warren, Earl, 130 Warren, Robert Penn, 11–12, 37 Warsaw Uprising, 83 Washington Post, 140, 148, 164, 171, 225–226, 242–243, 247–248, 255, 257, 282, 284 Watergate, 173, 242, 247 Watts, Glenn, 233 Waxman, Henry, 247–248, 262–263, 279–280, 283–284, 288–289 WCTU (Women’s Christian Temperance Movement), 24–25, 27, 142–143 W. Duke Sons & Company, 15, 16 Weeks, Tubby, 156 Weil, Lionel, 57 Weis, William, 221–223, 230 welfare, 250, 280 Wesberry v.


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Reskilling America: Learning to Labor in the Twenty-First Century by Katherine S. Newman, Hella Winston

active measures, blue-collar work, business cycle, collective bargaining, Computer Numeric Control, deindustrialization, desegregation, factory automation, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, job-hopping, knowledge economy, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, performance metric, reshoring, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, social intelligence, two tier labour market, union organizing, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Wolfgang Streeck, working poor

The silver lining to these Cold War obsessions was the National Defense Education Act of 1958, which supported a massive investment in higher education through loan programs that fostered college enrollments, especially in defense-oriented fields, from foreign languages and area studies to engineering and mathematics. The vocational education section of the bill focused on training individuals for highly skilled technical occupations such as computer programming and aircraft mechanics, which were vital to national defense. Vocational Education and the War on Poverty The common purpose of the second wave of vocational education and its allied programs of apprenticeship had emphasized the needs of the labor market for skilled workers as well as the manpower requirements of war production. In the 1960s, a new mission emerged that had little to do with either of these goals. Instead, vocational training was deemed important as a weapon in the fight against poverty.

community and technical colleges and credentials and debates over decentralization of employer ties to schools and funding and funding and, Germany German dual system German dual system, in US high school high-school, vs. general education hiring biases and history of improving and expanding Japan and manual training movement and mathematics and modernizing obstacles to rebranded as CTE standardized tests and workforce needs and Vocational Education Act (1963) vocational teachers Vocational Training Act (Germany) Volkswagen (VW) Coaching wages and incomes apprenticeships and community colleges and Germany and protection of South and wait staff Waitz, Martin Walker, Scott Walmart War on Poverty Washington, Booker T. Washington State Web developers “We’d Love to Hire them, But…” (Kirschenman and Neckerman) welding Wentworth Institute of Technology West Virginia white-collar work White House Fact Sheet (1992) Whittier Regional Vocational Technical High School Williams, Keith Williams, Nigeria Wilson, William Julius Wisconsin Wolf, Stephan Wolfsburg Works Council workers’ councils Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act (WIOA, 2014) World War I World War II writing skills Yale University Youssef, Said Youth Apprenticeship, American Style conference (1990) youth apprenticeship programs.


pages: 372 words: 94,153

More From Less: The Surprising Story of How We Learned to Prosper Using Fewer Resources – and What Happens Next by Andrew McAfee

back-to-the-land, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, call centre, carbon footprint, clean water, cleantech, cloud computing, Corn Laws, creative destruction, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, decarbonisation, dematerialisation, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, energy transition, Erik Brynjolfsson, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Haber-Bosch Process, Hans Rosling, humanitarian revolution, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, indoor plumbing, intangible asset, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, job automation, John Snow's cholera map, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Khan Academy, Landlord’s Game, Louis Pasteur, Lyft, Marc Andreessen, market fundamentalism, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, oil shale / tar sands, Paul Samuelson, peak oil, precision agriculture, profit maximization, profit motive, risk tolerance, road to serfdom, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Second Machine Age, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, Stewart Brand, telepresence, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Davenport, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, total factor productivity, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, Veblen good, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog, World Values Survey

Or not killing all the whales. I. The nineteenth-century British economist and philosopher Henry Sidgwick is usually credited with introducing the concept of externalities. They were originally called spillovers. Later economists apparently decided that that term was too clear and stopped using it in favor of the more opaque word externalities. II. As we’ll see in chapter 11, the Chinese war on poverty has also been hugely successful. III. Monsanto began to acquire its bad name in the 1960s and 1970s when it (along with other chemical companies) produced Agent Orange, a powerful herbicide that was widely used by the US military during the Vietnam War. Agent Orange caused serious health problems in humans. Later, Monsanto mishandled the launch of GMOs in Europe. The company’s reputation never recovered.

Nothing like this has ever happened before in recorded history.” A graph created by Max Roser clearly reveals the “miracle” Smith was talking about, and how right he was that the improvement is without precedent. The graph doesn’t show the percentage of people living in poverty, but instead something even more important: the total number of extremely poor people on earth. World Population Living in Extreme Poverty, 1820–2015 The World’s War on Poverty The total number of poor people in the world peaked right at the time of the first Earth Day in 1970, then started to slowly decrease. But the real miracle came when this happy decline accelerated during the twenty-first century. In 1999, 1.76 billion people were living in extreme poverty. Just sixteen years later, this number had declined by 60 percent, to 705 million. Hundreds of millions fewer people are living in poverty now than in 1820, when the world’s total population was seven times smaller than it is today.


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The Challenge for Africa by Wangari Maathai

Berlin Wall, Bob Geldof, carbon footprint, carbon-based life, clean water, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, deliberate practice, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Live Aid, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, Scramble for Africa, sovereign wealth fund, structural adjustment programs, sustainable-tourism, trade liberalization, transatlantic slave trade, urban planning, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

Elected leaders, senior diplomats, economists, and celebrities have helped to place the issues of Africa's dehumanizing poverty, HIV/AIDS crisis, food security, and debt relief on the international community's agenda. DEALING WITH MALARIA AND DEPENDENCY In January 2005, I attended the World Economic Forum, a gathering of heads of state, entrepreneurs, economists, and public figures that is held every year in Davos, Switzerland. In one session, I listened as then Tanzanian president Benjamin Mkapa addressed the theme “Funding the War on Poverty” on a panel that included President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil; Domenico Siniscalco, Italy's then minister of economy and finance; Gordon Brown, then the UK's chancellor of the exchequer; American economist Jeffrey Sachs; and Bill Gates, the founder of Microsoft.1 President Mkapa made a passionate appeal for the global North (the wealthy, industrialized countries, which are mainly located in the northern hemisphere) to cancel the debts that his country owed, which, he said, severely hampered his government's ability to make investments in public health, including, for example, providing bed nets to protect Tanzanian children from malaria-infected mosquitoes.

Indeed, at the end of his speech, President Mkapa had gotten to the heart of the need for Africa's leaders to commit to serving their peoples and to practicing better governance for their peoples' benefit: Now for our own, let me say: I don't want to be putting the developed countries on the dock. We [Africans] also have a task, we also have a challenge; because we also have a capacity to some extent of funding the war on poverty ourselves: organizing our economies, organizing our revenue collection systems, organizing our own budgeting, being more accountable and transparent. Those we can undertake. A combination of those reforms I think would see a tremendous, truly predictable advance in the war against poverty. President Mkapa knew what the right actions were. For me, however, the question still remains: If African leaders know what they ought to do, why aren't more of them doing it?


pages: 299 words: 19,560

Utopias: A Brief History From Ancient Writings to Virtual Communities by Howard P. Segal

1960s counterculture, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, complexity theory, David Brooks, death of newspapers, dematerialisation, deskilling, energy security, European colonialism, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, future of journalism, G4S, garden city movement, germ theory of disease, Golden Gate Park, invention of the printing press, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, John Markoff, John von Neumann, knowledge economy, liberation theology, Louis Pasteur, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, means of production, Nelson Mandela, Nicholas Carr, Nikolai Kondratiev, out of africa, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ray Kurzweil, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, transcontinental railway, traveling salesman, union organizing, urban planning, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog

Even the belated discovery of poverty in Appalachia and other predominantly white areas, as detailed in Michael Harrington’s The Other America (1963), could not diminish this utopian optimism that economists could attain affluence for all. If anything, the Council of Economic Advisors under both Growing Expectations of Realizing Utopia 101 President Kennedy and President Johnson believed in their ability to develop policies to help to eradicate poverty, a belief expanded by Johnson with his “War on Poverty.” Similarly, sociologist Daniel Bell’s influential The End of Ideology (1960), even though it was misread as endorsing this consensus over the end of strongly ideological politics in affluent America, nevertheless gave enormous intellectual legitimacy to it. Furthermore, the purported consensus on America’s present and future was now traced to the nation’s past by influential historians such as Daniel Boorstin in The Genius of American Politics (1953) and David Potter in People of Plenty: Economic Abundance and the American Character (1954).

W. 165 TVA and the Tellico Dam, 1936–1979: A Bureaucratic Crisis in PostIndustrial America (Wheeler, McDonald) 111 Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea (Verne) 8 Twitter 193 Two Cultures, The (Snow) 113– 114, and engineering 121 Unabomber 84 “underdeveloped” or “Third World” 102, 105, 172 Union Carbide 253 United Kingdom 151 Fabianism in 20 286 Index relationship with the United States 114 utopianism in 24 and wind power 151 United Nations International Year of Cooperatives 64 United Society of Believers in Christ’s Second Appearing see Shakers United States 187 “aging or declining era” 237 America as “Second Creation” 81–85 America as utopia 10, 24–25, 74–78, 188–189 American “exceptionalism” 89 attitudes toward inventors, engineers and scientists 157–160 attitude toward rulers 159 attitudes toward technological progress 78, 82, 84, 116 citizens’ demand for separation from external world 122 Civil War 76, 77 concept of System 78 exportation of science and technology 102–103, 109–110 fairs 36, 37 gap between science and public beliefs 116–117 immigration 77–78 imperialism 9 influence of European utopianism 76 moral superiority 11 nature of Americaness 78–79 and nuclear plants 142–156 “nuclear renaissance” 154 and Old World 74 “positive thinking” 168 potentiality of utopia in 75–76 reconceptualization of America 78 religious beliefs 11–12 science and technology 108–109 sense of identity 77 technology and opportunism 75, 77 2011 earthquake 153 United States and digital literacy 210 United States Constitution 74, 93 utopianism and contemporary disorder 93 utopianism 5, 24–32, 24 views of industrialization and technology 83, 84 see also technological utopia Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 252 universal rights 252 Universal Studios 36 universities 130, 204, 207, 213, 214 Kellogg Commission 215, 216 and “power of knowledge” 104 and TQM 217 see also electronic campus University of California 112 Berkeley, protests at 111 University of Illinois 207, 210 University of Maine System 208 University of Phoenix 210, 210, 211 urban crises 115 “urbanization” 31 utilitarianism 62 utopias: defined 1, 5–7 alternative energy 150–151 American 24–32, 89–96 artifacts and utopia 196, 243, 252 attitudes toward utopia 124, 192, 242–244 background to 50ff in China and Japan 17–21 contemporary utopias 194–199 creation of 13 critics of utopia 48ff, 74ff, 123–131 critiques 169–173, 243 and cyberspace 198–199 declining faith in 158 digital utopianism 154 and dystopias 5, 216, 244 educational 205, 206–213 and electrification 94 expectations of achievability 50–51, 248–249 failures of 186 as fantasies 251 feasibility of establishment 13–14 forecasters’ claims 160–169 future of utopias 255, 234ff genres of utopianism 24ff and globalization 253–254 high-tech 1, 2, 16, 118, 162, 163, 172, 186, 210, 214–215, 253, 255 negative components 165–166, 167–168 inherent impracticality of 123 intent of utopias 7, 205 internal criticism 28 Kellogg Commission’s utopianism 213–217 Latin American utopias 21–23 literary accounts 1–2, 47–50, 54–55 location of 13 Index 287 utopias (Continued) and megaprojects 139–142 and millenarian movements 8–9 minor utopias 251, 252–253 and modernization 105–106 and “near future” 164, 186 necessity for ability to change 5, 251 non-utopianism 7, 147, 252 non-Western utopianism 16–23, 196, 243 nuclear power 146, 153–154, 156 ongoing significance of utopia 241–255 origin of term 5, 48 overdetailed descriptions 250–251 print and utopianism 217–222 and real world 1, 5–6, 7, 12–13, 244–245 reflecting societies 1, 31 and religion 9–12, 56 and science fiction 8–9, 199–201 and scientific and technological plateau 67, 234–241 significance of utopianism 241–255 significance of utopian writers 95–96 skepticism toward 2 and social media 193–194 spiritual qualities and formal religion 9–12 spread of utopias 16–17 technological utopias 3, 32, 34, 53ff, 99, 102, 107, 109, 202, 247, 253 potential failure of 187 tradition of 188–189 timescale of utopias 13–11 288 Index true and false utopias 5–6, 7, 106 utopia and history 244–245 utopian communities’ political viewpoint 25 utopian writings 47, 254 utopianism and availability of choice 123 utopias and role of women 25, 63, 90–92, 173 utopias, millenarianism and science fiction 8–9 and virtual reality 255 Western utopias 16, 242, 250, 252 see also particular authors, Best and Brightest, Edutopia, Pansophists, Shakers, Technocracy, World’s fairs utopian communities 194–198, 247 and France 2 negative aspects 254–255 quasi-utopian societies 201 religion-based 2, 10 utopian settlements, US 98 Utopian Socialist Society, Venezuela 79 Utopia (New York Library exhibition catalog) 245 Utopia (Thomas More) 5, 13, 23, 47, 48, 123, 242, 244 Utopia or Oblivion: The Prospects for Humanity (Fuller) 14, 164, 207, 248 Utopia Road, Southern California 2 Utopia, Texas, United States 2 Utopia: The Search for the Ideal Society in the Western World (exhibition, New York Public Library) 242–245 utopianism (movement) 5, 100–101, 245, 247, 250, 254 Utopianism: A Very Short Introduction (Sargent) 16 utopians 98, 161, 186–192 Utopias (beer) 3, 249 Utopias in Conflict: Religion and Nationalism in Modern India (Embree) 171 Veblen, Thorstein 97, 106, 216 Venezuela 23, 189 Venter, Craig 127 Vergil 47 Vermont Yankee Nuclear Plant 145, 148, 154 Verne, Jules 7, 8 Vernon, Vermont, United States 145, 147–148 Vietnam War 104–105, 111, 112, 115, 158, 159, 160, 245 Vincenti, Walter 52, 121 virtual governments 250 virtual reality 255 “virtual school” 206 “vision thing” (H. W. Bush) 241–242 Visual Factory, The 212 von Braun, Wernher 9 Wallingford, Connecticut 28 “War on Poverty” 101 War Stars: The Superweapon and the American Imagination (Franklin) 141–142 water power 150 Watergate scandal 158, 159 Watt, James 8 We (Zamyatin) 123, 166 Webber, Melvin 112 Weinberg, Alvin 106, 107–108, 109, 110, 114, 122 Wells, H. G. 9, 35, 240, 251 Wen Jiabao, Prime Minister 38 Western ethnocentrism and industrialisation 169–170 Westinghouse, George 157 What Will Be (Dertouzos) 164 Wheeler, William Bruce 111 Whewell, Rev.


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Getting Back to Full Employment: A Better Bargain for Working People by Dean Baker, Jared Bernstein

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, Asian financial crisis, business cycle, collective bargaining, declining real wages, full employment, George Akerlof, income inequality, inflation targeting, mass immigration, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, price stability, publication bias, quantitative easing, Report Card for America’s Infrastructure, rising living standards, selection bias, War on Poverty

Wall Street Journal, September 20. http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10000872396390443890304578008713419920352.html Hobijn, Bart, Ayşegül Şahin, and Robert Valletta. 2011. “A Rising Natural Rate of Unemployment: Transitory or Permanent?” Report No. 11-160/3. The Netherlands: Tinbergen Institute. Holtz-Eakin, Douglas. 1992. “Public-Sector Capital and the Productivity Puzzle.” Working Paper No. 4122. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Holzer, Harry. 2013. “Workforce Development Programs.” In Legacies of the War on Poverty, ed. Martha J. Bailey and Sheldon Danziger, 121-151.New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation. Johnson, Clifford M., Amy Rynell, and Melissa Young. 2010. “Publicly Funded Jobs: An Essential Strategy for Reducing Poverty and Economic Distress Throughout the Business Cycle.” Paper prepared for the Georgetown University and Urban Institute Conference on Reducing Poverty and Economic Distress after ARRA, January 15.


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Drugs Without the Hot Air by David Nutt

British Empire, double helix, en.wikipedia.org, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, longitudinal study, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral panic, offshore financial centre, randomized controlled trial, risk tolerance, Robert Gordon, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), War on Poverty

, Peter Bebergal, URL-121, June 9th 2008 15 The War on Drugs, and drugs in war 1“Public enemy number one in the United States is drug abuse. In order to fight and defeat this enemy, it is necessary to wage a new, all-out offensive.” Richard Nixon, 1971. In 1971, President Nixon gave a speech in which he declared that the USA was facing a “national emergency”, and that drug addiction was “public enemy number one”. This was the beginning of the “War on Drugs”, a term coined as a reference to President Lyndon Johnson’s “War on Poverty”, (which has been about as unsuccessful as the “War on Drugs” and the “War on Terror” which followed it). The word “war” in this case was oddly appropriate, as the “drug abuse emergency” Nixon referred to was largely taking place amongst the US Army in Vietnam, where drug-taking was very prevalent. To understand the origin of Nixon’s policies, we first need to look at a little history of this other “war on drugs” – how drugs have been used in war zones over recent centuries.

view=Binary 168. www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/mar /05/korean-girl-starved-online-game 169. www.drugabuse.gov/sites/default/files/ sciofaddiction.pdf 170. info.cancerresearchuk.org/prod_consump/ groups/cr_common/@nre/@sta/documents/ generalcontent/crukmig_1000ast-2989.xls 171. www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.1119598109 172. www.guardian.co.uk/society/2010/oct/ 31/race-bias-drug-arrests-claim 173. www.nytimes.com/2011/06/17/opinion/ 17carter.html 174. www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2007/feb/ 11/uk.drugsandalcohol1 175. www.ukcia.org/research/ ProjectionsOfImpactOfRiseInUse/ ProjectionsOfImpactOfRiseInUse.pdf 176. www.beckleyfoundation.org/2011/11/19/ public-letter-in-the-times-and-guardian-calling-for-a-new-approach 177. www.homeoffice.gov.uk/drugs/drug-law/ 178. www.time.com/time/world/article/ 0,8599,1887488,00.html 179. www.apa.org/science/programs/ conference/2011/harwood.ppt 180. www.msnbc.msn.com/id/35914759/ns/business-world _business/t/wachovia-settle-drug-money-laundering-case 181. www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-435393/ Exclusive-Cameron-DID-smoke-cannabis.html 182. www.lawrencephillips.net/ Decision_conferencing.html Index Page numbers in bold indicate definitions. 12-step programme, 1, 2 5HT2A receptors and psychedelics, 1 acamprosate, 1 acetylcholine receptors, 1 ACMD, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 cannabis report, 1 drugs ranked, 1 expert panel for MCDA, 1 purpose, 1 ranking procedure, 1 ranking, limitations, 1 ranking, reaction to, 1 ranking, results, 1 ranking, weights, 1 sacked from, 1 website, 1 acquisitive crime, 1, 2, 3 Portugal, 1 UK statistics, 1 activate, 1 acute, 1 Adams, Tony, 1, 2 addiction, 1 alcohol, Tony Adams, 1 Amy Winehouse, 1, 2 benzodiazepines, 1 brain mechanisms, 1 curing, 1 diagnosing, 1 dynamics and, 1 gambling, 1 habits and, 1 history, 1 kinetics and, 1 memories in, 1, 2, 3 neurotransmitters and, 1 painkillers, to, avoiding, 1 Pete Doherty, 1 preventing, 1 protective factors against, 1 Ritalin and, 1 treatment difficult, 1 treatment with psychedelics, 1 treatment, Alcoholics Anonymous, 1 treatment, evaluating, 1 treatment, future, 1 treatment, pharmacological substitutes, see pharmacological substitutes treatment, Portuguese experiment, 1 treatment, psychological, 1 withdrawal and, 1 addictive personality, 1, 2 protective factors, 1 addictiveness crack, 1 routes of use, 1 smoking, 1 tolerance and, 1 withdrawal and, 1 adenosine coffee produces, 1 receptors, 1 ADHD, 1, 2, 3 Ritalin treatment for, 1 Advertising Standards Authority, 1 advice on drugs, 1 aerobatics, 1 aerosols, see solvents agonist, see also antagonist and pseudo-antagonist, see also full and partial agonists full, 1 partial, 1 agoraphobia and alcohol, 1 AIDS, see HIV/AIDS Ainsworth, Bob, and decriminalisation, 1 Al Qaeda drugs money, 1 alcohol, 1, 2 addiction, 1 addiction endorphins, 1 agoraphobia and, 1 ALDH2 enzyme, 1, 2 alternatives, 1 anxiety and, 1 availability, 1 binge drinking, 1 cirrhosis and, 1, 2 cocaethylene, 1, 2 cocaine combined with, 1 dependence treatment, 1 depressant, 1 endorphins and, 1 ethnic groups, ALDH2 and, 1 GHB treatment for, 1 harms reduction, 1 health priority, 1 inverse agonist, 1 mixing with drugs, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 price, 1 PTSD, and, 1 road safety, 1 smuggling, 1 sport, drugs in, 1 treatment in Italy and Austria, 1 treatment, LSD in, 1 withdrawal, 1, 2, 3 withdrawal, benzodiazepine treatment for, 1 withdrawal, ibogaine treatment for, 1 alcohol policy, drinks industry, 1 alcoholics anxiety disorders, 1, 2 dopamine receptor, 1 Alcoholics Anonymous, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 ALDH2 enzyme and alcohol, 1, 2 allergic reaction, 1 Alpert, Richard, 1 Alpha receptors, 1 alternative approach, legislation, 1 licensed drug premises, 1 licensed drug sales, 1 alternatives for farmers, 1 alternatives to War on Drugs, 1 Portuguese approach, 1 Ameisen, Olivier, 1 amines, 1 amitriptyline, 1 amphetamines, 1 child soldiers given, 1 performance enhancers, 1 stimulant, 1 war, in, 1 amputation of limbs from smoking, 1 anabolic, 1 anabolic steroids, 1, 2, 3 corticosteroids, difference, 1 effects, 1 harms, 1 harms reduction, 1 HIV/AIDS, treatment in, 1 overdose, unlikely, 1 performance enhancers, 1 sex hormones, 1 suicide and, 1 uses, 1 anabolic-androgenic steroids, 1 anadenanthera peregrina, 1 analgesic-induced headaches, 1 analogues, synthetic, 1 ancient Greece Elysian Fields, 1 mushrooms, 1 Andes, cocaine in, 1 androgenic, 1 anhedonia, 1 antagonist, 1, 2, 3 vaccines, anti-drug, 1 anthrax, 1 anti-drug vaccines, 1 anti-inflammatory, corticosteroids, 1 anti-stress corticosteroids, 1 antibody for cocaine overdose, 1 antidepressants, 1 how they work, 1 tricyclic, 1 anxiety addiction and, 1 alcohol and, 1 benzodiazepines for, 1 cannabis and, 1 depressants for, 1 disorder in alcoholics, 1, 2 GABA receptors, low levels, 1 neurotransmitters and, 1 new drugs for, 1 panic attacks, 1 PTSD, in, 1 reduction in terminal illness, 1 treatment outcomes, 1 treatment, SSRIs, 1 archery, 1 ASA, 1 asphyxiation from solvents, 1 aspirin, 1 side effects, 1 aspirin, side effects, 1 Ativan, 1 atom bomb, spiritual antidote to, 1 attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, see ADHD auditory effects, schizophrenia, 1 Australia, decriminalisation of drugs in, 1 ayuesca, psychedelic, 1 baby, starved by parents, 1 baclofen, 1 bagging, route of use, 1 ban, temporary order, 1 banisteriopsis caapi, 1 banks, money-laundering, 1 barbiturates, 1, 2, 3 PTSD, and, 1 suicide, 1 Barcelona, 1 battle fatigue, 1, see also PTSD BCS, see British Crime Survey benefits cannabis, 1 mephedrone, 1 psychedelics, 1 Benzedrine, 1, 2 benzodiazepines, 1, 2 addiction, 1 alcohol treatment, in, 1 benefits, 1 depressant, 1 endogenous, 1 GABA receptors, 1 harms, 1 how they work, 1 Librium, 1 overdose, safer, 1 physical dependence, 1 rebound less likely, 1 side effects, few, 1 suicide and, 1 withdrawal, 1 benzylpiperazine, 1 Bernays, Edward, 1 beta blockers in sport, 1 Betts, Leah, 1, 2 bhang, 1, 2 binge cocaine, 1 drinking, 1, 2, 3 LSD, impossible, 1 tolerance and, 1 treatment, 1 Bird, Sheila, Professor, 1 bladder, ketamine, 1 Blair, Tony, 1 blind trial, 1 Bolivia, 1, 2 coca, 1, 2 bong, 1 brain addiction mechanisms, 1 default mode, 1 brain chemicals, 1 receptors, 1 Brain Science, Addiction and Drugs programme, 1 dispense with care scenario, 1 high performance scenario, 1 neighbourhood watch scenario, 1 treated positively scenario, 1 Brake, Tom, MP, 1 Breakdown Britain, 1, 2 British Aerobatic Association, 1 British Crime Survey, 1 Brokenshire, James, 1 bromides, PTSD, and, 1 bubbles, see mephedrone buprenorphine, 1, 2 advantages, 1 blocks on-top heroin use, 1 early problems, 1 effects, 1 heroin susbstitute, 1 how it works, 1 morphine alternative, 1 opioid, 1 origin, 1 partial agonist for heroin, 1 pharmacological substitute, as, 1 bupropion, 1 burglary, 1, 2 Burrows, David, 1 butane, see also solvents, 1 Bwiti cult, 1 BZP, 1 caffeine Coca-Cola, 1 coffee, 1 stimulant, 1 withdrawal, 1, 2 calmness, drugs for, 1 Camden, 1 “Cameron approach”, 1 Cameron, David, MP, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Cameroon, 1 Campral, 1 cancer, see also terminal illness ecstasy in treating, 1 cannabis, 1, 2 ACMD report, 1 anxiety and, 1 as medicine, historical, 1 as medicine, present, 1 benefits, 1 cluster headache and, 1 decriminalisation of drugs, 1 different forms compared, 1 downgrading, 1, 2 farmers required to grow, 1 gateway to more harmful drugs, 1 harms, 1 harms, compared to prison, 1 hemp, 1 heroin instead of, 1 multiple sclerosis and, 1, 2, 3 munchies, the, 1 psychoactive ingredient, 1 re-upgraded, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3, 4 routes of use, 1 schizophrenia, 1, 2 terminal illness, for, 1 therapeutic drug, as, 1 tinctures, 1 upgrading, 1, 2 cannabis indica, 1 Carlin, Eric, 1, 2 Carnage UK, 1 Carter, Jimmy, 1 Case for Heroin, The, 1 catechol O methyl transferase, see COMT cathinones, 1 banned, 1 naphyrone, 1 synthetic, 1 CBD, 1, 2, 3 CBT, 1, 2 Celera Genomics and genetic sequencing, 1 Celexa, 1 Centre for Social Justice, 1 Champix, 1 Champs Elysees, 1 chemicals, brain, 1 chewing, routes of use, 1 Chief Medical Officer, 1 child soldiers given amphetamines, 1 children advice to, 1 age to advise at, 1 Chinese, alcohol and, 1 cholecystokinin, 1 chronic, 1 cigarettes advertising, 1 generic packaging, 1 invention, 1 labelling, 1 wars, in, 1 Cipramil, 1 cirrhosis, 1 cirrhosis and alcohol, 1, 2 cirrhosis and khat, 1 citalopram, 1 civil liberties, 1 Clarke, Ken, 1 Class of drug, see also downgrading, see also upgrading too high, perverse consequences, 1 kinetics affect, 1 prison sentences by, 1 purpose, 1 reviewing, 1 social context and, 1, 2 classification of harms, 1, 2 climate change, 1, 2 Clinton, Bill, 1 clonidine, 1 clostridium, 1 cluster headache cannabis and, 1 psychedelics for, 1, 2 CMO, see Chief Medical Officer CNN, 1 co-ingestants, 1, 2 coca, 1 Bolivia, 1, 2 Coca-Cola and caffeine, 1 Coca-Cola and cocaine, 1 cocaethylene, 1 cocaine, see also crack, 1, 2 addiction endorphins, 1 alcohol combined with, 1 binge, 1 Coca-Cola, 1 cocaethylene, 1, 2 crack compared, 1 crop destruction, 1, 2, 3 deaths in drugs war, 1 effects, 1 environmental damage, 1 farmers, 1 freebase is crack, 1 history, 1 how it works, 1 hydrochloride, 1 insecticide, as, 1 international damage, 1 manufacturing process, 1 nose, 1 overdose mechanism, 1 overdose, antibody for, 1 political damage, 1 powder, 1 rainforests affected, 1, 2 routes of use, 1, 2 stimulant, 1 vaccine, anti-, 1 wine, see Vin Mariani Cockburn, Joslyne, 1 codeine, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 cough medicine, removed, 1 headaches induced, 1 opioid, 1 coffee adenosine, produces, 1 caffeine, 1 cognition enhancer, as, 1 effects, 1 history, 1 how it works, 1 origin, 1 coffee shop model, Netherlands, 1, 2 cognition enhancer coffee as, 1 cognition enhancers, 1 common, scenario, 1 economic divide, 1 exams, in, 1 memory and, 1 modafinil, 1 uses, 1 cognitive behavioural therapy, see CBT Colombia, 1, 2 Columbus, Christopher, 1 compensating farmers, 1 COMT dopamine and, 1 noradrenaline and, 1 pain sensitivity, 1 types, 1 consent, see, informed consent contraceptive pill, 1 Convention on Psychotropic Substances, 1 corruption, 1 corticosteroids anabolic steroids, difference, 1 muscle wasting with, 1 cortisol, 1 cost crime, drug-related, 1 drug habits, of, 1 War on Drugs, 1 cot death, see Sudden Infant Death Syndrome cough medicine, codeine removed, 1 Counterblast to Tobacco, 1 crack, see also cocaine, 1 addictiveness, 1 cocaine compared, 1 dopamine receptors and, 1 harms, 1 kinetics, 1 origin, 1 purity, 1 routes of use, 1 vaporisation temperature, 1 craving, 1 creativity enhanced by psychedelics, 1 CRF, 1 crime, see also acquisitive crime drug-related, cost, 1 statistics, 1 Crimean War, cigarettes in, 1 criminalisation effects, 1 of sick end disabled, 1 smoking, 1 supply reduction, 1 criteria for harms, 1, 2 crop destruction, 1 cocaine, 1 crop destruction, cocaine, 1 cultural context, see social context curing addiction, 1 cycling, 1 D-cycloserine, 1, 2 Daily Mail, the, 1, 2, 3 DALY, 1 DARE programme, 1 costs, 1 does not work, 1 data set, minimum required, 1 day with drugs, 1 day without drugs, 1 decriminalisation of drugs Ainsworth, Bob, 1 Australia, 1 cannabis, 1 legalisation differs, 1 Mowlam, Mo, 1 Portugal, 1, 2, 3 UK independence party, 1 UN Conventions and, 1 default mode of brain, 1 Delgarno, Phil, 1 demand reduction statistics, 1 War on Drugs, 1 demographic imbalance, 1 demographic shifts, 1 dependence, see physical dependence, psychological dependence depressants, 1, 2 alcohol, 1 anxiety, for, 1 benzodiazepines, 1 “downers”, 1 GHB, 1 depression psilocybin, 1 vicious cycle, 1, 2 designer drugs mephedrone, 1 problems legislating for, 1 development of new drugs, 1 impediments, 1 social implications, 1 War on Drugs hinders, 1 diabetes, 1 diabetes, dietary treatment, 1 diabetes, insulin treatment, 1 diagnosing addiction, 1 dietary treatment, diabetes, 1 DIMS, Netherlands, 1, 2 disability-adjusted life year, 1 discriminatory policing, 1 disease, infectious, War on Drugs and, 1 disease-modifying agents, 1 dispense with care scenario, 1 disrepute, law into, 1 dissuasion board, 1 diverting prescription drugs, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 Ritalin, 1 DMT, see also ayuesca, 1 psychedelic, 1 Doblin, Rick, 1 Doherty, Pete, 1, 2 Doll, Richard, 1, 2 Donaldson, Sir Liam, 1 Doors of Perception, The, 1 dopamine, 1 COMT and, 1 levels in withdrawal, 1 nicotine withdrawal, in, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 receptors in alcoholics, 1 receptors vicious cycle, 1 receptors, crack and, 1 receptors, methamphetamine and, 1 receptors, monkey, 1 receptors, stimulants and, 1 reuptake, 1 reuptake inhibitor, Ritalin, 1 reward chemical, 1 tobacco releases, 1 transporters, 1 double-blind trial, 1 down-regulating receptors, 1, 2 downgrading ecstasy recommendation, 1, 2 cannabis, 1, 2 purpose, 1 Drake, Sir Francis, 1 drinking, routes of use, 1 drinks industry alcohol policy, 1 misleading messages, 1 driving, drugs and, 1 Drone, see mephedrone drug, 1 defined, 1 efficacy, 1 Drug Abuse Resistance Education, see DARE Drug Information and Monitoring System, see DIMS, Netherlands drug ranking, Netherlands, 1 drug tourism, 1 drug trials informed consent, 1 drug trials, informed consent, 1 drug-related factors, 1 drugs, see also performance enhancer anti-insect defence, 1 Classes, see Class of drug daily cycle, 1, 2 different forms, why, 1 evolution, 1 future developments, 1 harms related to physical form, 1 history, 1 mixing, 1 mixing with alcohol, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 mixing, dangers, 1, 2, 3 mixing, speedballs, 1 neurotransmitters, mimic, 1 performance enhancing, see performance enhancers plant origin, 1 prescription, see prescription drugs profit margin, 1 psychedelic, see psychedelics reasons for taking, 1 sport, in, see sport, drugs in why people take, 1 withdrawal, 1 drugs in war, 1 amphetamines, 1 morphine, 1 prevalent, 1 recovery from, 1 unsanctioned, 1 Drummond, Colin, 1 Duncan Smith, Iain, 1 Dutch, see Netherlands Dutch courage, 1 dynamics, 1 addiction and, 1 mephedrone, 1 dynorphins, 1 dyslexia, 1 early-onset Parkinson’s, 1 Easter Parade, 1 eating overdose, increases risk of, 1 routes of use, 1, 2 economic divide and cognition enhancers, 1 economic growth low, scenario, 1 slower, scenario, 1 strong, scenario, 1 ecstasy, 1, 2 cancer, and, 1 dangers of, 1 death from, 1 downgrade recommended, 1, 2 effects, 1 empathy, first called, 1 harms, 1, 2 media reaction, 1 Parkinson’s and, 1 precautions, water, 1 properties, 1 PTSD, and, 1, 2 serotonin and, 1 withdrawal, 1 education, immediate downsides, about, 1 efficacy of a drug, 1 Egypt, 1 electron, 1 Elysian Fields, 1 Elysian fields, 1 empathogenic, 1 empathogens, 1 empathy, see ecstasy emphysema, 1 endocannabinoid system, 1, 2 endocannabinoids, 1 endogenous benzodiazepines, 1 endorphins, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 alcohol addiction, 1 alcohol and, 1 cocaine addiction, 1 heroin addiction, 1 receptor and heroin, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3, 4 reward chemical, 1 endoscopies, 1 endozapines, 1 energisation effect, suicide, 1 enkephalins, 1 entheogenic, 1, 2, 3 environmental damage, cocaine, 1 Environmental Protection Agency, 1 enzymes, 1 ephedra, 1 ephedrine, 1 epidemic, mental-health, 1 epilepsy, 1, 2 equasy, 1 defined, 1 equine addiction syndrome, see equasy ergotamine and Salem witch trials, 1 ergotamine, LSD derived from, 1 Estimating Drug Harms: A Risky Business, 1 ether, 1 ethical issues, genetic sequencing, 1 ethnic groups, ALDH2 and alcohol, 1 Eton, David Cameron at, 1 evidence-based policy, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 evolution of drugs, 1 exams, cognition enhancers in, 1 experimentation, delay to reduce harms, 1 farmers alternatives for, 1 cannabis, required to grow, 1 coca, 1 compensating, 1 Pakistan, alternatives for, 1 supporting, 1 Thailand, alternatives for, 1 unequal trade terms, 1 flumazenil, 1 flumazenil as tracer, 1 fluoxetine, 1 fly agaric mushrooms, 1 flying, drugs and, 1, 2 fMRI, 1 Foresight programme, 1 pharmaceutical industry, 1 stakeholders, 1 Frank Statement to Cigarette Smokers, 1 freebase, 1 freedom to choose addiction and, 1 impact on others, 1 objective information required, 1 Freud, Sigmund, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Freudian psychoanalysis, 1 Frischer, Martin, 1 full agonist, 1 heroin, for, 1 functional MRI, 1 future drugs, 1 issues, 1 GABA glutamate, blocked by, 1 memory formation, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 GABA receptors anxiety and, 1 benzodiazepines, 1 neuroimaging, 1 overdose, 1 tolerance and, 1 withdrawal and, 1 Gabon, 1 Gaedecke, Friedriche, 1 gambling addiction, 1 gangs, Vietnamese, 1 ganja, 1 gap between neurons, see synapse gateway to more harmful drugs cannabis, 1 prison, 1 GBL, 1, 2, 3, 4 generic packaging, cigarettes, 1 genetic sequencing, 1 Celera Genomics, 1 ethical issues, 1 risks, 1 Geneva International Convention on Narcotics Control, 1 genotyping, see genetic sequencing GHB, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 alcohol treatment, in, 1 dangers, 1 depressant, 1 tolerance to, 1 Gilmore, Sir Ian, 1 Gin Craze, 1, 2, 3 glue, see solvents glutamate GABA, blocks, 1 memory formation and, 1 receptors, 1 grey campaigners, 1 Guardian, the, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Gucci, profit margin, 1 Guinea Bissau, 1 Guinea-Bissau, 1 Guinea-Bissau, collapsing, 1 Guy’s and St Thomas’ Hospital, 1 habits and addiction, 1 haemoglobin, 1 half-life, 1 hallucinations, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 schizophrenia, 1 Hargreaves, Patrick, 1 harms 16 types, 1 9 types, 1, 2 anabolic steroids, 1 cannabis, 1 classification, 1, 2 crack, 1 ecstasy, 1, 2 kinetics affect, 1 measuring, 1 measuring, political reaction, 1 measuring, purpose, 1 mephedrone, 1 others, to, 1 psychedelics, 1 related to form of drug, 1 routes of use, 1 users, to, 1 harms reduction alcohol, 1 alcohol alternatives, 1 alcohol availability, 1 alcohol binge drinking, 1 alcohol dependence, 1 alcohol price, 1 alcohol priority, 1 alcohol, road safety, 1 anabolic steroids, 1 delay experimenting, 1 smoking ban, 1 smoking restrictions, 1 War on Drugs, 1 Harrods sold cocaine and heroin, 1 Harvard, Leary Timothy at, 1 hash, skunk, compared, 1 headaches, see also cluster headache analgesic-induced, 1 codeine-induced, 1 Hearst, William Randolph, 1 hemp, 1 hepatitis, injecting, risk, 1, 2 heroin, 1, 2, 3, 4 £300/week, 1 £500/week, 1 addiction endorphins, 1 addiction, Pete Doherty, 1 buprenorphine blocks on-top use, 1 cannabis, instead of, 1 endorphin receptor targeted, 1 full agonist for, 1 methadone and withdrawal, 1 methadone blocks on-top use, 1 morphine alternative, 1 Netherlands, in, 1 opioid, 1 opium, from, 1 origin of name, 1 overdose, benzodiazepines and, 1 painkiller, as, 1 painkiller, is most effective, 1 partial agonist for, 1 pharmacological substitutes, 1 prisoners overdose on, 1 receptors affected, 1 synthesised 1874, 1 therapeutic, as, 1 treatment for, 1 treatment with heroin itself, 1 treatment, British model, 1 treatment, Switzerland, 1 withdrawal, 1 heroin susbstitute buprenorphine, 1 methadone, 1 high performance scenario, 1 history cocaine, 1 coffee, 1 drugs, 1 LSD, 1 tobacco, 1 HIV/AIDS anabolic steroids treatment, 1 injecting, risk, 1, 2, 3 reduced, Portuguese experiment, 1 Russia, 1 TurBo-HIV, 1 Hofmann, Albert, 1 Holland, see Netherlands Holmes, Sherlock, 1 Home Secretary, see also Johnson, Alan, see also Smith, Jacqui, 1, 2 horse tranquilliser, 1 horse-riding ecstasy, comparison, 1, 2 Parkinson’s and, 1 huffing, route of use, 1 Human Genome Project, 1 Human Rights Watch, 1 Huxley, Aldous, 1, 2 hydrochloride, cocaine, 1 hydrochlorides, vaporisation temperature, 1 hypertension, rebound and, 1 hyponatraemia, 1, 117 ibogaine, 1, 2 addiction treatment, in, 1 as wit hdrawal treatment, 1 psychedelic, 1 ibuprofen, 1 imipramine, 1 impotence, 1 India Kerala and opiates, 1 morphine as painkiller, 1 Indian Hemp Drugs Commission report, 1 informed consent NHS, 1 informed consent, drug trials, 1 inhaling routes of use, 1 inhaling, routes of use, 1 initial misery with SSRIs, 1 injecting dangers of, 1 hepatitis risk, 1, 2 HIV/AIDS risk, 1, 2, 3 other risks risk, 1 routes of use, 1 insecticide cocaine as, 1 mephedrone, 1 insects, drugs defend against, 1 insulin treatment, diabetes, 1 international damage from cocaine, 1 Inuit, alcohol and, 1 inverse agonist, 1 ISCD, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 foundation, 1 minimum dataset, 1 website, 1 isotope, see radioactive isotope Jackson, Toby, 1 jail, see prison Johnson, Alan, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Johnson, Lyndon, 1 Just Say No, 1 Kerala opiates policy, 1 ketamine, 1, 2 bladder, 1 Class, 1 don’t mix, 1 side effects, 1 tolerance, 1 ulcerative cystitis, 1 Vietnam, in, 1 khat, 1, 2 cirrhosis and, 1 mules, 1 perverse consequences if banned, 1 stimulant, 1 kicking the habit, derivation, 1 kids, see children kinetics, 1 addiction and, 1 Class and, 1 crack, 1 harms and, 1 mephedrone, 1 routes of use, and, 1 King Charles II, 1 King James I, 1 King Philip II, 1 King, Les, 1 Kleps, Arthur, 1 knowledge nomads, 1 Koller, Karl, 1 Korea, 1 Korean couple starve baby, 1 Lansley, Andrew, 1 laudanum, 1, 2 law brought into disrepute, 1 law, patent, 1 League of Nations, 1 Leary, Timothy, 1 LSD, 1 mushrooms, magic, 1 psilocybin, 1 legal high, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 legalisation v decriminalisation, 1 legislation alternative approach, 1 designer drugs, 1 libertarians, 1, 2 Rand, Ayn, 1 liberty caps, 1 Librium alcohol withdrawal, for, 1 benzodiazepines, 1 licence to take psychedelics, 1 licensed drug premises, 1 licensed drug sales, 1 lifespan reduction, smoking, 1 lime, 1 London School of Economics, 1 LSD, 1 discovery, 1 ergotamine, derived from, 1 history, 1 psychedelic, 1 psychiatry and, 1 recreational drug, origins, 1 Saskatchewan hospital, 1 therapeutic, as, 1, 2 LSD – The Problem Solving Psychedelic, 1 LSE, 1 lung cancer Rand, Ayn, 1 smoking, causes, 1 tobacco industry response, 1 lymphocytes, 1 lysergic acid, 1 lysergic acid diethylamide, see LSD M-cat, see mephedrone magic mushrooms, see mushrooms magnetic resonance imaging, 1 Mail on Sunday, the, 1 Major, John, 1 MAPS, 1 Maria, Antonio Maria, 1 Mariani wine, see Vin Mariani Mariani, Angelo, 1, 2 Marsden, John, 1 MCDA, 1 ACMD expert panel, 1 defined, 1 MDMA, see ecstasy Measham, Fiona, 1, 2 measuring harms, see harms, measuring media, ecstasy, and, 1 Medicare, 1 Medicines Act, 1 Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency, 1 memories addiction, in, 1, 2, 3 phobias and, 1 pleasure-seeking and, 1 PTSD, in, 1 stressful, benzodiazepines for, 1 memory and cognition enhancers, 1 memory formation cannabis impairs, 1 GABA, and, 1 glutamate and, 1 neurotransmitters and, 1 mental performance improvement, see cognition enhancers mental-health epidemic, 1 “meow meow”, see mephedrone mephedrone, 1, 2 banned, 1 banned, why, 1 benefits, 1 designer drugs, 1 dynamics, 1 harms, 1 insecticide, as, 1 kinetics, 1 nicknames, 1 origin, 1 plant food, 1 Scunthorpe Two, 1, 2 serotonin and, 1 stimulant, 1 suicide and, 1 mescaline, 1 Huxley, Aldous, 1 psychedelic, 1 met-met COMT type, 1 methadone, 1, 2 blocks on-top heroin use, 1 effects, 1 full agonist for heroin, 1 heroin susbstitute, 1 heroin withdrawal, avoids, 1 how it works, 1 opioid, 1 origin, 1 overdose risk with heroin, 1 pharmacological substitute, as, 1 problems, 1 withdrawal, 1 methamphetamine, 1 dopamine receptors and, 1 stimulant, 1 Mexico, 1, 2 violence in, 1 MHRA, 1 mind-manifesting, 1, 2 minimum data set required, 1 minimum data set, withdrawal and, 1 minimum dataset, 1 Minister for Crime Prevention, 1 Misuse of Drugs Act, 1, 2, 3 ACMD and, 1 cathinones ban, 1 correct operation, 1 mephedrone ban, 1 purpose, 1 suggested change, 1, 2 unfit for purpose, 1 mixing drugs or alcohol, see drugs, mixing Mixmag magazine, 1, 2 modafinil, 1, 2, 3 cognition enhancers, 1 exams, in, 1 Mogadon, 1 money-laundering, 1, 2 banks, 1 Panama, 1 monkeys, dopamine receptors, 1 Monroe, Marilyn, suicide, 1 Moore v Regents of the University of California, 1 moral issues, 1 morphine, 1, 2, 3 buprenorphine alternative for, 1 chronic pain for, 1, 2, 3 dose inadequate, Ukraine, 1 heroin alternative for, 1 not available, India, 1 opium, from, 1, 2 wars, in, 1 Mowlam, Mo, 1 MRI, 1 MS, see multiple sclerosis mules harm to, 1 imprisonment, 1 khat, 1 Mullis, Kary, 1 multi-criteria decision analysis, see MCDA Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies, see MAPS multiple sclerosis cannabis and, 1, 2, 3 Sativex and, 1 munchies, the, 1 muscle tremor, 1 muscle wasting, corticosteroids, 1 muscle, drugs to increase, 1 mushrooms, 1, 2 ancient Greece, 1 effects, 1 fly agaric, 1 Netherlands, from, 1 psychedelic, 1 why banned in UK, 1 nalmefene, 1, 2 naltrexone, 1, 2 naphyrone, 1 narcostates, 1 National Addiction Centre, 1 National Health Service, see NHS National Union of Students, 1 Native American Church, 1, 2, 3 Native Americans, 1 alcohol and, 1 natural opiates, 1 needle exchange beneficial effects, 1, 2 none in Russia, 1 neighbourhood watch scenario, 1 Netherlands coffee shop model, 1, 2 little heroin use, 1 mushrooms, magic, 1 Netherlands drug ranking study, 1 neuroimaging, 1 GABA receptors, 1 neuron, 1, 2 neurotransmitters, see also endorphins, see also receptor, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 addiction and, 1 anxiety and, 1 drugs mimic, 1 memory formation and, 1 on/off switch, 1, 2, 3 new drugs, see development of new drugs New York Times, The, 1, 2 NHS, 1, 2 informed consent, 1 NIAAA website, 1 nicotiana tabacum, 1 nicotine dopamine and withdrawal, 1 schizophrenia and, 1 vaccine, anti-, 1 withdrawal, 1, 2 nicotinic acid diethylamide, 1 NIDA website, 1 Nixon, Richard, 1, 2, 3 No. 10 Downing Street Strategy Unit, 1, 2 Freedom of Information Act, 1, 2 noradrenaline, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 COMT and, 1 norepinephrine, see noradrenaline North Battleford, see Saskatchewan hospital nose, cocaine, 1 Nutt, David Radio 1 interview, 2 sacked from ACMD, 1 Obama, Barack, 1, 2, 3 Observer, the, 1 oestrogen sex hormone, 1 Olympic Games, drugs in, 1 on-top use buprenorphine blocks heroin, 1 methadone blocks heroin, 1 on/off switch, neurotransmitters, 1, 2, 3 opiates, 1 natural, 1 overdose, 1 opioids, 1, 2 buprenorphine, 1 codeine, 1 heroin, 1 methadone, 1 synthetic, 1 opium heroin from, 1 morphine from, 1, 2 opium trade, 1 Orford, Jim, 1, 2, 3 overdose anabolic steroids, unlikely, 1 benzodiazepines, safer, 1 cocaine, mechanism, 1 death in Shetlands, 1 death rare in cannabis, LSD, 1 eating increases risk, 1 from chewing impossible, 1 GABA receptors, 1 heroin, benzodiazepines and, 1 low risk in heroin treatment, 1 methadone and heroin, risk, 1 opiates, harms, 1 prisoners on heroin, 1 psychedelics, impossible, 1 purity variation and, 1, 2 SSRIs, safer, 1, 2 tolerance as protection, 1 overshoot, 1 epilepsy, in, 1 oxycodone, 1 pain sensitivity and COMT, 1 painkillers, 1 addiction to, avoiding, 1 heroin, 1 heroin is most effective, 1 terminal illness, 1 under-prescribed, 1 paint, see solvents Pakistan, farmers, alternatives for, 1 palliative-care movement, 1 Panama, money-laundering, 1 panic attacks, 1 paracetamol, 1 paracetamol, side effects, 1, 2 Parkinson’s early onset, 1 ecstasy and, 1 horse-riding and, 1 smoking and, 1 paroxetine, 1 partial agonist, 1 buprenorphine, 1 heroin, for, 1 withdrawal, 1 patent law, 1 peer pressure, 1, 2 Pemberton, John, 1 pentathlon, 1 performance enhancers, see also cognition enhancers, 1 amphetamines, 1 anabolic steroids, 1 muscle/power, for, 1 personal and biological factors, 1 personal interactions, vicious cycle, 1 Peru, 1 perverse consequences Class, too high, 1 government policies, 1 international policies, 1 khat ban, 1 prohibition, 1 smoking ban, none, 1 War on Drugs, 1 Pervitin, 1, 2 PET, 1 PET camera, 1 PET scan, 1 peyote psychedelic, 1 pharmaceutical industry, 1 Foresight programme, 1 pharmacological substitutes, 1 agonists, full, 1 agonists, partial, 1 buprenorphine, 1 heroin, for, 1, 2 methadone, 1 treatment with, 1 pharmacological treatments antagonist, 1 disease-modifying agents, 1 pseudo-antagonist, 1 pharmacology, 1 phenylalanine and phenylketonuria, 1 phenylketonuria, 1, 2 phenylketonuria and phenylalanine, 1 phobias memories and, 1 treating, 1 physical dependence, benzodiazepines, 1 plant food, see mephedrone plant origin of drugs, 1 policing, discriminatory, 1 political damage from cocaine, 1 poly drug users, see also drugs, mixing, 1, 2, 3, 4 Pope Leo XIII, Vin Mariani, and, 1 Portman Group, 1, 2, 3 Portugal decriminalisation of drugs, 1, 2 Portuguese experiment addiction treatment, 1 HIV/AIDS reduced, 1 positron, 1 positron emission tomography, see PET post-traumatic stress disorder, see PTSD postsynaptic neuron, 1 power, drugs to enhance, 1 prednisolone, 1 Premier League, 1 prescription drugs, 1 diversion, see diverting prescription drugs presynaptic neuron, 1 preventing addiction, 1 Prime Minister, 1, 2, 3 prison annual cost, 1 drug free policy, 1 gateway to more harmful drugs, 1 harms, compared to cannabis, 1 heroin v cannabis, 1 reoffending rate, 1 statistics, 1 suicide in, 1 prison sentences by drug Class, 1 prisoners ex, unemployment rate, 1 overdose on heroin, 1 problem solving and psychedelics, 1 Proceeds of Crime legislation, 1 profit margin drugs, 1 Gucci, 1 prohibition, 1 perverse consequences, 1 repeal, 1 protective factors against addiction, 1 protein production, 1 Prozac, 1 pseudo-antagonist, 1 psilocybe semilanceata, 1 psilocybin, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 addiction treatment, in, 1 depression, 1 Leary, Timothy, 1 psychedelics, see also LSD, 1, 2, 3 5HT2A receptors and, 1 ayuesca, 1 benefits, 1 cluster headache, for, 1, 2 creativity enhanced, 1 defined, 1 DMT, 1 harms, 1 how they work, 1 ibogaine, 1 licences for taking, 1 LSD, 1 mescaline, 1 mushrooms, 1 origin of name, 1 other, 1 other, effects, 1 overdose, impossible, 1 peyote, 1 problem solving, 1 PTSD, and, 1, 2 serotonin receptor, 1 therapeutics, as, 1 vasoconstrictor effect, 1 psychiatry and LSD, 1 psychoactive ingredient in cannabis, 1 psychonauts, 1 psychopharmacology, 1, 2 psychotria viridis, 1 PTSD, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 alcohol and, 1 barbiturates in treating, 1 bromides in treating, 1 ecstasy in treating, 1, 2 memory in, 1 psychedelics in treating, 1, 2 suicide, 1 treatment, 1 war, in, 1 purity variation and overdose, 1, 2 Purple Hearts, 1 Queen Victoria, 1 Vin Mariani, and, 1 quid, 1 Radio 4 interview, D Nutt, 1 radioactive isotope, 1 rainforests and cocaine, 1, 2 Ramsey, John, 1 Rand, Ayn, lung cancer, 1 ranking drugs, see ACMD, ranking RAVE act, 1, 2, 3 reasons for taking drugs, 1 rebound, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3 5HT2A, in psychedelics, 1 acetylcholine, 1 adenosine, 1 Alpha, 1 brain chemicals, 1 cannabis, 1, 2 dopamine, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 dopamine, stimulants and, 1 down-regulating, 1, 2 endorphin, 1, 2, 3, 4 GABA, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 glutamate, 1 heroin and, 1 number of, 1, 2 serotonin, 1, 2, 3 targeted by drug, 1 tolerance and, 1 recreational drugs defined, 1 improved synthetic, 1 recurrence, 1 Reducing Americans’ Vulnerability to Ecstasy Act, see RAVE Act Reid, John, MP, 1 relapse, 1 rates of, 1 reducing risk of, 1 stress-induced, 1, 2 triggers, 1 reoffending rate of prisoners, 1 research new drugs, 1 War on Drugs hinders, 1 restless legs, 1 reuptake, see also SSRIs blocking, 1 dopamine, 1 dopamine, cocaine blocks, 1 ecstasy blocks, 1 serotonin, 1 serotonin, ecstasy blocks, 1 sites, 1, 2, 3 reward chemicals, 1 Reynolds, JR, Queen Victoria’s physician, 1 Ricaurte, George, 1 risks genetic sequencing, of, 1 higher for young people, 1 surgery, statistics, 1 Ritalin, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 addiction and, 1 ADHD, in treating, 1 case study, 1 children and, 1 diversion, 1 dopamine reuptake inhibitor, 1 side effects, 1 rituals, 1 shamanic, 1 road traffic accidents, 1, 2, 3 Rohypnol, 1 rosewater, 1 routes of use, 1 addictiveness and, 1, 2 bagging, 1 cannabis, 1 chewing, 1 cocaine, 1, 2 crack, 1 drinking, 1 eating, 1, 2 harms, 1 huffing, 1 inhaling, 1, 2 injecting, 1 kinetics, 1 rubbing, 1 smoking, 1, 2 snorting, 1 speed of different, 1 spraying, 1 rubbing, routes of use, 1 Runciman report, 1, 2, 3 Runciman, Viscountess, 1 Russia, HIV/AIDS uncurbed, 1 safety ratio, 1 Salem witch trials, ergotamine and, 1 Sami, 1 Sandoz, 1 Sare, Jeremy, 1 Saskatchewan hospital and LSD, 1 Sativex, 1, 2, 3 multiple sclerosis and, 1 scenarios, future, 1 schizophrenia auditory effects, 1 cannabis, 1 cannabis, and, 1 hallucinations, 1 nicotine and, 1 skunk, 1 skunk, and, 1 voices, hearing, 1 Schofield, Penny, 1 school, drugs and, 1 Scunthorpe Two, 1, 2, 3 secondary smoking, 1 selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors, see SSRIs sentence, no effect on cannabis use, 1, 2 serotonin, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14 ecstasy and, 1 mephedrone and, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3 receptors, psychedelics and, 1 reuptake, 1 Seroxat, 1 sertraline, 1 set, 1 set and setting, 1 setting, 1 setting, set and, 1 sex hormones anabolic steroids, 1 oestrogen, 1 testosterone, 1, 2, 3 shamanic rituals, 1 shell shock, 1, see also PTSD shooting, see injecting, 1 shoplifting, 1 Siberia, 1 side effects benzodiazepines, 1 ketamine, 1 Ritalin, 1 SSRIs, 1 stimulants, 1 Sierra Leone, child soldiers, 1 Simpson, Tommy, 1 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1, 2, 3 Bolivia and, 1 decriminalisation and, 1 Portugal and, 1 Singleton, Nicola, 1 skin infections, 1 skunk, 1 hash, compared, 1 schizophrenia, 1, 2 sleeping pills, 1, 2 insomnia research, 1 Smith, Jacqui, MP, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 Smith, Nicholas, 1, 2, 3 smoking, see also nicotine, see also tobacco, 1 addictiveness, 1 amputation of limbs from, 1 ban, 1 ban, objections, 1 ban, results, 1 benefits, 1 criminalisation, 1 harms reduction, 1, 2 labelling, 1 lifespan reduction, 1 lung cancer, causes, 1 Parkinson’s and, 1 promoted as healthy, 1, 2 restrictions, 1 routes of use, 1, 2 secondary, 1 social context, 1 withdrawal, 1, 2 smoking ban no perverse consequences, 1 smuggling alcohol, 1 tobacco, 1, 2 snorting, routes of use, 1 social context and Class of drug, 1, 2 social context of smoking, 1 social factors, 1 social implications of new drugs, 1 soldiers, see drugs in war solvents asphyxiation, 1 dangers of, 1 speed of different routes of use, 1 speed of offset, 1 speed of onset, 1 speedballs in Vietnam, 1 spice, 1 Spiegelhalter, David, 1, 2 spiritual antidote to atom bomb, 1 sport, drugs in, see also performance enhancers, 1 alcohol, 1 beta blockers, 1 calmness, for, 1 non performance-enhancing, 1 Olympic Games, 1 withdrawal, 1 spraying, routes of use, 1 SSDS, see sudden sniffing death syndrome SSRIs, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 how they work, 1 miserable initially, 1 overdose, safer, 1, 2 rebound less likely, 1 side effects, few, 1 street value, none, 1 suicide and, 1, 2 suicide rate lowered, 1 withdrawal, 1 stereotypy, 1 steroids, see also anabolic steroids, corticosteroids stimulant, 1 Stevens, Alex, Professor, 1 Stewart, Hester, 1 stimulants, 1, 2, 3 amphetamine, 1 caffeine, 1 cocaine, 1 dopamine receptors and, 1 khat, 1 mephedrone, 1 methamphetamine, 1 side effects, 1 steroids, 1 tobacco, 1 “uppers”, 1 street value, SSRIs, none, 1 stress hormones, 1 substance P, 1 substitute prescribing, 1 substitutes, see pharmacological substitutes Subutex, 1 Sudden Infant Death Syndrome, 1 sudden sniffing death syndrome, 1 suicide anabolic steroids and, 1 barbiturates, 1 benzodiazepines and, 1 energisation effect, 1 Marilyn Monroe, 1 mephedrone contributed to, 1 prison, in, 1 PTSD, 1 SSRIs and, 1, 2 SSRIs lower rate, 1 Sun, the, 1 supply reduction, criminalisation and, 1 Surgeon General, US, 1 surgery, risk statistics, 1 Switzerland, heroin treatment, 1 synapse, 1 synthetic analogues, 1 synthetic opioids, 1 synthetic recreational drugs, 1 Taylor, Polly, Dr, 1 TB, see tuberculosis teeth, bad, 1 Temperance Movement, 1 temporary banning orders, 1 terminal illness anxiety reduction, 1 cannabis for, 1 heroin for, 1 morphine in, 1, 2, 3 painkillers, 1 painkillers not given, 1, 2, 3, 4 preparation for, with LSD, 1, 2 War on Drugs, 1 testosterone withdrawal, 1 testosterone sex hormone, 1, 2, 3 Thailand, farmers, alternatives for, 1 Thatcher, Margaret, 1 THC, 1, 2, 3, 4 content, cannabis forms, 1 therapeutic drug cannabis as, 1 heroin, as, 1 LSD as, 1 psychedelics as, 1, 2 thrombosis, 1 Times, The, and heroin, 1 tinctures, cannabis, 1 tobacco, see also smoking, 1 benefits, 1 dopamine, releases, 1 harms, 1 history, 1 ritual function, 1 routes of use, 1 smuggling, 1, 2 stimulant, 1 tobacco industry distorted evidence, 1 lung cancer, response to, 1 resistance to health measures, 1 tolerance addictiveness and, 1 bingeing and, 1 defined, 1 GABA receptors and, 1 GHB, to, 1 ketamine, 1 mechanism, 1 overdose protection, as, 1 receptors and, 1 Tour de France, 1 toxicology, 1 tracer, 1 flumazenil, 1 transporters, 1, 2 dopamine, 1 treated positively scenario, 1 treatment, see addiction treatment tricyclic antidepressants, 1 tuberculosis, 1 TurBo-HIV, 1 Turkey, 1 UK independence party, decriminalisation of drugs, 1 Ukraine, morphine dose inadequate, 1 ulcerative cystitis, ketamine-induced, 1 UN Office on Drugs and Crime, see UNODC unemployment rate, ex-prisoners, 1 unlearning and phobias, 1 UNODC, 1 upgrading cannabis, 1, 2 purpose, 1 uppers, 1 vaccines, anti-drug, 1 antagonist, 1 cocaine, 1 nicotine, 1 val-met COMT type, 1 val-val COMT type, 1 valeda, 1 Valium, 1, 2 vandalism, 1 vaporisation temperature crack, 1 hydrochlorides, 1 varenicline, 1 vasoconstriction, psychedelics, 1 veins, damaged, 1 vicious cycle depression, 1, 2 dopamine receptors, 1 personal interactions, 1 withdrawal, 1 Vietnam drug-taking prevalent, 1 ketamine used, 1 LSD and anti-war movement, 1 speedballs, 1 statistics for drugs, 1 Vietnamese gangs, 1 Vin Mariani, 1, 2, 3 Pope Leo XIII, 1 Queen Victoria, 1 visual distortions, 1, 2, 3 voices, hearing, schizophrenia, 1 Wachovia bank money-laundering investigation, 1 Wainwright, Louis, 1, 2, 3 war American Civil, 1 cigarettes in, 1 Crimean, 1 Franco-Prussian, 1 PTSD in, 1 War on Drugs, 1 aims, 1 alternatives, 1 cost, 1 crime, increases, 1 demand reduction, 1 disease, infectious, 1 diverts attention, 1 harms reduction, 1 ineffective, report on, 1 perverse consequences, 1 research, hinders, 1 terminal illness, 1 War on Poverty, 1 War on Terror, 1 war, drugs in, see drugs in war wash up, 1 water overdrinking, dangers of, 1 when taking ecstasy, 1 weed, 1 weights in ACMD ranking, 1 Wellbutrin, 1 West Africa, 1 White, Kelli, 1 WHO, 1, 2 International Classificn. of Diseases, 1 smoking statistics, 1 William of Orange, 1 Williams, Tim, 1 wine, cocaine, see Vin Mariani Winehouse, Amy, 1, 2 Winstock, Adam, 1 winter sports, 1 withdrawal, 1 addiction and, 1 addictiveness and, 1 alcohol, 1, 2, 3 alcohol, benzodiazepines for, 1 benzodiazepines, 1 caffeine, 1, 2 defined, 1 dopamine levels, 1 drugs, 1 ecstasy, 1 GABA receptors and, 1 heroin, 1 ibogaine treatment for, 1 methadone, 1 methadone avoids heroin, 1 minimum data set and, 1 nicotine, 1, 2 partial agonist, 1 physical, 1 psychological, 1 smoking, 1, 2 sport, drugs in, 1 SSRIs, 1 testosterone, 1 vicious cycle, 1 World Health Organization, see WHO Wynder, Ernst, 1 Xanax, 1 young people, risks higher for, 1 Zoloft, 1 Copyright Published by UIT Cambridge Ltd.


pages: 382 words: 107,150

We Are All Fast-Food Workers Now: The Global Uprising Against Poverty Wages by Annelise Orleck

airport security, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, British Empire, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, card file, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate social responsibility, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, Food sovereignty, gig economy, global supply chain, global value chain, immigration reform, indoor plumbing, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, McJob, means of production, new economy, payday loans, precariat, race to the bottom, Rana Plaza, rent-seeking, ride hailing / ride sharing, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, Skype, special economic zone, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, union organizing, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor

This displaced farmer now sells produce in Phnom Penh. ABOUT THE AUTHOR ANNELISE ORLECK is the author of five books and coeditor of two. Her previous books include Common Sense and a Little Fire: Women and Working-Class Politics in the United States (1995/2017), Soviet Jewish Americans (1999), Storming Caesars Palace: How Black Mothers Fought Their Own War on Poverty (2005), and Rethinking American Women’s Activism (2014). She is the coeditor of The Politics of Motherhood: Activist Voices from Left to Right (1997) and The War on Poverty, 1964–1980: A New Grassroots History (2011). She teaches at Dartmouth College in the departments of History; Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies; and Jewish Studies. Born and raised in Brooklyn, New York, she lives in Thetford Center, Vermont, with her partner, journalist Alexis Jetter. They have two children—Evann and Raphael—and several cats, including a series of majestic Maine coons.


pages: 877 words: 182,093

Wealth, Poverty and Politics by Thomas Sowell

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, correlation does not imply causation, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, European colonialism, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, invention of the sewing machine, invisible hand, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, New Urbanism, profit motive, rent control, Scramble for Africa, Simon Kuznets, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, very high income, War on Poverty

They have serious and often catastrophic social problems, but these are seldom the result of material deprivation— and are far more often a result of social degeneration, much of it representing social retrogressions during the era of the rising welfare state and of the pervasive, non-judgmental social vision that led to the welfare state, among other social changes. PROGRESS AND RETROGRESSIONS Black Americans, a group often identified as beneficiaries of the welfare state in America, made considerable economic progress in the twentieth century but much, if not most, of it was prior to the massive expansion of the American welfare state, beginning with the “war on poverty” programs of the 1960s. This is just one of many possible empirical tests of the social vision behind the creation and expansion of the welfare state. Testing the Prevailing Vision Progress, for most blacks, can be measured from the time of the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863.d That progress was slow but steady. By 1900, a majority of black Americans were literate— something that would not be true of the population of Romania until decades later, and of the population of India until more than half a century after that.

In Georgia that same year, no more than half the black adult population had reached the third grade.18 At that time, only 19 percent of black children of high school age in the South actually went to high school.19 It was 1924 before the first permanent public high school for black children in Atlanta was built,20 after years of campaigns for such a school by the local black community. As of 1940, 87 percent of black families in the United States lived below the poverty line. But this declined to 47 percent by 1960, as black education and urban job experience increased in the wake of the mass migrations of blacks out of the South. This 40 percentage point drop in the black poverty rate occurred prior to both the civil rights laws and the “war on poverty” social welfare programs of the 1960s. Over the next 20 years, from 1960 to 1980, the black poverty rate dropped an additional 18 points21— significant, but the continuation of a preexisting trend at a slower pace, rather than being a new result from new civil rights laws and welfare state policies, as so often claimed. There were dramatic increases in the number of black elected officials in the South after passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

However plausible, or even inspiring, it might seem that a lagging minority needs to unite in solidarity behind political leaders representing their interests to the larger society, in order to get ahead, the historical record shows no such pattern of economic success for politics, as compared to education, job skills and intact families. Social pathology in black ghettos is often assumed to be due to poverty, discrimination or the larger society’s neglect. But the decade in which there was the greatest emphasis on government social programs to help blacks— the 1960s “war on poverty” and civil rights legislation under President Lyndon Johnson— saw the greatest number and severity of ghetto riots in history, while the 1980s Reagan administration, which opposed welfare state programs, saw very few ghetto riots. Similarly, despite the ease with which many people use the “legacy of slavery” argument to explain negative features of black communities today, there is seldom any attempt to examine the facts as to whether whatever is complained of— whether fatherless families, high crime rates or other social pathology— was in fact worse among blacks in the first hundred years after slavery or in the first generation after the triumph of the welfare state vision in the 1960s.


Reaganland: America's Right Turn 1976-1980 by Rick Perlstein

"Robert Solow", 8-hour work day, affirmative action, airline deregulation, Alistair Cooke, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Brewster Kahle, business climate, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, COVID-19, Covid-19, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, currency peg, death of newspapers, defense in depth, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, energy security, equal pay for equal work, facts on the ground, feminist movement, financial deregulation, full employment, global village, Golden Gate Park, illegal immigration, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index card, indoor plumbing, Internet Archive, invisible hand, Julian Assange, Kitchen Debate, kremlinology, land reform, Marshall McLuhan, mass immigration, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Monroe Doctrine, moral panic, mutually assured destruction, New Journalism, oil shock, open borders, Potemkin village, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, traveling salesman, unemployed young men, union organizing, unpaid internship, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, wages for housework, walking around money, War on Poverty, white flight, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, yellow journalism, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

It was spurred by summer after summer of race riots, and its political base was not business but middle-class homeowners, who blamed civil rights and the War on Poverty for a civilization-threatening breakdown in law and order. Business was largely on the liberal side of this issue—like the author of a 1966 article in the Harvard Business Review predicting “riots and arson and spreading slums” if “the businessman does not accept his rightful role as leader in the push for the goals of the ‘Great Society’ (or whatever tag he wants to give it).” No, business’s backlash, its emergence as a klasse an sich, came a little bit later, in response to a new, and different, sort of liberalism—one whose buzzwords were “environmentalism” and “consumerism,” and which, unlike Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty, placed corporate power squarely in its sights. Date its origin to the summer of 1967.

The sonorous, authoritative voice of NBC anchorman David Brinkley: “The pool broadcasters in Philadelphia have lost the audio. It’s not a conspiracy against Governor Carter or President Ford… they will fix it as soon as possible.” For hadn’t American know-how always fixed everything? Hadn’t it beat Hitler, delivered the world its first mass middle class, rebuilt Europe, put a man on the moon, fought a war on poverty? It had, once upon a time. O upon a time, the voices of such authoritative gray-haired white men reassured us, soothed us, guided us through the trauma of assassination and riot and Watergate and war, explained the inexplicable to us. Not now. The sound of a phone dialing. Carter gesticulating silently onscreen. David Brinkley breaking in, explaining nothing, again. The scene shifted to backstage: “David, we don’t know what is happening, we’re as surprised as you are, uh, they were talking and suddenly they quit”; the backstage correspondent then tried convincing the 53.6 percent of American households that were tuning in that the debate had been “very lively.”

Howard Phillips came from a Jewish New Deal family in working-class Boston. In the early 1960s, he helped found the conservative youth group Young Americans for Freedom—and proved himself a shrewd enough politician to win office as student body president at liberal Harvard. In 1971 he was appointed by President Nixon to head the Office of Economic Opportunity, which administered the federal war on poverty. Phillips loaded it up with so many young conservatives that veteran OEO bureaucrats started referring to Phillips’ “YAFia.” Then, however, in 1973, Phillips was let go after the press got wind of what Nixon had actually hired him to do at OEO: dismantle it. Phillips believed Nixon had given up without a fight. So he founded Conservatives for the Removal of the President to fight for his impeachment—not because of Watergate, but because, Phillips later explained, Nixon “was the most liberal president in American history, except Gerald Ford.”


pages: 126 words: 37,081

Men Without Work by Nicholas Eberstadt

business cycle, Carmen Reinhart, centre right, deindustrialization, financial innovation, full employment, illegal immigration, jobless men, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kenneth Rogoff, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, mass immigration, moral hazard, post-work, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working-age population

But a key study on that earlier success concluded that macroeconomic conditions played only a relatively small role in getting women back in the labor force, with changes in incentives accomplishing most of that feat instead.1 TWO FINAL COMMENTS IN RESPONSE TO HENRY First, his observation about the role of the draft in augmenting skills and training for young men in the early postwar era, while politically incorrect, may be very much on target. Remember, though, that the “selective service” was indeed selective—and as late as the Kennedy administration, one-third of the young men tested failed either physical or cognitive requirements for service. (That finding was ammunition, so to speak, for the Johnson administration’s “war on poverty.”) Thus, the most disadvantaged were also the least likely to avail themselves of such employment-enhancing experience as military conscription could provide. And I am in violent agreement with Henry’s lament that available data can “tell us that a man is disconnected” from the labor force, but “tells us nothing about the mindset of the men who are disconnected.” Henry puts his finger on not only a failure of government information systems but a failure of empathy and understanding in our nation—perhaps a failure of mobility and solidarity as well.


9-11 by Noam Chomsky

Berlin Wall, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Howard Zinn, Nelson Mandela, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks

That is a useful way to avoid questions about the origin of the bin Laden network itself, and about the practices that lead to anger, fear, and desperation throughout the region, and provide a reservoir from which radical Islamic terrorist cells can sometimes draw. Since the answers to these questions are rather clear, and are inconsistent with preferred doctrine, it is better to dismiss the questions as “superficial” and “insignificant,” and to turn to “deeper causes” that are in fact more superficial, even insofar as they are relevant. Should we call what is happening now a war? There is no precise definition of “war.” People speak of the “war on poverty,” the “drug war,” etc. What is taking shape is not a conflict among states, though it could become one. Can we talk of the clash between two civilizations? This is fashionable talk, but it makes little sense. Suppose we briefly review some familiar history. The most populous Islamic state is Indonesia, a favorite of the United States ever since Suharto took power in 1965, as army-led massacres slaughtered hundreds of thousands of people, mostly landless peasants, with the assistance of the U.S. and with an outburst of euphoria from the West that is so embarrassing in retrospect that it has been effectively wiped out of memory.


pages: 374 words: 114,660

The Great Escape: Health, Wealth, and the Origins of Inequality by Angus Deaton

"Robert Solow", Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Branko Milanovic, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, clean water, colonial exploitation, Columbian Exchange, creative destruction, declining real wages, Downton Abbey, end world poverty, financial innovation, germ theory of disease, Gini coefficient, illegal immigration, income inequality, invention of agriculture, invisible hand, John Snow's cholera map, knowledge economy, Louis Pasteur, low skilled workers, new economy, purchasing power parity, randomized controlled trial, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, structural adjustment programs, The Spirit Level, too big to fail, trade route, very high income, War on Poverty

Keeping the line fixed in this way is really very odd; why not retain the original procedure and redo Orshansky’s calculation for each subsequent year? Instead, the 1963 line has been retained, adjusted only for inflation. Orshansky’s “scientific” derivation of the poverty line—based on the superficially sensible and rhetorically appealing idea of nutritional needs—was little more than a smoke screen. Economists in the Johnson administration, preparing for what was to become the War on Poverty, needed a poverty line, and they were using $3,000 because it seemed like a sensible number. Orshansky’s task was to provide something more readily defensible than a number plucked out of the air around the water cooler. Her first, and preferred, calculation was based on the Department of Agriculture’s “low-cost food plan” and came in just above $4,000. A more stringent “economy food plan” produced the line of $3,165, which was adopted, not because it was more soundly or more scientifically based, but because it was closer to the original $3,000!

That would mean that inflation is being overstated, because some of the increase in prices comes from better things, not just from dearer things. If so, the poverty line is being increased too fast, and an ever-increasing proportion of the poor are not poor at all. If we buy this argument—and there is no way of knowing by how much the poor are benefiting from unmeasured quality improvements—we might be winning the war on poverty after all.9 Working in the same direction is the failure of the official measure to incorporate taxes and transfers that are designed to benefit the poor. Doing so not only moderates upticks during recessions, as we have seen for the recent recession, but also would have resulted in a larger decline in poverty over the longer run.10 However, if you believe, as I do, that the poverty line should move up with the living standards of typical households in the population, poverty rates have increased over the past four decades, in stark contrast to the growth of the average economy.


pages: 372 words: 115,094

Reagan at Reykjavik: Forty-Eight Hours That Ended the Cold War by Ken Adelman

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Haight Ashbury, Kitchen Debate, kremlinology, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, old-boy network, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, Sinatra Doctrine, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra

But then again, I had felt lucky about my whole experience in government. After getting a master’s in foreign service studies from Georgetown University, I had worked on legislation for a fabulous mentor, Hank Lieberman, in the Commerce Department. Then, by happenstance, in 1968 my father ran into fellow lawyer Don Lowitz on LaSalle Street in Chicago, which ended up with my landing a job in the “war on poverty” agency headed by a dashing young ex-congressman from the Thirteenth District of Illinois, Don Rumsfeld, with his even younger assistant from Wyoming, twenty-eight-year-old Dick Cheney. Two years later, my wife—a career foreign service officer with the foreign aid agency—took me along to Zaire as her “dependent husband.” There she worked while I conducted research for a Georgetown doctorate in political theory, collected African art, and translated for Muhammad Ali during his “Rumble in the Jungle” heavyweight bout.

See Strategic Arms Limitations Talks Schabowski, Günter, 275–76 Schmemann, Serge, 32 Schorr, Daniel (NPR), 37 Schweid, Barry (AP), 37 Selleck, Tom, 339 September 11, 271, 273–74 Sestanovich, Stephen, 13 Sharansky, Natan and Avital, 125 Shevardnadze, Eduard adviser to Gorbachev, 77, 228 expectations for Reykjavik, 33–34, 36, 41 named foreign minister, 17, 24–25 negotiations on strategic defense, 150–51, 158–59, 170 as president of Georgia, 329 relationship with Shultz, 242–43 resignation as foreign minister, 284–85 at Reykjavik, 85–86, 93–95, 328–29 role in ending Cold War, 273, 313–14, 321 Washington summit, 237, 243–53 Shultz, George negotiations on strategic defense, 150–51, 158–59 reflections on Reykjavik, 4–5, 298 at Reykjavik, 12–14, 21, 85–86, 93–97, 328–29 Shevardnadze relationship, 242–43 tenure in government service, 17–19 Washington summit of 1987, 243–53 Shushkevich, Stanislav, 293–94 Simons, Tom, 99 Soderlind, Rolf, 41 Solzhenitsyn, Alexandr, 263, 264, 326, 341 Souza, Pete, 265 Soviet Union 70th anniversary celebration, 239 about collapse, 3–4, 268 beginning of secessions, 283–85 bugging of U.S. embassy, 221 Chernobyl nuclear accident, 79 disbands Communist Party, 292–93 economic and technology weaknesses, 110, 315–17, 320–21 formation of Confederation, 293 formation of Federation, 293–95 glasnost and perestroika, 228–30, 239–40, 262, 263–64, 317–18 Gorbachev on need for reform, 24–25, 28–33, 75–77, 79 invasion of Afghanistan, 60, 97, 124, 256, 258, 325 Jewish emigration, 116, 124–25, 228 manufacture of missiles, 236 Reagan goal to delegitimize, 38, 73, 77, 79, 154, 235, 319, 321, 323 Reagan’s “evil empire” speech, 64–68, 93, 145, 233, 256, 265, 338 U.S. intelligence assessment, 77, 330–31, 363n320 Yeltsin and the coup, 285–89 See also Gorbachev, Mikhail; individual states; Moscow summit of 1988 Spassky, Boris, 33 Speakes, Larry, 34, 92, 186 Spencer, Stuart, 64–65 Stalin, Joseph, 25–26, 33, 163, 228, 239–40, 245, 260, 266, 283 Stanford University, 297, 308 Steele, Jonathan, 328 Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT I and II), 59–60, 116–18, 207–8, 305 Strategic Arms Reductions Talks (START I, II, and III), 60, 116, 304 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI, “Star Wars”) announcement by Reagan, 61–64 criticisms, 175–76, 201–3, 215–16 Gorbachev reaction to, 105–8, 208–9 intelligence failures, 330–31 linkage to ABM, 148–49 Reagan commitment to, 38, 57, 109–11, 205–6, 315 Reykjavik negotiations, 86–89, 99–101, 136–43, 148–51, 198 role ending Cold War, 4 sharing with Soviets, 87, 94, 107, 110, 154 summit insights, 92–94, 108–11, 151–56, 310–12 trying to salvage summit, 168–75 Suslov, Mikhail, 31 Sveinsson, Asmundur, 82 Talbott, Strobe, 67, 215–16, 319 Tarasenko, Sergey, 71 Tchaikovsky, Pyotr Ilich, 236 “Tear down the Wall” speech, 232–35 terrorism, responding to, 311–12 Thatcher, Margaret, 38–39, 61, 93, 157, 199, 221, 318–19, 337–38, 341 “the mice,” 16 Things Fall Apart (Achebe), 216 “A Threat Mostly to Ourselves” (Nitze), 308 Time (magazine), 49, 58, 147, 177, 186–87, 215, 233, 235, 259, 304, 319 Gorbachev as “Man of the Decade,” 328 Gorbachev as “Man of the Year,” 328 Reagan as “Man of the Year,” 66–67 Tory, Peter, 32 Tower Commission, 225, 232 translation and notetaking, 14, 29, 35, 99, 106–7, 121, 140, 172, 212, 351n84, 352n89 Treaty of Björkö of 1905, R Trotsky, Leon, 326 Trudeau, Pierre, 12 Truman, Harry, 16, 26, 56, 260, 341 Trump, Donald, 250 Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (Shultz), 235 Ukraine, 79, 284, 285, 292–93 United Nations Adelman at, 376 Kirkpatrick at, 20, 120, 197 Shevardnadze visit to, 33–34 Truman and, 56 urinal diplomacy, 69, 162–63 Velikhov, Evgeny, 300 Victoria (queen of England), 203–4 Vietnam War, 88, 314, 327 Vlasov, Albert, 187 Wałęsa, Lech, 268, 280, 337 Wall Street Journal, 20, 308 Walpole, Horace, 186 Walters, Barbara, 250, 337 “war on poverty,” 19 Washington Post, 2, 28, 73, 98, 166, 210, 251, 277, 289 Washington summit of 1987 Gorbachev agreement to, 73, 75 Gorbachev “walkabout,” 251–52 INF signing ceremony, 247–50 Reagan eagerness, 85, 232, 241 Reykjavik as prelude to, 8 summit insights, 261 Weinberger, Caspar, 61, 217–20, 226–27 Weinraub, Bernard, 114 White House East Room history, 246–47 INF signing ceremony, 247–49 Oval Office and Resolute desk, 203–4 Reagan departure for Iceland, 7–9 Reagan departure for Moscow, 256 Reagan final good-bye to, 270–71 Williams, Carol, 259 Williamsburg G-7 Economic Summit (1983), 11–12 Woodward, Bob, 267 “A World Free of Nuclear Weapons” (Wall Street Journal), 308 “A World Without Nuclear Weapons” (conference), 309 World Factbook (CIA), 320 World War II actions leading to, 55 Hofdi House use, 52–53 Reagan experiences in, 179 Soviet experiences, 114, 244–45 U.S. experiences, 15, 117–18, 180 U.S.


Betrayal of Trust: The Collapse of Global Public Health by Laurie Garrett

accounting loophole / creative accounting, airport security, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, biofilm, clean water, collective bargaining, desegregation, discovery of DNA, discovery of penicillin, Drosophila, employer provided health coverage, Fall of the Berlin Wall, germ theory of disease, global pandemic, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, Induced demand, John Snow's cholera map, Jones Act, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, mass incarceration, Maui Hawaii, means of production, Menlo Park, Mikhail Gorbachev, mouse model, Nelson Mandela, new economy, nuclear winter, phenotype, profit motive, Project Plowshare, RAND corporation, randomized controlled trial, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, stem cell, the scientific method, urban decay, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration, yellow journalism

The new tack for the extreme conservative wing of the Republican Party, then led by Goldwater, was to attack federal authority for imposing socially liberalizing laws. In 1964 President Johnson pushed passage of two other massive initiatives that would profoundly affect public health: his War on Poverty program and Medicare. LBJ’s overall goal was to create what he called the Great Society through a federal effort akin to Roosevelt’s New Deal. A key difference, however, was that while Roosevelt pushed large-scale federal spending during a time of tremendous economic deprivation in America, LBJ wanted a similar level of spending for social programs at a time when most Americans were enjoying tremendous prosperity. That was a hard sell. When Johnson declared his War on Poverty, twenty-one million people in the United States were living below the administration’s poverty line. At the bottom of the heap were three social groups targeted by Great Society programs: people over sixty-five years of age who, having been cleaned out by the Depression, had little in savings upon which to live out their final years; blacks; and women who were single parents.

The Health Transition in post-World War II America somewhat blurred the demographic picture, as cancer and heart disease initially appeared to strike equally across social classes, perhaps even tilting a bit toward wealthier Americans. By the mid-sixties, however, most of the chronic diseases were also displaying a social gradient that brought the greatest grief to the poorest Americans. It might have been wise to combine the War on Poverty programs with Medicare and Medicaid, creating a single strategic approach to upgrading the health and well-being of Americans.256 The 1965 Medicare Act was a two-part law that placed authority for the health care program under the Social Security Administration—nor under HEW. Under Part A, hospitals were allowed to designate a third agency or nongovernmental organization to oversee their budgets and negotiate with the Social Security Administration.

Between 1968, when LBJ’s programs were in full swing, and 1975, when budget cuts had whittled such programs to the bone, the overall U.S. annual death rate had dropped 14 percent.323 Every health indicator had shown remarkable improvement. Cardiovascular deaths: down by 23 percent. Infant mortality: dropped 38 percent. Maternal mortality: plummeted an astounding 71 percent. That was the legacy of an aggressive war on poverty and expansion of health services for the poor. It occurred in a period that was denounced by the AMA and American Hospital Association as “regulated,” a code word meaning “very bad” or even “socialistic” in the New Right circles of rising political superstar California governor Ronald Reagan. The nation’s new mood was characterized by strong regional differences in both the structure and financing of health care.


pages: 602 words: 120,848

Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer-And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class by Paul Pierson, Jacob S. Hacker

accounting loophole / creative accounting, active measures, affirmative action, asset allocation, barriers to entry, Bonfire of the Vanities, business climate, business cycle, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, desegregation, employer provided health coverage, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, fixed income, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, Howard Zinn, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, Martin Wolf, medical bankruptcy, moral hazard, Nate Silver, new economy, night-watchman state, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Powell Memorandum, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, union organizing, very high income, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce

Much of the change, however, looked less like an earthquake and more like the drip, drip, drip of a melting ice cap. Over more than two decades, both the geographic and organizational bases of the party shifted in ways that reinforced its commitment to an extreme economic platform. Eisenhower, Nixon, and, more ambivalently, even Reagan had felt obliged to accept the New Deal while picking battles with Democrats elsewhere. Now many Republicans revealed a thinly veiled desire to do more than combat LBJ’s War on Poverty. Their ambitions included repeal of huge swaths of not only the New Deal but the Progressive Era: no Social Security, no effective minimum wage, no progressive taxation, no support for employer-provided health care, almost no financial regulation. They sought, in short, to reestablish the policies of the Gilded Age to mirror the emerging Gilded Age economy. Dixie Rising These attitudes reflected a new Republican Party, defined both by the sources of its voters and by the composition of its most organized voices.

., 165 UBS, 198, 254 unemployment insurance, 86, 89, 189 unemployment rate, 2, 27, 63, 86, 88, 125, 165, 235, 253, 281, 282, 287, 294–95 Unequal Democracy (Bartels), 151–52, 167 unions, labor: business opposition to, 55, 121–24, 127–32, 135, 219, 303 collective bargaining by, 98 decline of, 5, 56–61, 66, 127–32, 139–43, 164, 235, 248, 278, 303 Democrats supported by, 58, 89, 99, 121–24, 126, 129–32, 141, 164, 172, 178, 248, 278–79 financial resources of, 143 laws for, 44, 58, 78, 80, 125–32, 134, 189, 296 membership of, 57–58, 61, 140, 141–42, 248, 278–79, 318n organization by, 127–28, 204 PACs organized by, 121–22, 128, 172 picketing by, 128–29 political influence of, 89, 99, 121–24, 126, 127–32, 139–43, 144, 145, 146, 154, 204, 218, 275, 278–79, 293 in public sector, 56, 142, 278 Republican opposition to, 58–59, 129–32, 186–87 strikes by, 58–59, 60, 186–87, 191 upper class: income levels of, 3, 12–13, 16–18, 18, 20–25, 32, 39–40, 39, 46, 153–55, 194, 290, 311n political influence of, 72, 78–79, 112–14, 147–51, 157–58 Republicans supported by, 110–11, 147–49 taxation of, 3, 5, 14, 20–24, 34, 47–48, 133, 134, 157, 187, 212–13, 215–17, 243–46, 266, 290 wealth accumulated by, 16–17, 24–25, 31, 32, 43, 49–50, 54–55, 56, 74–77, 100, 101, 225–26, 256, 302–3, 306 upward mobility, 14n, 28–29, 152–53 Urofsky, Melvin, 81 Vanguard Group, 229 Verba, Sidney, 144 vetoes, presidential, 84, 85, 98–99, 126, 128, 213, 241, 298 Vietnam War, 95, 101, 216 Viguerie, Richard, 202 Vogel, David, 116 Volcker, Paul, 46, 256 voters: information for, 108–10, 154–58, 214–15, 236–37, 277, 295 median-voter model of, 77–78 misconceptions of, 151–55, 236–37 mobilization of, 107–10, 138–39, 140, 160, 248, 282 participation by, 77–78, 99, 107, 108–10, 113–14, 137–60, 167–68, 174–75, 252, 268, 287 registration of, 99, 140, 142, 203 swing, 109, 159 targeting of, 147–48, 174–75 “unmoored,” 139, 149–51 Wagner, Robert, 306 Wagner Act (1935), 129, 140 Walker, Charls, 120, 124–26, 133–34, 135 Wall Street, 1, 2, 6, 51, 66–68, 70, 104, 194, 195, 197, 209, 221–30, 232, 247–50, 256, 261, 274, 282, 290–91; see also financial services industry Wall Street Journal, 47, 59, 77, 275 Wal-Mart, 32, 64, 104, 240, 318n Walton family, 218, 240 War on Poverty, 200 Washington, George, 269–70 Watergate scandal, 98, 117 Waxman, Henry, 260 Wealth of Nations, The (Smith), 82 Weber, Vin, 190 Weill, Sanford, 71, 249–50 welfare, 52, 97, 107, 181, 182, 193 What a Party! (McAuliffe), 223–24 What’s the Matter with Kansas? (Frank), 204 White, Maureen, 225 White, William Allen, 79 Williams, Edward Bennett, 125 Williams, Harrison, 131 Wilson, Woodrow, 86, 89 winner-take-all politics: conservatism and, 5, 7, 41–42, 43, 54, 77, 115, 189, 204 Democratic vs.


pages: 421 words: 125,417

Common Wealth: Economics for a Crowded Planet by Jeffrey Sachs

agricultural Revolution, air freight, back-to-the-land, British Empire, business process, carbon footprint, clean water, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, demographic transition, Diane Coyle, Edward Glaeser, energy security, failed state, Gini coefficient, global pandemic, Haber-Bosch Process, income inequality, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), intermodal, invention of agriculture, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, mass immigration, microcredit, oil shale / tar sands, old age dependency ratio, peak oil, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, Skype, statistical model, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transaction costs, unemployed young men, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working-age population

Thus, by reversing the tax cuts and ending the Iraq War, it would be possible to pay more for the U.S. poor—to ensure, for example, universal health care coverage within the United States and to improve public schools—while also increasing U.S. outlays for the world’s poor to the 0.7 percent of U.S. GNP that we promised. Another recent and powerful book is Jacob Hacker’s The Great Risk Shift, which describes how the United States not only lacks an adequate social insurance system today but has also substantially dismantled the limited system that was in place during the past forty years (with the peak years of social insurance identified as the mid-1960s, during Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty). Hacker demonstrates the great rise in risk facing the American middle class as well as the poor and shows the remarkably high proportion of the middle class in the United States who are vulnerable to spells of poverty. He describes vividly and persuasively how a great right-wing attack on social insurance has systematically reduced the scope of the social-welfare system in health care, job protection, child support, housing support, and retirement security.

Figure 12.5: Views of American Influence Source: BBC-PIPA GlobeScan Poll (2007) The most basic norm of cooperation is reciprocity: I will assist you if you will assist me. But the U.S. attitude has been different: “You are either with us or against us,” as President Bush declared, with no recognition of the interests of the other country. The United States has demanded allegiance in the war on terror, without reciprocal support for the war on poverty, disease, or climate change. The UN has been attacked relentlessly by the American right wing as a threat to American sovereignty, as if American objectives could be accomplished unilaterally. This whole approach has by now imploded. PICKING UP THE PIECES The United States must take six steps to transform its security policy into a workable framework for the twenty-first century: Embrace multilateralism and international law Create a Department of International Sustainable Development Shift financing from the military to an international sustainable development budget Address demography and the environment Reinvigorate the framework for nuclear nonproliferation Understand the Middle East and respond appropriately Embrace Multilateralism The neoconservative mistake, at the core, is the misreading of U.S. power.


pages: 482 words: 122,497

The Wrecking Crew: How Conservatives Rule by Thomas Frank

affirmative action, anti-communist, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, business cycle, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, edge city, financial deregulation, full employment, George Gilder, guest worker program, income inequality, invisible hand, job satisfaction, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage debt, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, new economy, P = NP, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Nader, rent control, Richard Florida, road to serfdom, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, stem cell, Telecommunications Act of 1996, the scientific method, too big to fail, union organizing, War on Poverty

Traditionally, the damage is worst at those agencies that most inconvenience business: the Labor Department, the Environmental Protection Agency, and virtually anything else having to do with pollution, strip mining or oil drilling, product safety, or workers’ rights. For modern purposes, the model for this style of governing was established by the remarkable Howard Phillips, who served as director of the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) for five crazy months in 1973. As we have seen, this man Phillips is renowned for the purity of his right-wing views. The OEO, on the other hand, was set up to administer Lyndon Johnson’s very liberal “War on Poverty”; it included a legal aid program that made lawyers available to people who could not afford them and which had thus led to thousands of lawsuits against landlords, banks, employers, and so on. Johnson had appointed Sargent Shriver to run the OEO. Nixon chose Howard Phillips. What happened next is the stuff of right-wing legend. Then only thirty-two years old, Phillips immediately commenced wrecking the agency he headed.

See Agriculture, Department of utilities Vanderbilt family Van Scoyoc Associates Vienna, Virginia Vietnam War Viguerie, Richard Vioxx scandal Virginia. See also Loudoun County Statute for Religious Freedom suburbs Virgin Islands “voluntary compliance” wages. See also minimum wage “pay gap” Walker, Robert S. Waller, J. Michael Wallop, Malcolm Wall Street Journal Wal-Mart War on Poverty Warsaw Pact Washington, D.C. conservative railing vs. conservative rule and boom of New Deal and Washington Post Washington Times Watergate scandal Watt, James Wealth and Poverty (Gilder) wealthy We Are the Government (Elting) Weber, Vin welfare policy welfare state. See also government (liberal state) West Germany West Virginia Wexler & Walker firm Weyrich, Paul What Will Happen to You When the Soviets Take Over (Swann) Wheeler, Jack Wilkes, Brent Williamson, Craig Wired Woodward, Bob workers compensation workplace regulations World Anti-Communist League (WACL) World War II Wright, Jim Yale University Young Americans for Freedom (YAF) Young Conservative Foundation “Youth for Freedom” conference (Johannesburg, 1985) Zinsmeister, Karl zoning About the Author THOMAS FRANK is the author of What’s the Matter with Kansas?


pages: 397 words: 121,211

Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960-2010 by Charles Murray

affirmative action, assortative mating, blue-collar work, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate governance, David Brooks, en.wikipedia.org, feminist movement, George Gilder, Haight Ashbury, happiness index / gross national happiness, helicopter parent, illegal immigration, income inequality, job satisfaction, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, Menlo Park, new economy, Ralph Nader, Richard Florida, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Unsafe at Any Speed, War on Poverty, working-age population, young professional

The precise shape of the legislation and regulatory regime to implement the revolution were probably different under Johnson than they would have been under Kennedy, but momentum for major change in 1963 was already too great to stop. Something resembling the War on Poverty would probably have been proposed in 1964, no matter what. Michael Harrington’s The Other America had appeared in the spring of 1962 proclaiming that 40 to 50 million Americans were living in poverty, and that their poverty was structural—it would not be cured by economic growth. Kennedy had read the book, or at least some laudatory reviews of it, and ordered the staff work that would later be used by Johnson in formulating his War on Poverty. How many programs Kennedy could have actually passed is another question, but Harrington’s thesis was already being taken up by the liberal wing of the Democratic Party and would have become part of the policy debate even without the assassination.


pages: 494 words: 116,739

Geek Heresy: Rescuing Social Change From the Cult of Technology by Kentaro Toyama

Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, blood diamonds, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, cognitive dissonance, commoditize, computer vision, conceptual framework, delayed gratification, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, end world poverty, epigenetics, Erik Brynjolfsson, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, fundamental attribution error, germ theory of disease, global village, Hans Rosling, happiness index / gross national happiness, income inequality, invention of the printing press, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Khan Academy, Kibera, knowledge worker, liberation theology, libertarian paternalism, longitudinal study, M-Pesa, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, microcredit, mobile money, Nelson Mandela, Nicholas Carr, North Sea oil, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, pattern recognition, Peter Singer: altruism, Peter Thiel, post-industrial society, Powell Memorandum, randomized controlled trial, rent-seeking, RFID, Richard Florida, Richard Thaler, school vouchers, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Stanford marshmallow experiment, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, technoutopianism, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, Upton Sinclair, Walter Mischel, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, World Values Survey, Y2K

., 25, 2011, www.pbs.org/newshour/rundown/2011/11/why-does-healthcare-cost-so-much.html. Rupp, Lindsey, and Devin Banerjee. (2014). Toms sells 50% stake to Bain Capital to fund sales growth. Bloomberg, Aug. 20, 2014, www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-08-20/toms-sells-50-stake-to-bain-capital.html. Sachs, Jeffrey. (2005). The End of Poverty: How We Can Make It Happen in Our Lifetime. Penguin. ———. (2008). The digital war on poverty. Project Syndicate, Aug. 20, 2008, www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/the-digital-war-on-poverty. Sachs, Jeffrey D., and Andrew M. Warner. (1999). The big rush, natural resource booms and growth. Journal of Development Economics 59(1):43–76, www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/B6VBV-3WMK4TP-3/2/7e2c0030bf45b0f9a0d8cd5b8cbec71e. Saez, Emmanuel. (2013). Striking it richer: The evolution of top incomes in the United States. UC Berkeley, http://eml.berkeley.edu/~saez/saez-UStopincomes-2012.pdf.


World Cities and Nation States by Greg Clark, Tim Moonen

active transport: walking or cycling, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, business climate, cleantech, congestion charging, corporate governance, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, financial independence, financial intermediation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, global supply chain, global value chain, high net worth, housing crisis, immigration reform, income inequality, informal economy, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, low skilled workers, megacity, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, open economy, Pearl River Delta, rent control, Richard Florida, Silicon Valley, smart cities, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, stem cell, supply-chain management, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transaction costs, transit-oriented development, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, War on Poverty, zero-sum game

New York 113 History of the city and nation state relationship up to 2000 New York had favourable relations with the federal government in the mid‐ 20th century. In the late 1940s, the federal tier began to direct money to cities in a targeted manner, with money flowing directly from Washington to New York City and others. The City was a major proponent of the new public housing system and succeeded in gaining almost a third of national grants between 1949 and 1964. Under the Johnson administration, New York proved to be a guinea pig for federal War on Poverty projects to tackle crime and cohesion by allowing communities to administer funds (for example, Mobilization for Youth and the Community Action Program). Later, funds from the Urban Development Action Grant passed during the Carter presidency were used to leverage private invest­ ment to stimulate urban renewal in areas of Lower Manhattan and Brooklyn (Berg, 2007). A new NYC Federal Affairs Office in Washington in 1970 and the City’s con­ gressional delegation were effective in putting New York’s case to the federal level for grant funds.

Published 2017 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 278 Index Egypt, 19 Europe, 15, 19, 20, 36, 46, 47, 52, 55, 127, 164, 234 European Investment Bank, 46 European Union, 15, 43, 220, 224, 227 Federal systems, 9–10, 13, 16, 30, 62, 95, 210, 237, 239 Federation of Canadian Municipalities, 143–144, 147, 237 Fiscal redistribution, 90, 225, 229 Forum for Consultations, 88, 93, 237 France, 8, 10, 20, 21, 55, 57, 58, 60–63, 66, 67, 211, 216, 222, 229, 231, 232, 236 performance of second cities, 231 Frankfurt, 7, 46 Friedmann, John, 23 Fukuyama, Francis, 23 Gatwick Airport, 50 Geneva, 7 Germany, 20, 230 Giuliani, Rudy, 113 Global cities, see World Cities Globalisation, 5–9, 18, 19, 25, 28–30, 36, 43, 75, 85, 100, 179, 181, 203, 216, 221, 224, 227, 231, 237, 239 Greater Manchester, 44, 52, 233, 236 Guangzhou, 21, 155, 157, 159, 180, 184, 230, 231 Haddad, Fernando, 126 Hamburg, 11, 206 Hanseatic League, 20 Heathrow Airport, 50 High Speed 3 (HS3), 46, 234 Holland, 21 Hollande, Francois, 58, 60 Hong Kong, 7, 9, 11–14, 17, 24, 25, 29, 85, 91, 149–162, 184, 186, 190, 199, 204, 206, 208, 210, 211, 213–215, 220–222, 226, 227, 233, 234, 239 advocacy, 221 Chief Executive, 161–162 Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA), 155 Consultative Committee on Economic and Trade co-operation, 161 density, 13, 157 economic sector output, 25 economic transformation, 154–155 empowerment and centralisation, 211 Financial Services Development Council, 161 future political arrangements, 159 government system, 9, 208 growth and performance data, 152 national tradition in globalisation, 29 in One Belt, One Road initiative, 158 one country, two systems, 152 Pearl River Delta (PRD), 154, 156, 157, 159 population and visitor growth, 204 regional governance, 213 relationship with Beijing, 154–156 size, 12 India, 10, 16, 30, 98–108, 134, 166, 210, 231, 234, 236 Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM), 103–104 Make in India Week, 103 performance of second cities, 231 Indus Valley, 19 Inter‐governmental conflict, 13, 235 Istanbul, 21, 50, 227 Italy, 20 Japan, 10, 71, 82–94 Meiji era, 83 National Planning Act, 85 performance of second cities, 231 Jinping, Xi, 185 Johannesburg, 8 Johnson, Boris, 41, 42, 92 Khan, Sadiq, 49, 51 King James I, 38 Korea, 69–80, 183, 192, 210, 212, 216, 228, 229, 231, 232, 233, 235 performance of second cities, 16, 231 Lahore, 20 Lastman, Mel, 210 Latin America, 4, 21, 123, 128, 133, 134, 238 Leiden, 21 Lisbon, 21 Lister, Sir Edward, 48 Livingstone, Ken, 41, 210 London, 5, 6, 9, 11–15, 21–27, 29, 30, 33–53, 59, 63, 67, 69, 92, 93, 108, 123, 134, 145, 154, 155, 204–208, 210–216, 220–222, 226–229, 231, 233, 234, 236, 238 Abercrombie Plan, 39 advocacy, 221 air capacity, 50 ‘Big Bang,’ 40 boroughs, 42, 45, 48, 236 Brexit, 36, 42, 46–48, 52, 220 business leadership, 93 Canary Wharf, 39 Channel Tunnel Rail Link, 40 city leadership, 220 Index City of London, 38, 40, 42 city‐state, 27 collaboration with other cities, 236 Crossrail, 1, 2, 37, 51, 205, 216, 221 Davies Commission, 50 de‐industrialisation, 39 density, 13 diversity, 227 Docklands regeneration, 40, 216 economic sector output, 25 empowerment and centralisation, 211 escalator region, 226 fiscal devolution, 48–49, 69, 145, 212, 216 fiscal outflows, 215 Government Office for London, 22, 36, 40 government system, 9, 208 Greater London Authority (GLA), 40, 41, 50, 209, 210 Greater London Council (GLC), 26, 39, 40 Greater South East, 36, 39, 50, 52, 213, 214 green belt, 39, 52 growth and performance data, 36 High Speed 2 (HS2), 46, 234 Home Counties, 39 housing, 49–50, 206 Jubilee Line, 37, 40 London Assembly, 37 London County Council, 39 London Development Agency, 41 London Docklands Development Corporation, 39 London Enterprise Panel (LEP), 42, 51 London Finance Commission, 48–49, 216 London First, 40, 108, 134, 221, 222 London Land Commission, 50 Mayor, 42, 51, 221, 236 mayoral system, 36, 210, 233 Metropolitan Board of Works, 39 Millennium projects, 37, 40 national tradition in globalisation, 29, 30 performance of second cities, 231 population and visitor growth, 204 regional governance, 50–51, 213 size, 12, 211 South Bank, 40 system of cities, 13, 229–230 Transport for London (TfL), 41, 51 2012 Olympics, 37, 215, 218 world city literature, 23, 24, 27 Los Angeles, 7, 23, 195, 231 Luzhkov, Yuri, 166, 210 Lyon, 21, 61, 231, 232 Madrid, 7, 13 Masuzoe, Yoichi, 92–93 McLoughin, Patrick, 51 279 Mediterranean, 19, 20 Melbourne, 8 Mercantilism, 21 Merv, 20 Mesopotamia, 19 Metropolitan areas, 7, 53, 61, 76, 104, 106, 108, 115, 133, 135, 234, 236 Metropolitan government, 9, 15, 16, 36, 52, 56, 67, 72, 123, 208, 212 Milan, 13, 227 Modi, Narendra, 103 Montreal, 8, 14, 138, 139, 143, 231 Moscow, 9, 11, 13, 14, 17, 18, 24, 25, 29, 30, 163–176, 204, 205, 208, 210, 212, 215, 216, 220, 221, 226, 229, 236, 237, 239 Central Federal District, 175, 237 city and federal government relationship, 165–169 density, 13, 172 economic sector output, 25 empowerment and centralisation, 211 financial services, 168 geopolitical tensions, 168 government system, 9, 208 growth and performance data, 164 higher education, 166 mayoral system, 210 Moscow River, 172 Moscow Urban Forum (MUF), 175, 237 national tradition in globalisation, 29, 30 New Moscow, 167, 173 oblast, 166 1980 Olympic Games, 166 patterns of development, 164 population and visitor growth, 204 Rail and road investments, 172 regional governance, 213 Russian spatial hierarchy, 170 size, 12 Skolkovo innovation district, 165, 172 Soviet model, 165–167 tax revenue, 164, 167 transition after 1991, 166–169 transport, 205 2018 football World Cup, 165, 174 Mughal Empire, 20 Mumbai, 14, 16, 30, 97–109, 123, 206, 207, 210, 212, 217, 226, 227 advocacy, 221 Bollywood, 98 Bombay First, 103, 106, 108 Delhi Mumbai Industrial Corridor (DMIC), 106 density, 13, 101 economic sector output, 25 empowerment and centralisation, 211 280 Index Mumbai (cont’d) fiscal imbalances, 102 fragmented governance, 105–106 government system, 9, 208 Greater Mumbai, 98 Greater Mumbai Development Plan, 102–103 growth and performance data, 98 High Powered Expert Committee, 101 intergovernmental conflict, 101 investment capacity, 106 Maharashtra state government, 98, 100–102 Mumbai Metropolitan Regional Development Authority (MMRDA), 99, 214 Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM), 99, 100 national tradition in globalisation, 29, 30 Navi Mumbai, 107 constitutional amendment, 100 population and visitor growth, 204 regional governance, 213 relationship with higher tiers of government, 99–101 size, 12, 14 Smart City Mission, 103, 105 Transit Oriented Development, 104 weak growth management, 98, 100 Munich, 7 crime, 113 density, 13 economic sector output, 25 empowerment and centralisation, 211 fiscal crisis, 113 government system, 9, 208 growth and performance data, 111 housing, 118 Housing Authority (NYCHA), 114 Hurricane Sandy, 114, 119 immigration, 116 Metropolitan Transportation Authority (MTA), 113 national tradition in globalisation, 29, 30 New York State, 111, 115 9/11, 112, 114 performance of second cities, 231 population and visitor growth, 204 regional governance, 213 Regional Plan Association (RPA), 120 size, 12 transport infrastructure, 117 tri-state area, 111, 119–120 Urban Development Action Grant, 113 New Zealand, 10 North America, 4, 17, 19, 107, 137, 146, 227 Northern Powerhouse, see North of England North of England, 21, 229 North East, 236 Northern Powerhouse, 45, 228, 234 National Conference of Cities (ConCidades), 128, 134, 237 National frameworks, 29–30, 207, 231–237 National governments, 4–6, 8, 10, 11, 22, 25–32, 46–51, 57–58, 62–64, 70, 72–74, 76–79, 86–92, 99–100, 102–107, 116–119, 130–134, 143–147, 167, 168, 171–175, 183–187, 204, 220–224, 227–229, 231–239 National urban policy, 7, 67, 103, 112, 128, 157, 165, 171, 233, 237 Nation states, 3–4, 6–8, 13, 14, 20–32, 38, 48, 196, 204, 210–212, 220, 225, 229, 231, 236 age of, 3, 6 century of, 6, 239 Netherlands, see Holland New York City, 5, 7, 10, 14, 16, 24, 26, 27, 30, 63, 67, 92, 93, 110–121, 123, 137, 155, 206, 210, 212, 214, 215, 220, 222, 227, 229, 239 advocacy, 221 airport system, 117–118 Bloomberg, Michael, 114, 119 city and nation state relationship, 113–115 Ohmae, Kenichi, 23 One country, two systems, 11, 52, 152, 155, 210 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), 22, 26, 30, 74, 75 Osborne, George, 45, 222, 236 Ottoman Empire, 20 Paris, 13, 15, 22, 23, 25, 27, 32, 46, 50, 54–67, 92, 205–207, 211, 212, 214–218, 222, 232, 238 advocacy, 221 APUR (Paris Urban Planning Agency), 67 Chirac, Jaques, 57 density, 13 division of responsibilities, 60 economic sector output, 25 empowerment and centralisation, 211 fragmentation, 56, 62 government system, 9, 208 Grand Paris Express, 56, 59, 64–66 growth and performance data, 204 Ile de France (Regional Council), 56–58, 60, 64 Law for Solidarity and Urban Renewal, 59 Index Maptam law, 61, 66 mayoral system, 210 Metropole du Grand Paris, 56, 59–60, 62 Mobilisation Plan for Development and Housing, 63 national tradition in globalisation, 29 NOTRe bill, 64 Paris‐Saclay, 56, 59 population and visitor growth, 204 regional governance, 213 relationship with national government, 57–60 size, 12 state-region contracts, 63 territorial development contracts, 59, 63, 66 Pearl River Delta, 7, 11, 12, 17, 152, 157, 159, 161, 211, 213 Persia, 20 Provincial governments, see State governments Putin, Vladimir, 167 Rayy, 20 Regional policies, 22, 28 Republic of Ireland, 10 Rio de Janeiro, 6, 123, 129, 130, 231 Russia, 8, 17, 18, 21, 30, 31, 164–172, 174–176, 210, 212–213, 229, 236–237 Rust Belt, 21 Samarkand, 20 San Francisco, 7, 231 São Paulo, 13, 14, 17, 30, 122–135, 206, 207, 212, 215–217, 220, 226, 229, 231, 235 advocacy, 221 business climate, 132–133 density, 13, 124, 133 economic sector output, 25 empowerment and centralisation, 211 fiscal constraints, 130–132 fiscal outflows, 215 government system, 9, 209 growth and performance data, 123 housing, 133 Minha Casa Minha Vida, 126 national tradition in globalisation, 29, 30 performance of second cities, 231 Plano de Aceleracao de Crescimiento, 129 population and visitor growth, 204 regional governance, 213 relationship with its nation state, 125–127 revenue sources, 129–130 São Paulo 2040, 126–127 São Paulo State, 123, 125 size, 12 Urban Mobility Pact, 126 281 Sassen, Saskia, 24 Seoul, 6, 9, 13, 15, 24, 27, 68–80, 85, 210, 215, 218, 227, 231, 235, 238 advocacy, 221 capital region, 69 Cheonggyechoen River regeneration, 72, 73 de-concentration, 68, 71, 75, 76, 80 density, 13 economic sector output, 25 empowerment and centralisation, 211 fiscal devolution, 77–78 fiscal outflows, 215 government system, 9, 209 growth and performance data, 69 jaebol, 71, 72, 76 mayoral system, 210 metropolitan government, 73, 78 national tradition in globalisation, 29 1988 Summer Olympics, 72 population and visitor growth, 204 regional governance, 213 relationship with central government, 70–74 segyehwa, 72 self‐government, 72 Seoul Republic, 71 size, 12 Shanghai, 7, 11, 14, 18, 27, 153, 154, 157, 159, 160, 177–188, 207, 216, 217, 220, 226, 227, 230, 233, 239 advocacy, 221 bond issuance programme, 184 de-centralisation, 181 density, 13, 184 economic sector output, 25 empowerment and centralisation, 211 free trade zones, 182, 186 government system, 9, 209 growth and performance data, 178 hukou, 184–185 internationalisation, 181–182 land leasing, 183 national tradition in globalisation, 29 performance of second cities, 231 population and visitor growth, 204 Pudong New Area, 181 region, 7 regional governance, 213 relationship with central government, 179–183 revenues, 187 size, 12 state owned enterprises, 180 treaty port, 180 2010 World Expo, 182, 218 Yangtze River Delta (YRD), 178, 181, 184 282 Index Sheffield, 43, 45, 52, 231, 236 Silk Road, 20, 158 Singapore, 11, 18, 30, 85, 91, 189–200, 206, 207, 215, 219 advocacy, 221 Civil Service, 196 Concept Plan, 192 density, 13, 198, 200 Economic Development Board (EDB), 191, 194 economic development model, 198 economic sector output, 25 empowerment and centralisation, 211 governance history, 191–193 government linked companies, 194–195 government system, 9, 209 growth and performance data, 191 Housing Development Board (HDB), 191 independence, 191–192 internationalisation, 191–192 land management, 195 Ministry of National Development (MND), 195–196 National Trade Unions Congress (NTUC), 193 national tradition in globalisation, 29 National Wages Council, 193 People’s Action Party (PAP), 191, 195–196 performance of second cities, 231 population and visitor growth, 204 regional governance, 213 self‐rule, 191 size, 12 water management, 195 Smith, Adam, 21 Sobyanin, Sergei, 167 Soon, Cho, 210 South Africa, 8, 134 Sovereignty, 15, 16, 19, 20, 26, 152 Soviet Union, 23, 166 Special cities, 9, 17, 239 State governments, 7, 10, 100–103, 105, 111, 114, 124, 127, 216, 217, 234 St Petersburg, 21, 164, 168, 170, 175, 236 Sun Yat‐Sen, 154 Switzerland, 7, 20 Sydney, 8, 25 Systems of Cities, 4, 7, 13–14, 28 Taylor, Peter, 21 Territorial development, 8, 22, 73 30 Years’ War, 20 Tokyo, 5, 6, 11, 16, 23–25, 27, 74, 77, 81–94, 207, 210, 215, 220, 226, 227, 235, 238 advocacy, 221 aging population, 92 business climate, 91–92 de‐centralisation, 84, 85 de‐concentration, 84, 88 density, 13 devolution, 89 economic sector output, 25 empowerment and centralisation, 211 fiscal redistribution, 90 government system, 9, 209 growth and performance data, 82 industrialisation, 84–85 metropolitan government, 82, 84, 87, 89, 93 National Strategic Special Zones, 86, 90 national tradition in globalisation, 29 population and visitor growth, 204 regional governance, 213 relationship with central government, 83–88 size, 12 Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 84–85, 88 Tokyo Problem, 88 2020 Olympics, 86, 87, 91 2002 Urban Regeneration Law, 85–86 Urban Renaissance HQ, 87 Toronto, 8, 13, 14, 17, 23, 25, 136–149, 207, 210, 212, 215, 216, 218–220, 222, 227, 231, 234 advocacy, 221 density, 13 economic sector output, 25 empowerment and centralisation, 211 fiscal vulnerability, 145 government system, 9, 209 Greater Toronto Area, 137 Greater Toronto Civic Action Alliance, 147 growth and performance data, 137 immigration, 141, 146 infrastructure investment, 144–146 mayoral system, 210 Metrolinx, 140 national tradition in globalisation, 29 1998 City of Toronto Act, 139, 140 Ontario, 137 population and visitor growth, 204 regional governance, 213 relationship with the nation state, 138–143 size, 12 Smart Track, 140 Toronto Board of Trade, 147–148 universities, 137, 141 US–Canada Auto Pact, 139 Waterfront Toronto, 141–142 Trade, 5–7, 20–22, 99, 128, 146, 152, 161, 186, 205, 225–226 Index Travers, Tony, 49 Treaty of Westphalia, 20 Trudeau, Justin, 143 Turkmenistan, 20 UKIP, 46 Unitary systems, 9–10, 15, 21, 238 United Kingdom, 10, 21, 24, 36, 37, 154, 210, 231, 238 United Nations, 21 United States, 7, 10, 21, 24, 26, 71, 112, 231, 235 Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations (ACIR), 115 US federal reserve, 24 War on Poverty, 113 Uzbekistan, 20 Wallerstein, Immanuel, 24 Washington, 27, 113, 114, 116–117, 119–120, 231 The West, 27, 69 Western liberal democracy, 23 West Midlands, 52, 228, 236 Won-sun, Bak, 74 World Bank, 30–31, 157, 174, 196 World cities advantages and disadvantages, 225–231 age of, 5–6, 203–223 collaboration between world cities and other cities, 236–237 definition, 3–4 in the future, 237–239 literature, 22–24, 27–28 typology, 29–31 Xiaoping, Deng, 180 Valls, Manuel, 66 Vancouver, 8, 143, 231 Zurich, 7, 227 283


Magical Urbanism: Latinos Reinvent the US City by Mike Davis

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, business cycle, clean water, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, desegregation, edge city, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Internet Archive, invisible hand, job automation, longitudinal study, manufacturing employment, market bubble, mass immigration, new economy, occupational segregation, postnationalism / post nation state, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, white picket fence, women in the workforce, working poor

Victor Garcia and Laura Gonzalez Martinez, Guanajmtense and Other Mexican Immi- grants in the United States: New Communities in Non-Metropolitan and Agricultural Areas, JSRI Research Report No. 47, Julian Samora Research 118. Los Angeles Times, 5 Feb. 1995. Institute, East Lansing, Mich. 1999, p. 2. MAGICAL URBANISM 160 Transnational Suburbs Chapter 8 Miguel Szekely, "Economics of Poverty, Inequality and Wealth Accumulation in 119. Mexico," Inter-American Development Bank study cited in Los Angeles Times, 7 Jan. 1999. Moguel, "SaUnas' Failed 120. Julio Quly/Aug. 121 War on Poverty," NACLA Report on the Americas 28:1 1994), p. 39. For a summary of the changed dynamics of emigration, see Wayne Cornelius, "From . Sojourners to States," in J. The Changing Settlers: Profile of Labor Market Interdependence, Stanford, Calif. 1992, pp. 122. Monsivais, "Dreaming of Utopia," 123. The migradoUar estimate is money flow to Central eds., US-Mexico Relations: 155-92.


pages: 142 words: 45,733

Utopia or Bust: A Guide to the Present Crisis by Benjamin Kunkel

anti-communist, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, creative destruction, David Graeber, declining real wages, full employment, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, liquidity trap, means of production, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, mortgage debt, Occupy movement, peak oil, price stability, profit motive, savings glut, Slavoj Žižek, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transatlantic slave trade, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, women in the workforce, Works Progress Administration, zero-sum game

In this sense, the fatally overpaid workers of the past forty years, as they have been conceived of across the political spectrum, might be reconceived as fatally underpaid, not just from their own point of view but from the standpoint of systemic requirements for sustained growth. To draw this consequence from Brenner’s argument is to turn the received idea of the Golden Age on its head. After all, even in the legendary days of “full employment” joblessness in the US was often three or four times higher than in Sweden, and Johnson’s War on Poverty hardly named a phantom enemy; it was never the case that all who wanted a job could get one, or that fear of hardship had ceased to exert its discipline. Might it be that the era’s fatal flaw lay not in excess compensation for workers and over-full employment, but in insufficient wage growth and not-full-enough employment? Resurrecting the old Marxist measure of the rate of exploitation—which no one seems to try to calculate anymore—would probably support the idea that inadequate rather than excessive wages and employment sapped the Golden Age.


pages: 178 words: 47,457

A Framework for Understanding Poverty by Ruby K. Payne

conceptual framework, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, impulse control, Isaac Newton, post scarcity, War on Poverty, working poor

And 62% of poor kids now have a parent who works at least part time." Jack Levine, who is with the Florida Center for Children and Youth, said, "'None of us is immune to the concerns of children who aren't ready for education, whose health needs are served in emergency rooms and who do not have the family support to keep them out of trouble.' " In the 1964 State of the Union address, the war on poverty was declared. The President's Council of Economic Advisors reported there was "an inverse relationship between the extent of education of family heads and the incidence of poverty." Causes of poverty include poor education, obsolete skills, ill health, divorce, desertion, alcohol, and drugs. "Death, divorce, desertion, and illegitimacy deprive many families of a male breadwinner, and this unquestionably contributes to poverty."


pages: 407 words: 136,138

The Working Poor: Invisible in America by David K. Shipler

always be closing, Bonfire of the Vanities, call centre, David Brooks, full employment, illegal immigration, late fees, low skilled workers, payday loans, profit motive, Silicon Valley, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, War on Poverty, working poor

“You bet,” the president-elect replied: “that people who work hard and make the right decisions in life can achieve anything they want in America.”2 The myth has its value. It sets a demanding standard, both for the nation and for every resident. The nation has to strive to make itself the fabled land of opportunity; the resident must strive to use that opportunity. The ideal has inspired a Civil Rights Movement, a War on Poverty, and a continuing search for ways to ease the distress that persists in the midst of plenty. But the American Myth also provides a means of laying blame. In the Puritan legacy, hard work is not merely practical but also moral; its absence suggests an ethical lapse. A harsh logic dictates a hard judgment: If a person’s diligent work leads to prosperity, if work is a moral virtue, and if anyone in the society can attain prosperity through work, then the failure to do so is a fall from righteousness.

The individual is a victim of great forces beyond his control, including profit-hungry corporations that exploit his labor. In 1962, Michael Harrington’s eloquent articulation of the Anti-Myth in his book The Other America heightened awareness; to a nation blinded by affluence at the time, the portrait of a vast “invisible land” of the poor came as a staggering revelation. It helped generate Lyndon B. Johnson’s War on Poverty. But Johnson’s war never truly mobilized the country, nor was it ever fought to victory. Fifty years later, after all our economic achievements, the gap between rich and poor has only widened, with a median net worth of $1,589,000 among the top 10 percent and minus $4,900 for the bottom 25 percent, meaning that they owe more than they own.3 Life expectancy in the United States is lower, and infant mortality higher, than in Japan, Hong Kong, Israel, Canada, and all the major nations of Western Europe.4 Yet after all that has been written, discussed, and left unresolved, it is harder to surprise and shock and outrage.


pages: 454 words: 139,811

Woman On The Edge Of Time by Piercy, Marge

clean water, impulse control, War on Poverty

If your mems felt you’d cut them off, they might ask you to leave. If too many in a village cut off, the neighboring villages send for a team of involvers.” “Years ago I was living in Chicago. I got involved that way. Meetings, meetings, meetings! My life was so busy, my head was boiling! I felt such hope. It was after my husband Martín … He got killed. I was young and naïve and it was supposed to be a War on Poverty … . But it was just the same political machine and us stupid poor people, us … idiots who thought we were running things for a change. We ended up right back where we were. They gave some paying jobs to so-called neighborhood leaders. All those meetings. I ended up with nothing but feeling sore and ripped off.” “You lose until you win—that’s a saying those who changed our world left us. Poor people did get together.”

She could be no more than twenty-one or twenty-two, yet she was serving as people’s judge. Doctor of rivers. She herself could be such a person here. Yes, she would study how to fix the looted landscape, heal rivers choked with filth. Doctor the soil squandered for a quick profit on cash crops. Then she would be useful. She would like herself, as she had during the brief period she had been involved in the war-on-poverty hoax. People would respect her. There’s Consuelo, they’d say, doctor of soil, protector of rivers. Her children would be proud of her. Her lovers would not turn from her, would not die in prison, would not be cut down in the streets, like Martin. How she had stood over him in the morgue, shaking with rage—yes, rage—because he was dead without reason. Because everybody was poor and the summer was hot and tempers flared and men without jobs proved they were still men on the bodies of other men, on the bodies of women.


pages: 162 words: 51,445

The Speech: The Story Behind Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. S Dream by Gary Younge

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, immigration reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, urban decay, War on Poverty, white flight

The remaining millions lose their jobs, are evicted from their homes, have their water and electricity connections cut, and die of AIDS. Basically they’re for the pot. . . . Who can say that turkeys are against Thanksgiving? They participate in it!” One may argue about the degree to which, on the domestic front, Obama has attempted to shift the balance in the direction King would have endorsed. But given that King stepped up his campaigning for the poor at the very point when President Johnson was launching his War on Poverty and creating the Great Society, it is unlikely that King would have found the pace and scale of Obama’s reforms sufficient. Meanwhile, the views of King and Obama on foreign policy are quite different. In King’s acceptance of the Nobel Prize in 1964, he said: “Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones.” When Obama accepted his own Nobel Prize in 2009, he insisted: “There will be times when nations—acting individually or in concert—will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.”


pages: 177 words: 50,167

The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics by John B. Judis

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, mass immigration, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent

As the party of Abraham Lincoln, Republicans had traditionally been receptive to black civil rights, and the Republican leadership in Congress supported Lyndon Johnson’s Civil Rights and Voting Rights acts of 1964 and 1965. Barry Goldwater was an early dissenter, but in the 1964 presidential election, Johnson easily defeated him. Johnson’s victory did not, however, signal widespread support for his civil rights initiatives, and after he passed the Voting Rights Act and launched the War on Poverty, a popular backlash grew. Wallace turned the backlash into a populist crusade. Wallace was raised in a rural small town in Alabama. His father and grandfather dabbled in politics. They were New Deal Democrats under Roosevelt’s spell. Wallace would eventually make his name as an arch-segregationist, but he was initially a populist Democrat like Long for whom race was strictly a secondary consideration.


Masters of Mankind by Noam Chomsky

affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, Berlin Wall, failed state, God and Mammon, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), land reform, Martin Wolf, means of production, Nelson Mandela, nuremberg principles, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit maximization, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, union organizing, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Westphalian system

Similarly, it may be true, in the abstract, that “the techniques of economic stimulation and stabilization are simply neutral administrative tools capable of distributing national income either more or less equitably, improving the relative bargaining position of either unions or employers, and increasing or decreasing the importance of the public sector of the economy.56 But in the real world, as the same author points out, these “neutral administrative tools” are applied “within the context of a consensus whose limits are defined by the business community.” The tax reforms of the “new economics” benefit the rich.57 Urban renewal, the war on poverty, expenditures for science and education, turn out, in large measure, to be a subsidy to the already privileged. There are a number of ways in which the intellectual who is aware of these facts can hope to change them. He might, for example, try to “humanize” the meritocratic or corporate elite or the government bureaucrats closely allied to them, a plan that has seemed plausible to many scientists and social scientists.


pages: 196 words: 53,627

Let Them In: The Case for Open Borders by Jason L. Riley

affirmative action, business cycle, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, guest worker program, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, open borders, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, school choice, Silicon Valley, trade liberalization, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, zero-sum game

And although a Democratic president, Lyndon Johnson, gave us the Great Society, its programs expanded exponentially during the Republican administrations of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Welfare becomes a problem when people become habituated to it, when dependency isn’t kept to a minimum and benefits become more attractive than a paycheck. The historical tendency to keep immigrants out of welfare programs began to fade during the War on Poverty in the 1960s. Means-tested programs were added and enhanced but legislation was usually silent on whether citizenship was required to participate. Some states moved to bar noncitizens from public assistance, but a 1971 Supreme Court decision, Graham v. Richardson, reversed those efforts, holding that only the federal government could regulate immigrants’ use of welfare. Between 1970 and 1980, more than forty welfare programs grew at a rate that was three times as fast as wages and more than twice as fast as the GDP.


pages: 519 words: 155,332

Tailspin: The People and Forces Behind America's Fifty-Year Fall--And Those Fighting to Reverse It by Steven Brill

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airport security, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, asset allocation, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Blythe Masters, Bretton Woods, business process, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, computerized trading, corporate governance, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, failed state, financial deregulation, financial innovation, future of work, ghettoisation, Gordon Gekko, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, immigration reform, income inequality, invention of radio, job automation, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, laissez-faire capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, old-boy network, paper trading, performance metric, post-work, Potemkin village, Powell Memorandum, quantitative hedge fund, Ralph Nader, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, telemarketer, too big to fail, trade liberalization, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor

Harrington’s book, written at the peak of American post-war prosperity and optimism, declared that there were forty to fifty million Americans living in poverty, but that “The millions who are poor in the United States tend to become increasingly invisible. Here is a great mass of people, yet it takes an effort of the intellect and will even to see them.” Harrington’s description of the other America moved a nation. President Kennedy read it, and mapped plans to eradicate poverty. His successor, Lyndon Johnson, seized on it and declared a war on poverty with a parade of programs—Medicare, food stamps, Medicaid, Head Start, legal services for the poor. He also increased funding for a welfare program, Aid to Families with Dependent Children, or AFDC, begun in 1935 and aimed at children in the country’s poorest households. Kennedy’s brother Robert traveled through Appalachia as a senator and presidential candidate making the poor visible to the journalists who followed him as he vowed to surge Johnson’s war.

Much of the economic angst of those barely living above the poverty line stems from the general marginalization of the middle class, which has pushed wages down for those not participating in the knowledge economy. The converse would also be true: Higher middle-class wages would trickle down to help the poor. However, a safety net of special programs to help the poor has always been there, too. Support for these programs in the 1960s and first half of the 1970s was mostly bipartisan. After Presidents Kennedy and Johnson began the war on poverty following Harrington’s book, President Nixon followed up in ways that might shock the next generation of Republicans. Even before he took office in January 1969, Nixon approved a proposal from his transition staff that called for a guaranteed national income—a set amount to be paid to every American as a floor of available funds to protect them from poverty.*1 He was unable to get Congress to approve it, but he did initiate a variety of other programs.


pages: 548 words: 147,919

How Everything Became War and the Military Became Everything: Tales From the Pentagon by Rosa Brooks

airport security, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, big-box store, clean water, cognitive dissonance, continuation of politics by other means, different worldview, disruptive innovation, drone strike, Edward Snowden, facts on the ground, failed state, illegal immigration, Internet Archive, John Markoff, Mark Zuckerberg, moral panic, pattern recognition, Peace of Westphalia, personalized medicine, RAND corporation, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, Turing test, unemployed young men, Valery Gerasimov, Wall-E, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks

As a native New Yorker, I could hardly conceive of a skyline without the Twin Towers, and the endless television replays of falling bodies and the towers’ slow collapse left me sick with horror. But I was dismayed when President Bush declared that America was now in a “global war on terror.” By this time, I had left the State Department and become a member of the law faculty at the University of Virginia, where I taught and wrote about international legal issues and human rights, and I understood immediately that the war on terror was no mere metaphor—no “War on Poverty” or “War on Illiteracy.” A global war on terror, I intuitively knew, was a war that could, by its nature, have no boundaries: no geographic limits, no limits on who could be targeted, captured, or killed, and no end. All the same: if there was going to be war and struggle, I wanted somehow to be part of it. Some of my military friends were deploying to Afghanistan, and I envied them. They were going to be part of something vast and historic: they would drive out the Taliban and help restore an Afghan government that respected human rights.

We can denounce U.S. government practices and legal interpretations that undermine human rights and the rule of law, and insist that the root of the problem is a simple category mistake: the United States has labeled as “war” too many things that should correctly be labeled “crime” or “social problems,” and labeled as “military” too many tasks that should properly be labeled “civilian.” If the root of our current problems is a category mistake, the way to remedy these problems is to urge politicians, policymakers, military leaders, and judges to recognize that counterterrorism should not truly be conceived of as war, any more than the “war on drugs” or the “war on poverty” led us to apply the law of armed conflict to those efforts. Similarly, this argument would suggest that we should stop viewing cyber threats, economic threats, and a dozen other threats through the lens of war, and return to our pre-9/11 understanding of the world. This is the approach that has been taken by many in the human rights and civil rights communities since 9/11. But a decade and a half after those planes crashed into the Twin Towers, this approach is a waste of time and energy—and an exercise in self-deception.


pages: 486 words: 150,849

Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America: A Recent History by Kurt Andersen

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, airport security, always be closing, American ideology, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, artificial general intelligence, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Bernie Sanders, blue-collar work, Bonfire of the Vanities, bonus culture, Burning Man, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, centre right, computer age, coronavirus, corporate governance, corporate raider, COVID-19, Covid-19, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, cryptocurrency, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, Erik Brynjolfsson, feminist movement, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, future of work, game design, George Gilder, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, High speed trading, hive mind, income inequality, industrial robot, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, jitney, Joan Didion, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, mass immigration, mass incarceration, Menlo Park, Naomi Klein, new economy, Norbert Wiener, Norman Mailer, obamacare, Peter Thiel, Picturephone, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-industrial society, Powell Memorandum, pre–internet, Ralph Nader, Right to Buy, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Seaside, Florida, Second Machine Age, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Future of Employment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, union organizing, universal basic income, Unsafe at Any Speed, urban planning, urban renewal, very high income, wage slave, Wall-E, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, working poor, young professional, éminence grise

But nearly all the big 1960s changes, the various different varieties of new, had a common source, in addition to the deep-seated national predisposition: after twenty-plus years of exceptional prosperity and increasing economic equality that were both still going strong, a critical mass of Americans felt affluent and secure, which made their native self-confidence and high expectations for the next new thing still more intense. That run of shared affluence allowed the grown-ups in charge to decide we could afford Medicare and Medicaid and the various War on Poverty experiments, and it eased the way for more people to obey the better angels of their nature concerning equality for African Americans and women. After a generation of Depression and world war, the thriving new political economy also inclined people to have lots more children. Those children were raised almost as if they were a special new subspecies who required more tenderness and understanding than previous humans, the new approach famously codified by Dr.

Hart’s 1974 Senate campaign stump speech was actually called “The End of the New Deal.” He disparaged liberals who thought that “if there is a problem, [you] create an agency and throw money at the problem,” who “clung to the Roosevelt model long after it ceased to relate to reality”—and to that he added some sexist shade, calling them “the Eleanor Roosevelt wing” of the party. “The ballyhooed War on Poverty” of the 1960s, the Democratic programs that included Medicaid and food stamps, “succeeded only in raising the expectations, but not the living conditions, of the poor,” he said inaccurately. “This nation desperately needs a new breed of thinkers and doers who will question old premises and disregard old alliances.” In that first post-Watergate election, Hart beat the Republican incumbent by a landslide and became the very model of a modern major Democrat.


pages: 851 words: 247,711

The Atlantic and Its Enemies: A History of the Cold War by Norman Stone

affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, central bank independence, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, illegal immigration, income per capita, interchangeable parts, Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, labour mobility, land reform, long peace, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mitch Kapor, new economy, Norman Mailer, North Sea oil, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, Ponzi scheme, popular capitalism, price mechanism, price stability, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, V2 rocket, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Yom Kippur War, éminence grise

It was all rather good politics, in the sense that it made the Republicans appear to be in favour of poverty, which, said Johnson’s rival, Hubert Humphrey, would, if allowed to go on, become hereditary. It turned out, despite his efforts, that that indeed happened, the inheritance being from the lone-maternal side: a later book, by Allen Matusow, had the title How Not to Fight Poverty (1985). As Ronald Reagan later put it, ‘We declared war on poverty, and we lost.’ But such discoveries were a good decade in the future. Roosevelt had had much trouble with the Supreme Court in the later 1930s. Johnson found that he could get around this, because he had an astute legal ally, Abe Fortas, and he could in effect ‘pack’ the Court. States’ rights were overborne, and so too, on occasion, were the provisions of Congress. But Medicare and Medicaid followed, paying for the elderly and the poor, both becoming much more expensive than any other system of health care, and yet also excluding many millions of people.

Late-seventies England was not a happy place, or, rather, what was happy was not real, and what was real was not happy. There were other ideas around at this time, often of great interest, and reflecting the disillusion of men and women who had regarded the sixties as a time of hope. Much of the inspiration, and even some of the money, came from North America. There, the disillusion had also run deep, and Johnson’s idea of a ‘Great Society’ had disintegrated: as Ronald Reagan put it, ‘We declared war on poverty, and we lost.’ Daniel Moynihan, originally a New Dealer and a Democrat, made himself very unpopular at Harvard (they threatened to burn down his house) because he said that welfare was causing black girls just to do without husbands, and bringing about the disintegration of the black family; that was producing an ‘underclass’ of hopeless misfits who, again through welfare, were paid to reproduce themselves.

Stiglitz and many others now dismiss these ideas, but in the short term they proved, as Bartley shows, quite right. Then there was the extraordinary deterioration of the conditions in which big-city Americans lived: squalid housing, grotesque crime rates. Myron Magnet, a scholar of English literature who knew his nineteenth century, wrote (in 1993) The Dream and the Nightmare and it was easy for him to catalogue the failures of the ‘Great Society’: as Reagan said, ‘We declared war on poverty, and we lost.’ There was also a failure, though a more complicated one, as regards America’s racial problem. ‘School bussing, more public housing projects, affirmative action, job-training programs, drug treatment projects . . . multi-cultural curricula, new textbooks, all-black college dorms, sensitivity courses, minority set-asides, Martin Luther King Day, and the political correctness movement at colleges’ had only led, all in all, to rather greater apartheid than before.


pages: 214 words: 57,614

America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy by Francis Fukuyama

affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, European colonialism, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Internet Archive, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, New Journalism, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, transaction costs, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

American politics had shifted dramatically by the late 1960s: as a result of the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War, the old communist and fellow- n The Neoconseiuative Legacy traveling Left of the 1930s had been replaced, temporarily at least, by the New Left of Tom Hayden and the Students for a Democratic Society. This was also the period of the revival of large-scale social engineering on the part of the U.S. government, in the form of Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty and Great Society programs. Figures like Bell, Glazer, and Lipset were by now all ensconced in universities and found themselves in opposition to a new generation of student radicals who, in addition to supporting a progressive social agenda with which their professors were vaguely sympathetic, attacked the university itself as a handmaiden of American capitalism and imperialism. The first formative battle that shaped neoconservatism was the fight with the Stalinists in the thirties and forties; the second was the one with the New Left and the Counterculture it spawned in the 1960s.


pages: 207 words: 52,716

Capitalism 3.0: A Guide to Reclaiming the Commons by Peter Barnes

Albert Einstein, car-free, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, corporate personhood, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, dark matter, diversified portfolio, en.wikipedia.org, hypertext link, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, jitney, money market fund, new economy, patent troll, profit maximization, Ronald Coase, telemarketer, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transaction costs, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra

If ever there was a time when a rising tide should have lifted all boats, this was it. After World War II, America went on an almost uninterrupted growth binge. Per capita economic output, adjusted for inflation, tripled between 1950 and the end of the century. The stock market rose about fortyfold. Mutual funds and tax-sheltered retirement accounts spread stock ownership to the masses. In the 1960s, the federal government launched an all-out War on Poverty. And yet, at the end of the century, the distribution of private wealth was more unequal than it had been in 1950. In cold numbers, the top 5 percent owned more than the bottom 95 percent (see figure 2.3). Figure 2.3 WEALTH DISTRIBUTION IN THE UNITED STATES, 2001 P E R C E N T O F W E A LT H O W N E D 100 75 Top 5% 50 25 Next 15% Bottom 80% 0 Poorest 2 3 4 Richest F I F TH S O F U.


pages: 261 words: 10,785

The Lights in the Tunnel by Martin Ford

"Robert Solow", Albert Einstein, Bill Joy: nanobots, Black-Scholes formula, business cycle, call centre, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, commoditize, creative destruction, credit crunch, double helix, en.wikipedia.org, factory automation, full employment, income inequality, index card, industrial robot, inventory management, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, job automation, John Markoff, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, mass immigration, Mitch Kapor, moral hazard, pattern recognition, prediction markets, Productivity paradox, Ray Kurzweil, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, Silicon Valley, Stephen Hawking, strong AI, technological singularity, Thomas L Friedman, Turing test, Vernor Vinge, War on Poverty

But the costs associated with somehow adapting to those changes will be astronomical. At the same time, reserves of oil, natural gas, and in the longer run even coal, are going to be depleted. How can we hope to face these challenges if our economy is in decline and the bulk of our population is focused almost exclusively on the continuity of individual incomes? A similar point can be made regarding the global war on poverty. How can we hope to win this war, if we ourselves are not prosperous? We know that poverty is one of the primary drivers of war, conflict and terrorism. In a long-term stagnant or declining economic environment, these problems will only grow. The answer cannot be to attempt to halt technological progress. The problem is not with technology; it is with our economic system, and it lies specifically in that system’s inability to continue thriving in the new reality that is being created.


pages: 540 words: 168,921

The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism by Joyce Appleby

1919 Motor Transport Corps convoy, agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Madoff, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, Charles Lindbergh, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Columbian Exchange, commoditize, corporate governance, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Doha Development Round, double entry bookkeeping, epigenetics, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Firefox, fixed income, Ford paid five dollars a day, Francisco Pizarro, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gordon Gekko, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, Hernando de Soto, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, informal economy, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, invention of movable type, invention of the printing press, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, land reform, Livingstone, I presume, Long Term Capital Management, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, moral hazard, Parag Khanna, Ponzi scheme, profit maximization, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, refrigerator car, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, special economic zone, spice trade, spinning jenny, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, total factor productivity, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration, Yogi Berra, Yom Kippur War

They saddled their companies with costs that kept growing when the burden might have been spread through public funding, as was the New Deal’s Aid to Families with Dependent Children. Aside from the expansion of higher education, the engine of social reform had an uphill push in the 1960s. Progressive income tax rates and rising wages shrank the gap between rich and poor for twenty years while the economy moved ahead at full tilt. President Lyndon Johnson declared war on poverty, but the real war in Vietnam undercut many of his domestic goals. The quest for acknowledgment of labor has been made more difficult by the language of economic analysis that depersonalizes workers. Labor is bundled with land and capital as the principal components of enterprise. In a subtle way, this has a dehumanizing effect, for it obscures the enormous difference between the human and material elements in production.

Meanwhile Yunus has teamed up with Mexican telecom mogul Carlos Slim Hélu to bring microlending to Mexico in a big way. A contender with Warren Buffett and Bill Gates for the title of the world’s wealthiest person, Slim has been a great benefactor. He has poured money into foundations, but as a monopoly owner of many sectors of the economy he is also part of the problem of Mexican poverty. He employs a quarter of a million men and women. Like Yunus, he has declared war on poverty and is turning his attention to helping fund Mexican health and education programs. “My new job,” Slim says, “is to focus on the development and employment of Latin America.” Critics ask if he intends to pay a working wage commensurate with the rest of North America.27 Yunus understands that one of the underpinnings of poverty is the widespread conviction that it is an ineradicable evil, like dying.


pages: 589 words: 167,680

The Red and the Blue: The 1990s and the Birth of Political Tribalism by Steve Kornacki

affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, Berlin Wall, computer age, David Brooks, Donald Trump, employer provided health coverage, ending welfare as we know it, facts on the ground, illegal immigration, immigration reform, mass immigration, Ralph Nader, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Thomas L Friedman, trickle-down economics, union organizing, War on Poverty, women in the workforce

If Nixon just a few years earlier could get forty-nine states to vote Republican in a presidential election, why couldn’t they convince 218 House districts to do the same? The key, he believed, was in nationalizing congressional politics through confrontations with the ruling Democrats that would clarify the differences between the two parties. A liberal consensus had dominated Washington since the Depression, when FDR combated economic crisis with a massive expansion of the federal safety net. In the sixties, LBJ added to it with Medicare and his “war on poverty,” but his presidency coincided with explosive civil strife, including riots in Detroit, Newark, Los Angeles, and other cities; waves of antiwar protests; and the rise of a counterculture. A backlash was building in blue-collar and middle-class white America, which Nixon nodded to with his talk of “the great silent majority.” There was space, Gingrich said, to redefine American politics, if only Republicans would look for it.

They created a culture of poverty and a culture of violence which is destructive of this civilization, and they have to be replaced thoroughly from the ground up.” He had every reason to believe the politics were on his side. Technically speaking, “welfare” was a catchall term for an array of programs aimed at helping the impoverished meet their basic needs. As a political issue, though, the action revolved around Aid to Families with Dependent Children, which was conceived during the New Deal and expanded dramatically under LBJ’s “war on poverty.” AFDC provided monthly cash assistance to households with children in which the principal earner was either absent or jobless. It was the largest single component of the welfare system. The surge in spending on AFDC since the 1960s coincided with alarming cultural trends. By the early nineties, the rate of violent crime was four and a half times what it had been three decades earlier, and out-of-wedlock births had jumped sixfold.


pages: 526 words: 160,601

A Generation of Sociopaths: How the Baby Boomers Betrayed America by Bruce Cannon Gibney

1960s counterculture, 2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, business cycle, buy and hold, carbon footprint, Charles Lindbergh, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, corporate personhood, Corrections Corporation of America, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, equal pay for equal work, failed state, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, future of work, gender pay gap, gig economy, Haight Ashbury, Home mortgage interest deduction, Hyperloop, illegal immigration, impulse control, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Kitchen Debate, labor-force participation, Long Term Capital Management, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, mass immigration, mass incarceration, McMansion, medical bankruptcy, Menlo Park, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, neoliberal agenda, Network effects, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, operation paperclip, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price stability, quantitative easing, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, rent control, ride hailing / ride sharing, risk tolerance, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, Rubik’s Cube, school choice, secular stagnation, self-driving car, shareholder value, short selling, side project, Silicon Valley, smart grid, Snapchat, source of truth, stem cell, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, survivorship bias, TaskRabbit, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, War on Poverty, white picket fence, Whole Earth Catalog, women in the workforce, Y2K, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

Those who did collect were often in severe need, as elderly populations in prior decades were particularly prone to poverty (a situation that no longer applies today, when elderly poverty is quite low while youth poverty remains quite high). From the 1930s onward, the state guaranteed against disaster. In 1966, Medicare debuted, providing funds for senior health care, so the elderly were supplied with both a modest income and a certain minimum level of medical care and insurance against catastrophic illness. As part of the Great Society and the War on Poverty, funds were also extended regardless of age to poor populations for both health care and income assistance—welfare, in short. So, the bulk of what we think of as the social safety net was therefore in place by 1966, along with growing protections to ensure that classes of people other than comfortable whites could participate, at least in a partial way, in national prosperity and politics.

Some failed to remit only the temporary 10 percent tax enacted as part of war policy, which while self-serving and illegal was at least tailored to the political issue; others, like the singer Joan Baez (who provided some theme music to antiwar protests), refused to pay the majority of their bills, even though at most a quarter or so went to defense and the rest to benign enterprises like the War on Poverty (apparently, “antiwar” was a fairly expansive concept). The widespread manufacture, distribution, and use of recreational drugs was, of course, also plainly illegal, and more aggressive and less successful than the efforts of later generations to legalize marijuana through the conventional political process. Far more troubling was the violence sometimes used by the white middle class. The Sixties riots in black neighborhoods like Watts and Compton had origins in the nation’s original sins of slavery and racism; if the reactions were violent, so were the provocations.


pages: 614 words: 174,226

The Economists' Hour: How the False Prophets of Free Markets Fractured Our Society by Binyamin Appelbaum

"Robert Solow", airline deregulation, Alvin Roth, Andrei Shleifer, anti-communist, battle of ideas, Benoit Mandelbrot, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, clean water, collective bargaining, Corn Laws, correlation does not imply causation, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Diane Coyle, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, financial deregulation, financial innovation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Akerlof, George Gilder, Gini coefficient, greed is good, Growth in a Time of Debt, income inequality, income per capita, index fund, inflation targeting, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jean Tirole, John Markoff, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, Long Term Capital Management, low cost airline, manufacturing employment, means of production, Menlo Park, minimum wage unemployment, Mohammed Bouazizi, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, Network effects, new economy, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, Philip Mirowski, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, profit motive, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, starchitect, Steve Jobs, supply-chain management, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, The Myth of the Rational Market, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, ultimatum game, Unsafe at Any Speed, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

Mills told fellow conservatives that the tax cuts would force further spending cuts, an early articulation of the strategy later dubbed “Starving the Beast.”36 Heller, who had stayed on under Johnson, was disheartened; he did not want to cut government spending and, in his view, increasing the deficit was the point to the plan. But Johnson privately assured Heller that it would be easy to increase spending after the votes were counted. “Once you have the tax cut,” Johnson said, “you can do what you want.”37 Johnson did. With the tax cut in hand, federal spending rose sharply as the administration pursued a war in Vietnam and what Johnson called an “unconditional war on poverty.” About a fifth of the American population, some 30 million people, then lived in destitution with little prospect of betterment. Both liberal and conservative administrations had taken the view that poverty was best treated by pursuing broad economic growth.38 But by the early 1960s, scholars and journalists were focusing public attention on the inadequacy of this strategy — a project intertwined with the rise of the civil rights movement, since deprivation was concentrated in minority communities.

In a 1970 book, the liberal economist Arthur Okun phrased the argument better than his former boss: “Recessions are now generally considered to be fundamentally preventable, like airplane crashes and unlike hurricanes. But we have not banished air crashes from the land, and it is not clear that we have the wisdom or the ability to eliminate recessions.” See Okun, The Political Economy of Prosperity (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1970), 33–34. 42. In 2014, on the fiftieth anniversary of Johnson’s declaration of war on poverty, Wisconsin Republican Paul Ryan, then chairman of the House Budget Committee, declared that the war had “failed.” The available evidence suggests a different conclusion. See Christopher Wimer et al., “Trends in Poverty with an Anchored Supplemental Poverty Measure,” December 2013, Columbia Population Research Center, Columbia University. 43. According to one congressional staffer, Heller “almost single-handedly made the profession [of economics] both respectable and useful in the eyes of government.”


pages: 233 words: 66,446

Bitcoin: The Future of Money? by Dominic Frisby

3D printing, altcoin, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, barriers to entry, bitcoin, blockchain, capital controls, Chelsea Manning, cloud computing, computer age, cryptocurrency, disintermediation, Ethereum, ethereum blockchain, fiat currency, fixed income, friendly fire, game design, Isaac Newton, Julian Assange, land value tax, litecoin, M-Pesa, mobile money, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Occupy movement, Peter Thiel, Ponzi scheme, prediction markets, price stability, QR code, quantitative easing, railway mania, Ronald Reagan, Ross Ulbricht, Satoshi Nakamoto, Silicon Valley, Skype, slashdot, smart contracts, Snapchat, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Ted Nelson, too big to fail, transaction costs, Turing complete, War on Poverty, web application, WikiLeaks

America was on its own path to large government. In 1913 income tax was introduced and the Federal Reserve Bank was created to manage the dollar. In 1932, to generate the funds he wanted for his New Deal, Roosevelt confiscated Americans’ gold, gave Americans dollars in exchange and then devalued the dollar. In the 1960s, under the presidency of Lyndon Johnson, the American state grew even further. Johnson’s War on Poverty saw the Social Security Act, the Food Stamp Act, the Economic Opportunity Act and the Elementary and Secondary Education Act signed into law. But these reforms, together with America’s involvement in the Vietnam War, cost money. The US began printing dollars – many more dollars than its gold supply could back. This would lead to a run on America’s gold by other nations, and in 1971 the US abandoned the gold standard for good and joined the rest of the world under a fiat money system.


pages: 212 words: 69,846

The Nation City: Why Mayors Are Now Running the World by Rahm Emanuel

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, blockchain, carbon footprint, clean water, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Enrique Peñalosa, Filter Bubble, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, Kickstarter, Lyft, megacity, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, payday loans, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the High Line, transcontinental railway, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, urban planning, War on Poverty, white flight, working poor

When Lyndon Baines Johnson proposed the Great Society and civil rights legislation, many conservatives were displeased, believing it to be an overreach of the federal government. But a compromise was achieved, and subsequent Republican presidents—Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford—ended up expanding the programs during their terms. (This prompted Nixon’s famous “I am now a Keynesian in economics” line.) There was the formation of Medicare and Medicaid, and the Clean Air and Clean Water Acts, and the War on Poverty. All of them were worked on as compromises. In 1986, Ronald Reagan’s Tax Reform Act was sponsored by Dan Rostenkowski, who was a Democratic representative. The art of compromise—really, the art of the executive branch of government working with the legislative one to conquer evil, fix problems, and respond to constituents—continued all the way into Bill Clinton’s second term. I was present when the Children’s Health Insurance Program and the balanced budget were passed with support from the Republican-controlled Congress in 1997.


pages: 182 words: 64,847

Working by Robert A. Caro

carbon footprint, desegregation, ghettoisation, rent control, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty

And that was the only time they ever saw Martin Luther King cry. Another proof of the speech’s power I got from Busby and Goodwin: when the limousine was coming back to the White House and turned in to the White House gates, the turn was made in silence. The pickets were gone. In that year Lyndon Johnson passed Medicaid, Medicare, a slew of education bills, Head Start, the immigration bill, many War on Poverty bills. So how do you write about the Sixties? You could say that if you were just going up to July, 1965, it was a decade of great strides toward social justice. That it was sort of a decade of hope, and of the song that embodied that hope, “We Shall Overcome.” * * * — BUT THAT WAS NOT all the Sixties were. And as I said, that’s not the only song that evokes and defines the Sixties.


The Man Behind the Microchip: Robert Noyce and the Invention of Silicon Valley by Leslie Berlin

Apple II, Bob Noyce, business cycle, collective bargaining, computer age, George Gilder, informal economy, John Markoff, Kickstarter, laissez-faire capitalism, low skilled workers, means of production, Menlo Park, Murray Gell-Mann, open economy, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Sand Hill Road, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, union organizing, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, Yom Kippur War

By 1970, many people familiar with the industry believed the semiconductor market was fully saturated.45 In the summer of 1968, however, life was so good for most electronics companies that firms up and down the Pacific Coast, flush with success, feeling generous, and hungry for employees, trained “young people from disadvantaged minorities” and “hard-core unemployed” as part of President Johnson’s War-on-Poverty programs. In Europe, student protests turned violent. In Chicago, police clubbed Vietnam War protesters at the Democratic National Convention, while in Washington, the United States Army, citing the “large number of civil disturbances” around the country, began construction on an “emergency action headquarters” anchored by a series of computers running on integrated circuit technology and designed to coordinate military action at as many as 25 domestic “hot spots” simultaneously.

., Done Deals: Venture Capitalists Tell Their Stories (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 2000). 44. Failures of companies: “Electronics Industry Failures Fall to Lowest Level Ever,” Electronic News, 10 June 1968. Age of Electro-Aquarius: “The Splintering of the Solid-State Electronics Industry.” Notes to Pages 168–172 341 45. The last year: “Where the Action is in Electronics,” Business Week, Oct. 1969, 86. Market fully saturated: Jackson, Inside Intel, 47. 46. Participation in War on Poverty: Neil Kelly, “Coast Firms Eager in Poverty Fight,” Electronic News, 22 July 1968. Army’s computerized facility: Heather M. David, “Army Opens Riot Control Center,” Electronic News, 14 July 1969. 47. Knew Intel would lose money: “Intel Corp $2,500,000 Convertible Debentures,” IA. More aggressive: Gordon Moore, interview by author. 48. In early August, Noyce left: Noyce 1968 datebook, ASB Description of Maine house: author’s visit. 49.


pages: 709 words: 191,147

White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America by Nancy Isenberg

A. Roger Ekirch, back-to-the-land, British Empire, California gold rush, colonial rule, Copley Medal, desegregation, Donald Trump, feminist movement, full employment, indoor plumbing, invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, land tenure, mass immigration, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, trade route, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration

Mountain farm families had been stripped of the legal right to their property when coal-mining companies, aided by state courts, were given the prerogative to ruin fields, destroy forests, build roads wherever they chose, and pollute the water supply. In the end, the Johnson administration secured passage of the Appalachian Regional Development Act, providing infrastructure, schools, and hospitals. The president subsequently stated that seeing the poverty there firsthand had convinced him of the necessity of the Medicare Act. And so fighting rural poverty remained a central plank in Johnson’s overall “War on Poverty.” But even these bold policies proved inadequate to manage the massive devastation that the blighted regional economy had already experienced.81 Lyndon Johnson was aware of every detail as he went about fashioning his public image. The hat he wore was not a ten-gallon cowboy, but a modified five-gallon version with a narrower brim. This was LBJ: a modified, modernized southerner. When he sought aid for Appalachia, he imagined himself as a kindly benefactor, making the “cold indifferent” government newly responsive to the “little fella.”

On poor white images, also see “Johnson’s Great Society—Lines Are Drawn,” New York Times, March 14, 1965; and John Ed Pearce, “The Superfluous People of Hazard, Kentucky,” Reporter 28, no. 1 (January 3, 1963): 33–35; Homer Bigart, “Kentucky Miners: A Grim Winter,” New York Times, October 20, 1963; Robyn Muncy, “Coal-Fired Reforms: Social Citizenship, Dissident Miners, and the Great Society,” Journal of American History (June 2009): 72–98, esp. 74, 90–95; and Ronald Eller, Uneven Ground: Appalachia Since 1945 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2008), 20, 23–25, 30–32, 36–39; David Torstensson, “Beyond the City: Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty in Rural America,” Journal of Policy History 25, no. 4 (2013): 587–613, esp. 591–92, 596, 606. 82. On Johnson’s hat, see “Random Notes from All Over: Johnson Says Aye to LBJ Hats,” New York Times, February 17, 1964. On the poor, see Marjorie Hunter, “President’s Tour Dramatized Issue” and “Johnson Pledges to Aid the Needy,” New York Times, April 26, 1964, and September 21, 1964; Franklin D.


pages: 1,433 words: 315,911

The Vietnam War: An Intimate History by Geoffrey C. Ward, Ken Burns

anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, clean water, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, European colonialism, friendly fire, Haight Ashbury, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, mutually assured destruction, Norman Mailer, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, War on Poverty

Mogie Crocker reads about one of his many heroes, Winston Churchill. THE ABLEST MEN TRAGEDY HAD BROUGHT Lyndon Johnson to the presidency in November 1963. And he would not feel himself fully in charge until he had faced the voters the following year. But his ambitions for his country were as great as those of his hero, Franklin Roosevelt. In his first State of the Union address he declared “unconditional war on poverty,” and during his years in the White House he would lead the struggle to win passage of more than two hundred important pieces of legislation—the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, federal aid to education, Head Start, Medicare, and a whole series of bills aimed at ending poverty in America—all components of what he called the “Great Society.” In foreign affairs, Johnson was admittedly less self-assured.

When he regained consciousness, he was temporarily deafened and terrified that he had been seriously hit. He never forgot the care with which Shade calmed him down or the skill with which he tended to the wounds in his arm and hand. A STEP FORWARD LIKE LE DUAN, Lyndon Johnson found himself in trouble during the summer of 1967. He had always maintained that the United States was “rich enough and strong enough” simultaneously to fight both the Vietnam War and the War on Poverty. That no longer seemed to be true. The steadily climbing cost of the war had sparked worrisome inflation. To offset it, Johnson proposed a 10 percent income tax surtax. Before conservatives in Congress would approve it, they forced him to accept cuts in the antipoverty programs that meant the most to him. Two of the most important domestic achievements of his administration—the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965—had brought a measure of true democracy to his country, but they had not materially affected the fundamental conditions of African American life.

Vong Tang Vo Nguyen Giap, 1.1, 1.2, 1.3, 1.4, 1.5, 1.6, 1.7, 1.8, 1.9, 1.10, 1.11, 1.12, 1.13, 5.1, 5.2, 6.1, 6.2, 10.1, 10.2 Voting Rights Act of 1965, 3.1, 3.2, 4.1, 5.1 Vung Ro Bay Vung Tau, 10.1, 10.2, 10.3 Wallace, George, 2.1, 7.1, 7.2, 9.1, 9.2, 9.3 Wallace, Mike, 8.1, 8.2 Wall Street Wall Street Journal Walt, Lewis W., 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 6.1 Walter, Sonny War of 1812, itr.1, 4.1, 10.1 War on Poverty War Powers Act (1973), 9.1, 10.1 Warren, Earl War Resisters League War Within: The: America’s Battle over Vietnam (Wells) Washington, D.C., 1.1, 8.1, 8.2, 8.3, 9.1, 9.2, 9.1 antiwar protests in, 3.1, 3.2, 9.1, 9.2, 9.3, 9.4, 9.1 October 21, 1967, antiwar rally in, 5.1, 5.2 post-King assassination riots in, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3 Washington Mall Washington Monument Washington Post, 2.1, 4.1, 5.1, 9.1, 9.1 Washington Star Watergate scandal, 9.1, 9.1, 10.1 Watts, William Wayne, John Weathermen (Weather Underground), 8.1, 8.2, 9.1, 9.1 Weigl, Bruce Weiss, Cora Welch, Raquel Wells, Tom Wesak Day West, Philip West Berlin West Germany, 2.1, 6.1 Westmoreland, William, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.10, 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 5.6, 5.7, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5, 6.6, 6.7, 6.8, 6.9, 7.1, 8.1, 8.2, 8.3 additional troops requested by, 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 4.1, 6.1 appointed MACV commander congressional speech of, 4.1, 4.2 Khe Sanh as focus of, 6.1 optimistic statements by, 4.1, 5.1, 5.2, 5.3, 5.4, 5.5, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5 pacification program and, 3.1, 4.1 in recall from Vietnam Tet Offensive and, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3, 6.4, 6.5 three-phase strategy of, 3.1, 4.1 U.S. troops requested by, 3.1, 3.2 West Point, U.S.


pages: 306 words: 78,893

After the New Economy: The Binge . . . And the Hangover That Won't Go Away by Doug Henwood

"Robert Solow", accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, barriers to entry, borderless world, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, corporate governance, corporate raider, correlation coefficient, credit crunch, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, deskilling, ending welfare as we know it, feminist movement, full employment, gender pay gap, George Gilder, glass ceiling, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, half of the world's population has never made a phone call, income inequality, indoor plumbing, intangible asset, Internet Archive, job satisfaction, joint-stock company, Kevin Kelly, labor-force participation, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, manufacturing employment, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, Naomi Klein, new economy, occupational segregation, pets.com, post-work, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, statistical model, structural adjustment programs, Telecommunications Act of 1996, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, union organizing, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game

Fifty years ago, poor people were likely to be Southern and rural; cities were still home to the industrial working class. Now, the population Hving below the poverty Hne is disproportionately urban, and hving in families headed by single women (Levy 1998, chap. 2)—though poverty now, hke the rest of America, has recently been moving out of the cities and into the suburbs. The U.S. didn't get an official poverty line until 1965, as part of the target practice for the Johnson administration's War on Poverty, but the concept has a long history.'^ The broad project of studying the household budgets of the poor and working class goes back at least to the 1870s, a project motivated in large part by fear of unrest from below. In the U.S., immigrants w^ere bringing radical ideas w^ith them, which fermented dangerously in urban slums; unions were being organized and strikes being conducted—with the nationwide riots following the railway strike of 1877 having a particularly great impact.


pages: 283 words: 73,093

Social Democratic America by Lane Kenworthy

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, basic income, business cycle, Celtic Tiger, centre right, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, David Brooks, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, endogenous growth, full employment, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, Kenneth Arrow, labor-force participation, manufacturing employment, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, school choice, shareholder value, sharing economy, Skype, Steve Jobs, too big to fail, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, union organizing, universal basic income, War on Poverty, working poor, zero day

“From Wall Street to Wal-Mart: Why College Graduates Are Not Getting Good Jobs.” Washington, DC: Center for College Affordability and Productivity. Vogel, David. 1989. Fluctuating Fortunes: The Political Power of Business in America. New York: Basic Books. Waldfogel, Jane. 2006. What Children Need. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Waldfogel, Jane. 2009. “The Role of Family Policies in Antipoverty Policy.” Focus 26(2): 50–55. Waldfogel, Jane. 2010. Britain’s War on Poverty. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Waldfogel, Jane and Elizabeth Washbrook. 2011. “Income-Related Gaps in School Readiness in the United States and the United Kingdom.” Pp. 175–207 in Persistence, Privilege, and Parenting: The Comparative Study of Intergenerational Mobility. Edited by Timothy M. Smeeding, Robert Erickson, and Markus Jäntti. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Wang, Chen and Koen Caminada. 2011.


pages: 225 words: 11,355

Financial Market Meltdown: Everything You Need to Know to Understand and Survive the Global Credit Crisis by Kevin Mellyn

asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, bonus culture, Bretton Woods, business cycle, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, cuban missile crisis, disintermediation, diversification, fiat currency, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Santayana, global reserve currency, Home mortgage interest deduction, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Kickstarter, liquidity trap, London Interbank Offered Rate, long peace, margin call, market clearing, mass immigration, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage tax deduction, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, paradox of thrift, pattern recognition, pension reform, pets.com, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, profit maximization, pushing on a string, reserve currency, risk tolerance, risk-adjusted returns, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, South Sea Bubble, statistical model, The Great Moderation, the new new thing, the payments system, too big to fail, value at risk, very high income, War on Poverty, Y2K, yield curve

The notion of virtue and the social and economic order based on virtue were swept away. If the Great Inflation had a single author, his name is Lyndon Baines Johnson. A New Dealer to the bone and a master of getting things done in Congress, he believed there was no excuse for persistent poverty amidst plenty in a country as rich as the United States. So, he launched the Great Society and the War on Poverty, vastly increasing the size and spending of the federal government in the process. At the same time, he expanded the war in Vietnam, which he inherited from Kennedy. This explosion in federal spending was unlike those of the Roosevelt years in one key aspect. They were not nearly as fully financed by taxation. The United States, of course, could always ‘‘print dollars,’’ since the dollar had become the ‘‘new gold’’ under Bretton Woods.


pages: 840 words: 202,245

Age of Greed: The Triumph of Finance and the Decline of America, 1970 to the Present by Jeff Madrick

accounting loophole / creative accounting, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, disintermediation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, financial deregulation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Akerlof, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, index fund, inflation targeting, inventory management, invisible hand, John Meriwether, Kitchen Debate, laissez-faire capitalism, locking in a profit, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, MITM: man-in-the-middle, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, Philip Mirowski, price stability, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, technology bubble, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, too big to fail, union organizing, V2 rocket, value at risk, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Y2K, Yom Kippur War

He was a former New Dealer who had seen the light, a man who was willing to exalt individualistic ideals and personal freedom, someone who seemed clearly unafraid to stand up to the Soviets. Edwin Meese, Reagan’s key legal staffer and his future attorney general, had known Uhler at Boalt Hall, and in 1968 invited him to join Reagan’s gubernatorial staff. Uhler’s first major assignment was to challenge California Rural Legal Assistance, a nonprofit organization established by Lyndon Johnson as part of the War on Poverty to provide legal aid to the poor, mostly agricultural workers, regarding housing, wages, and health care. The program was a thorn in the side of Reagan’s backers, and especially the politically powerful farm community. Uhler wrote a report charging the program’s legal staff with serious improprieties. “It was one of those new liberal agencies,” Uhler said, “where you saw hammer-and-sickle banners drawn on the walls.”

He never wanted to appear that he was betraying his ideals, though in office he compromised pragmatically to maintain his popularity. His political future, indisputably bright to that point, was now uncertain, as was the conservative political movement itself. Nixon, who became president in 1969, signed legislation to start the Environmental Protection Agency, the Occupational Safety and Health Agency, and the Consumer Product Safety Commission, froze prices and wages, provided generous funds to the War on Poverty, aggressively expanded Social Security, and spent federal funds prodigiously to stimulate economic growth. Even though he tried to limit civil rights in the South, Nixon was still not the conservative Uhler had hoped for as the next Republican president. But Reagan, like the army of the committed of which Uhler was a tireless member, kept sowing the truly conservative fields. Uhler never relinquished his vision.


pages: 142 words: 18,753

Bobos in Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There by David Brooks

1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Community Supported Agriculture, David Brooks, Donald Trump, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Gilder, haute couture, haute cuisine, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, place-making, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Robert Bork, Silicon Valley, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Thorstein Veblen, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban planning, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra

That was an era of consolidation, when small entities seemed to be drawn ineluctably together to form big entities—big trusts, big bureaucracies, big cities. But we no longer feel we are living in an age of consolidation; on the contrary, deconsolidation seems to be the order of the day. So upscale Americans, like most Americans, show little desire to launch a new set of massive political enterprises, whether it is another liberal War on Poverty or a grand conservative War on Cultural Decay. They tend to distrust formal hierarchies that are imposed from above and Olympian lawgivers who would presume to govern from glorious heights. They are generally disenchanted with national politics. They tend not to see it as a glorious or capital R Romantic field of endeavor, the way so many people did earlier in the century. Utopianism of that sort is practically extinct.


Rethinking Money: How New Currencies Turn Scarcity Into Prosperity by Bernard Lietaer, Jacqui Dunne

3D printing, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, BRICs, business climate, business cycle, business process, butterfly effect, carbon footprint, Carmen Reinhart, clockwork universe, collapse of Lehman Brothers, complexity theory, conceptual framework, credit crunch, different worldview, discounted cash flows, en.wikipedia.org, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fear of failure, fiat currency, financial innovation, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, German hyperinflation, happiness index / gross national happiness, job satisfaction, liberation theology, Marshall McLuhan, microcredit, mobile money, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, more computing power than Apollo, new economy, Occupy movement, price stability, reserve currency, Silicon Valley, the payments system, too big to fail, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, urban decay, War on Poverty, working poor

This bright idea started at the weekly Tilba Growers Market in Central Tilba, located in the southeast of New South Wales province, and has now spread to other regions. TIME DOLLARS—TIME- BACKED CURRENCY The time dollars system was created by attorney Edgar Cahn. As a Fulbright scholar, cofounder of the National Legal Ser vices, a speechwriter and counsel to former Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, and a close associate of Sargent Shriver on the War on Poverty and the Peace Corps, Cahn has dedicated much of his life to those less fortunate than himself. He had the idea for the time dollar program while recuperating from an illness. “There were two separate forces coming together at the time. It was less a matter of coping with my convalescence, but more of my reaction to feeling useless and helpless. I was getting the care I needed, but the notion that I would spend my life as a recipient of ser vices, even affection, was to me not really being alive.


pages: 266 words: 87,411

The Slow Fix: Solve Problems, Work Smarter, and Live Better in a World Addicted to Speed by Carl Honore

Albert Einstein, Atul Gawande, Broken windows theory, call centre, Checklist Manifesto, clean water, clockwatching, cloud computing, crowdsourcing, Dava Sobel, delayed gratification, drone strike, Enrique Peñalosa, Erik Brynjolfsson, Ernest Rutherford, Exxon Valdez, fundamental attribution error, game design, income inequality, index card, invention of the printing press, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, John Harrison: Longitude, lateral thinking, lone genius, medical malpractice, microcredit, Netflix Prize, planetary scale, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Skype, stem cell, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, ultimatum game, urban renewal, War on Poverty

The first group was put in a room with a button that could be pressed to silence the soundtrack. The second group was left to tackle the assignment without that option. As you might expect, the first group proofread much more accurately and solved five times as many puzzles. But the twist is they never once pushed the button. Simply knowing they could, that they were in charge, was enough to help channel their problem-solving mojo. Empowering the little people can also help in the war on poverty. Many traditional aid projects fail because they are conceived, developed and implemented by experts based in air-conditioned offices hundreds or even thousands of miles away, leaving the poor as little more than bystanders, or pawns on a chessboard. When drought ravaged the Horn of Africa in the 1980s, killing livestock and threatening famine, Norway’s development agency came to the rescue with what looked to outsiders like a clever fix.


pages: 244 words: 85,379

On Writing: A Memoir of the Craft by Stephen King

Bonfire of the Vanities, fear of failure, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, old-boy network, pink-collar, telemarketer, traveling salesman, War on Poverty

Durham and Lisbon Falls and the University of Maine at Orono were part of a small world where folks neighbored and still minded each other’s business on the four- and six-party lines which then served the Sticksville townships. In the big world, boys who didn’t go to college were being sent overseas to fight in Mr. Johnson’s undeclared war, and many of them were coming home in boxes. My mother liked Lyndon’s War on Poverty (“That’s the war I’m in,” she sometimes said), but not what he was up to in Southeast Asia. Once I told her that enlisting and going over there might be good for me—surely there would be a book in it, I said. “Don’t be an idiot, Stephen,” she said. “With your eyes, you’d be the first one to get shot. You can’t write if you’re dead.” She meant it; her head was set and so was her heart. Consequently, I applied for scholarships, I applied for loans, and I went to work in the mill.


pages: 394 words: 85,734

The Global Minotaur by Yanis Varoufakis, Paul Mason

active measures, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, corporate governance, correlation coefficient, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, debt deflation, declining real wages, deindustrialization, endogenous growth, eurozone crisis, financial innovation, first-past-the-post, full employment, Hyman Minsky, industrial robot, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, labour market flexibility, light touch regulation, liquidity trap, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, market fundamentalism, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, money market fund, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, negative equity, new economy, Northern Rock, paper trading, Paul Samuelson, planetary scale, post-oil, price stability, quantitative easing, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, structural adjustment programs, systematic trading, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, urban renewal, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks, Yom Kippur War

While Johnson pursued the Vietnam War abroad with increasingly reckless vigour, domestically he attempted to stamp his authority by means of the Great Society, a programme that greatly inspired progressives when it set centre stage the goal of eliminating not only poverty for the white working class, but also racism. The Great Society will be remembered for its effective dismantling of American apartheid, especially in the southern states. Between 1964 and 1966, four pieces of legislation saw to this major transformation of American society. Moreover, the Great Society had a strong Keynesian element that came to the fore as Johnson’s unconditional war on poverty. In its first three years, 1964–66, $1 billion were spent annually on various programmes to boost educational opportunities and to introduce health cover for the elderly and various vulnerable groups. The social impact of the Great Society’s public expenditure was mostly felt in the form of poverty reduction. When it began, more than 22 per cent of Americans lived below the official poverty line.


pages: 271 words: 83,944

The Sellout: A Novel by Paul Beatty

affirmative action, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, desegregation, El Camino Real, haute couture, illegal immigration, Lao Tzu, late fees, mass incarceration, p-value, publish or perish, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, telemarketer, theory of mind, War on Poverty, white flight, yellow journalism

She patted me sympathetically on the shoulder and raised her supervisor on the radio, and while we waited for the ambulance, the three of us haggled about the severity of the crime. The county reluctant to cite me with anything more than vandalism of state property and me trying to convince them that even if crime had gone down in the neighborhood since the Wheaton Academy went up, what I did was still a violation of the First Amendment, the Civil Rights Code, and, unless there’s been an armistice in the War on Poverty, at least four articles of the Geneva Convention. The paramedics arrived. Once I’d been stabilized with gauze and a few kind words, the EMTs went through the standard assessment protocol. “Next of kin?” As I lay, not exactly dying but close enough, I thought about Marpessa. Who, if the position of the sun high in the gorgeous blue sky was any indication, was at the far end of this very same street taking her lunch break.


pages: 309 words: 91,581

The Great Divergence: America's Growing Inequality Crisis and What We Can Do About It by Timothy Noah

assortative mating, autonomous vehicles, blue-collar work, Bonfire of the Vanities, Branko Milanovic, business cycle, call centre, collective bargaining, computer age, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, easy for humans, difficult for computers, Erik Brynjolfsson, Everybody Ought to Be Rich, feminist movement, Frank Levy and Richard Murnane: The New Division of Labor, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, industrial robot, invisible hand, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, lump of labour, manufacturing employment, moral hazard, oil shock, pattern recognition, Paul Samuelson, performance metric, positional goods, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, refrigerator car, rent control, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, The Spirit Level, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, union organizing, upwardly mobile, very high income, Vilfredo Pareto, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, women in the workforce, Works Progress Administration, Yom Kippur War

The calculations are based on real family income from 1995 to 2002 for Americans who were children in 1968 as compared with their parents’ real family income from 1967 to 1971. 6. Panel Study of Income Dynamics brochure at http://psidonline.isr.umich.edu/Guide/Brochures/PSID.pdf; and PSID video at http://psidonline.isr.umich.edu/videos.aspx. The PSID was created as an outgrowth of some research undertaken by the Office of Economic Opportunity, the short-lived federal agency tasked with conducting President Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty. But where the OEO research had focused on low-income families, the PSID expanded the sampling group to include households at all income levels. 7. Interview with Isabel Sawhill, Feb. 4, 2011. 8. Chul-In Lee and Gary Solon, “Trends in Intergenerational Income Mobility” (Cambridge, MA: NBER, 2006), 16. 9. Katharine Bradbury and Jane Katz, “Trends in U.S. Family Income Mobility, 1967–2004,” Working Paper 09–7 (Boston: Federal Reserve Bank, 2009). 10.


Hothouse Kids: The Dilemma of the Gifted Child by Alissa Quart

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, cognitive dissonance, deliberate practice, Flynn Effect, haute couture, helicopter parent, knowledge worker, longitudinal study, meta analysis, meta-analysis, new economy, Norbert Wiener, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, Stephen Hawking, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the scientific method, Thomas L Friedman, War on Poverty

And in 1969, the ultimate maturational television program, Sesame Street debuted, with a line of educational toys following in its wake. The lessons of Sesame Street, were strongly influenced by the educational philosophy of Maria Montessori, and from the beginning Sesame Street’s producers, the Children’s Television Workshop, made a huge effort at outreach to young children and their families in low-income areas. The show was, in fact, considered to be an extension of the 1960s “War on Poverty,” funded in part by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare, as if it were a social program. But in a certain sense, the early debates that swirled around Sesame Street are echoed today in the debates over the Baby Edutainment Complex. Sesame Street’s critics argued that young children benefit from imaginary play rather than watching television. Similarly, the edutainment DVDs for infants regularly run afoul of the American Academy of Pediatrics, which suggests that there should be no television watching at all for children under two.


pages: 340 words: 94,464

Randomistas: How Radical Researchers Changed Our World by Andrew Leigh

Albert Einstein, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Anton Chekhov, Atul Gawande, basic income, Black Swan, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, David Brooks, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Estimating the Reproducibility of Psychological Science, experimental economics, Flynn Effect, germ theory of disease, Ignaz Semmelweis: hand washing, Indoor air pollution, Isaac Newton, Kickstarter, longitudinal study, loss aversion, Lyft, Marshall McLuhan, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microcredit, Netflix Prize, nudge unit, offshore financial centre, p-value, placebo effect, price mechanism, publication bias, RAND corporation, randomized controlled trial, recommendation engine, Richard Feynman, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Metcalfe, Ronald Reagan, statistical model, Steven Pinker, uber lyft, universal basic income, War on Poverty

Sustained over a lifetime, this suggests that a child who moves to a lower-poverty neighbourhood in their pre-teen years will earn $300,000 more over a lifetime. The societal gains massively outweighed the cost. Even the government came out ahead, with the participants paying more in additional taxes than the housing vouchers cost to provide. In the United States, large-scale social experiments date back to the 1960s. As President Lyndon Johnson announced a ‘war on poverty’, policymakers considered whether providing a guaranteed income equal to the poverty line might discourage people from working. From 1968 to 1982, experiments across nine sites randomly assigned families into treatment and control groups, and then surveyed their work patterns. The experiments showed that providing a guaranteed income reduced time spent working, but the impact was smaller than many critics expected – around two to three weeks per year.12 In coming years, the experiments helped shape reforms to the welfare system, including a massive expansion to wage subsidies in the 1990s under President Bill Clinton.13 Promising that ‘If you work, you shouldn’t be poor’, Clinton doubled the size of the Earned Income Tax Credit, pointing to the strong economic evidence that the program helped the poorest families.


pages: 293 words: 91,412

World Economy Since the Wars: A Personal View by John Kenneth Galbraith

business cycle, central bank independence, full employment, income inequality, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, joint-stock company, means of production, price discrimination, price stability, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, spinning jenny, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, union organizing, War on Poverty

Address by Fred Maytag II, before the National Association of Manufacturers, December 1, 1954. [back] *** 3 "The Relation of Taxes to Economic Growth." Address by Ernest L. Swigert, before the National Association of Manufacturers, December 6, 1956. [back] *** 4 Alice Bourneuf, Norway: The Planned Revival (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1958). [back] *** 5 The so-called war on poverty of the Johnson administration was instructive: income redistribution was to be limited to the very poor. The more important improvement in the incomes of the poor was to come from the increased productivity of that group. The ability of all shades of political opinion to endorse aspects of this program suggests the mildness of the effort. [back] *** 6 U.S. Department of Commerce, Statistical Abstract of the United States.


pages: 327 words: 88,121

The Vanishing Neighbor: The Transformation of American Community by Marc J. Dunkelman

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, assortative mating, Berlin Wall, big-box store, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, Broken windows theory, business cycle, call centre, clean water, cuban missile crisis, dark matter, David Brooks, delayed gratification, different worldview, double helix, Downton Abbey, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Filter Bubble, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Santayana, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, global supply chain, global village, helicopter parent, if you build it, they will come, impulse control, income inequality, invention of movable type, Jane Jacobs, Khyber Pass, Louis Pasteur, Marshall McLuhan, McMansion, Nate Silver, obamacare, Occupy movement, Peter Thiel, post-industrial society, Richard Florida, rolodex, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, Skype, social intelligence, Stanford marshmallow experiment, Steve Jobs, telemarketer, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the medium is the message, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, urban decay, urban planning, Walter Mischel, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

Fischer and Michael Hout, Century of Difference: How America Changed in the Last One Hundred Years (New York: Russell Sage Foundation: 2006), 152. 8Charles Murray, Coming Apart: The State of White America 1960–2010 (New York: Crown Forum, 2012), 8. “Poverty Status of People by Family Relationship, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 1959 to 2012” by the U.S. Census Bureau, accessed on December 13, 2013. It’s worth noting that poverty rates since the Great Society have fluctuated—as Eduardo Porter pointed out (http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/18/business/economy/in-the-war-on-poverty-a-dogged-adversary.html?ref=economicscene). But even during that period, the figure has fluctuated, falling by nearly a quarter during the Clinton years, then rising by more than 15 percent during George W. Bush’s presidency, http://www.dlc.org/documents/TheLostDecade.pdf. 9Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumer’s Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America (New York: Vintage Books, 2003), 123-24. 10Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World (New York: W.


words: 49,604

The Weightless World: Strategies for Managing the Digital Economy by Diane Coyle

"Robert Solow", barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, business cycle, clean water, computer age, Corn Laws, creative destruction, cross-subsidies, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, dematerialisation, Diane Coyle, Edward Glaeser, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, financial deregulation, full employment, George Santayana, global village, hiring and firing, Howard Rheingold, income inequality, informal economy, invention of the sewing machine, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, laissez-faire capitalism, lump of labour, Marshall McLuhan, mass immigration, McJob, microcredit, moral panic, Network effects, new economy, Nick Leeson, night-watchman state, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, pension reform, pensions crisis, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, spinning jenny, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, Tobin tax, two tier labour market, very high income, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, working-age population

The US and France, the two states whose revolutionary origins have bequeathed them an ideology of equality, are two of the most inegalitarian countries outside the third world.6 True, most of us would still prefer to be poor in a rich country rather than a less rich one, because the level of income available is higher. Our underclass is better off. Even so, in the old industrial- The End of Welfare 127 ised countries we seem to have an inefficient welfare state. What it provides by way of a safety net comes at a high price, with high government spending and high taxes but at the same time declining social cohesion and no sign of an end to the war on poverty. The excess baggage that we are paying for now consists for the most part of additional entitlements not included in the original vision. Of course, high unemployment in Europe is costing governments large amounts in benefit. However, the greater long-term financial burden is concentrated in pensions, health and social security benefits of various types. According to International Monetary Fund and OECD figures for a range of countries, these are the bits of social spending that have grown the most.


pages: 756 words: 228,797

Ayn Rand and the World She Made by Anne C. Heller

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, American ideology, anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, Charles Lindbergh, conceptual framework, greed is good, laissez-faire capitalism, Milgram experiment, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, New Journalism, open borders, price stability, profit motive, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, theory of mind, Thorstein Veblen, transcontinental railway, upwardly mobile, wage slave, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration, young professional

She also named him an editor of The Objectivist and of its scaled-down successor publication, The Ayn Rand Letter, until late 1974, when the Letter was discontinued. “I am tired of saying ‘I told you so,’” she wrote. The essays she contributed to almost every issue were not the sweeping policy statements of the 1960s; they were sometimes illuminating, more often bitter assessments of current events. She published position papers against the war on poverty, “selfless” hippies, affirmative action, government funding of the arts, international relief aid, the Watergate Committee—as well as in opposition to the Vietnam War and a wave of 1970s anti-obscenity legislation. She crafted a brilliant and farsighted critique of B. F. Skinner’s 1971 behaviorist manifesto, Beyond Freedom and Dignity, in which she aptly quoted Victor Hugo: “And he [the student Marius in Les Misérables] blesses God for having given him these two riches which many of the rich are lacking: work, which gives him freedom, and thought, which gives him dignity.”

The family with whom she and O’Connor stayed in Titusville, NASA’s pleasant bedroom town for Kennedy Space Center employees, remembered that she was wearing a new diamond-and-ruby ring. The ring had forty rubies, one for each year she had been married to Frank, and she told the family that he had given it to her for their wedding anniversary in April. On Rand’s return to New York, Barbara Weiss reflected that she had never seen the great woman in a better frame of mind. And yet there was unremitting anger. “Those who suggest we substitute a war on poverty for the space program should ask themselves whether the premises and values that form the character of an astronaut would be satisfied by a lifetime of carrying bedpans and teaching the alphabet to the mentally retarded,” she wrote in The Objectivist. This, like her praise, was a scrap of old rhetoric, and was unseemly. Another high point was an address she gave in March 1974 to members of the senior class of the United States Military Academy at West Point.


pages: 901 words: 234,905

The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature by Steven Pinker

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Alfred Russel Wallace, anti-communist, British Empire, clean water, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, conceptual framework, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Defenestration of Prague, desegregation, epigenetics, Exxon Valdez, George Akerlof, germ theory of disease, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, Hobbesian trap, income inequality, invention of agriculture, invisible hand, Joan Didion, long peace, meta analysis, meta-analysis, More Guns, Less Crime, Murray Gell-Mann, mutually assured destruction, Norman Mailer, Peter Singer: altruism, phenotype, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Potemkin village, prisoner's dilemma, profit motive, QWERTY keyboard, Richard Feynman, Richard Thaler, risk tolerance, Robert Bork, Rodney Brooks, Saturday Night Live, social intelligence, speech recognition, Stanford prison experiment, stem cell, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the new new thing, theory of mind, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, twin studies, ultimatum game, urban renewal, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, Yogi Berra, zero-sum game

As the conservative philosopher Michael Oakshott wrote, “To try to do something which is inherently impossible is always a corrupting enterprise.” The two kinds of visionaries thereby line up on opposite sides of many issues that would seem to have little in common. The Utopian Vision seeks to articulate social goals and devise policies that target them directly: economic inequality is attacked in a war on poverty, pollution by environmental regulations, racial imbalances by preferences, carcinogens by bans on food additives. The Tragic Vision points to the self-interested motives of the people who would implement these policies—namely, the expansion of their bureaucratic fiefdoms—and to their ineptitude at anticipating the myriad consequences, especially when the social goals are pitted against millions of people pursuing their own interests.

The great homicidal classics?”) People also enjoy watching the stylized combat we call “sports,” which are contests of aiming, chasing, or fighting, complete with victors and the vanquished. If language is a guide, many other efforts are conceptualized as forms of aggression: intellectual argument (to shoot down, defeat, or destroy an idea or its proponent), social reform (to fight crime, to combat prejudice, the War on Poverty, the War on Drugs), and medical treatment (to fight cancer, painkillers, to defeat AIDS, the War on Cancer). In fact, the entire question of what went wrong (socially or biologically) when a person engages in violence is badly posed. Almost everyone recognizes the need for violence in defense of self, family, and innocent victims. Moral philosophers point out that there are even circumstances in which torture is justified—say, when a captured terrorist has planted a time bomb in a crowded place and refuses to say where it is.


pages: 381 words: 101,559

Currency Wars: The Making of the Next Gobal Crisis by James Rickards

Asian financial crisis, bank run, Benoit Mandelbrot, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Black Swan, borderless world, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business climate, buy and hold, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, collateralized debt obligation, complexity theory, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Deng Xiaoping, diversification, diversified portfolio, Fall of the Berlin Wall, family office, financial innovation, floating exchange rates, full employment, game design, German hyperinflation, Gini coefficient, global rebalancing, global reserve currency, high net worth, income inequality, interest rate derivative, John Meriwether, Kenneth Rogoff, laissez-faire capitalism, liquidity trap, Long Term Capital Management, mandelbrot fractal, margin call, market bubble, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, money market fund, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Myron Scholes, Network effects, New Journalism, Nixon shock, offshore financial centre, oil shock, one-China policy, open economy, paradox of thrift, Paul Samuelson, price mechanism, price stability, private sector deleveraging, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, special economic zone, The Myth of the Rational Market, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, time value of money, too big to fail, value at risk, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game

Despite the persistence of Bretton Woods into the 1970s, the seeds of Currency War II were sown in the mid- to late 1960s. One can date the beginning of CWII from 1967, while its antecedents lie in the 1964 landslide election of Lyndon B. Johnson and his “guns and butter” platform. The guns referred to the war in Vietnam and the butter referred to the Great Society social programs, including the war on poverty. Although the United States had maintained a military presence in Vietnam since 1950, the first large-scale combat troop deployments took place in 1965, escalating the costs of the war effort. The Democratic landslide in the 1964 election resulted in a new Congress that convened in January 1965, and Johnson’s State of the Union address that month marked the unofficial launch of the full-scale Great Society agenda.


pages: 537 words: 99,778

Dreaming in Public: Building the Occupy Movement by Amy Lang, Daniel Lang/levitsky

activist lawyer, Bay Area Rapid Transit, bonus culture, British Empire, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collective bargaining, corporate governance, corporate personhood, crowdsourcing, David Graeber, deindustrialization, different worldview, facts on the ground, glass ceiling, housing crisis, Kibera, late capitalism, mass incarceration, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, out of africa, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Port of Oakland, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, Slavoj Žižek, structural adjustment programs, the medium is the message, too big to fail, trade liberalization, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, We are Anonymous. We are Legion, We are the 99%, white flight, working poor

This article discusses the Hungary situation, together with further examples from the UK and how we need to radically alter our conversation, if we want to live in a transformed world where nightmares like this are distant memories. Guilty of being skint The story seemed so absurd that, when I awoke this morning ready to write about it, I wondered if I had simply dreamt it. During my fact checking, it not only proved true, but worse. When the story started, I assumed that it was part of a drive to prevent homelessness: Outlaw Homelessness, like a War on Poverty. However, this is not the case. Hungarian capital Budapest has circa 10,000 homeless people attempting to survive in it. The Conservative government has declared this too much for Budapest to bear, and therefore banned it. The law has been passed. Its implications? If you are found homeless in Hungary, you get a warning. If found again, you get a fine of $614 and/or prison. Now, I’m no fortune teller – but I’m happy to predict that this ludicrous law will be about as effective at stopping homelessness as making short skirts illegal would stop rape.


pages: 287 words: 99,131

Composing a Further Life: The Age of Active Wisdom by Mary Catherine Bateson

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, Celebration, Florida, desegregation, double helix, estate planning, feminist movement, invention of writing, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, urban renewal, War on Poverty, women in the workforce

Jim was in Chicago for eight years. I commented on the hopefulness of that time. “I mean, there was a belief that it was really going to be possible to fix the things that were wrong.” “Absolutely!” Jim said. “That was before cynicism.” “We really believed things were going to be fixed.” “And then everybody got killed. There was a loss of courage and a loss of hope that things could change. The War on Poverty—that was a big sign of hope, hope, hope, and then the tremendous amount of internal graft and sloppy stuff—very few of those projects really did much good.” After the assassination of John Kennedy in 1963, a series of events began that gradually changed the atmosphere. Malcolm X was assassinated in 1965. Stokely Carmichael reframed the struggle in terms of Black Power in 1967. Lyndon Johnson did push through the Civil Rights Act in 1968, but that success was followed in April by the assassination of Martin Luther King, with nationwide rioting and whole neighborhoods burned in black communities, and then by the assassination of Bobby Kennedy in the same year.


pages: 379 words: 99,340

The Revolt of the Public and the Crisis of Authority in the New Millennium by Martin Gurri

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Arthur Eddington, Ayatollah Khomeini, bitcoin, Black Swan, Burning Man, business cycle, citizen journalism, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, collective bargaining, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, currency manipulation / currency intervention, dark matter, David Graeber, death of newspapers, en.wikipedia.org, Erik Brynjolfsson, facts on the ground, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, housing crisis, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of writing, job-hopping, Mohammed Bouazizi, Nate Silver, Occupy movement, Port of Oakland, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, Skype, Steve Jobs, the scientific method, The Signal and the Noise by Nate Silver, too big to fail, traveling salesman, University of East Anglia, urban renewal, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, WikiLeaks, young professional

Yet he lacked the manic “singularity” of high modernism, and his proposed solution, the stimulus, was a grab-bag of activities needing over 1,000 pages to describe, costing nearly $800 billion, but somehow, after all that, generating very little drama. The president never followed up on the premise of a new start for the nation, never engaged in epic combat against the dead hand of history. His mode of governing was wordy, tactical, splintered among many objectives. He wanted every deserving cause to get a donation. The stimulus never came close to matching the razzle-dazzle of Brasilia or the war on poverty, and it attracted a fierce, determined opposition from the start. The president pitched his rhetoric on an ambitious high modernist plane, but he directed the actions of his administration with late modernist timidity, constrained, to be sure, by pressure from a restless public. The profound disconnect between talk and action gives the game away. The aims of democratic government have shifted, even if the language of politics has yet to catch up.


pages: 339 words: 95,988

Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything by Steven D. Levitt, Stephen J. Dubner

airport security, Broken windows theory, crack epidemic, desegregation, Exxon Valdez, feminist movement, George Akerlof, information asymmetry, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, longitudinal study, mental accounting, moral hazard, More Guns, Less Crime, oil shale / tar sands, Paul Samuelson, peak oil, pets.com, profit maximization, Richard Thaler, school choice, sensible shoes, Steven Pinker, Ted Kaczynski, The Chicago School, The Market for Lemons, Thorstein Veblen, twin studies, War on Poverty

THE SHRINKING OF VARIOUS BLACK-WHITe GAPS, PRE-CRACK: See Rebecca Blank, “An Overview of Social and Economic Trends by Race,” in America Becoming: Racial Trends and Their Consequences, ed. Neil J. Smelser, William Julius Wilson, and Faith Mitchell (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 2001), pp. 21–40. / 103 Regarding black infant mortality, see Douglas V. Almond, Kenneth Y. Chay, and Michael Greenstone, “Civil Rights, the War on Poverty, and Black-White Convergence in Infant Mortality in Mississippi,” National Bureau of Economic Research working paper, 2003. THE VARIOUS DESTRUCTIVE EFFECTS OF CRACK are discussed in Roland G. Fryer Jr., Paul Heaton, Steven D. Levitt, and Kevin Murphy, “The Impact of Crack Cocaine,” University of Chicago working paper, 2005. 4. WHERE HAVE ALL THE CRIMINALS GONE? NICOLAE CEAUşESCU’S ABORTION BAN: Background information on Romania and the Ceauşescus was drawn from a variety of sources, including “Eastern Europe, the Third Communism,” Time, March 18, 1966; “Ceauşescu Ruled with an Iron Grip,” Washington Post, December 26, 1989; Ralph Blumenthal, “The Ceauşescus: 24 Years of Fierce Repression, Isolation and Independence,” New York Times, December 26, 1989; Serge Schmemann, “In Cradle of Rumanian Revolt, Anger Quickly Overcame Fear,” New York Times, December 30, 1989; Karen Breslau, “Overplanned Parenthood: Ceauşescu’s Cruel Law,” Newsweek, January 22, 1990; and Nicolas Holman, “The Economic Legacy of Ceauşescu,” Student Economic Review, 1994. / 106 The link between the Romanian abortion ban and life outcomes has been explored in a pair of papers: Cristian Pop-Eleches, “The Impact of an Abortion Ban on Socio-Economic Outcomes of Children: Evidence from Romania,” Columbia University working paper, 2002; and Cristian Pop-Eleches, “The Supply of Birth Control Methods, Education and Fertility: Evidence from Romania,” Columbia University working paper, 2002.


pages: 350 words: 103,988

Reinventing the Bazaar: A Natural History of Markets by John McMillan

"Robert Solow", accounting loophole / creative accounting, Albert Einstein, Alvin Roth, Andrei Shleifer, Anton Chekhov, Asian financial crisis, congestion charging, corporate governance, corporate raider, crony capitalism, Dava Sobel, Deng Xiaoping, experimental economics, experimental subject, fear of failure, first-price auction, frictionless, frictionless market, George Akerlof, George Gilder, global village, Hernando de Soto, I think there is a world market for maybe five computers, income inequality, income per capita, informal economy, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, job-hopping, John Harrison: Longitude, John von Neumann, Kenneth Arrow, land reform, lone genius, manufacturing employment, market clearing, market design, market friction, market microstructure, means of production, Network effects, new economy, offshore financial centre, ought to be enough for anybody, pez dispenser, pre–internet, price mechanism, profit maximization, profit motive, proxy bid, purchasing power parity, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, sealed-bid auction, second-price auction, Silicon Valley, spectrum auction, Stewart Brand, The Market for Lemons, The Nature of the Firm, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transaction costs, War on Poverty, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, yield management

“Bargaining and Market Behavior in Jerusalem, Ljubljana, Pittsburgh, and Tokyo: An Experimental Study.” American Economic Review 81, 1068–1095. Rothschild, Michael, and Stiglitz, Joseph E. 1976. “Equilibrium in Competitive Insurance Markets: An Essay on the Economics of Imperfect Information.” Quarterly Journal of Economics 90, 629–650. Rozelle, Scott, Zhang, Linxiu, and Huang, Jikun. 1999. “China’s War on Poverty.” Typescript, University of California, Davis. Ruhm, Christopher J. 1996. “Alcohol Policies and Highway Vehicle Fatalities.” Journal of Health Economics 15, 437–456. Russell, Marcia. 1996. Revolution: New Zealand from Fortress to Free Market. Auckland, Hodder Moa Beckett. Sachs, Jeffrey. 1992. “Privatization in Russia.” American Economic Review Papers and Proceedings 82, 43–48. Salop, Steven, and Stiglitz, Joseph E. 1977.


pages: 307 words: 96,543

Tightrope: Americans Reaching for Hope by Nicholas D. Kristof, Sheryl Wudunn

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, basic income, Bernie Sanders, carried interest, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, David Brooks, Donald Trump, dumpster diving, Edward Glaeser, Elon Musk, epigenetics, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, impulse control, income inequality, Jeff Bezos, job automation, jobless men, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, Martin Wolf, mass incarceration, Mikhail Gorbachev, offshore financial centre, randomized controlled trial, rent control, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, Shai Danziger, single-payer health, Steven Pinker, The Spirit Level, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, working poor

In 1962, a young writer named Michael Harrington wrote an enormously influential book called The Other America, pulling back the curtain on poverty in the United States. Harrington laid bare misery, writing not as a scold but as someone who believed in the capacity for change. Though we disagree with some of Harrington’s political views, his book opened eyes and galvanized a national debate about injustice and poverty; it helped midwife the War on Poverty a few years later. Likewise, we hope in this book to remind fellow citizens that there is another America where people are struggling and dying unnecessarily, often invisibly. “That the poor are invisible is one of the most important things about them,” Harrington noted, and as long as that remains true their problems simply won’t be addressed. Roman Catholic Cardinal Joseph Tobin put it to us this way: “We’re developing a national cataract


pages: 1,034 words: 241,773

Enlightenment Now: The Case for Reason, Science, Humanism, and Progress by Steven Pinker

3D printing, access to a mobile phone, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, Alfred Russel Wallace, anti-communist, Anton Chekhov, Arthur Eddington, artificial general intelligence, availability heuristic, Ayatollah Khomeini, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, Bonfire of the Vanities, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carbon footprint, clean water, clockwork universe, cognitive bias, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, conceptual framework, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, decarbonisation, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, distributed generation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, Doomsday Clock, double helix, effective altruism, Elon Musk, en.wikipedia.org, end world poverty, endogenous growth, energy transition, European colonialism, experimental subject, Exxon Valdez, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Flynn Effect, food miles, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, frictionless, frictionless market, germ theory of disease, Gini coefficient, Hans Rosling, hedonic treadmill, helicopter parent, Hobbesian trap, humanitarian revolution, Ignaz Semmelweis: hand washing, income inequality, income per capita, Indoor air pollution, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of writing, Jaron Lanier, Joan Didion, job automation, Johannes Kepler, John Snow's cholera map, Kevin Kelly, Khan Academy, knowledge economy, l'esprit de l'escalier, Laplace demon, life extension, long peace, longitudinal study, Louis Pasteur, Martin Wolf, mass incarceration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, Nate Silver, Nathan Meyer Rothschild: antibiotics, Nelson Mandela, New Journalism, Norman Mailer, nuclear winter, obamacare, open economy, Paul Graham, peak oil, Peter Singer: altruism, Peter Thiel, precision agriculture, prediction markets, purchasing power parity, Ralph Nader, randomized controlled trial, Ray Kurzweil, rent control, Republic of Letters, Richard Feynman, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Rodney Brooks, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rory Sutherland, Saturday Night Live, science of happiness, Scientific racism, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Simon Kuznets, Skype, smart grid, sovereign wealth fund, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steven Pinker, Stewart Brand, Stuxnet, supervolcano, technological singularity, Ted Kaczynski, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, the scientific method, The Signal and the Noise by Nate Silver, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thomas Malthus, total factor productivity, union organizing, universal basic income, University of East Anglia, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, War on Poverty, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, women in the workforce, working poor, World Values Survey, Y2K

An analysis by the economist Gary Burtless has shown that between 1979 and 2010 the disposable incomes of the lowest four income quintiles grew by 49, 37, 36, and 45 percent, respectively.51 And that was before the long-delayed recovery from the Great Recession: between 2014 and 2016, median wages leapt to an all-time high.52 Even more significant is what has happened at the bottom of the scale. Both the left and the right have long expressed cynicism about antipoverty programs, as in Ronald Reagan’s famous quip, “Some years ago, the federal government declared war on poverty, and poverty won.” In reality, poverty is losing. The sociologist Christopher Jencks has calculated that when the benefits from the hidden welfare state are added up, and the cost of living is estimated in a way that takes into account the improving quality and falling price of consumer goods, the poverty rate has fallen in the past fifty years by more than three-quarters, and in 2013 stood at 4.8 percent.53 Three other analyses have come to the same conclusion; data from one of them, by the economists Bruce Meyer and James Sullivan, are shown in the upper line in figure 9-6.

Roser 2016k. 50. Why the United States doesn’t have a European welfare state: Alesina, Glaeser, & Sacerdote 2001; Peterson 2015. 51. Rise in disposable income in lower quintiles: Burtless 2014. 52. Income rise from 2014 to 2015: Proctor, Semega, & Kollar 2016. Continuation in 2016: E. Levitz, “The Working Poor Got Richer in 2016,” New York, March 9, 2017. 53. C. Jencks, “The War on Poverty: Was It Lost?” New York Review of Books, April 2, 2015. Similar analyses: Furman 2014; Meyer & Sullivan 2011, 2012, 2016, 2017; Sacerdote 2017. 54. 2015 and 2016 drops in the poverty rate: Proctor, Semega, & Kollar 2016; Semega, Fontenot, & Kollar 2017. 55. Henry et al. 2015. 56. Underestimating economic progress: Feldstein 2017. 57. Furman 2005. 58. Access to utilities among the poor: Greenwood, Seshadri, & Yorukoglu 2005.


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Janesville: An American Story by Amy Goldstein

1960s counterculture, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, collective bargaining, Donald Trump, job-hopping, mass affluent, payday loans, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, Works Progress Administration

This year, ECHO is giving away 1.4 million pounds of food—nearly twice as much as two years ago and six times as much as the year before that. For the first time, a few people who have been ECHO’s donors are standing with shame in its early-morning line to get bread and meat and canned goods. Marv knows that need has been showing up, too, at Community Action, Inc., part of a string of antipoverty nonprofits born in the federal War on Poverty of the mid-1960s. This need seems different than the kind that Community Action staffers have grown accustomed to seeing walk into their Milwaukee Street office over the decades. The staffers are now seeing new poor who, unlike the old poor, don’t want to hear about FoodShare, as food stamps are called in Wisconsin, or BadgerCare, as Medicaid is called, or any other kind of government help for people low on money.


pages: 452 words: 110,488

The Cheating Culture: Why More Americans Are Doing Wrong to Get Ahead by David Callahan

1960s counterculture, affirmative action, business cycle, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, David Brooks, deindustrialization, East Village, fixed income, forensic accounting, full employment, game design, greed is good, high batting average, housing crisis, illegal immigration, income inequality, job satisfaction, mandatory minimum, market fundamentalism, McMansion, microcredit, moral hazard, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, oil shock, old-boy network, plutocrats, Plutocrats, postindustrial economy, profit maximization, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ray Oldenburg, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, Thorstein Veblen, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, World Values Survey, young professional, zero-sum game

Communities of color also have lower voting turnout, make fewer campaign contributions, and overall have weaker political representation than white communities. Not surprisingly, blacks and Latinos tend to be less trusting of government, corporations, and the media, as well as less trusting of other people. At the same time, many whites see some minority Americans as not doing their part to uphold the social contract. The powerful white backlash following the Civil Rights movement and the war on poverty was partly rooted in plain racism; but it was also rooted in concerns about higher crime in communities of color and a perception of a lax work ethic, low levels of personal responsibility, and little commitment to self-improvement. Carol Swain's book The New White Nationalism in America provides a troubling look at how these sentiments are playing out today in different ways than in the past.12 While there is much evidence that the racial polarization of American society is ebbing, vast divisions persist.


Fortunes of Change: The Rise of the Liberal Rich and the Remaking of America by David Callahan

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, American Legislative Exchange Council, automated trading system, Bernie Sanders, Bonfire of the Vanities, carbon footprint, carried interest, clean water, corporate social responsibility, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, Edward Thorp, financial deregulation, financial independence, global village, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, high net worth, income inequality, Irwin Jacobs: Qualcomm, Jeff Bezos, John Markoff, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, medical malpractice, mega-rich, Mitch Kapor, Naomi Klein, NetJets, new economy, offshore financial centre, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit maximization, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, Ralph Nader, Renaissance Technologies, Richard Florida, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, short selling, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, stem cell, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, unpaid internship, Upton Sinclair, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, working poor, World Values Survey

The early 1960s were the heyday of “welfare capitalism,” an era of benign big business when many executives felt an obligation to a wide range of stakeholders, including workers and the communities in which they operated. Friedman would have none of it. He kept up his attack during the 1960s, as some businesses moved in an even more liberal direction, heeding calls by President Lyndon B. Johnson to join the war on poverty with voluntary actions to lift up the poor and minorities. It would not be until the early 1970s that a real opening emerged for Friedman’s arguments. This period saw rising foreign competition, a falling U.S. stock market, and new regulations around the environment and consumer product safety. The 1970s also saw growing demands for corporate affirmative action for women and minorities. Thus it was that Friedman hit a nerve when he reprised key points of Capitalism and Freedom in a 1970 article in the New York Times Magazine titled “The Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits.”


pages: 376 words: 118,542

Free to Choose: A Personal Statement by Milton Friedman, Rose D. Friedman

affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, air freight, back-to-the-land, bank run, banking crisis, business cycle, Corn Laws, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, German hyperinflation, invisible hand, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, Sam Peltzman, school vouchers, Simon Kuznets, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration

Allen Wallis put it in a somewhat different context, socialism, "intellectually bankrupt after more than a century of seeing one after another of its arguments for socializing the means of production demolished—now seeks to socialize the results of production." 2 In the welfare area the change of direction has led to an explosion in recent decades, especially after President Lyndon Johnson declared a "War on Poverty" in 1964. New Deal programs of Social Security, unemployment insurance, and direct relief were all expanded to cover new groups; payments were increased; and Medicare, Medicaid, food stamps, and numerous other programs were added. Public housing and urban renewal programs were enlarged. By now there are literally hundreds of government welfare and income transfer programs. The Department of Health, Education and Welfare, established in 1953 to consolidate the scattered welfare programs, began with a budget of $2 billion, less than 5 percent of expenditures on national defense.


pages: 401 words: 112,784

Hard Times: The Divisive Toll of the Economic Slump by Tom Clark, Anthony Heath

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, British Empire, business cycle, Carmen Reinhart, credit crunch, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, debt deflation, deindustrialization, Etonian, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, full employment, Gini coefficient, hedonic treadmill, hiring and firing, income inequality, interest rate swap, invisible hand, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, MITM: man-in-the-middle, mortgage debt, new economy, Northern Rock, obamacare, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, quantitative easing, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, science of happiness, statistical model, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, unconventional monetary instruments, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, women in the workforce, working poor

But the real point of the story about what Washington allowed to happen to the minimum wage is what it betrays about the official attitude to poverty since the 1970s. Withholding from the smallest pay packets all the benefit of the last 60 years of economic growth indicates a malign passivity towards the lowliest living standards – an attitude that has prevailed ever since Ronald Reagan shrugged off the activism of the 1960s with the claim ‘we fought a war on poverty, and poverty won’.9 Such defeatism has gone on to infect the range of public policy. Ever since the 1970s, the real value of the American safety net, such as it was – always strictly limited to families with children – was allowed to sag steadily as prices rose, losing as much as 40% of its purchasing power by the mid-1990s.10 The most devastating damage, however, was done with the welfare ‘reform’ legislation signed by President Clinton in 1996.


pages: 409 words: 118,448

An Extraordinary Time: The End of the Postwar Boom and the Return of the Ordinary Economy by Marc Levinson

affirmative action, airline deregulation, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, car-free, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, deindustrialization, endogenous growth, falling living standards, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Gilder, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, informal economy, intermodal, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, late capitalism, linear programming, manufacturing employment, new economy, Nixon shock, North Sea oil, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, pension reform, price stability, purchasing power parity, refrigerator car, Right to Buy, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, rolodex, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, statistical model, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Thomas Malthus, total factor productivity, unorthodox policies, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, Wolfgang Streeck, women in the workforce, working-age population, yield curve, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

A year later, Italy granted all older people state-funded pensions, even if they had paid little or nothing into the pension schemes. France and Great Britain boosted child allowances much faster than inflation.13 The universal welfare state did not stop with direct payments. In January 1964, just six weeks after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, his successor, Lyndon Johnson, declared war on poverty. Congress responded by enacting food assistance for the poor and taxpayer-funded medical care for the poor and the elderly. The United States, Great Britain, and several other countries debated the virtues of a “negative income tax,” which would have ensured each household a basic level of income, funded by the government, without requirements or restrictions. Spending to expand colleges and universities to welcome millions of new students was massive.


pages: 424 words: 114,905

Deep Medicine: How Artificial Intelligence Can Make Healthcare Human Again by Eric Topol

23andMe, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, AI winter, Alan Turing: On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem, artificial general intelligence, augmented reality, autonomous vehicles, bioinformatics, blockchain, cloud computing, cognitive bias, Colonization of Mars, computer age, computer vision, conceptual framework, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, David Brooks, digital twin, Elon Musk, en.wikipedia.org, epigenetics, Erik Brynjolfsson, fault tolerance, George Santayana, Google Glasses, ImageNet competition, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job satisfaction, Joi Ito, Mark Zuckerberg, medical residency, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microbiome, natural language processing, new economy, Nicholas Carr, nudge unit, pattern recognition, performance metric, personalized medicine, phenotype, placebo effect, randomized controlled trial, recommendation engine, Rubik’s Cube, Sam Altman, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, speech recognition, Stephen Hawking, text mining, the scientific method, Tim Cook: Apple, War on Poverty, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, working-age population

., et al., Jobs Lost, Jobs Gained: Workforce Transitions in a Time of Automation. ed. McKinsey Global Institute. 2017. https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/featured%20insights/future%20of%20organizations/what%20the%20future%20of%20work%20will%20mean%20for%20jobs%20skills%20and%20wages/mgi-jobs-lost-jobs-gained-report-december-6-2017.ashx. 69. Mason, E. A., “A.I. and Big Data Could Power a New War on Poverty,” New York Times. 2018. 70. Nedelkoska, L., and G. Quintini, “Automation, Skills Use and Training,” in OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers No. 202. 2018: OECD, Paris. 71. Gibney, E., “AI Talent Grab Sparks Excitement and Concern.” Nature News & Comment, 2016. 532(7600); Metz, C., “N.F.L. Salaries for A.I. Talent,” New York Times. 2017. pp. B1, B5; Winick, E., “It’s Recruiting Season for AI’s Top Talent, and Things Are Getting a Little Zany,” MIT Technology Review. 2017. 72.


pages: 434 words: 117,327

Can It Happen Here?: Authoritarianism in America by Cass R. Sunstein

active measures, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, anti-communist, anti-globalists, availability heuristic, business cycle, Cass Sunstein, David Brooks, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Estimating the Reproducibility of Psychological Science, failed state, Filter Bubble, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Isaac Newton, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, Long Term Capital Management, Nate Silver, Network effects, New Journalism, night-watchman state, obamacare, Potemkin village, random walk, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, the scientific method, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey

Or perhaps it serves as a grand occasion for ego gratification. Or all of the above. We are not dealing with a constitutional novelty. Almost two centuries ago, Andrew Jackson was famously making war on the Bank of the United States, indulging in legally problematic uses of executive power to withdraw federal deposits from The Enemy, headed by the evil one, Nicholas Biddle. To be sure, the “war on terrorism” isn’t as much of a stretch, say, as the “war on poverty” or the “war on drugs.” Classical wars traditionally involve sovereign states attacking one another’s territorial integrity, and it may seem a small matter to expand the paradigm to cover non-state actors engaging in similar assaults: is there really such a big difference between December 7th and September 11th? The panic-driven responses of the Bush and Obama administrations only begin to suggest the dangers of equating the two events.


pages: 312 words: 114,586

How I Found Freedom in an Unfree World: A Handbook for Personal Liberty by Harry Browne

full employment, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Ralph Waldo Emerson, source of truth, War on Poverty

And it's been used to finance both sides of the wars in Vietnam, the Dominican Republic, and other places. Back in 1964, the government started promising an "early end" to the Vietnam War, but the promises and realities were far, far apart. At home, look at the many housing projects that were going to do away with slums. Where can a government point to a slum-free big city as proof of its effectiveness? Remember the War on Poverty? The Alliance for Progress? The Full Employment Act of 1946? Grand dreams, lots of money spent, no success. Governments have a consistent record of failure in their endeavors. Even if you're willing to force others to pay for what you want, no government is going to solve the ecology problems, make women professional equals, prevent monopolies, or fulfill any other objective you may have in mind.


pages: 354 words: 118,970

Transaction Man: The Rise of the Deal and the Decline of the American Dream by Nicholas Lemann

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, airline deregulation, Albert Einstein, augmented reality, basic income, Bernie Sanders, Black-Scholes formula, buy and hold, capital controls, computerized trading, corporate governance, cryptocurrency, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dematerialisation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, financial deregulation, financial innovation, fixed income, future of work, George Akerlof, gig economy, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, index fund, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Irwin Jacobs, Joi Ito, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, Kickstarter, life extension, Long Term Capital Management, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, means of production, Metcalfe’s law, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, Myron Scholes, new economy, Norman Mailer, obamacare, Paul Samuelson, Peter Thiel, price mechanism, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, Ralph Nader, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Metcalfe, rolodex, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Sand Hill Road, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Silicon Valley startup, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, Steve Jobs, TaskRabbit, The Nature of the Firm, the payments system, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, transaction costs, universal basic income, War on Poverty, white flight, working poor

During the years when his parents were trying to figure out their own lives, he had to get accustomed to a degree of instability that most middle-class children are spared. Bill Hoffman, the parent with whom Reid lived for most of his childhood, wound up working for a prominent corporate law firm, but he stayed fixed in Reid’s mind as the Berkeley-dwelling firebrand who had represented Black Panthers and spent time as a legal foot soldier in the waning days of the federal government’s War on Poverty. Reid liked to think of himself, too, as a crusader on behalf of the outsider and the underdog, but he found quite a different channel for those impulses than his father had. At the age of eight or nine, he became a devoted player of fantasy board games, especially Dungeons & Dragons. One of his classmates at Martin Luther King Jr. Middle School told him that a game company called Chaosium had an office in Emeryville, a town right next to Berkeley, and that it occasionally invited groups of boys to come in and test its products.


pages: 440 words: 128,813