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David Torstensson, “Beyond the City: Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty in Rural America,” Journal of Policy History vol. 25 no. 4 (2013): 587–613, at 593. 42. Ibid., 603. 43. Bailey and Duquette, “War on Poverty,” 360. 44. Quadagno, Color of Welfare, 57–58. 45. Lisa Gayle Hazirjian, “Combating NEED: Urban Conflict and the Transformations of the War on Poverty and the African American Freedom Struggle in Rocky Mount, North Carolina,” Journal of Urban History vol. 34 no. 4 (2008): 639–664, at 658. 46. Bailey and Duquette, “War on Poverty,” 367. 47. Bailey and Duquette, “War on Poverty,” 351; Robert Dallek, “Medicare’s Complicated Birth,” American Heritage vol. 60 no. 2 (2010): 28. 48. Gitterman, “Minimum Wage,” 68. 49. Bailey and Duquette, “War on Poverty,” 381. 50. Lester C. Thurow, “The Political Economy of Income Redistribution Policies,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science vol. 408 (1973): 146–155, at 151. 51.
The introduction of community organizers into poor neighborhoods to sign elders up for Medicaid or publicize available government jobs rankled, especially in the South.45 The OEO was also criticized because Director of the Office of Equal Opportunity Sargent Shriver could decide which states would receive funding; he withheld funds from southern states that flouted civil rights.46 Despite its controversial profile, the OEO was not the only important element of the War on Poverty. Johnson’s administration also addressed medical expenses as a cause of poverty with the establishment of Medicare for the elderly and Medicaid for the poor. Despite polls that indicated 63 percent of Americans supported Medicare and Medicaid, Johnson signed the legislation over the objections of the American Medical Association, which raised the same concerns it had during the 1930s. Ultimately, federal expenditure on health, education, and welfare tripled.47 Finally, Congress and the Johnson administration in 1966 also expanded the scope of the minimum wage so that for the first time it applied to workers in industries doing more than $250,000 in business and to agricultural workers.48 ASSESSING THE WAR ON POVERTY Objectively, the War on Poverty was a success in the short run.
Duquette, “How Johnson Fought the War on Poverty: The Economics and Politics of Funding at the Office of Economic Opportunity,” Journal of Economic History vol. 74 no. 2 (June 2014): 351–388; Cowie and Salvatore, “Rethinking the New Deal,” 16. 38. J. R. Pole, The Pursuit of Equality in American History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 264. 39. Lyndon B. Johnson, “State of the Union Address,” January 8, 1964, available online at http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/primary-resources/lbj-union64/, accessed January 7, 2016. 40. Carl M. Brauer, “Kennedy, Johnson and the War on Poverty,” Journal of American History vol. 69 no. 1 (June 1982): 98–119, at 108. 41. David Torstensson, “Beyond the City: Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty in Rural America,” Journal of Policy History vol. 25 no. 4 (2013): 587–613, at 593. 42.
The American Way of Poverty: How the Other Half Still Lives by Sasha Abramsky
2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, bank run, basic income, big-box store, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, housing crisis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, indoor plumbing, job automation, Mark Zuckerberg, Maui Hawaii, microcredit, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, payday loans, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Potemkin village, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration
Then, increasingly, poverty came to be thought of as a sickness rather than a consequence of unjust social systems and relationships. The War on Poverty has gotten a terribly bad rap, given it did a hell of a lot of good; part of the Great Society dealing with health, beautification. There was a whole package of reform of which it was a part. By naming it an anti-poverty program, it became more vulnerable politically. I don’t know, there’s this odd dissonance there, something clinical about “poverty.” Describing that condition of life as “poverty.” It misses the critical moral, social resources that people draw on to survive and transform their conditions of life. It’s injustice. It’s people having to live in conditions of deprivation that are unjust. It takes a justice issue and turns it into a social engineering problem or a charity problem. Arguably, that’s one reason why the original War on Poverty failed: Moral arguments, such as those detailed by Harrington, brought poverty center stage, but, once there, technocrats took control, essentially reducing a massive moral conundrum—poverty amidst plenty—into a set of scientific and statistical data.
Department of the Treasury, 253 Utah, 178 Vasquez, Mary, 180–181, 182–183, 292 Veterans, 86 Victoria, Queen, 70 Village Academy experimental high school, Pomona, California, 20–22 Wage protection, 12 Wages, low, 180–183, 292–294. See also Earned Income Tax Credit; Living wage; Minimum wage Wagner Act, 83 Walker, Scott, 180 Wallace, Ginny, 18, 20, 126 Wallace, Henry, 73 Wallis, Jim, 121, 196 Walmart, 180–183, 295–296, 297 War on Poverty, 75, 77, 78, 81, 86, 101 failure of, 205–213 War on Poverty, new, 121, 196–197, 198 Warren, Elizabeth, 88, 325 Washington, D. C., 103, 127 Washington State, 149, 250 Wealth accumulation of, 64–65 concentration of, 26–27, 32–34, 53–54 and tax cuts for the wealthy, 207 and tax increases on the wealthy, 39–40, 82, 287–288 Weber, Max, 64 Welfare, 12, 44–45 barriers to accessing, 105 (see also under Social programs) and benefit cuts, 117 and benefit levels, decline in, 105–110 See also individual social programs; Safety net; Social programs Welfare system, history of, 66–82 Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community (King), 79 Williams, Mark and Theresa, 169–170 Wisconsin, 180 Wisconsin Women’s Business Initiative (WWBI), 253 Women, 25, 82 Work trust fund, 201 Workers’ compensation, 71, 201 “Workfare for Food Stamps?”
After all, no society in human history has ever successfully banished poverty; and no polity with a modicum of respect for individual liberty has entirely negated the presence of inequality. But it did reflect a confidence in America’s innate sense of possibility; in an era of space travel and antibiotics, computers and robots, poverty was just one more frontier to be conquered, one more communal obstacle to be pushed aside. When it turned out to be an order of magnitude more complicated, Americans quickly grew tired of the effort. In 1968, four years after the War on Poverty was launched, Richard Nixon won election to the White House, in part by stoking popular resentment against welfare recipients. Twelve years after that, Ronald Reagan was elected president on a platform of rolling back much of the Great Society. Today, after four decades during which tackling economic hardship took a distant backseat to other priorities, one in six Americans live below the poverty line, their lives as constricted and as difficult as those of the men, women, and children who peopled the pages of The Other America in the Kennedy era.
What's the Matter with White People by Joan Walsh
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, banking crisis, clean water, collective bargaining, David Brooks, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, full employment, global village, Golden Gate Park, hiring and firing, impulse control, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, mass immigration, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, upwardly mobile, urban decay, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, women in the workforce, zero-sum game
The week I was born, Life magazine featured a story on school desegregation, “Integration goes on—but with ugly incidents,” and a photo of Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. being jailed in Alabama. The same month, September 1958, the devout Irish Catholic turned devout American socialist Michael Harrington would begin the US tour that inspired his searing exposé of the hidden poor, The Other America, which helped drive the Johnson administration’s War on Poverty. After getting married, my father went to work as a writer and an editor at the nation’s oldest and largest Catholic textbook company, William H. Sadlier (cofounded by novelist Mary Anne Sadlier, who wrote novels to instruct and uplift Irish Catholic immigrants and was considered an Irish American counterpart to Harriet Beecher Stowe). Sadlier was located on Park Place, near Wall Street. His work had nothing to do with “the street,” but I knew he was working in the seat of American power.
Its second two demands, after “Meaningful Civil Rights Laws,” were “Full and Fair Employment” and a “Massive Federal Works Program.” The latter would turn out to be the road not taken, in any of the major attempts to address poverty and exclusion (black or otherwise) during the next fifty years. Lyndon Johnson would largely deliver on the first demand with the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, but his War on Poverty played at the margins of the labor market. At first, a strong and growing economy seemed to make concerns about jobs passé; unemployment was dropping. What few people noticed, though, was the decline in jobs for people without higher education, the result of automation and off-shoring. Johnson’s spending on the war would also make a big jobs initiative fiscally impossible. It’s not that no one proposed one.
., it is that of unemployment,” they wrote in a memo to Johnson’s labor secretary, W. Willard Wirtz. Harrington and Moynihan proposed a public works program, which Wirtz supported. But the Labor Department’s public works jobs proposals all carried price tags of $3 billion to $5 billion; Johnson couldn’t spend anything like that, with war spending climbing. In fact, the budget he submitted for 1965, the year he launched the War on Poverty, actually contained a slight cut to poverty programs. Instead, he chose Sargent Shriver’s approach—”a hand up, not a handout”—with programs such as job training and education, legal services, and Head Start, intended to ready the poor to take advantage of opportunity, rather than creating opportunities for them. Harrington and Moynihan’s idea for a public works program was rejected; Harrington left his consultancy with the Labor Department; Moynihan stayed on.
The Rich and the Rest of Us by Tavis Smiley
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, back-to-the-land, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Buckminster Fuller, Corrections Corporation of America, Credit Default Swap, death of newspapers, deindustrialization, ending welfare as we know it, F. W. de Klerk, fixed income, full employment, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, income inequality, job automation, liberation theology, Mahatma Gandhi, mass incarceration, mega-rich, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, traffic fines, trickle-down economics, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, women in the workforce, working poor
“Wages for the average worker declined and the nation’s homeownership rate fell. During Reagan’s two terms in the White House, which were boom times for the rich, the poverty rate in cities grew.”35 The goal here is not to solely criticize Reagan or Republicans. It is to chart the War on Poverty’s timeline and pinpoint the myopic moment when anti-poor rhetoric and subsequent legislation turned stereotypical, vicious, and punitive. Reagan was more than the general who waved the white flag of surrender in the War on Poverty; he actually initiated the “War on Welfare.” He was also the architect of “trickle-down” economics—a theory based on the false notion that tax policies that benefit the wealthy will magically lift the poor. Some of the most devastating conditions that the poor face today are legacies of the Reagan era.
Revised Census numbers released in 2011 revealed that the number of Americans living in poverty was closer to 50 million. In the Census Bureau’s history of tracking poverty statistics, the Great Recession marked the fourth period of consecutive annual increases in 52 years. POVERTY TIMELINE Year Poverty Percent 1959 22.4 percent Official tracking of the country’s poverty rate begins 1964 19.0 percent President Lyndon B. Johnson declares “War on Poverty” 1969 13.7 percent Johnson’s Great Society efforts help reduce poverty 1973 11.1 percent National poverty rate at an almost 20-year low 1979 12.4 percent Vietnam War, Conservative backlash, poverty ticks up 1983 15.2 percent A recession from mid-1981 to late 1982 takes its toll on the poor 1989 13.1 percent Economy steadies, poverty rate drops in Ronald Reagan’s 2nd term 1992 14.5 percent Reagan drastically slashes government benefit programs, poverty rises 1993 15.1 percent Ten-year gains reversed; Poverty back to 1983 level 1994 14.5 percent Economy perks, poverty level slightly reduced 1996 13.7 percent Poverty rate drops, Clinton introduces drastic welfare reform efforts 2000 11.3 percent Poverty rates fall dramatically due mostly to the opulent 1990s 2007 12.5 percent Poverty ticks up, 37.3 million in poverty before the recession begins 2008 13.2 percent Another 2.5 million fall below the poverty line 2009 14.3 percent 6.3 million more in poverty since 2007 2010 15.1 percent The largest percentage of long-term poor in five decades Number in Poverty and Poverty Rate: 1959 to 2010 The biggest blows to the already shrinking middle class were record unemployment and a housing bubble that burst, resulting in the foreclosure of nearly 4 million homes.
Michael Harrington’s classic The Other America (1962) forced many Americans to grapple with the conundrum that a country celebrated for its opulence had such glaring income disparities.13 Harrington’s landmark study of poverty in America has been credited as the motivation behind President Johnson’s Great Society policies. Although it was President John F. Kennedy who first came in possession of the book, it was Johnson who used it as a guide for his self-proclaimed “War on Poverty” after Kennedy’s assassination. Harrington’s book was so influential that the Boston Globe and other newspapers wrote that Medicaid, Medicare, food stamps, and the expanded Social Security benefits were all traceable to The Other America.14 The number of families who earned enough to rise out of poverty peaked at 68 percent in 1969. According to Katz and Stern, it dipped again in the 1970s and ’80s and, tragically, by 1989, poverty rates in America were back at 1940-era levels.
Wealth and Poverty: A New Edition for the Twenty-First Century by George Gilder
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Voltaire W Wachovia wage-and-price controls wage incentives wages minimum wage wage subsidies proposal Wall Street The Wall Street Journal Walras, Leon Walton, Sam Wang Laboratories Wanniski, Jude War Labor Board War and Peace (Leo Tolstoy) War Production Board War on Poverty Warsh, David Washington, D.C. Washington Mutual WASPs The Way the World Works (Jude Wanniski) wealth and the rich, attacks on material progress and mobility and wealth effects The Wealth of Nations (Adam Smith), wedge effect of taxes Wedgewood Benn, Welfare, demand reduction and fraud growth of history of housing ideology of inflation and recipients of in Massachusetts proper goal of reform of war on poverty and work requirement for welfare culture Welfare (Martin Anderson) West Africans West Indians Westinghouse, George White House widows Wildavsky, Aaron Wilshire Associates Wilson, David B.
Of course,” he notes, rather impatiently, “there are still exceptions,” but “their small number [as if exceptional riches could ever be commonplace] only proves the rule” of economic sclerosis.6 This mode of thinking also sometimes afflicts conservatives when they have been sufficiently trained in the social sciences. In the late 1970s, Martin Anderson, an economist who wrote speeches for both President Nixon and Ronald Reagan, began his book Welfare by declaring, “The ‘war on poverty’ that began in 1964 has been won.”7 He quoted the conclusion of Alice Rivlin, head of the Congressional Budget Office, that the combination of expanded welfare payments and in-kind benefits had effectively lifted all but a very small proportion (6.4 percent) of Americans above the poverty line. The Wall Street Journal editorial writers enlisted their formidable eloquence to propagate the good news to its 6 million readers.
Income distribution may indeed be skewed, conservatives could sing, but what other system in the history of the world—what system that continues to admit immigrants in huge numbers, what system that embraces some 300 million souls across a giant continent—could ever have succeeded in raising its lowest ranks of earners above a line of poverty that exceeded the median family income of the Soviet Union by perhaps $1,000 a year? Blacks may still be low on the pole of earnings, it is said, but even they have made great progress since the massive social programs of the 1960s were put into place. The war on poverty, we are to believe, has been won by income redistribution. Yet here again we see the blindness of the social scientist to realities that are blatantly evident to the naked eye. What actually happened since 1964 was a vast expansion of the welfare rolls that halted in its tracks an ongoing improvement in the lives of the poor, particularly blacks, and left behind—and here I choose my words as carefully as I can—a wreckage of broken lives and families worse than the aftermath of slavery.
$2.00 A Day: Living on Almost Nothing in America by Kathryn Edin, H. Luke Shaefer
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, clean water, ending welfare as we know it, future of work, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, impulse control, indoor plumbing, informal economy, low-wage service sector, mass incarceration, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, Ronald Reagan, The Future of Employment, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration
But Johnson’s call to action had fueled an explosion in policy making. More programs targeting poor families were passed as part of Johnson’s Great Society and its War on Poverty than at any other time in American history. Congress made the fledgling Food Stamp Program permanent (although the program grew dramatically during the 1970s under President Richard Nixon) and increased federal funds for school breakfasts and lunches, making them free to children from poor families. Social Security was expanded to better serve the poorest of its claimants, Head Start was born, and new health insurance programs for the poor (Medicaid) and elderly (Medicare) were created. What the War on Poverty did not do was target the cash welfare system (by then renamed Aid to Families with Dependent Children, or AFDC) for expansion. Yet the late 1960s and early 1970s marked the greatest period of caseload growth in the program’s history.
We were attracted to Chicago for our first site because of the research of the eminent sociologist William Julius Wilson, who used Chicago as his case study for The Truly Disadvantaged, the most important book written about poverty in the past three decades. It was Wilson who first observed, famously, that a poor child fared worse when she grew up among only poor neighbors than she would have if she’d been raised in a neighborhood that included members of the middle class, too. Wilson argued that the reason poverty had persisted in America even in the face of the War on Poverty declared by President Lyndon Johnson in 1964 was that in the 1970s and 1980s, poor African Americans had become increasingly isolated, relegated to sections of the city where their neighbors were more and more likely to be poor, and less and less likely to find gainful employment. For Wilson, it was the rise of joblessness among a black “ghetto underclass” that had left poverty rates so stubbornly high despite billions spent on antipoverty efforts.
Shedding light on the lives of the poor from New York to Appalachia to the Deep South, Harrington’s book asked how it was possible that so much poverty existed in a land of such prosperity. It challenged the country to ask what it was prepared to do about it. Prompted in part by the strong public reaction to The Other America, and just weeks after President John F. Kennedy’s assassination, President Lyndon Johnson declared an “unconditional war on poverty in America.” In his 1964 State of the Union address, Johnson lamented that “many Americans live on the outskirts of hope—some because of their poverty, and some because of their color, and all too many because of both.” He charged the country with a new task: to uplift the poor, “to help replace their despair with opportunity.” This at a time when the federal government didn’t yet have an official way to measure whether someone was poor.
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Forget could even trace the impacts of receiving a basic income through to the next generation, both in earnings and in health. Dauphin – the town with no poverty – was one of five guaranteed income experiments in North America. The other four were all conducted in the U.S. Few people today are aware that the U.S. was just a hair’s breadth from realizing a social safety net at least as extensive as those in most Western European countries. When President Lyndon B. Johnson declared his “War on Poverty” in 1964, Democrats and Republicans alike rallied behind fundamental welfare reforms. First, however, some trial runs were needed. Tens of millions of dollars were budgeted to provide a basic income for more than 8,500 Americans in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Iowa, North Carolina, Indiana, Seattle, and Denver in what were also the first-ever large-scale social experiments to distinguish experimental and control groups.
Ten years later, a reanalysis of the data revealed that a statistical error had been made; in reality, there had been no change in the divorce rate at all.46 Futile, Dangerous, and Perverse “It Can Be Done! Conquering Poverty in America by 1976,” Nobel Prize winner James Tobin confidently wrote in 1967. At that time, almost 80% of Americans supported a guaranteed basic income.47 Years later, Ronald Reagan would famously sneer, “In the sixties we waged a war on poverty, and poverty won.” The great milestones of civilization always have the whiff of utopia about them at first. According to renowned sociologist Albert Hirschman, utopias are initially attacked on three grounds: futility (it’s not possible), danger (the risks are too great), and perversity (it will degenerate into dystopia). But Hirschman also wrote that almost as soon as a utopia becomes a reality, it often comes to be seen as utterly commonplace.
We can get rid of the whole bureaucratic rigamarole designed to force assistance recipients into low-productivity jobs at any cost, and we can help finance the new simplified system by chucking the maze of tax credits and deductions, too. Any further necessary funds can be raised by taxing assets, waste, raw materials, and consumption. Let’s look at the numbers. Eradicating poverty in the U.S. would cost only $175 billion, according to economist Matt Bruenig’s calculations.48 That’s roughly a quarter of U.S. military spending. Winning the war on poverty would be a bargain compared to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, which a Harvard study estimated have cost us a staggering $4–$6 trillion.49 As a matter of fact, all the world’s developed countries had it within their means to wipe out poverty years ago.50 And yet, a system that helps solely the poor only drives a deeper wedge between them and the rest of society. “A policy for the poor is a poor policy,” observed Richard Titmuss, the great theoretician of the British welfare state.
1960s counterculture, affirmative action, airline deregulation, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, desegregation, energy security, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, intermodal, invisible hand, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, liberal capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market bubble, Martin Wolf, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, post-industrial society, post-oil, price mechanism, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, union organizing, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor, Yom Kippur War
In 1932, he thought that “the day is not far off when the economic problem will take the back seat where it belongs, and … the arena of the heart and head will be occupied where it belongs, or reoccupied by our real problems—the problems of life and of human relations, of creation and behavior and religion.”51 No longer did leaders accept the ancient nostrum that the poor will always be with us. Poverty was especially deviant in an affluent society. The Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, which launched Johnson’s so-called War on Poverty, aimed to eliminate “the paradox of poverty in the midst of plenty.” Affluence was as much an ideology as a description of U.S. society. Politicians and academics forgot that the non-poor included many who were non-rich. Workers’ incomes had dramatically increased after the war. The median family income for 1968 was $8,632, when it had been $3,031 in 1947. But $8,632 was about a thousand dollars less than what the Bureau of Labor Statistics defined as “modest but adequate” income for an urban family of four.52 An accurate portrait of the working class fit uneasily into the prevailing dualisms of the decade: plenty v. poverty, rich v. poor, suburban v. urban, and white v. black.
“Our traditional two-party system has become a three-party system—Republican, McGovern, and Democrat. And, only the first two parties have a Presidential candidate in the coming election. Millions of patriotic Democrats were disenfranchised in the takeover of their convention.”41 If Nixon knew he must fish in Democratic waters, McGovern floundered. He had replaced Eagleton with the popular Sargent Shriver, the brother-in-law of President Kennedy and former head of the War on Poverty. Shriver was an able campaigner, a Chicagoan, and friend of Mayor Daley, but the stench of the Eagleton affair could not be removed. The conscientious Larry O’Brien, even though denied his spot at the DNC, continued to work for the McGovern campaign. As if to confirm Reagan’s analysis, O’Brien noticed that nowhere did the word Democrat appear in McGovern’s campaign literature. He reminded the candidate, “You, George, in addition to being the nominee of the party, are supposedly the head of the Democratic Party and reservations about so stating are troublesome.”
It started in the White House after Ford embraced the conservatives’ view of the economy. Like Nixon, Ford came from the moderate wing of the Republican Party. Congressman Ford had represented the area around Grand Rapids, in western Michigan. Well-liked by his peers in the Congress, he defeated Indiana’s Charles Halleck for minority leader in 1965, gaining the votes of liberal Republicans. Ford was more conservative than these backers. He had opposed the War on Poverty and supported the war in Vietnam. Nixon had wanted him to be his vice president in 1968, but Ford preferred to work instead toward becoming a future Speaker of the House. Nixon named him vice president after Spiro Agnew resigned.37 When Ford became president in August 1974, reducing inflation was at the top of his agenda, even though the rate had been falling the whole year while unemployment was rising.
back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, centre right, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Brooks, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, full employment, hiring and firing, Howard Zinn, Hyman Minsky, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, informal economy, invisible hand, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, lake wobegon effect, Long Term Capital Management, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, McMansion, medical malpractice, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, Naomi Klein, new economy, oil shock, old-boy network, Paul Samuelson, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price mechanism, price stability, private military company, Ralph Nader, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, South China Sea, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trade route, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, working poor, Yogi Berra, Yom Kippur War
They pushed for a minimum wage for all when virtually all union wages were well above the minimum, national health care when most union members had private health-care plans, workplace health and safety regulations when unionized members were most able to protect themselves, and the War on Poverty when most of their members were well above the poverty line. Unions were, as the saying went, “the people who brought you the weekend.” In the aftermath of John Kennedy’s assassination in 1963, Lyndon Johnson ushered in the Great Society, the New Deal’s second act. Within two years, Johnson had engineered Medicare, the Civil Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act, and the War on Poverty, which he confidently predicted would eliminate destitution in America within ten years. All of this would be painlessly and automatically financed by continual strong economic growth, because the progressive income tax brackets generated proportionally greater government revenues as people’s incomes rose.
The United States lacked the moral and political capital to fight the War on Poverty at home and a war on Asian peasants in Vietnam. “The bombs in Vietnam explode at home—they destroy the dream and possibility for a decent America,” he said in 1967.6 Vietnam was “taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them 8,000 miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem.”7 King was criticized by many liberals for endangering public support for domestic reform by linking it to foreign policy. But in the end he was right. The Vietnam War unbalanced the economy and required an aggressive jingoism that conflicted with the more humanitarian values required to support the War on Poverty. The Great Society would, of course, have been difficult to maintain even without the war.
As whites moved up the job and economic ladder, it created space for African Americans and other minorities to move into jobs and even neighborhoods that had excluded them in the past. Martin Luther King Jr. and other civil rights leaders argued that poverty was a burden on the whole economy and that when black workers earned more they spent more, generating more income for everyone. The civil rights movement and President Johnson’s War on Poverty program could not have achieved what they did without the expanding demand for workers and rising opportunities for everyone in the 1960s. There was backlash, of course, against racial integration, especially of schools and housing. The right wing smeared the civil rights movement as a communist conspiracy, but the movement persevered and ultimately prevailed. The Republicans who were elected during the post–World War II era were able to reduce our speed toward what seemed to be our social democratic future, but they could not alter the fact that we were headed in that direction.
The Vanishing Middle Class: Prejudice and Power in a Dual Economy by Peter Temin
2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, clean water, corporate raider, Corrections Corporation of America, crack epidemic, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Ferguson, Missouri, financial innovation, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, full employment, income inequality, intangible asset, invisible hand, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, mandatory minimum, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, mass incarceration, means of production, mortgage debt, Network effects, New Urbanism, Nixon shock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, price stability, race to the bottom, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, the scientific method, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, white flight, working poor
Obama and, 25, 38, 81–84, 91, 96, 127, 175n12 poll taxes and, 58, 65 Reagan and, xii, 22–23, 35, 38, 44, 53, 83, 95, 104, 129, 142–143, 171n27 Republicans and, 19 (see also Republicans) Senate and, 19, 52–53, 59, 62–66, 72, 74, 80–84, 96–97, 107, 123 shopping and, 67–69 Southern Strategy and, 15, 27, 35, 81, 117, 142 state legislatures and, 19, 62–63, 95 Truman and, 81 Trump and, xii, 66, 81–82, 92, 154, 174n11 War on Drugs and, x, xv–xvi, 15, 27, 37–38, 53, 55, 104, 106, 110, 132 War on Poverty and, 17, 27, 126 Poll taxes, 58, 65 Pollution, 84 Popular vote, 62, 96 Poverty children and, 157 cross-country comparison and, 149 FTE (finance, technology, and electronics) sector and, 15 growing, 116 inner cities and, 13, 131–132 low-wage sector and, 27, 35, 39–40 persistent, 44 public education and, 116–117, 123–124, 126 War on Poverty and, 17, 27, 126, 168n2 Powell, Lewis ALEC and, 19 memo of, 83 neoliberalism of, 21 Memo of, 17–18, 77, 169n6 Nixon and, 27 U.S. Supreme Court and, 17–22, 27, 77, 83, 111, 116–117, 169n6, 170n2 Prejudice, 20, 38, 60 Preschool, 123–127, 156–157 President’s Council of Economic Advisers, 46 Presidents Day, 67 Princeton University, 49 Private prisons, 110–112, 177n21 Private public oxymoron, 101, 110–111, 156 Private public schools, 101, 110–111, 120–121, 127, 140, 143, 156 Privatization colleges and, 44, 101, 120–122 concepts of government and, 16, 19, 21–22, 44, 101, 110, 112, 120–122, 134, 158 mass transit and, 134 military and, 16, 22 prisons and, 22, 101, 110, 112, 120 public services and, 19 state enterprises and, 21 Production Bretton Woods and, 24, 32 conservatives and, 80–81 economic growth and, 3, 138 Industrial Revolution and, 87, 155 inequality models and, 164 Lewis model and, 6 offshore, 28, 32 Project Independence and, 16 subcontractors and, 30–31, 57 very rich and, 80–81, 84 women and, 59 World War I era and, 20, 27–28 World War II era and, 80–81 Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO), 22 Project Independence, 16, 71, 143 Property rights, 57, 81 Property taxes, 43, 103, 130 Public education, xvi Abbott decisions and, 124 African Americans and, xiv, 115–122, 125–128, 154, 157 benefits of early, 156–157 Broward County, Florida and, 118–119 Brown v.
Reluctant to raise taxes soon after the Kennedy tax cut of the previous year and lacking congressional support as well, he overheated the economy and put great pressure on the value of the dollar, fixed at that time by the Bretton Woods system that regulated international commerce after the Second World War. The postwar dollar shortage turned into a dollar glut.1 President Nixon set himself up in opposition to Johnson. He won election to the presidency through a Southern Strategy that appealed to Southern racism and opposition to the Civil Rights Movement. He abandoned Johnson’s War on Poverty and declared a War on Drugs in 1971. He also abandoned the fixed exchange rate of the Bretton Woods system to deal with the strain on the dollar exerted by the expanding war in Vietnam.2 Nixon switched the United States to a floating exchange rate, transferring responsibility for the domestic economy from the federal government, which controls fiscal policy, to the Federal Reserve System, which controls monetary policy.
The Southern Strategy appealed to white Southerners angered by the threat to their power from the Civil Rights Movement and the expansion of the franchise. They were the heirs of slave owners who resorted to Jim Crow policies after Reconstruction ended to preserve their political power. Their policy was to maintain African Americans in the South in a subordinate position.1 The low-wage sector—like the FTE sector—was born in 1971 as President Nixon replaced Johnson’s War on Poverty with a new War on Drugs and appointed Lewis Powell to the Supreme Court. As the War on Drugs expanded in subsequent decades, it was enforced far more strongly for African Americans than for whites, becoming, in Alexander’s widely used term, the “New Jim Crow,” revamping and renewing the racist intent of the repressive old anti-black Jim Crow laws that followed Reconstruction in the South. And Nixon’s appointment of Powell, author of the memorandum for the Chamber of Commerce described in chapter 2, unified the class interest of Powell with the race interest of white Southerners in a Southern Strategy.
Airbnb, bank run, banks create money, Bernie Madoff, bitcoin, Bretton Woods, Carmen Reinhart, corporate raider, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, crowdsourcing, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, fiat currency, financial innovation, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, George Gilder, Home mortgage interest deduction, Jeff Bezos, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, liquidity trap, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage tax deduction, NetJets, offshore financial centre, oil shock, peak oil, Peter Thiel, price stability, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Steve Jobs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, Uber for X, War on Poverty, yield curve
And there lies the problem with federal spending on poverty, or government investments in ideas meant to cure its worst features. The powerful desire among outsiders to live in the United States is a certain signal that the War on Poverty was long ago won such that the spending isn’t necessary. Worse, all government programs develop constituencies. The jobs of individuals who vote are on the line. So even though the calculated rate of poverty4 is the same as it was when the war began, spending on that which, at least statistically, doesn’t work, and that really isn’t necessary, continues. In short, the alleged War on Poverty has failed, yet trillions continue to be spent on it. In the private sector such a war would have ended in bankruptcy long ago; that, or the strategy for fighting the problem would have long since changed.
The major difference is that when Globe.com falters, investors quickly starve it of capital so that it can destroy no more. When politicians spend, they have an unlimited source of funds—you, me, Michael Dell, and Larry Ellison—to tap. They can continue to support that which doesn’t work. Stated simply, businesses disappear on a daily basis, but government programs are generally forever. Since the federal government’s “War on Poverty” began, in the 1960s, more than $16 trillion has been spent on the battle.3 Yet, it seems that both liberals and conservatives miss the real story here. A more reasoned analysis, one driven by market signals, would strongly conclude that the United States conquered poverty back in the nineteenth century. That’s the case because the most powerful market signal of all—and nothing else comes close—concerns where people choose to live.
Not long before he was elected president of the United States, Barack Obama correctly criticized The Export-Import Bank (Ex-Im) as “little more than a fund for corporate welfare.”6 He was right. It exists to lend taxpayer funds to foreign companies interested in buying U.S. exports. Since reaching the White House, Obama has changed his position on the Bank. As of this writing, even a Republican-controlled Congress is still struggling to fully close this monument to crony capitalism. The existence of Ex-Im, along with the TVA and the War on Poverty, shows why supply-siders are so wrong when they sell income tax cuts to the political class as a way to get politicians more money to spend. That all three programs and subsidies still exist is a reminder that surging federal revenues morph into a major tax on future growth as politicians divine new ways to spend the money; the ideas hatched are exceedingly difficult to sunset. Consider always the “unseen”: the advances that never attained funding because surging federal revenues allowed Congress to spend and borrow with abandon.
A People's History of Poverty in America by Stephen Pimpare
affirmative action, British Empire, car-free, clean water, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, dumpster diving, East Village, Frederick Winslow Taylor, George Gilder, hiring and firing, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, impulse control, income inequality, index card, Jane Jacobs, low skilled workers, Mahatma Gandhi, mass incarceration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral panic, Naomi Klein, New Urbanism, payday loans, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, union organizing, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, working poor, Works Progress Administration
Not until discussion about AFDC and then the “welfare backlash” of the 1980s and 1990s do we again find African Americans incorporated in any substantive way into the narrative, and then it is largely as objects of white and elite animus.1 To use one crude measure, in the index of Michael Katz’s In the Shadow of the Poorhouse, which is among the most widely admired histories of American poverty and welfare (and rightly so), the first entry for “blacks” is on page 181, where they appear in a two-page discussion about housing, school segregation, and race riots (there is no listing for African Americans). The only other entries reference a handful of pages on blacks and the New Deal, the war on poverty, and AFDC—altogether, 7 pages in a text with 334, or 2 percent of the total.2 Walter Trattner’s From Poor Law to Welfare State does better, offering references to minister George Whitfield’s early efforts to bring slaves into his fold with free education programs (or, less charitably put, with efforts at indoctrination); discrimination against blacks in the early years of the antituberculosis campaigns; black infant mortality; African Americans and the formative juvenile justice system; and then to the New Deal, urban riots in the 1960s, and the civil rights movement, giving us indexed references to a total of 29 out of 395 pages of text, 7 percent of the total.
There is in each community a definite standard of living, and that charitable relief is concerned, not with raising or lowering it, but rather with eliminating the obstacles which particular individuals have in realizing the standard, and in securing the withdrawal from the industrial class of those who are unfit for a place in it. The WPA set its own line in 1937, as did a Joint Congressional Committee in 1949. CIO president Walter Reuther proposed a line of $3,000 in 1953, the amount coincidentally adopted a dozen years later by Lyndon Johnson to help measure the success of his war on poverty. In the same year, Rose Friedman of the conservative American Enterprise Institute argued for an alternative measure, one that would have been about 30 percent lower.11 Whether it’s Hull House’s efforts in the late 1800s and early 1900s (inspired, like Hunter, by Britain’s Charles Booth and Joseph Rowntree), or more recent attempts by economic historians to measure poverty in Revolutionary-era New England or the post–Civil War South, all efforts to establish an absolute poverty line should be viewed with suspicion, taken on their own terms, and judged to be, at best, reasoned estimates—a healthy skepticism we should also apply to our more recent, and supposedly more “scientific,” efforts.
Even in those states that passed maximum hour and other child-labor laws in the mid-1800s, little changed since such laws were rarely enforced. 61 Spargo, Bitter Cry of the Children, 172–73. 62 S.J. Kleinberg, “Children’s and Mothers’ Wage Labor in Three Eastern U.S. Cities, 1880–1920,” Social Science History 29, no. 1 (spring 2005): 45–76. 63 Kleinberg, Widows and Orphans First, 60. 64 Annelise Orleck, Storming Caesar’s Palace: How Black Mothers Fought Their Own War on Poverty (Boston: Beacon, 2005), 11. 65 Dodson, Don’t Call Us Out of Name. 5. Love: Women and Children First 1 Mark Robert Rank, One Nation, Underprivileged: Why American Poverty Affects Us All (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004); Mark R. Rank and Thomas A. Hirschl, “Welfare Use as a Life Course Event,” Social Work 47, no. 3 (July 2002). When government jobs are included, one estimate suggests that half of all Americans in 2004 alone had some direct dependence on government aid.
Equal Is Unfair: America's Misguided Fight Against Income Inequality by Don Watkins, Yaron Brook
3D printing, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Apple II, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, blue-collar work, business process, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, collective bargaining, colonial exploitation, corporate governance, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deskilling, Edward Glaeser, Elon Musk, en.wikipedia.org, financial deregulation, immigration reform, income inequality, indoor plumbing, inventory management, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, Jony Ive, laissez-faire capitalism, Louis Pasteur, low skilled workers, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, Naomi Klein, new economy, obamacare, Peter Singer: altruism, Peter Thiel, profit motive, rent control, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, The Spirit Level, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Uber for X, urban renewal, War on Poverty, wealth creators, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game
At best, all the inequality critics can claim is that, under the unique economic conditions that prevailed during the post-war years, higher tax burdens on the wealthy existed alongside relatively high rates of economic growth. But would there have been even faster progress if the tax burden had been lower? On that issue, the Inequality Narrative has nothing to say. The Welfare State To credit the welfare state with creating a growing middle class requires us to ignore some basic facts of history. Until 1965, when Lyndon B. Johnson launched his so-called Great Society programs and the “War on Poverty,” the only significant welfare program was the Social Security Act of 1935, and it wasn’t until the end of the post-war era that a substantial number of Americans were receiving Social Security retirement checks.25 Moreover, the money paid out by Social Security could not have created or even expanded the middle class since Social Security payments were mainly financed by taxes on the middle class.
Its basic principle represents a total inversion of the ideal of opportunity: whereas the American Dream linked rewards to achievement, the welfare state declares that if you achieve something, you have no right to your rewards, but if you fail to achieve something, you’re entitled to the rewards of others. The effects of this inversion go far beyond stripping productive individuals of their wealth—although it’s disturbing how little that counts for today. It also discourages many people from even attempting to become self-supporting and self-directing. Nowhere are the welfare state’s corrosive effects on opportunity more clear than in its so-called War on Poverty. The list of anti-poverty programs is long, amounting to 126 separate programs at the federal level alone, including the Earned Income Tax Credit, Supplemental Security Income, food stamps, housing subsidies, work-training programs, child care subsidies, Medicaid, and much more. Spending on these and state and local programs is enormous, amounting to nearly $1 trillion a year.52 The first thing to observe about these anti-poverty programs is that they haven’t ended poverty—at least not poverty as the government defines it.
Spending on these and state and local programs is enormous, amounting to nearly $1 trillion a year.52 The first thing to observe about these anti-poverty programs is that they haven’t ended poverty—at least not poverty as the government defines it. (The absolute poverty we see in Haiti and Uganda was eliminated in the West long before the welfare state. When we speak about poverty in advanced countries we are talking about relative poverty.) The official poverty measure shows that the poverty rate remains about where it was when Lyndon B. Johnson launched his War on Poverty in the mid-1960s. That is somewhat misleading, however. Experts are in general agreement that the government’s official poverty measure overstates poverty, and that better assessments suggest that poverty has been cut in half over the last fifty years.53 What’s more, most of the people the government classifies as “poor” live relatively comfortable lives. Despite the genuine hardships they face, today’s poor typically enjoy an adequate diet, electricity, indoor plumbing, automobiles, and modern conveniences such as dishwashers, TVs, and DVD players.
The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander
affirmative action, cognitive bias, Columbine, Corrections Corporation of America, deindustrialization, desegregation, ending welfare as we know it, friendly fire, Gunnar Myrdal, illegal immigration, land reform, large denomination, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, means of production, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, zero-sum game
Black “welfare cheats” and their dangerous offspring emerged, for the first time, in the political discourse and media imagery. Liberals, by contrast, insisted that social reforms such as the War on Poverty and civil rights legislation would get at the “root causes” of criminal behavior and stressed the social conditions that predictably generate crime. Lyndon Johnson, for example, argued during his 1964 presidential campaign against Barry Goldwater that antipoverty programs were, in effect, anticrime programs: “There is something mighty wrong when a candidate for the highest office bemoans violence in the streets but votes against the War on Poverty, votes against the Civil Rights Act and votes against major educational bills that come before him as a legislator.”56 Competing images of the poor as “deserving” and “undeserving” became central components of the debate.
The wave of activism associated with economic justice helped to focus President Kennedy’s attention on poverty and black unemployment. In the summer of 1963, he initiated a series of staff studies on those subjects. By the end of the summer, he declared his intention to make the eradication of poverty a key legislative objective in 1964.35 Following Kennedy’s assassination, President Lyndon Johnson embraced the antipoverty rhetoric with great passion, calling for an “unconditional war on poverty,” in his State of the Union Address in January 1964. Weeks later he proposed to Congress the Economic Opportunities Bill of 1964. The shift in focus served to align the goals of the Civil Rights Movement with key political goals of poor and working-class whites, who were also demanding economic reforms. As the Civil Rights Movement began to evolve into a “Poor People’s Movement,” it promised to address not only black poverty, but white poverty as well—thus raising the specter of a poor and working-class movement that cut across racial lines.
Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton’s book, American Apartheid, documents how racially segregated ghettos were deliberately created by federal policy, not impersonal market forces or private housing choices.79 The enduring racial isolation of the ghetto poor has made them uniquely vulnerable in the War on Drugs. What happens to them does not directly affect—and is scarcely noticed by—the privileged beyond the ghetto’s invisible walls. Thus it is here, in the poverty-stricken, racially segregated ghettos, where the War on Poverty has been abandoned and factories have disappeared, that the drug war has been waged with the greatest ferocity. SWAT teams are deployed here; buy-and-bust operations are concentrated here; drug raids of apartment buildings occur here; stop-and-frisk operations occur on the streets here. Black and brown youth are the primary targets. It is not uncommon for a young black teenager living in a ghetto community to be stopped, interrogated, and frisked numerous times in the course of a month, or even a single week, often by paramilitary units.
The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart by Bill Bishop, Robert G. Cushing
1960s counterculture, affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, assortative mating, big-box store, blue-collar work, Cass Sunstein, citizen journalism, cognitive dissonance, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, immigration reform, income inequality, industrial cluster, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, music of the spheres, New Urbanism, post-industrial society, Post-materialism, post-materialism, Ralph Nader, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, stem cell, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, War on Poverty, white flight, World Values Survey
On the first day of school in the fall of 1965, Gene Roberts of the New York Times reported that southern educators "said it was the biggest day of integration in the Souths history."38 On January 25, LBJ proposed a budget containing what the New York Times described as the "biggest expansion of domestic welfare and educational programs since the New Deal of the nineteen thirties."39 Two months later, Johnson signed the bill creating the Appalachian Regional Commission, the first, but certainly not the last, War on Poverty bill to reach the president that year. The first children entered Head Start in May. In 1965, "for the first time since the Great Depression, the federal government began to exert a strong and direct influence on the arts," wrote Julia Ardery, as Congress created both the National Endowment for the Arts and the National Endowment for the Humanities.40 Johnson could control Congress, but he couldn't contain the conflict in Vietnam or the American South.
Professor Ivor Crewe was Carteresque when he testified that "there is no doubt that distrust and alienation has risen to a higher level than ever before."60 When Americans looked within their own history to explain this change in the national psyche, they latched on to nouns: Watts, My Lai, Watergate, Stagflation, Monica, Enron, Katrina. But, as Dalton explained, nouns don't tell the story. People, places, and events familiar to Americans wouldn't cause trust to decline in countries with wildly different political histories. Why Bill Clinton Didn't Declare a War on Poverty The loss of faith in public institutions has been the "key change in American public opinion over the last 40 years," Vanderbilt University political scientist Marc Hetherington concludes. The decline in trust placed Democrats at a permanent disadvantage, one that both diminished their chances for winning elections and hogtied their efforts to govern.61 President John Kennedy had been able to proclaim a "New Frontier" and President Lyndon Johnson could declare a "Great Society" because Americans trusted government.
In the new political climate, they proposed solutions to public problems that were to be carried out by a government that most people—even Democrats—no longer trusted to act in society's best interest. Hetherington points out that Bill Clinton was not so different from Johnson in his background or his politics. Both had grown up poor in the South. Both were presidents during economic expansions. Both had partisan advantages in Congress. But whereas Johnson declared the War on Poverty, Clinton announced that the "era of big government is over." What separated Johnson's administration from Clinton's wasn't the power of the right wing, the reticence of business, or Democratic perfidy, Hetherington argues. The difference was that people trusted government in 1965 and they didn't in 1993.62 Hetherington found the perfect example of the Democrats' dilemma. In 1964, 41 percent of Americans wanted the federal government to integrate schools.
Dream Hoarders: How the American Upper Middle Class Is Leaving Everyone Else in the Dust, Why That Is a Problem, and What to Do About It by Richard V. Reeves
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, assortative mating, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, circulation of elites, cognitive dissonance, desegregation, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, income inequality, knowledge economy, land value tax, mortgage tax deduction, obamacare, Occupy movement, Plutocrats, plutocrats, positional goods, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, unpaid internship, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, working-age population, zero-sum game
Meanwhile, class barriers have risen, in five areas in particular: economic fortunes, educational attainment, family formation, geography, and in terms of health and life expectancy. “WE ARE THE 20 PERCENT”: THE MONEYED UPPER MIDDLE CLASS The American conversation about economic inequality has two dominant motifs. The first is the persistence of poverty, even in a country that a hundred years ago W. E. B. Du Bois labeled “a land of dollars.”8 Nobody can plausibly suggest that the War on Poverty was won: 15 percent of Americans remain in poverty, according to official estimates.9 But nor can anyone sensibly suggest that the War on Poverty was lost, either. The poverty rate has dropped by 7 percent since 1959, largely as a result of increased government transfers to those with low incomes. The fairest conclusion is a draw. The second theme, especially salient in recent years, is the extraordinary gains of those at the very top—variously the “upper class,” the “super-rich,” the “top 1 percent.”
See Class mobility Social networks, 114 Social skills, 42, 114 Solon, Gary, 9 Sombart, Werner, 18 Some Thoughts Concerning Education (Locke), 41 Sosyura, Denis, 70 Spatial segregation, 30–32 Stanford University, 109 Student Opportunity Program, 146 Stutzman, Marlin, 8 Subcommittee on Higher Education and Workforce Training, 146 Subsidized housing, 139 Summers, Harry, 118 Summers, Larry, 109, 118, 142 Swift, Adam, 38, 98, 99 Switzer, Barry, 12 “Take Our Daughters and Sons to Work Day,” 114–15 Tax policy: American Opportunity Tax Credit, 135, 137; exclusionary zoning assisted via, 13–14, 102–06, 138–41; mortgage interest tax subsidies, 105–06, 149–51; reforms, 148–52; subsidies, 102–06, 148–52 Teacher Incentive Fund, 132 Teacher quality, 131–33 Tea Party, 7 Teles, Steven, 12, 96 Testocratic merit, 82 Texas A&M University, 142, 144 Thompson, Derek, 146 Tilly, Charles, 35, 100 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 17 Torche, Florencia, 55, 62 Trump, Donald, 2, 3–4 Twilight of the Elites (Hayes), 7, 76 Unintended pregnancies, 13, 39–40, 125–28 United Kingdom: class mobility in, 68, 155; college education in, 56, 91; home visits in, 129–30; inheritance of class in, 58; internships in, 147; social class in, 5 University of California system, 142 University of Georgia, 142 University of North Carolina, 143 Upper middle class: children’s advantages, 8–9, 37–56; defined, 19–20; inequality gap from rest of middle class, 6–8, 17–36; inheritance of status by, 9–10, 57–74; market meritocracy rewards skills developed by, 10–12, 75–94; opportunity hoarding by, 12–13, 95–122; political power of, 8; sacrifices required from, 13–15, 123–52. See also Children’s advantages; Inequality gap; Inheritance of status; Market meritocracy; Opportunity hoarding; Sacrifices required Upstream, 126 Vance, J. D., 75–76, 120 Van Hollen, Chris, 1–2 Venator, Joanna, 126 Vocational education, 50 Vonnegut, Kurt, 78 Wage inequalities, 26–27. See also Income inequality Waldfogel, Jane, 45 Waldman, Paul, 2 Walker, Darren, 145 War on Poverty, 22 Washbrook, Liz, 45 West, Darrell, 135 White anxiety, 3 Williams, Bernard, 81–82 Winship, Scott, 66–67 Wolff, Edward, 26 Women. See Gender Yale University, 109, 120 Young, Michael, 11–12, 29, 78–80 Zhang, Kan, 34 Z-lists, 112–13 Zoning. See Exclusionary zoning
Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America by Rick Perlstein
affirmative action, Alistair Cooke, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cognitive dissonance, cuban missile crisis, delayed gratification, desegregation, East Village, European colonialism, full employment, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, immigration reform, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index card, indoor plumbing, Kitchen Debate, liberal capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Marshall McLuhan, Monroe Doctrine, moral panic, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, Own Your Own Home, Paul Samuelson, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price mechanism, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, the medium is the message, traveling salesman, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, walking around money, War on Poverty, white picket fence, Whole Earth Catalog
Constitutionally, the governor had to make the request by avowing that Detroit was under a state of insurrection and that the resources at his control were exhausted. Practically, it was a president’s duty, honoring his pledge to defend the Constitution against enemies foreign and domestic, to volunteer the army. Since 1964, when riots wracked Harlem, Lyndon Johnson had been agonizing about riots, how to stop them, what they meant, how to keep them from wrecking his war on poverty—and why his war on poverty wasn’t preventing the riots. Asked at his July 18 news conference for his “views on what happened in New Jersey in the last couple of days,” he launched into his standard peroration about the healing power of antipoverty programs—prefacing his remarks with the absurd claim “I don’t think I have any more information on it than you have.” Attorney General Ramsey Clark got his back, saying, “There are few activities that are more local” than law enforcement, so there was little the federal government could do—an unsatisfying answer to those who pointed out that the response of liberals to every other problem was to call for federal action.
The House slapped down the civil rats bill by a vote of 207–176. Only twenty-two Republicans voted in favor. The anguished cries of liberals masked the magnitude of their retreat: that their dreams of warring on poverty had once been so much grander than $40 million for rats. Johnson had never seen the political squeeze coming. “Push ahead full tilt,” he had said on one of his first days as president, when his new economic adviser told him President Kennedy had been considering a poverty initiative—a program on which President Kennedy was proceeding exceedingly cautiously, for fear of offending middle-class whites. Now, middle-class whites were indeed sorely offended by the War on Poverty. Lyndon Johnson’s poverty programs were doing, after all, what they were supposed to be doing: redistributing wealth, and thus redistributing power. When polled in 1961, 59 percent of the electorate said the federal government bore responsibility to make sure every American had an adequate job and income.
Then the government started making modest steps toward that goal, and by 1969, only 31 percent still thought that. The income of nonwhites had started rising faster than the income of whites, and though the gap was not nearly closed, many whites’ incomes were beginning to stagnate, even, in real terms, to fall. The War on Poverty came out of their hard-earned tax dollars—draining money, some whites thought, toward ungrateful rioters. Who still demanded their welfare checks. A White House study found that three-fourths of white Bostonians thought most welfare cases were fraudulent. Backlash against the War on Poverty had always been latent. Civil rats showed that backlash to now be mature—as, in places such as Detroit, the races made ready for war. A local black nationalist minister, Albert Cleage, observed to a reporter that the shooting ranges were packed and the city was way behind in processing gun registrations.
When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor by William Julius Wilson
affirmative action, citizen journalism, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, declining real wages, deindustrialization, deliberate practice, desegregation, Donald Trump, edge city, ending welfare as we know it, fixed income, full employment, George Gilder, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, informal economy, jobless men, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, mass immigration, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, school choice, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration
A study relying on longitudinal data (data collected on a specific group over a substantial period) found that the persistently poor families (defined as having family incomes below the poverty line during at least eight years in a ten-year period) in the United States tended to be headed by women, and that 31 percent of all persistently poor households were headed by nonelderly black women. This is a startling figure when you realize that, according to the 1990 census, African-Americans account for just over 12 percent of the entire U.S. population. As Kathryn Edin has pointed out, “More children are poor today than at any time since before Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty began three decades ago. Children living in households headed by single mothers are America’s poorest demographic group. This fact is not surprising, since single mothers who work seldom earn enough to bring their families out of poverty and most cannot get child support, medical benefits, housing subsidies, or cheap child care.” In 1993, whereas the median income of married-couple families was $43,578, the median income of single-parent families in which the mother was divorced was $17,014.
In 1978, the French social scientist Robert Castel argued that the paradox of poverty in affluent American society has rested on the notion that “the poor are individuals who themselves bear the chief responsibility for their condition. As a result, the politics of welfare centers around the management of individual deficiencies.” From the building of almshouses in the late nineteenth century to President Johnson’s War on Poverty, Americans have failed to emphasize the social rights of the poor, “rights whose interpretation is independent of the views of the agencies charged with dispensing assistance.” Data from public opinion polls support this argument. They indicate that Americans tend to be far more concerned about the duties or social obligations of the poor, particularly the welfare poor, than about their social rights as American citizens.
Are There Enough Jobs? Welfare Reform and Labor Market Reality. Illinois Job Gap Project, Center for Urban Economic Development, University of Illinois, Chicago. Case, Anne C, and Lawrence F. Katz. 1990. “The Company You Keep: The Effects of Family and Neighborhood on Disadvantaged Youth.” Working paper no. 3705, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge. Castel, Robert. 1978. “The ‘War on Poverty’ and the Status of Poverty in an Affluent Society.” Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 19 (January): 47–60. Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. 1995a. “Is the EITC Growing at a Rate That Is ‘Out of Control’?” Washington, D.C., May 9. ———. 1995b. “The Earned Income Tax Credit Reductions in the Senate Budget Resolution.” Washington, D.C., June 5. ———. 1995c. “The Administration Releases New Estimates of House and Senate Budget Bills’ Effects on Poverty and Income Distribution.”
blue-collar work, centre right, creative destruction, delayed gratification, George Santayana, income inequality, moral panic, new economy, Ronald Reagan, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the built environment, urban renewal, War on Poverty
So, all in all, I know the remedial side of the street pretty well. I’m going to fast-forward through my undergraduate English major (that English teacher had turned me on to literature, and, besides, he was an English major) and zoom across a subsequent year of a doctoral program in English—which turned out to be too removed from the work of the world for me. Looking to ground myself and make a living, I found the Teacher Corps, a War on Poverty program that placed prospective teachers in lowincome schools. That was my introduction to teaching and education, and after Teacher Corps I would go on to work for eight more years in a community college and in a range of programs for special populations: from traffic cops and parole aides to returning Vietnam veterans. I see now how much the Veterans Program in particular shaped my subsequent teaching and development of curriculum—and eventually my research on remediation.
Cronbach, “Beyond the Two Disciplines of Scientific Psychology,” American Psychologist, vol. 30, 1975, 116–126. 140 “As Bill Gates said . . .‘drill in’ on that skill.”: Marketplace Life, Interview with Bill Gates, February 28, 2011. www .marketplace.org/topics/life/importance-teachers-education. 141 “We have here the makings in education . . . ”: Michael B. Katz, The Undeserving Poor: From the War on Poverty to the War on Welfare (New York: Pantheon, 1990). 205 NOTES Chapter 6 147 The Physical Environment: “This section draws on . . .”: C. Carney Strange and James H. Banning, Educating by Design: Creating Campus Learning Environments That Work (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2001). 170 “. . . undergraduate curriculum from the 1950s.”: Frederick Rudolph, Curriculum: A History of the American Undergraduate Course of Study Since 1636 (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1978). 173 “The sociologist James Rosenbaum . . .”: James E.
City: Urbanism and Its End by Douglas W. Rae
agricultural Revolution, barriers to entry, business climate, City Beautiful movement, complexity theory, creative destruction, desegregation, edge city, ghettoisation, Gunnar Myrdal, income per capita, informal economy, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, manufacturing employment, New Economic Geography, new economy, New Urbanism, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Saturday Night Live, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the market place, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, Works Progress Administration
Discussed by Marris and Rein, Dilemmas, 36ff. Discussed and quoted in Powledge, Model City, 51–52. 52. Asbell, “Dick Lee Discovers How Much Is Not Enough.” 53. See Marris and Rein, Dilemmas, esp. 25 –26. 54. See Wolfinger, Politics of Progress, 198. 55. “Community Action Policy Review” (New Haven: CPI, 1965). 56. See Miller, Fifteenth Ward and the Great Society, chaps. 3 –6. 57. Edgar Cahn and Jean Cahn, “The War on Poverty: A Civilian Perspective,” Yale Law Journal 73, no. 8 (1964). 58. Asbell, “Dick Lee Discovers How Much Is Not Enough.” 59. Ibid. 60. In 1966, CPI staffer Peter Almond would report: “They would call meetings, at which their programs were discussed. There was never, at least at any meetings I ever attended, any opening where the citizen’s word would have any kind of direct and obvious impact. . . .
There was never, at least at any meetings I ever attended, any opening where the citizen’s word would have any kind of direct and obvious impact. . . . And that is where CPI and the city and the mayor are failing, as far as I’m concerned.” Quoted in Powledge, Model City, 143. 61. Robert Giaimo, “Investigation into the Operation of Community Progress, Inc.” (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Record, 1968). 62. Howard Shuman, “Behind the Scenes and Under the Rug,” Washington Monthly, 1969. 63. “Old Industrial City Wages Dramatic War on Poverty,” Trenton Sunday Times Advertiser, July 12, 1964. Quoted in Powledge, Model City. 64. Although this quote is often repeated in the secondary literature, I have been unable to find a primary source for it. 65. Quoted in Powledge, Model City, 149. 66. All quotations and facts in this section are taken from stories in the New Haven Register for August 20, 21, and 22, 1967. 67. Kerner Commission Report (New York: Pantheon, 1968). 68.
New York: Harper & Row, 1973. Brown, Elizabeth Mills. New Haven: A Guide to Architecture and Urban Design. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976. Bucki, Cecelia. Bridgeport’s Socialist New Deal, 1915 –36. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001. Burnham, Daniel H., and Edward H. Bennett. Plan of Chicago (1909). New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1993. Cahn, Edgar, and Jean Cahn. “The War on Poverty: A Civilian Perspective.” Yale Law Journal 73, no. 8 (1964). Cain, John F. “The Influence of Race and Income on Racial Segregation and Housing Policy.” In Housing Desegregation and Federal Policy, edited by John M. Goering, 99–118. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986. Calder, Isabel MacBeath. The New Haven Colony. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962. Calthorpe, Peter. The New American Metropolis: Ecology, Community, and the American Dream.
Planet of Slums by Mike Davis
barriers to entry, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, centre right, clean water, conceptual framework, crony capitalism, declining real wages, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, edge city, European colonialism, failed state, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, housing crisis, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Internet Archive, jitney, jobless men, Kibera, labor-force participation, land reform, land tenure, liberation theology, low-wage service sector, mandelbrot fractal, market bubble, megacity, microcredit, New Urbanism, Pearl River Delta, Ponzi scheme, RAND corporation, rent control, structural adjustment programs, surplus humans, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor
Soft Imperialism Since the mid-1990s the World Bank, the United Nations Development Program, and other aid institutions have increasingly bypassed or short-circuited governments to work directly with regional and neighborhood non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Indeed, the NGO revolution - there are now tens of thousands in Third World cities has reshaped the landscape of urban development aid in much the same way that the War on Poverty in the 1960s transformed relations between Washington, big city political machines, and insurgent innercity constituencies.17 As the intermediary role of the state has declined, the big international institutions have acquired their own grassroots presence through dependent NGOs in thousands of slums and poor urban communities. Typically, an international lender-donor like the World Bank, the UK Department for International Development, the Ford Foundation, or the German Friedrich Ebert Foundation will work through a major NGO which, in turn, provides expertise to a local NGO or indigenous recipient.
In a review of recent studies, including a major report by the London-based Panos Institute, Rita Abrahamsen concludes that "rather than empowering 'civil society,' the PRSP process has entrenched the position of a small, homogeneous 'iron triangle' of transnational professionals based in key government ministries (especially Finance), multilateral and bilateral development agencies and international NGOs."19 What Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz in his brief tenure as chief economist for the Bank described as an emerging "post-Washington Consensus" might be better characterized as "soft imperialism," with the major NGOs captive to the agenda of the international donors, and grassroots groups similarly dependent upon the international NGOs.20 For all the glowing rhetoric about democratization, self-help, social capital, and the strengthening of civil society, the actual power relations in this new NGO universe resemble nothing so much as traditional clientelism. Moreover, like the community organizations patronized by the War on Poverty in the 1960s, Third World NGOs have proven brilliant at coopting local leadership as well as hegemonizing the social space traditionally occupied by the Left Even if there are some celebrated exceptions - such as the militant NGOs so instrumental in creating the World Social Forums - the broad impact of the NGO/ "civil society revolution," as even some World Bank researchers acknowledge, has been to bureaucratize and deradicalize urban social movements.21 18 Sebastian Mallaby, The World's Banker: A Story of Failed States, Financial Crises, and the Wealth and Poverty of Nations, New York 2004, pp. 89-90, 145. 19 Rita Abrahamsen, "Review Essay: Poverty Reduction or Adjustment by Another Name?
Sleeping Giant: How the New Working Class Will Transform America by Tamara Draut
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, always be closing, battle of ideas, big-box store, blue-collar work, collective bargaining, creative destruction, David Brooks, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, ending welfare as we know it, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, full employment, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, job satisfaction, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, mass incarceration, minimum wage unemployment, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, occupational segregation, payday loans, pink-collar, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trickle-down economics, union organizing, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, white flight, women in the workforce, young professional
In addition to the mythical “welfare queen” with “eighty names” and “twelve Social Security cards,” whose tax-free income alone was “over $150,000,” Reagan described the criminal as “a staring face—a face that belongs to a frightening reality of our time: the face of the human predator.”48 He promised to crack down on crime by bringing more federal resources to bear on the problem—law and order being the one exception to a rigid intolerance for government spending. As neighborhoods in our greatest cities cried out for help in dealing with the spasms of joblessness and a rising drug trade, there was no New Deal. Or new War on Poverty. There was a war on drugs. And it was, and still is, being waged with near impunity in black and brown communities.49 Today 2.2 million people are incarcerated in prisons or jails, up from just 350,000 in 1980.50 A full 60 percent of incarcerated individuals are people of color, and two-thirds of all people in prison for drug offenses are people of color. Today one out of three black men and one out of six Latino men is likely to be imprisoned at some point in his life, compared to one out of seventeen white men.
Here’s just a sample of O’Reilly’s harangues against those whose struggle mightily to make it in America: In 2004, he ranted, “You gotta look people in the eye and tell ’em they’re irresponsible and lazy. And who’s gonna wanna do that? Because that’s what poverty is, ladies and gentlemen. In this country, you can succeed if you get educated and work hard. Period. Period.”14 In 2012, O’Reilly listed what he called the “true causes of poverty” as “poor education, addiction, irresponsible behavior, and laziness.”15 In 2014, during the week that marked the fiftieth anniversary of LBJ’s War on Poverty, O’Reilly again said that “true poverty” “is being driven by personal behavior,” which included, according to him, “addictive behavior, laziness, apathy.”16 Why does what Bill O’Reilly thinks and communicates to his audience matter? Because his is the most viewed cable news show, regularly drawing in between 2 and 3 million viewers each night. And those viewers are hit over the head with a message that people who struggle to make ends meet are bottom-feeders, “takers” in Romney lingo, who lack the work ethic and will to pull themselves up.
How the World Works by Noam Chomsky, Arthur Naiman, David Barsamian
affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, capital controls, clean water, corporate governance, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, glass ceiling, Howard Zinn, income inequality, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, labour market flexibility, land reform, liberation theology, Monroe Doctrine, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, transfer pricing, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor
Their candidate won, and there was indeed welfare capitalism…until it wasn’t needed any more, at which point it was dropped. During the Depression, there was again a live union movement in Flint, and popular rights were again extended. But the business counterattack began right after the Second World War. It took a while this time, but by the 1950s, it was getting somewhere. It slowed somewhat in the 1960s, when there was a lot more ferment—programs like the War on Poverty, things coming out of the civil rights movement—but by the early 1970s, it reached new heights, and it’s been going pretty much fullsteam ever since. The typical picture painted by business propaganda since the Second World War—in everything from television comedies to scholarly books—has been: We all live together in harmony. Joe Six-Pack, his loyal wife, the hard-working executive, the friendly banker—we’re all one big happy family.
See also Israel; Middle East plutonium, disposal of Poland police, foreign policy use of Policy Planning Study (PPS) 23, political change, strategies for political class political correctness (PC) political discourse, terms in political system, new parties in Politics (Aristotle) “politics, investment theory of,” Politics of Heroin, The Politics of War Pol Pot poor, the. See poverty population control populism, phony Port-au-Prince (Haiti) Port of Spain (Trinidad) Portuguese empire collapse postmodernism potato famine in Ireland poverty among children in NYC in Brazil democracy vs. in Eastern Europe economic recovery and in Haiti in India vs. US in Latin America shantytowns and slums in US US pacification of the poor War on Poverty welfare Powell, Colin power generation, alternatives for power, speaking truth to preaching to the choir “preferential option for the poor,” Preston, Julia PRI (Institutional Revolution Party) prisoner’s dilemma prisoners of war prison labor, Chinese prisons privatizing Social Security process patents vs. product patents “profits” now called “jobs,” programmers, Indian Progressive Caucus Progressive Policy Institute progress, signs of, (and not) Prohibition propaganda.
See Soviet Union Ustasha US Trade Representative (USTR) panel Vaid, Urvashi Vancouver (BC) Vanguard Party (USSR) Vanity Fair Vatican Vermont victims, worthy vs. unworthy Viet Minh Vietnam bombing of Boston Globe on war Chomsky’s visit to Japanese investment in “nation building” in New York Times on NY Times on Pentagon Papers NY Times on war “peace treaty” with punished by US after war state terror in Vietnam syndrome Vietnam War domino theory and ensuring service role as reason for US-blocked peace attempts US cruelty afterwards US escalation of US goals achieved in US rationale for “vile maxim” of the “masters,” village self-government in India violence Virtual Equality “vital center, the,” von Humboldt, Wilhelm VW (Volkswagen) Wall Street Journal war criminals war on drugsSee also drugs War on Poverty Washington Institute for Near East Studies Washington Post wealth weapons manufacturers Webb, Gary Weizmann, Chaim Welch, John welfare for corporations in Kerala opposition to Reagan’s racist take on rich people on wages raised by welfare capitalism welfare states needed for democracy in Sweden well-being, consumption vs. Wellstone, Paul West Bank settlements. See also Israel educational system in legal system confusions re Palestinians expelled from “peace process” and threat of moderation in US-Israel disagreement on West Bengal See also India Western Europe WGBH (Boston) what you can do When Time Shall Be No More Wicker, Tom Wilson, Woodrow Winship, Tom Witness for Peace Wolfe, Tom Wolin, Richard women in Argentina in India in Kerala low voter turnout in 1924, rights won by women’s rights workers.
The Voice of Reason: Essays in Objectivist Thought by Ayn Rand, Leonard Peikoff, Peter Schwartz
affirmative action, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business process, cuban missile crisis, haute cuisine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, laissez-faire capitalism, means of production, medical malpractice, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, source of truth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, War on Poverty
Ask yourself: what is the moral and intellectual state of a nation that gives a blank check on its wealth, its work, its efforts, its lives to a “yearner” and “dreamer,” to spend on lost causes? Can anyone feel morally inspired to live and work for such a purpose? Can anyone preserve any values by looking at anything today? If a man who earns his living hears constant denunciations of his “selfish greed” and then, as a moral example, is offered the spectacle of the War on Poverty—which fills the newspapers with allegations of political favoritism, intrigues, maneuvering, corruption among its “selfless” administrators—what will happen to his sense of honesty? If a young man struggles sixteen hours a day to work his way through school, and then has to pay taxes to help the dropouts from the dropout programs—what will happen to his ambition? If a man saves for years to build a home, which is then seized by the profiteers of Urban Renewal because their profits are “in the public interest,” but his are not—what will happen to his sense of justice?
It is not their practice that I challenge, but their moral premise. Poverty is not a mortgage on the labor of others—misfortune is not a mortgage on achievement—failure is not a mortgage on success—suffering is not a claim check, and its relief is not the goal of existence—man is not a sacrificial animal on anyone’s altar or for anyone’s cause—life is not one huge hospital. Those who suggest that we substitute a war on poverty for the space program should ask themselves whether the premises and values that form the character of an astronaut would be satisfied by a lifetime of carrying bedpans and teaching the alphabet to the mentally retarded. The answer applies as well to the values and premises of the astronauts’ admirers. Slums are not a substitute for stars. The question we are constantly hearing today is: why are men able to reach the moon, but unable to solve their social-political problems?
Apparently, they had not grasped the modern notion, the basic premise of the welfare state: that rewards are divorced from achievement, that one obtains money from the government by giving nothing in return, and the more one gets, the more one should demand. The response of Congress to Apollo 11 included some prominent voices who declared that NASA’s appropriations should be cut because the lunar mission has succeeded.(!) The purpose of the years of scientific work is completed, they said, and “national priorities” demand that we now pour more money down the sewers of the war on poverty. If you want to know the process that embitters, corrupts, and destroys the managers of government projects, you are seeing it in action. I hope that the NASA administrators will be able to withstand it. As far as “national priorities” are concerned, I want to say the following: we do not have to have a mixed economy, we still have a chance to change our course and thus to survive. But if we do continue down the road of a mixed economy, then let them pour all the millions and billions they can into the space program.
Keynes Hayek: The Clash That Defined Modern Economics by Nicholas Wapshott
airport security, banking crisis, Bretton Woods, British Empire, collective bargaining, complexity theory, creative destruction, cuban missile crisis, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, Gunnar Myrdal, if you build it, they will come, Isaac Newton, Joseph Schumpeter, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, means of production, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage debt, New Journalism, Northern Rock, Paul Samuelson, Philip Mirowski, price mechanism, pushing on a string, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trickle-down economics, War on Poverty, Yom Kippur War
Armed with a landslide victory over the ultra-conservative Barry Goldwater65 in the 1964 election, Johnson, an avid New Dealer in the 1930s, embarked on a vast public spending spree. As Arkansas representative Wilbur Mills66 recalled, “Johnson always was a spender, in a sense, different from Kennedy. He thought that you could always stimulate the economy better through public spending than you could through private spending.”67 Johnson’s program was as radical as anything Franklin Roosevelt had attempted. He extended civil rights to African-Americans, embarked on a “war on poverty” through federal entitlements, and instituted Medicare to give health care to everyone over age sixty-five and Medicaid for those who could not afford health insurance. The 1960s was a decade of unparalleled wealth. Whereas the 1950s had been years of widespread affluence, the 1960s made the average worker comfortably well-off. Luxuries such as color televisions, airplane travel, and a second car in the driveway became commonplace.
pid=11286. 40 Richard Milhous Nixon (1913–94), 36th vice president (1953–61) and 37th president of the United States (1969–74). 41 John Fitzgerald “Jack” Kennedy (1917–63), 35th president of the United States (1961–63). 42 Stein, On the Other Hand, p. 85. 43 John Kenneth Galbraith, Ambassador’s Journal (Houghton Mifflin, New York, 1969), p. 48. 44 William McChesney Martin Jr. (1906–98), longest-serving chairman of the Federal Reserve, from April 1951 to January 1970, and the son of the architect of the Federal Reserve Act, William McChesney Martin. 45 When Leon Keserling complained to Kennedy that he was appointing too many conservatives to key positions, Kennedy retorted, “You don’t realize that I only got elected by one half of one per cent,” to which Keserling responded, “I suppose that if Dick Nixon had been elected by one half of one percent, he would have appointed me Secretary of the Treasury to please the liberals.” Oral history interview with Leon Keyserling by Jerry N. Hess, Washington, D.C., May 10, 1971, p. 94. 46 Walter Wolfgang Heller (1915–87), chair of economics at the University of Minnesota. Helped design the Marshall Plan of 1947 that reinvigorated Europe after World War II. Suggested to Lyndon Johnson the “War on Poverty.” 47 Kermit Gordon (1916–76), later president of the Brookings Institution who oversaw the first budget of Johnson’s Great Society. 48 John F. Kennedy, “State of the Union Message to Congress,” February 2, 1961, The American Presidency Project, http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=8111&st=kennedy&st1=congress. 49 Michael O’Brien, John F. Kennedy: A Biography (Macmillan, London, 2006), p. 637. 50 Arthur M.
., 128, 157, 170, 178–79, 199, 228–30, 232, 236–46, 251, 253, 261, 277, 282, 283 —wage levels and, 148 United Nations, 228, 229 United States: —banking system of, 28, 41, 84–85 —capitalism in, 46, 144–46 —domestic programs of, 157–70, 202, 205, 228, 231–32, 240, 248, 253, 256, 320n —economy of, 46, 52–53, 62, 106, 111, 141–42, 188–90, 228–46, 253–55, 261–65, 269–72 —foreign aid of, 136, 228 —Hayek’s influence in, xiii–xiv, 201–11, 234, 246, 247–65, 267–74 —inflation rate of, 230, 232, 236, 238–39, 242–46, 248, 251, 255, 261–62, 263, 267, 271 —infrastructure of, 159, 163, 189, 281 —interest rates in, 232, 235, 236, 246, 277, 280, 282, 284 —Keynesianism in, 146–47, 154–70, 188–90, 228–46, 276–84 —military spending of, 190, 231–34, 237, 241, 261, 264, 274, 276–78 —national security of, 233–34, 237, 276–77 —space program of, 234, 237 taxation in, 231, 262–63 —unemployment rate in, 128, 157, 170, 178–79, 199, 228–30, 232, 236–46, 251, 253, 261, 277, 282, 283 —Versailles Treaty and, 4–5, 155–57 —welfare programs in, 240, 264 —in World War II, 189–90, 229, 234 University of Chicago Press, 194, 201–2, 212, 216, 247 utilities, 291 utopias, 290–91, 292 value: —of currency, 22–23 —determination of, 5, 22–23 —of equipment (depreciation), 105–6, 118–19 —of goods, 74–75, 101, 117 —monetary, 22–23, 74–75, 120–21, 161 Vanity Fair, 157 “velocity of circulation,” 26, 33, 104, 136 Versailles Treaty, xii, xiii, 3, 4–5, 8–14, 17, 28, 56, 68, 84, 136, 137, 155–57, 158, 189 Vienna, xi–xiii, 1–3, 15–16, 17, 18–21, 27, 29–30, 40, 44, 111, 145, 214–15 Vienna, University of, 3, 15, 19, 20–22, 140 Vietnam War, 241 Viner, Jacob, 216, 221–22, 329n Volcker, Paul, 246, 261, 263, 286 voluntary savings, 104, 107 von Szeliski, Victor, 164 voting rights, 140 wages, 32, 38–39, 60, 63, 118, 119–20, 134, 135, 148, 188, 241 —controls on, 243–44 —increases in, 118, 119–20, 134 —production costs and, 119–20 Walras, Léon, 74 war debt, 4–5, 8–14, 21–22, 31–32, 84, 155–57, 206 warfare, 4, 137, 138, 190–92, 194, 229, 231–34 war on poverty, 240 war on terror, 276–78 “War Potential and War Finance” (Keynes), 191–92 Watergate scandal, 244 wealth accumulation, 56–57, 117–20, 127, 143–44, 149–50, 222, 241, 279, 287 Wealth of Nations, The (Smith), 218 Webb, Beatrice, 24, 64 Webb, Sidney, 24 Weber, Max, 21, 304n Wedgwood, Veronica, 212, 329n weights and measures, 201 Weimar Republic, 9 welfare state, 199–200, 201, 222, 227, 233, 234–35, 240, 249–50, 253, 258–61, 264, 267, 288–89, 295 Westminster Abbey, 226 wholesale prices, 62 “Why I Am Not a Conservative” (Hayek), 220 Wicksell, Knut, 42, 43, 48, 55, 74, 91, 100, 103, 120 “widow’s cruse,” 127 Wieser, Friedrich von, 20, 21–22 Wilhelm II, Emperor of Germany, 9 William Volcker Charities Fund, 211, 216, 218 Wilson, Woodrow, 4–5, 11, 28, 155–57, 161 Winant, John, 226 Wittgenstein, Ludwig, 3, 114, 300n Wolfson, Adam, 288–89, 292 Woolf, Leonard, 53, 226 Woolf, Virginia, 5, 53, 301n Wootton, Barbara, 202–3, 320n, 326n “Working of the Price Mechanism in the Course of the Credit Cycle, The” (Hayek), 76–78 World Bank, 136, 193 WorldCom, 278 World War I, 3–5, 16, 19–20, 22, 55–56, 68, 69, 72, 84, 155–57, 189 World War II, 136, 189–92, 229, 234 Wright, Quincy, 85 Yale University, 271 Yom Kippur War, 244 Yugoslavia, 16, 17 Zionism, 158 More praise for KEYNES HAYEK “An essential primer on the two men who shaped modern finance.”
Fool Me Twice: Fighting the Assault on Science in America by Shawn Lawrence Otto
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anthropic principle, Berlin Wall, Brownian motion, carbon footprint, Cepheid variable, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, commoditize, cosmological constant, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Dean Kamen, desegregation, double helix, energy security, Exxon Valdez, fudge factor, ghettoisation, Harlow Shapley and Heber Curtis, Harvard Computers: women astronomers, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Louis Pasteur, mutually assured destruction, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, shareholder value, sharing economy, smart grid, Solar eclipse in 1919, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, transaction costs, University of East Anglia, War on Poverty, white flight, Winter of Discontent, working poor, yellow journalism, zero-sum game
At its peak, the Apollo Program would employ some 400,000 people.5 There were just two problems: We didn’t have a clue about how to do it, and we didn’t have the money either, with the country in a major recession and federal tax revenues down. To make matters worse, Kennedy’s inspirational ideas for domestic policy were getting shot down. He had painted a grand vision of the New Frontier and the War on Poverty, but he couldn’t get Congress to pay for a major expansion of social programs, at least not yet. But if a program were tied to the cold war, he thought he could get Congress to support it like they had the National Interstate and Defense Highways Act five years before and the National Defense Education Act of 1958.6 Apollo could be a bold new vision and a jobs program, an economic stimulus with benefits.
But if a program were tied to the cold war, he thought he could get Congress to support it like they had the National Interstate and Defense Highways Act five years before and the National Defense Education Act of 1958.6 Apollo could be a bold new vision and a jobs program, an economic stimulus with benefits. The cultural anxiety was so high by then that the very idea of Russians crawling all over the Moon caused a visceral reaction in many Main Street Americans. Kennedy thought he had a winner. But once the budget numbers came back, they showed that the program would cost almost $20 billion over eight years, eating up all the discretionary funds that Kennedy needed for his War on Poverty. If he wanted Apollo, he would likely have to sacrifice everything else. He began looking for a way out. He realized that if he took away the cold-war justification, he’d lose the support of fiscal conservatives, and he could use that loss to move the deadline back indefinitely by defunding it. So he reached out to Khrushchev, his worst enemy, at the Vienna Summit and suggested over lunch that they bury the space-race hatchet and go to the Moon together as a cooperative venture.
See also specific legislator name U.S. presidents, 15–18, 226–27. See also specific name V Vaccination debate, 151–55, 178–79 Value on ecosystem, 259 Values war, 111, 163–66, 171 Varmus, Harold, 8–9, 19 Vaughn, Lewis, 136 Velocity-distance relationship, 69 Vioxx (rofecoxib) lawsuit, 17 Vitalism, concept of, 118–19 Vonnegut, Kurt Jr., 97–98 “Vulgar induction,” 194–95, 289 W Wakefield, Andrew, 152, 154 War on Poverty, 95 Washington, George, 22, 90–91 Watson, James, 78 Watts, Anthony, 201 Weapons of mass destruction, 11. See also Atomic bomb Webber, Michael, 274–76, 289 Welles, Orson, 144 Western Christianity, 41–43 Westphal, Scott, 184, 299 Whitfield, Ed, 218–19 Willer, Robb, 283–85 Williams, Brian, 286 Wilson, Edward O., 4, 129 Wilson, Robert, 309–11 World War II, 73–79 Wundt, Wilhelm, 117 Y Yellow journalism, 150–51 Z Zakir, Waseem, 195 Mention of specific companies, organizations, or authorities in this book does not imply endorsement by the author or publisher, nor does mention of specific companies, organizations, or authorities imply that they endorse this book, its author, or the publisher.
Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire by Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri
affirmative action, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, conceptual framework, continuation of politics by other means, David Graeber, Defenestration of Prague, deskilling, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, global village, Howard Rheingold, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, Joseph Schumpeter, labour mobility, land reform, land tenure, late capitalism, liberation theology, means of production, Naomi Klein, new economy, Paul Samuelson, private military company, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Richard Stallman, Slavoj Žižek, The Chicago School, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, Tobin tax, transaction costs, union organizing, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus
In other cases, the metaphorical discourse of war is invoked as a strategic political maneuver in order to achieve the total mobilization of social forces for a united purpose that is typical of a war effort. The war on poverty, for example, launched in the United States in the mid-1960s by the Johnson administration, used the discourse of war to avoid partisan conflict and rally national forces for a domestic policy goal. Because poverty is an abstract enemy and the means to combat it are nonviolent, the war discourse in this case remains merely rhetorical. With the war on drugs, however, which began in the 1980s, and more so with the twenty-first-century war on terrorism, the rhetoric of war begins to develop a more concrete character. As in the case of the war on poverty, here too the enemies are posed not as specific nation-states or political communities or even individuals but rather as abstract concepts or perhaps as sets of practices. Much more successfully than the war on poverty, these discourses of war serve to mobilize all social forces and suspend or limit normal political exchange.
Drugs Without the Hot Air by David Nutt
British Empire, double helix, en.wikipedia.org, knowledge economy, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral panic, offshore financial centre, randomized controlled trial, risk tolerance, Robert Gordon, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), War on Poverty
, Peter Bebergal, URL-121, June 9th 2008 15 The War on Drugs, and drugs in war 1“Public enemy number one in the United States is drug abuse. In order to fight and defeat this enemy, it is necessary to wage a new, all-out offensive.” Richard Nixon, 1971. In 1971, President Nixon gave a speech in which he declared that the USA was facing a “national emergency”, and that drug addiction was “public enemy number one”. This was the beginning of the “War on Drugs”, a term coined as a reference to President Lyndon Johnson’s “War on Poverty”, (which has been about as unsuccessful as the “War on Drugs” and the “War on Terror” which followed it). The word “war” in this case was oddly appropriate, as the “drug abuse emergency” Nixon referred to was largely taking place amongst the US Army in Vietnam, where drug-taking was very prevalent. To understand the origin of Nixon’s policies, we first need to look at a little history of this other “war on drugs” – how drugs have been used in war zones over recent centuries.
view=Binary 168. www.guardian.co.uk/world/2010/mar /05/korean-girl-starved-online-game 169. www.drugabuse.gov/sites/default/files/ sciofaddiction.pdf 170. info.cancerresearchuk.org/prod_consump/ groups/cr_common/@nre/@sta/documents/ generalcontent/crukmig_1000ast-2989.xls 171. www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.1119598109 172. www.guardian.co.uk/society/2010/oct/ 31/race-bias-drug-arrests-claim 173. www.nytimes.com/2011/06/17/opinion/ 17carter.html 174. www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2007/feb/ 11/uk.drugsandalcohol1 175. www.ukcia.org/research/ ProjectionsOfImpactOfRiseInUse/ ProjectionsOfImpactOfRiseInUse.pdf 176. www.beckleyfoundation.org/2011/11/19/ public-letter-in-the-times-and-guardian-calling-for-a-new-approach 177. www.homeoffice.gov.uk/drugs/drug-law/ 178. www.time.com/time/world/article/ 0,8599,1887488,00.html 179. www.apa.org/science/programs/ conference/2011/harwood.ppt 180. www.msnbc.msn.com/id/35914759/ns/business-world _business/t/wachovia-settle-drug-money-laundering-case 181. www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-435393/ Exclusive-Cameron-DID-smoke-cannabis.html 182. www.lawrencephillips.net/ Decision_conferencing.html Index Page numbers in bold indicate definitions. 12-step programme, 1, 2 5HT2A receptors and psychedelics, 1 acamprosate, 1 acetylcholine receptors, 1 ACMD, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 cannabis report, 1 drugs ranked, 1 expert panel for MCDA, 1 purpose, 1 ranking procedure, 1 ranking, limitations, 1 ranking, reaction to, 1 ranking, results, 1 ranking, weights, 1 sacked from, 1 website, 1 acquisitive crime, 1, 2, 3 Portugal, 1 UK statistics, 1 activate, 1 acute, 1 Adams, Tony, 1, 2 addiction, 1 alcohol, Tony Adams, 1 Amy Winehouse, 1, 2 benzodiazepines, 1 brain mechanisms, 1 curing, 1 diagnosing, 1 dynamics and, 1 gambling, 1 habits and, 1 history, 1 kinetics and, 1 memories in, 1, 2, 3 neurotransmitters and, 1 painkillers, to, avoiding, 1 Pete Doherty, 1 preventing, 1 protective factors against, 1 Ritalin and, 1 treatment difficult, 1 treatment with psychedelics, 1 treatment, Alcoholics Anonymous, 1 treatment, evaluating, 1 treatment, future, 1 treatment, pharmacological substitutes, see pharmacological substitutes treatment, Portuguese experiment, 1 treatment, psychological, 1 withdrawal and, 1 addictive personality, 1, 2 protective factors, 1 addictiveness crack, 1 routes of use, 1 smoking, 1 tolerance and, 1 withdrawal and, 1 adenosine coffee produces, 1 receptors, 1 ADHD, 1, 2, 3 Ritalin treatment for, 1 Advertising Standards Authority, 1 advice on drugs, 1 aerobatics, 1 aerosols, see solvents agonist, see also antagonist and pseudo-antagonist, see also full and partial agonists full, 1 partial, 1 agoraphobia and alcohol, 1 AIDS, see HIV/AIDS Ainsworth, Bob, and decriminalisation, 1 Al Qaeda drugs money, 1 alcohol, 1, 2 addiction, 1 addiction endorphins, 1 agoraphobia and, 1 ALDH2 enzyme, 1, 2 alternatives, 1 anxiety and, 1 availability, 1 binge drinking, 1 cirrhosis and, 1, 2 cocaethylene, 1, 2 cocaine combined with, 1 dependence treatment, 1 depressant, 1 endorphins and, 1 ethnic groups, ALDH2 and, 1 GHB treatment for, 1 harms reduction, 1 health priority, 1 inverse agonist, 1 mixing with drugs, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 price, 1 PTSD, and, 1 road safety, 1 smuggling, 1 sport, drugs in, 1 treatment in Italy and Austria, 1 treatment, LSD in, 1 withdrawal, 1, 2, 3 withdrawal, benzodiazepine treatment for, 1 withdrawal, ibogaine treatment for, 1 alcohol policy, drinks industry, 1 alcoholics anxiety disorders, 1, 2 dopamine receptor, 1 Alcoholics Anonymous, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 ALDH2 enzyme and alcohol, 1, 2 allergic reaction, 1 Alpert, Richard, 1 Alpha receptors, 1 alternative approach, legislation, 1 licensed drug premises, 1 licensed drug sales, 1 alternatives for farmers, 1 alternatives to War on Drugs, 1 Portuguese approach, 1 Ameisen, Olivier, 1 amines, 1 amitriptyline, 1 amphetamines, 1 child soldiers given, 1 performance enhancers, 1 stimulant, 1 war, in, 1 amputation of limbs from smoking, 1 anabolic, 1 anabolic steroids, 1, 2, 3 corticosteroids, difference, 1 effects, 1 harms, 1 harms reduction, 1 HIV/AIDS, treatment in, 1 overdose, unlikely, 1 performance enhancers, 1 sex hormones, 1 suicide and, 1 uses, 1 anabolic-androgenic steroids, 1 anadenanthera peregrina, 1 analgesic-induced headaches, 1 analogues, synthetic, 1 ancient Greece Elysian Fields, 1 mushrooms, 1 Andes, cocaine in, 1 androgenic, 1 anhedonia, 1 antagonist, 1, 2, 3 vaccines, anti-drug, 1 anthrax, 1 anti-drug vaccines, 1 anti-inflammatory, corticosteroids, 1 anti-stress corticosteroids, 1 antibody for cocaine overdose, 1 antidepressants, 1 how they work, 1 tricyclic, 1 anxiety addiction and, 1 alcohol and, 1 benzodiazepines for, 1 cannabis and, 1 depressants for, 1 disorder in alcoholics, 1, 2 GABA receptors, low levels, 1 neurotransmitters and, 1 new drugs for, 1 panic attacks, 1 PTSD, in, 1 reduction in terminal illness, 1 treatment outcomes, 1 treatment, SSRIs, 1 archery, 1 ASA, 1 asphyxiation from solvents, 1 aspirin, 1 side effects, 1 aspirin, side effects, 1 Ativan, 1 atom bomb, spiritual antidote to, 1 attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, see ADHD auditory effects, schizophrenia, 1 Australia, decriminalisation of drugs in, 1 ayuesca, psychedelic, 1 baby, starved by parents, 1 baclofen, 1 bagging, route of use, 1 ban, temporary order, 1 banisteriopsis caapi, 1 banks, money-laundering, 1 barbiturates, 1, 2, 3 PTSD, and, 1 suicide, 1 Barcelona, 1 battle fatigue, 1, see also PTSD BCS, see British Crime Survey benefits cannabis, 1 mephedrone, 1 psychedelics, 1 Benzedrine, 1, 2 benzodiazepines, 1, 2 addiction, 1 alcohol treatment, in, 1 benefits, 1 depressant, 1 endogenous, 1 GABA receptors, 1 harms, 1 how they work, 1 Librium, 1 overdose, safer, 1 physical dependence, 1 rebound less likely, 1 side effects, few, 1 suicide and, 1 withdrawal, 1 benzylpiperazine, 1 Bernays, Edward, 1 beta blockers in sport, 1 Betts, Leah, 1, 2 bhang, 1, 2 binge cocaine, 1 drinking, 1, 2, 3 LSD, impossible, 1 tolerance and, 1 treatment, 1 Bird, Sheila, Professor, 1 bladder, ketamine, 1 Blair, Tony, 1 blind trial, 1 Bolivia, 1, 2 coca, 1, 2 bong, 1 brain addiction mechanisms, 1 default mode, 1 brain chemicals, 1 receptors, 1 Brain Science, Addiction and Drugs programme, 1 dispense with care scenario, 1 high performance scenario, 1 neighbourhood watch scenario, 1 treated positively scenario, 1 Brake, Tom, MP, 1 Breakdown Britain, 1, 2 British Aerobatic Association, 1 British Crime Survey, 1 Brokenshire, James, 1 bromides, PTSD, and, 1 bubbles, see mephedrone buprenorphine, 1, 2 advantages, 1 blocks on-top heroin use, 1 early problems, 1 effects, 1 heroin susbstitute, 1 how it works, 1 morphine alternative, 1 opioid, 1 origin, 1 partial agonist for heroin, 1 pharmacological substitute, as, 1 bupropion, 1 burglary, 1, 2 Burrows, David, 1 butane, see also solvents, 1 Bwiti cult, 1 BZP, 1 caffeine Coca-Cola, 1 coffee, 1 stimulant, 1 withdrawal, 1, 2 calmness, drugs for, 1 Camden, 1 “Cameron approach”, 1 Cameron, David, MP, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Cameroon, 1 Campral, 1 cancer, see also terminal illness ecstasy in treating, 1 cannabis, 1, 2 ACMD report, 1 anxiety and, 1 as medicine, historical, 1 as medicine, present, 1 benefits, 1 cluster headache and, 1 decriminalisation of drugs, 1 different forms compared, 1 downgrading, 1, 2 farmers required to grow, 1 gateway to more harmful drugs, 1 harms, 1 harms, compared to prison, 1 hemp, 1 heroin instead of, 1 multiple sclerosis and, 1, 2, 3 munchies, the, 1 psychoactive ingredient, 1 re-upgraded, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3, 4 routes of use, 1 schizophrenia, 1, 2 terminal illness, for, 1 therapeutic drug, as, 1 tinctures, 1 upgrading, 1, 2 cannabis indica, 1 Carlin, Eric, 1, 2 Carnage UK, 1 Carter, Jimmy, 1 Case for Heroin, The, 1 catechol O methyl transferase, see COMT cathinones, 1 banned, 1 naphyrone, 1 synthetic, 1 CBD, 1, 2, 3 CBT, 1, 2 Celera Genomics and genetic sequencing, 1 Celexa, 1 Centre for Social Justice, 1 Champix, 1 Champs Elysees, 1 chemicals, brain, 1 chewing, routes of use, 1 Chief Medical Officer, 1 child soldiers given amphetamines, 1 children advice to, 1 age to advise at, 1 Chinese, alcohol and, 1 cholecystokinin, 1 chronic, 1 cigarettes advertising, 1 generic packaging, 1 invention, 1 labelling, 1 wars, in, 1 Cipramil, 1 cirrhosis, 1 cirrhosis and alcohol, 1, 2 cirrhosis and khat, 1 citalopram, 1 civil liberties, 1 Clarke, Ken, 1 Class of drug, see also downgrading, see also upgrading too high, perverse consequences, 1 kinetics affect, 1 prison sentences by, 1 purpose, 1 reviewing, 1 social context and, 1, 2 classification of harms, 1, 2 climate change, 1, 2 Clinton, Bill, 1 clonidine, 1 clostridium, 1 cluster headache cannabis and, 1 psychedelics for, 1, 2 CMO, see Chief Medical Officer CNN, 1 co-ingestants, 1, 2 coca, 1 Bolivia, 1, 2 Coca-Cola and caffeine, 1 Coca-Cola and cocaine, 1 cocaethylene, 1 cocaine, see also crack, 1, 2 addiction endorphins, 1 alcohol combined with, 1 binge, 1 Coca-Cola, 1 cocaethylene, 1, 2 crack compared, 1 crop destruction, 1, 2, 3 deaths in drugs war, 1 effects, 1 environmental damage, 1 farmers, 1 freebase is crack, 1 history, 1 how it works, 1 hydrochloride, 1 insecticide, as, 1 international damage, 1 manufacturing process, 1 nose, 1 overdose mechanism, 1 overdose, antibody for, 1 political damage, 1 powder, 1 rainforests affected, 1, 2 routes of use, 1, 2 stimulant, 1 vaccine, anti-, 1 wine, see Vin Mariani Cockburn, Joslyne, 1 codeine, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 cough medicine, removed, 1 headaches induced, 1 opioid, 1 coffee adenosine, produces, 1 caffeine, 1 cognition enhancer, as, 1 effects, 1 history, 1 how it works, 1 origin, 1 coffee shop model, Netherlands, 1, 2 cognition enhancer coffee as, 1 cognition enhancers, 1 common, scenario, 1 economic divide, 1 exams, in, 1 memory and, 1 modafinil, 1 uses, 1 cognitive behavioural therapy, see CBT Colombia, 1, 2 Columbus, Christopher, 1 compensating farmers, 1 COMT dopamine and, 1 noradrenaline and, 1 pain sensitivity, 1 types, 1 consent, see, informed consent contraceptive pill, 1 Convention on Psychotropic Substances, 1 corruption, 1 corticosteroids anabolic steroids, difference, 1 muscle wasting with, 1 cortisol, 1 cost crime, drug-related, 1 drug habits, of, 1 War on Drugs, 1 cot death, see Sudden Infant Death Syndrome cough medicine, codeine removed, 1 Counterblast to Tobacco, 1 crack, see also cocaine, 1 addictiveness, 1 cocaine compared, 1 dopamine receptors and, 1 harms, 1 kinetics, 1 origin, 1 purity, 1 routes of use, 1 vaporisation temperature, 1 craving, 1 creativity enhanced by psychedelics, 1 CRF, 1 crime, see also acquisitive crime drug-related, cost, 1 statistics, 1 Crimean War, cigarettes in, 1 criminalisation effects, 1 of sick end disabled, 1 smoking, 1 supply reduction, 1 criteria for harms, 1, 2 crop destruction, 1 cocaine, 1 crop destruction, cocaine, 1 cultural context, see social context curing addiction, 1 cycling, 1 D-cycloserine, 1, 2 Daily Mail, the, 1, 2, 3 DALY, 1 DARE programme, 1 costs, 1 does not work, 1 data set, minimum required, 1 day with drugs, 1 day without drugs, 1 decriminalisation of drugs Ainsworth, Bob, 1 Australia, 1 cannabis, 1 legalisation differs, 1 Mowlam, Mo, 1 Portugal, 1, 2, 3 UK independence party, 1 UN Conventions and, 1 default mode of brain, 1 Delgarno, Phil, 1 demand reduction statistics, 1 War on Drugs, 1 demographic imbalance, 1 demographic shifts, 1 dependence, see physical dependence, psychological dependence depressants, 1, 2 alcohol, 1 anxiety, for, 1 benzodiazepines, 1 “downers”, 1 GHB, 1 depression psilocybin, 1 vicious cycle, 1, 2 designer drugs mephedrone, 1 problems legislating for, 1 development of new drugs, 1 impediments, 1 social implications, 1 War on Drugs hinders, 1 diabetes, 1 diabetes, dietary treatment, 1 diabetes, insulin treatment, 1 diagnosing addiction, 1 dietary treatment, diabetes, 1 DIMS, Netherlands, 1, 2 disability-adjusted life year, 1 discriminatory policing, 1 disease, infectious, War on Drugs and, 1 disease-modifying agents, 1 dispense with care scenario, 1 disrepute, law into, 1 dissuasion board, 1 diverting prescription drugs, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 Ritalin, 1 DMT, see also ayuesca, 1 psychedelic, 1 Doblin, Rick, 1 Doherty, Pete, 1, 2 Doll, Richard, 1, 2 Donaldson, Sir Liam, 1 Doors of Perception, The, 1 dopamine, 1 COMT and, 1 levels in withdrawal, 1 nicotine withdrawal, in, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 receptors in alcoholics, 1 receptors vicious cycle, 1 receptors, crack and, 1 receptors, methamphetamine and, 1 receptors, monkey, 1 receptors, stimulants and, 1 reuptake, 1 reuptake inhibitor, Ritalin, 1 reward chemical, 1 tobacco releases, 1 transporters, 1 double-blind trial, 1 down-regulating receptors, 1, 2 downgrading ecstasy recommendation, 1, 2 cannabis, 1, 2 purpose, 1 Drake, Sir Francis, 1 drinking, routes of use, 1 drinks industry alcohol policy, 1 misleading messages, 1 driving, drugs and, 1 Drone, see mephedrone drug, 1 defined, 1 efficacy, 1 Drug Abuse Resistance Education, see DARE Drug Information and Monitoring System, see DIMS, Netherlands drug ranking, Netherlands, 1 drug tourism, 1 drug trials informed consent, 1 drug trials, informed consent, 1 drug-related factors, 1 drugs, see also performance enhancer anti-insect defence, 1 Classes, see Class of drug daily cycle, 1, 2 different forms, why, 1 evolution, 1 future developments, 1 harms related to physical form, 1 history, 1 mixing, 1 mixing with alcohol, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 mixing, dangers, 1, 2, 3 mixing, speedballs, 1 neurotransmitters, mimic, 1 performance enhancing, see performance enhancers plant origin, 1 prescription, see prescription drugs profit margin, 1 psychedelic, see psychedelics reasons for taking, 1 sport, in, see sport, drugs in why people take, 1 withdrawal, 1 drugs in war, 1 amphetamines, 1 morphine, 1 prevalent, 1 recovery from, 1 unsanctioned, 1 Drummond, Colin, 1 Duncan Smith, Iain, 1 Dutch, see Netherlands Dutch courage, 1 dynamics, 1 addiction and, 1 mephedrone, 1 dynorphins, 1 dyslexia, 1 early-onset Parkinson’s, 1 Easter Parade, 1 eating overdose, increases risk of, 1 routes of use, 1, 2 economic divide and cognition enhancers, 1 economic growth low, scenario, 1 slower, scenario, 1 strong, scenario, 1 ecstasy, 1, 2 cancer, and, 1 dangers of, 1 death from, 1 downgrade recommended, 1, 2 effects, 1 empathy, first called, 1 harms, 1, 2 media reaction, 1 Parkinson’s and, 1 precautions, water, 1 properties, 1 PTSD, and, 1, 2 serotonin and, 1 withdrawal, 1 education, immediate downsides, about, 1 efficacy of a drug, 1 Egypt, 1 electron, 1 Elysian Fields, 1 Elysian fields, 1 empathogenic, 1 empathogens, 1 empathy, see ecstasy emphysema, 1 endocannabinoid system, 1, 2 endocannabinoids, 1 endogenous benzodiazepines, 1 endorphins, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 alcohol addiction, 1 alcohol and, 1 cocaine addiction, 1 heroin addiction, 1 receptor and heroin, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3, 4 reward chemical, 1 endoscopies, 1 endozapines, 1 energisation effect, suicide, 1 enkephalins, 1 entheogenic, 1, 2, 3 environmental damage, cocaine, 1 Environmental Protection Agency, 1 enzymes, 1 ephedra, 1 ephedrine, 1 epidemic, mental-health, 1 epilepsy, 1, 2 equasy, 1 defined, 1 equine addiction syndrome, see equasy ergotamine and Salem witch trials, 1 ergotamine, LSD derived from, 1 Estimating Drug Harms: A Risky Business, 1 ether, 1 ethical issues, genetic sequencing, 1 ethnic groups, ALDH2 and alcohol, 1 Eton, David Cameron at, 1 evidence-based policy, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 evolution of drugs, 1 exams, cognition enhancers in, 1 experimentation, delay to reduce harms, 1 farmers alternatives for, 1 cannabis, required to grow, 1 coca, 1 compensating, 1 Pakistan, alternatives for, 1 supporting, 1 Thailand, alternatives for, 1 unequal trade terms, 1 flumazenil, 1 flumazenil as tracer, 1 fluoxetine, 1 fly agaric mushrooms, 1 flying, drugs and, 1, 2 fMRI, 1 Foresight programme, 1 pharmaceutical industry, 1 stakeholders, 1 Frank Statement to Cigarette Smokers, 1 freebase, 1 freedom to choose addiction and, 1 impact on others, 1 objective information required, 1 Freud, Sigmund, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Freudian psychoanalysis, 1 Frischer, Martin, 1 full agonist, 1 heroin, for, 1 functional MRI, 1 future drugs, 1 issues, 1 GABA glutamate, blocked by, 1 memory formation, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 GABA receptors anxiety and, 1 benzodiazepines, 1 neuroimaging, 1 overdose, 1 tolerance and, 1 withdrawal and, 1 Gabon, 1 Gaedecke, Friedriche, 1 gambling addiction, 1 gangs, Vietnamese, 1 ganja, 1 gap between neurons, see synapse gateway to more harmful drugs cannabis, 1 prison, 1 GBL, 1, 2, 3, 4 generic packaging, cigarettes, 1 genetic sequencing, 1 Celera Genomics, 1 ethical issues, 1 risks, 1 Geneva International Convention on Narcotics Control, 1 genotyping, see genetic sequencing GHB, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 alcohol treatment, in, 1 dangers, 1 depressant, 1 tolerance to, 1 Gilmore, Sir Ian, 1 Gin Craze, 1, 2, 3 glue, see solvents glutamate GABA, blocks, 1 memory formation and, 1 receptors, 1 grey campaigners, 1 Guardian, the, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Gucci, profit margin, 1 Guinea Bissau, 1 Guinea-Bissau, 1 Guinea-Bissau, collapsing, 1 Guy’s and St Thomas’ Hospital, 1 habits and addiction, 1 haemoglobin, 1 half-life, 1 hallucinations, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 schizophrenia, 1 Hargreaves, Patrick, 1 harms 16 types, 1 9 types, 1, 2 anabolic steroids, 1 cannabis, 1 classification, 1, 2 crack, 1 ecstasy, 1, 2 kinetics affect, 1 measuring, 1 measuring, political reaction, 1 measuring, purpose, 1 mephedrone, 1 others, to, 1 psychedelics, 1 related to form of drug, 1 routes of use, 1 users, to, 1 harms reduction alcohol, 1 alcohol alternatives, 1 alcohol availability, 1 alcohol binge drinking, 1 alcohol dependence, 1 alcohol price, 1 alcohol priority, 1 alcohol, road safety, 1 anabolic steroids, 1 delay experimenting, 1 smoking ban, 1 smoking restrictions, 1 War on Drugs, 1 Harrods sold cocaine and heroin, 1 Harvard, Leary Timothy at, 1 hash, skunk, compared, 1 headaches, see also cluster headache analgesic-induced, 1 codeine-induced, 1 Hearst, William Randolph, 1 hemp, 1 hepatitis, injecting, risk, 1, 2 heroin, 1, 2, 3, 4 £300/week, 1 £500/week, 1 addiction endorphins, 1 addiction, Pete Doherty, 1 buprenorphine blocks on-top use, 1 cannabis, instead of, 1 endorphin receptor targeted, 1 full agonist for, 1 methadone and withdrawal, 1 methadone blocks on-top use, 1 morphine alternative, 1 Netherlands, in, 1 opioid, 1 opium, from, 1 origin of name, 1 overdose, benzodiazepines and, 1 painkiller, as, 1 painkiller, is most effective, 1 partial agonist for, 1 pharmacological substitutes, 1 prisoners overdose on, 1 receptors affected, 1 synthesised 1874, 1 therapeutic, as, 1 treatment for, 1 treatment with heroin itself, 1 treatment, British model, 1 treatment, Switzerland, 1 withdrawal, 1 heroin susbstitute buprenorphine, 1 methadone, 1 high performance scenario, 1 history cocaine, 1 coffee, 1 drugs, 1 LSD, 1 tobacco, 1 HIV/AIDS anabolic steroids treatment, 1 injecting, risk, 1, 2, 3 reduced, Portuguese experiment, 1 Russia, 1 TurBo-HIV, 1 Hofmann, Albert, 1 Holland, see Netherlands Holmes, Sherlock, 1 Home Secretary, see also Johnson, Alan, see also Smith, Jacqui, 1, 2 horse tranquilliser, 1 horse-riding ecstasy, comparison, 1, 2 Parkinson’s and, 1 huffing, route of use, 1 Human Genome Project, 1 Human Rights Watch, 1 Huxley, Aldous, 1, 2 hydrochloride, cocaine, 1 hydrochlorides, vaporisation temperature, 1 hypertension, rebound and, 1 hyponatraemia, 1, 117 ibogaine, 1, 2 addiction treatment, in, 1 as wit hdrawal treatment, 1 psychedelic, 1 ibuprofen, 1 imipramine, 1 impotence, 1 India Kerala and opiates, 1 morphine as painkiller, 1 Indian Hemp Drugs Commission report, 1 informed consent NHS, 1 informed consent, drug trials, 1 inhaling routes of use, 1 inhaling, routes of use, 1 initial misery with SSRIs, 1 injecting dangers of, 1 hepatitis risk, 1, 2 HIV/AIDS risk, 1, 2, 3 other risks risk, 1 routes of use, 1 insecticide cocaine as, 1 mephedrone, 1 insects, drugs defend against, 1 insulin treatment, diabetes, 1 international damage from cocaine, 1 Inuit, alcohol and, 1 inverse agonist, 1 ISCD, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 foundation, 1 minimum dataset, 1 website, 1 isotope, see radioactive isotope Jackson, Toby, 1 jail, see prison Johnson, Alan, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Johnson, Lyndon, 1 Just Say No, 1 Kerala opiates policy, 1 ketamine, 1, 2 bladder, 1 Class, 1 don’t mix, 1 side effects, 1 tolerance, 1 ulcerative cystitis, 1 Vietnam, in, 1 khat, 1, 2 cirrhosis and, 1 mules, 1 perverse consequences if banned, 1 stimulant, 1 kicking the habit, derivation, 1 kids, see children kinetics, 1 addiction and, 1 Class and, 1 crack, 1 harms and, 1 mephedrone, 1 routes of use, and, 1 King Charles II, 1 King James I, 1 King Philip II, 1 King, Les, 1 Kleps, Arthur, 1 knowledge nomads, 1 Koller, Karl, 1 Korea, 1 Korean couple starve baby, 1 Lansley, Andrew, 1 laudanum, 1, 2 law brought into disrepute, 1 law, patent, 1 League of Nations, 1 Leary, Timothy, 1 LSD, 1 mushrooms, magic, 1 psilocybin, 1 legal high, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 legalisation v decriminalisation, 1 legislation alternative approach, 1 designer drugs, 1 libertarians, 1, 2 Rand, Ayn, 1 liberty caps, 1 Librium alcohol withdrawal, for, 1 benzodiazepines, 1 licence to take psychedelics, 1 licensed drug premises, 1 licensed drug sales, 1 lifespan reduction, smoking, 1 lime, 1 London School of Economics, 1 LSD, 1 discovery, 1 ergotamine, derived from, 1 history, 1 psychedelic, 1 psychiatry and, 1 recreational drug, origins, 1 Saskatchewan hospital, 1 therapeutic, as, 1, 2 LSD – The Problem Solving Psychedelic, 1 LSE, 1 lung cancer Rand, Ayn, 1 smoking, causes, 1 tobacco industry response, 1 lymphocytes, 1 lysergic acid, 1 lysergic acid diethylamide, see LSD M-cat, see mephedrone magic mushrooms, see mushrooms magnetic resonance imaging, 1 Mail on Sunday, the, 1 Major, John, 1 MAPS, 1 Maria, Antonio Maria, 1 Mariani wine, see Vin Mariani Mariani, Angelo, 1, 2 Marsden, John, 1 MCDA, 1 ACMD expert panel, 1 defined, 1 MDMA, see ecstasy Measham, Fiona, 1, 2 measuring harms, see harms, measuring media, ecstasy, and, 1 Medicare, 1 Medicines Act, 1 Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency, 1 memories addiction, in, 1, 2, 3 phobias and, 1 pleasure-seeking and, 1 PTSD, in, 1 stressful, benzodiazepines for, 1 memory and cognition enhancers, 1 memory formation cannabis impairs, 1 GABA, and, 1 glutamate and, 1 neurotransmitters and, 1 mental performance improvement, see cognition enhancers mental-health epidemic, 1 “meow meow”, see mephedrone mephedrone, 1, 2 banned, 1 banned, why, 1 benefits, 1 designer drugs, 1 dynamics, 1 harms, 1 insecticide, as, 1 kinetics, 1 nicknames, 1 origin, 1 plant food, 1 Scunthorpe Two, 1, 2 serotonin and, 1 stimulant, 1 suicide and, 1 mescaline, 1 Huxley, Aldous, 1 psychedelic, 1 met-met COMT type, 1 methadone, 1, 2 blocks on-top heroin use, 1 effects, 1 full agonist for heroin, 1 heroin susbstitute, 1 heroin withdrawal, avoids, 1 how it works, 1 opioid, 1 origin, 1 overdose risk with heroin, 1 pharmacological substitute, as, 1 problems, 1 withdrawal, 1 methamphetamine, 1 dopamine receptors and, 1 stimulant, 1 Mexico, 1, 2 violence in, 1 MHRA, 1 mind-manifesting, 1, 2 minimum data set required, 1 minimum data set, withdrawal and, 1 minimum dataset, 1 Minister for Crime Prevention, 1 Misuse of Drugs Act, 1, 2, 3 ACMD and, 1 cathinones ban, 1 correct operation, 1 mephedrone ban, 1 purpose, 1 suggested change, 1, 2 unfit for purpose, 1 mixing drugs or alcohol, see drugs, mixing Mixmag magazine, 1, 2 modafinil, 1, 2, 3 cognition enhancers, 1 exams, in, 1 Mogadon, 1 money-laundering, 1, 2 banks, 1 Panama, 1 monkeys, dopamine receptors, 1 Monroe, Marilyn, suicide, 1 Moore v Regents of the University of California, 1 moral issues, 1 morphine, 1, 2, 3 buprenorphine alternative for, 1 chronic pain for, 1, 2, 3 dose inadequate, Ukraine, 1 heroin alternative for, 1 not available, India, 1 opium, from, 1, 2 wars, in, 1 Mowlam, Mo, 1 MRI, 1 MS, see multiple sclerosis mules harm to, 1 imprisonment, 1 khat, 1 Mullis, Kary, 1 multi-criteria decision analysis, see MCDA Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies, see MAPS multiple sclerosis cannabis and, 1, 2, 3 Sativex and, 1 munchies, the, 1 muscle tremor, 1 muscle wasting, corticosteroids, 1 muscle, drugs to increase, 1 mushrooms, 1, 2 ancient Greece, 1 effects, 1 fly agaric, 1 Netherlands, from, 1 psychedelic, 1 why banned in UK, 1 nalmefene, 1, 2 naltrexone, 1, 2 naphyrone, 1 narcostates, 1 National Addiction Centre, 1 National Health Service, see NHS National Union of Students, 1 Native American Church, 1, 2, 3 Native Americans, 1 alcohol and, 1 natural opiates, 1 needle exchange beneficial effects, 1, 2 none in Russia, 1 neighbourhood watch scenario, 1 Netherlands coffee shop model, 1, 2 little heroin use, 1 mushrooms, magic, 1 Netherlands drug ranking study, 1 neuroimaging, 1 GABA receptors, 1 neuron, 1, 2 neurotransmitters, see also endorphins, see also receptor, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 addiction and, 1 anxiety and, 1 drugs mimic, 1 memory formation and, 1 on/off switch, 1, 2, 3 new drugs, see development of new drugs New York Times, The, 1, 2 NHS, 1, 2 informed consent, 1 NIAAA website, 1 nicotiana tabacum, 1 nicotine dopamine and withdrawal, 1 schizophrenia and, 1 vaccine, anti-, 1 withdrawal, 1, 2 nicotinic acid diethylamide, 1 NIDA website, 1 Nixon, Richard, 1, 2, 3 No. 10 Downing Street Strategy Unit, 1, 2 Freedom of Information Act, 1, 2 noradrenaline, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 COMT and, 1 norepinephrine, see noradrenaline North Battleford, see Saskatchewan hospital nose, cocaine, 1 Nutt, David Radio 1 interview, 2 sacked from ACMD, 1 Obama, Barack, 1, 2, 3 Observer, the, 1 oestrogen sex hormone, 1 Olympic Games, drugs in, 1 on-top use buprenorphine blocks heroin, 1 methadone blocks heroin, 1 on/off switch, neurotransmitters, 1, 2, 3 opiates, 1 natural, 1 overdose, 1 opioids, 1, 2 buprenorphine, 1 codeine, 1 heroin, 1 methadone, 1 synthetic, 1 opium heroin from, 1 morphine from, 1, 2 opium trade, 1 Orford, Jim, 1, 2, 3 overdose anabolic steroids, unlikely, 1 benzodiazepines, safer, 1 cocaine, mechanism, 1 death in Shetlands, 1 death rare in cannabis, LSD, 1 eating increases risk, 1 from chewing impossible, 1 GABA receptors, 1 heroin, benzodiazepines and, 1 low risk in heroin treatment, 1 methadone and heroin, risk, 1 opiates, harms, 1 prisoners on heroin, 1 psychedelics, impossible, 1 purity variation and, 1, 2 SSRIs, safer, 1, 2 tolerance as protection, 1 overshoot, 1 epilepsy, in, 1 oxycodone, 1 pain sensitivity and COMT, 1 painkillers, 1 addiction to, avoiding, 1 heroin, 1 heroin is most effective, 1 terminal illness, 1 under-prescribed, 1 paint, see solvents Pakistan, farmers, alternatives for, 1 palliative-care movement, 1 Panama, money-laundering, 1 panic attacks, 1 paracetamol, 1 paracetamol, side effects, 1, 2 Parkinson’s early onset, 1 ecstasy and, 1 horse-riding and, 1 smoking and, 1 paroxetine, 1 partial agonist, 1 buprenorphine, 1 heroin, for, 1 withdrawal, 1 patent law, 1 peer pressure, 1, 2 Pemberton, John, 1 pentathlon, 1 performance enhancers, see also cognition enhancers, 1 amphetamines, 1 anabolic steroids, 1 muscle/power, for, 1 personal and biological factors, 1 personal interactions, vicious cycle, 1 Peru, 1 perverse consequences Class, too high, 1 government policies, 1 international policies, 1 khat ban, 1 prohibition, 1 smoking ban, none, 1 War on Drugs, 1 Pervitin, 1, 2 PET, 1 PET camera, 1 PET scan, 1 peyote psychedelic, 1 pharmaceutical industry, 1 Foresight programme, 1 pharmacological substitutes, 1 agonists, full, 1 agonists, partial, 1 buprenorphine, 1 heroin, for, 1, 2 methadone, 1 treatment with, 1 pharmacological treatments antagonist, 1 disease-modifying agents, 1 pseudo-antagonist, 1 pharmacology, 1 phenylalanine and phenylketonuria, 1 phenylketonuria, 1, 2 phenylketonuria and phenylalanine, 1 phobias memories and, 1 treating, 1 physical dependence, benzodiazepines, 1 plant food, see mephedrone plant origin of drugs, 1 policing, discriminatory, 1 political damage from cocaine, 1 poly drug users, see also drugs, mixing, 1, 2, 3, 4 Pope Leo XIII, Vin Mariani, and, 1 Portman Group, 1, 2, 3 Portugal decriminalisation of drugs, 1, 2 Portuguese experiment addiction treatment, 1 HIV/AIDS reduced, 1 positron, 1 positron emission tomography, see PET post-traumatic stress disorder, see PTSD postsynaptic neuron, 1 power, drugs to enhance, 1 prednisolone, 1 Premier League, 1 prescription drugs, 1 diversion, see diverting prescription drugs presynaptic neuron, 1 preventing addiction, 1 Prime Minister, 1, 2, 3 prison annual cost, 1 drug free policy, 1 gateway to more harmful drugs, 1 harms, compared to cannabis, 1 heroin v cannabis, 1 reoffending rate, 1 statistics, 1 suicide in, 1 prison sentences by drug Class, 1 prisoners ex, unemployment rate, 1 overdose on heroin, 1 problem solving and psychedelics, 1 Proceeds of Crime legislation, 1 profit margin drugs, 1 Gucci, 1 prohibition, 1 perverse consequences, 1 repeal, 1 protective factors against addiction, 1 protein production, 1 Prozac, 1 pseudo-antagonist, 1 psilocybe semilanceata, 1 psilocybin, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 addiction treatment, in, 1 depression, 1 Leary, Timothy, 1 psychedelics, see also LSD, 1, 2, 3 5HT2A receptors and, 1 ayuesca, 1 benefits, 1 cluster headache, for, 1, 2 creativity enhanced, 1 defined, 1 DMT, 1 harms, 1 how they work, 1 ibogaine, 1 licences for taking, 1 LSD, 1 mescaline, 1 mushrooms, 1 origin of name, 1 other, 1 other, effects, 1 overdose, impossible, 1 peyote, 1 problem solving, 1 PTSD, and, 1, 2 serotonin receptor, 1 therapeutics, as, 1 vasoconstrictor effect, 1 psychiatry and LSD, 1 psychoactive ingredient in cannabis, 1 psychonauts, 1 psychopharmacology, 1, 2 psychotria viridis, 1 PTSD, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 alcohol and, 1 barbiturates in treating, 1 bromides in treating, 1 ecstasy in treating, 1, 2 memory in, 1 psychedelics in treating, 1, 2 suicide, 1 treatment, 1 war, in, 1 purity variation and overdose, 1, 2 Purple Hearts, 1 Queen Victoria, 1 Vin Mariani, and, 1 quid, 1 Radio 4 interview, D Nutt, 1 radioactive isotope, 1 rainforests and cocaine, 1, 2 Ramsey, John, 1 Rand, Ayn, lung cancer, 1 ranking drugs, see ACMD, ranking RAVE act, 1, 2, 3 reasons for taking drugs, 1 rebound, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3 5HT2A, in psychedelics, 1 acetylcholine, 1 adenosine, 1 Alpha, 1 brain chemicals, 1 cannabis, 1, 2 dopamine, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 dopamine, stimulants and, 1 down-regulating, 1, 2 endorphin, 1, 2, 3, 4 GABA, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 glutamate, 1 heroin and, 1 number of, 1, 2 serotonin, 1, 2, 3 targeted by drug, 1 tolerance and, 1 recreational drugs defined, 1 improved synthetic, 1 recurrence, 1 Reducing Americans’ Vulnerability to Ecstasy Act, see RAVE Act Reid, John, MP, 1 relapse, 1 rates of, 1 reducing risk of, 1 stress-induced, 1, 2 triggers, 1 reoffending rate of prisoners, 1 research new drugs, 1 War on Drugs hinders, 1 restless legs, 1 reuptake, see also SSRIs blocking, 1 dopamine, 1 dopamine, cocaine blocks, 1 ecstasy blocks, 1 serotonin, 1 serotonin, ecstasy blocks, 1 sites, 1, 2, 3 reward chemicals, 1 Reynolds, JR, Queen Victoria’s physician, 1 Ricaurte, George, 1 risks genetic sequencing, of, 1 higher for young people, 1 surgery, statistics, 1 Ritalin, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 addiction and, 1 ADHD, in treating, 1 case study, 1 children and, 1 diversion, 1 dopamine reuptake inhibitor, 1 side effects, 1 rituals, 1 shamanic, 1 road traffic accidents, 1, 2, 3 Rohypnol, 1 rosewater, 1 routes of use, 1 addictiveness and, 1, 2 bagging, 1 cannabis, 1 chewing, 1 cocaine, 1, 2 crack, 1 drinking, 1 eating, 1, 2 harms, 1 huffing, 1 inhaling, 1, 2 injecting, 1 kinetics, 1 rubbing, 1 smoking, 1, 2 snorting, 1 speed of different, 1 spraying, 1 rubbing, routes of use, 1 Runciman report, 1, 2, 3 Runciman, Viscountess, 1 Russia, HIV/AIDS uncurbed, 1 safety ratio, 1 Salem witch trials, ergotamine and, 1 Sami, 1 Sandoz, 1 Sare, Jeremy, 1 Saskatchewan hospital and LSD, 1 Sativex, 1, 2, 3 multiple sclerosis and, 1 scenarios, future, 1 schizophrenia auditory effects, 1 cannabis, 1 cannabis, and, 1 hallucinations, 1 nicotine and, 1 skunk, 1 skunk, and, 1 voices, hearing, 1 Schofield, Penny, 1 school, drugs and, 1 Scunthorpe Two, 1, 2, 3 secondary smoking, 1 selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors, see SSRIs sentence, no effect on cannabis use, 1, 2 serotonin, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14 ecstasy and, 1 mephedrone and, 1 receptors, 1, 2, 3 receptors, psychedelics and, 1 reuptake, 1 Seroxat, 1 sertraline, 1 set, 1 set and setting, 1 setting, 1 setting, set and, 1 sex hormones anabolic steroids, 1 oestrogen, 1 testosterone, 1, 2, 3 shamanic rituals, 1 shell shock, 1, see also PTSD shooting, see injecting, 1 shoplifting, 1 Siberia, 1 side effects benzodiazepines, 1 ketamine, 1 Ritalin, 1 SSRIs, 1 stimulants, 1 Sierra Leone, child soldiers, 1 Simpson, Tommy, 1 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, 1, 2, 3 Bolivia and, 1 decriminalisation and, 1 Portugal and, 1 Singleton, Nicola, 1 skin infections, 1 skunk, 1 hash, compared, 1 schizophrenia, 1, 2 sleeping pills, 1, 2 insomnia research, 1 Smith, Jacqui, MP, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 Smith, Nicholas, 1, 2, 3 smoking, see also nicotine, see also tobacco, 1 addictiveness, 1 amputation of limbs from, 1 ban, 1 ban, objections, 1 ban, results, 1 benefits, 1 criminalisation, 1 harms reduction, 1, 2 labelling, 1 lifespan reduction, 1 lung cancer, causes, 1 Parkinson’s and, 1 promoted as healthy, 1, 2 restrictions, 1 routes of use, 1, 2 secondary, 1 social context, 1 withdrawal, 1, 2 smoking ban no perverse consequences, 1 smuggling alcohol, 1 tobacco, 1, 2 snorting, routes of use, 1 social context and Class of drug, 1, 2 social context of smoking, 1 social factors, 1 social implications of new drugs, 1 soldiers, see drugs in war solvents asphyxiation, 1 dangers of, 1 speed of different routes of use, 1 speed of offset, 1 speed of onset, 1 speedballs in Vietnam, 1 spice, 1 Spiegelhalter, David, 1, 2 spiritual antidote to atom bomb, 1 sport, drugs in, see also performance enhancers, 1 alcohol, 1 beta blockers, 1 calmness, for, 1 non performance-enhancing, 1 Olympic Games, 1 withdrawal, 1 spraying, routes of use, 1 SSDS, see sudden sniffing death syndrome SSRIs, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 how they work, 1 miserable initially, 1 overdose, safer, 1, 2 rebound less likely, 1 side effects, few, 1 street value, none, 1 suicide and, 1, 2 suicide rate lowered, 1 withdrawal, 1 stereotypy, 1 steroids, see also anabolic steroids, corticosteroids stimulant, 1 Stevens, Alex, Professor, 1 Stewart, Hester, 1 stimulants, 1, 2, 3 amphetamine, 1 caffeine, 1 cocaine, 1 dopamine receptors and, 1 khat, 1 mephedrone, 1 methamphetamine, 1 side effects, 1 steroids, 1 tobacco, 1 “uppers”, 1 street value, SSRIs, none, 1 stress hormones, 1 substance P, 1 substitute prescribing, 1 substitutes, see pharmacological substitutes Subutex, 1 Sudden Infant Death Syndrome, 1 sudden sniffing death syndrome, 1 suicide anabolic steroids and, 1 barbiturates, 1 benzodiazepines and, 1 energisation effect, 1 Marilyn Monroe, 1 mephedrone contributed to, 1 prison, in, 1 PTSD, 1 SSRIs and, 1, 2 SSRIs lower rate, 1 Sun, the, 1 supply reduction, criminalisation and, 1 Surgeon General, US, 1 surgery, risk statistics, 1 Switzerland, heroin treatment, 1 synapse, 1 synthetic analogues, 1 synthetic opioids, 1 synthetic recreational drugs, 1 Taylor, Polly, Dr, 1 TB, see tuberculosis teeth, bad, 1 Temperance Movement, 1 temporary banning orders, 1 terminal illness anxiety reduction, 1 cannabis for, 1 heroin for, 1 morphine in, 1, 2, 3 painkillers, 1 painkillers not given, 1, 2, 3, 4 preparation for, with LSD, 1, 2 War on Drugs, 1 testosterone withdrawal, 1 testosterone sex hormone, 1, 2, 3 Thailand, farmers, alternatives for, 1 Thatcher, Margaret, 1 THC, 1, 2, 3, 4 content, cannabis forms, 1 therapeutic drug cannabis as, 1 heroin, as, 1 LSD as, 1 psychedelics as, 1, 2 thrombosis, 1 Times, The, and heroin, 1 tinctures, cannabis, 1 tobacco, see also smoking, 1 benefits, 1 dopamine, releases, 1 harms, 1 history, 1 ritual function, 1 routes of use, 1 smuggling, 1, 2 stimulant, 1 tobacco industry distorted evidence, 1 lung cancer, response to, 1 resistance to health measures, 1 tolerance addictiveness and, 1 bingeing and, 1 defined, 1 GABA receptors and, 1 GHB, to, 1 ketamine, 1 mechanism, 1 overdose protection, as, 1 receptors and, 1 Tour de France, 1 toxicology, 1 tracer, 1 flumazenil, 1 transporters, 1, 2 dopamine, 1 treated positively scenario, 1 treatment, see addiction treatment tricyclic antidepressants, 1 tuberculosis, 1 TurBo-HIV, 1 Turkey, 1 UK independence party, decriminalisation of drugs, 1 Ukraine, morphine dose inadequate, 1 ulcerative cystitis, ketamine-induced, 1 UN Office on Drugs and Crime, see UNODC unemployment rate, ex-prisoners, 1 unlearning and phobias, 1 UNODC, 1 upgrading cannabis, 1, 2 purpose, 1 uppers, 1 vaccines, anti-drug, 1 antagonist, 1 cocaine, 1 nicotine, 1 val-met COMT type, 1 val-val COMT type, 1 valeda, 1 Valium, 1, 2 vandalism, 1 vaporisation temperature crack, 1 hydrochlorides, 1 varenicline, 1 vasoconstriction, psychedelics, 1 veins, damaged, 1 vicious cycle depression, 1, 2 dopamine receptors, 1 personal interactions, 1 withdrawal, 1 Vietnam drug-taking prevalent, 1 ketamine used, 1 LSD and anti-war movement, 1 speedballs, 1 statistics for drugs, 1 Vietnamese gangs, 1 Vin Mariani, 1, 2, 3 Pope Leo XIII, 1 Queen Victoria, 1 visual distortions, 1, 2, 3 voices, hearing, schizophrenia, 1 Wachovia bank money-laundering investigation, 1 Wainwright, Louis, 1, 2, 3 war American Civil, 1 cigarettes in, 1 Crimean, 1 Franco-Prussian, 1 PTSD in, 1 War on Drugs, 1 aims, 1 alternatives, 1 cost, 1 crime, increases, 1 demand reduction, 1 disease, infectious, 1 diverts attention, 1 harms reduction, 1 ineffective, report on, 1 perverse consequences, 1 research, hinders, 1 terminal illness, 1 War on Poverty, 1 War on Terror, 1 war, drugs in, see drugs in war wash up, 1 water overdrinking, dangers of, 1 when taking ecstasy, 1 weed, 1 weights in ACMD ranking, 1 Wellbutrin, 1 West Africa, 1 White, Kelli, 1 WHO, 1, 2 International Classificn. of Diseases, 1 smoking statistics, 1 William of Orange, 1 Williams, Tim, 1 wine, cocaine, see Vin Mariani Winehouse, Amy, 1, 2 Winstock, Adam, 1 winter sports, 1 withdrawal, 1 addiction and, 1 addictiveness and, 1 alcohol, 1, 2, 3 alcohol, benzodiazepines for, 1 benzodiazepines, 1 caffeine, 1, 2 defined, 1 dopamine levels, 1 drugs, 1 ecstasy, 1 GABA receptors and, 1 heroin, 1 ibogaine treatment for, 1 methadone, 1 methadone avoids heroin, 1 minimum data set and, 1 nicotine, 1, 2 partial agonist, 1 physical, 1 psychological, 1 smoking, 1, 2 sport, drugs in, 1 SSRIs, 1 testosterone, 1 vicious cycle, 1 World Health Organization, see WHO Wynder, Ernst, 1 Xanax, 1 young people, risks higher for, 1 Zoloft, 1 Copyright Published by UIT Cambridge Ltd.
Utopias: A Brief History From Ancient Writings to Virtual Communities by Howard P. Segal
1960s counterculture, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, complexity theory, David Brooks, death of newspapers, dematerialisation, deskilling, energy security, European colonialism, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, future of journalism, garden city movement, germ theory of disease, Golden Gate Park, invention of the printing press, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, John Markoff, John von Neumann, knowledge economy, liberation theology, Louis Pasteur, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, means of production, Nicholas Carr, Nikolai Kondratiev, out of africa, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ray Kurzweil, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, transcontinental railway, traveling salesman, union organizing, urban planning, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog
Even the belated discovery of poverty in Appalachia and other predominantly white areas, as detailed in Michael Harrington’s The Other America (1963), could not diminish this utopian optimism that economists could attain afﬂuence for all. If anything, the Council of Economic Advisors under both Growing Expectations of Realizing Utopia 101 President Kennedy and President Johnson believed in their ability to develop policies to help to eradicate poverty, a belief expanded by Johnson with his “War on Poverty.” Similarly, sociologist Daniel Bell’s inﬂuential The End of Ideology (1960), even though it was misread as endorsing this consensus over the end of strongly ideological politics in afﬂuent America, nevertheless gave enormous intellectual legitimacy to it. Furthermore, the purported consensus on America’s present and future was now traced to the nation’s past by inﬂuential historians such as Daniel Boorstin in The Genius of American Politics (1953) and David Potter in People of Plenty: Economic Abundance and the American Character (1954).
W. 165 TVA and the Tellico Dam, 1936–1979: A Bureaucratic Crisis in PostIndustrial America (Wheeler, McDonald) 111 Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea (Verne) 8 Twitter 193 Two Cultures, The (Snow) 113– 114, and engineering 121 Unabomber 84 “underdeveloped” or “Third World” 102, 105, 172 Union Carbide 253 United Kingdom 151 Fabianism in 20 286 Index relationship with the United States 114 utopianism in 24 and wind power 151 United Nations International Year of Cooperatives 64 United Society of Believers in Christ’s Second Appearing see Shakers United States 187 “aging or declining era” 237 America as “Second Creation” 81–85 America as utopia 10, 24–25, 74–78, 188–189 American “exceptionalism” 89 attitudes toward inventors, engineers and scientists 157–160 attitude toward rulers 159 attitudes toward technological progress 78, 82, 84, 116 citizens’ demand for separation from external world 122 Civil War 76, 77 concept of System 78 exportation of science and technology 102–103, 109–110 fairs 36, 37 gap between science and public beliefs 116–117 immigration 77–78 imperialism 9 inﬂuence of European utopianism 76 moral superiority 11 nature of Americaness 78–79 and nuclear plants 142–156 “nuclear renaissance” 154 and Old World 74 “positive thinking” 168 potentiality of utopia in 75–76 reconceptualization of America 78 religious beliefs 11–12 science and technology 108–109 sense of identity 77 technology and opportunism 75, 77 2011 earthquake 153 United States and digital literacy 210 United States Constitution 74, 93 utopianism and contemporary disorder 93 utopianism 5, 24–32, 24 views of industrialization and technology 83, 84 see also technological utopia Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 252 universal rights 252 Universal Studios 36 universities 130, 204, 207, 213, 214 Kellogg Commission 215, 216 and “power of knowledge” 104 and TQM 217 see also electronic campus University of California 112 Berkeley, protests at 111 University of Illinois 207, 210 University of Maine System 208 University of Phoenix 210, 210, 211 urban crises 115 “urbanization” 31 utilitarianism 62 utopias: deﬁned 1, 5–7 alternative energy 150–151 American 24–32, 89–96 artifacts and utopia 196, 243, 252 attitudes toward utopia 124, 192, 242–244 background to 50ff in China and Japan 17–21 contemporary utopias 194–199 creation of 13 critics of utopia 48ff, 74ff, 123–131 critiques 169–173, 243 and cyberspace 198–199 declining faith in 158 digital utopianism 154 and dystopias 5, 216, 244 educational 205, 206–213 and electriﬁcation 94 expectations of achievability 50–51, 248–249 failures of 186 as fantasies 251 feasibility of establishment 13–14 forecasters’ claims 160–169 future of utopias 255, 234ff genres of utopianism 24ff and globalization 253–254 high-tech 1, 2, 16, 118, 162, 163, 172, 186, 210, 214–215, 253, 255 negative components 165–166, 167–168 inherent impracticality of 123 intent of utopias 7, 205 internal criticism 28 Kellogg Commission’s utopianism 213–217 Latin American utopias 21–23 literary accounts 1–2, 47–50, 54–55 location of 13 Index 287 utopias (Continued) and megaprojects 139–142 and millenarian movements 8–9 minor utopias 251, 252–253 and modernization 105–106 and “near future” 164, 186 necessity for ability to change 5, 251 non-utopianism 7, 147, 252 non-Western utopianism 16–23, 196, 243 nuclear power 146, 153–154, 156 ongoing signiﬁcance of utopia 241–255 origin of term 5, 48 overdetailed descriptions 250–251 print and utopianism 217–222 and real world 1, 5–6, 7, 12–13, 244–245 reﬂecting societies 1, 31 and religion 9–12, 56 and science ﬁction 8–9, 199–201 and scientiﬁc and technological plateau 67, 234–241 signiﬁcance of utopianism 241–255 signiﬁcance of utopian writers 95–96 skepticism toward 2 and social media 193–194 spiritual qualities and formal religion 9–12 spread of utopias 16–17 technological utopias 3, 32, 34, 53ff, 99, 102, 107, 109, 202, 247, 253 potential failure of 187 tradition of 188–189 timescale of utopias 13–11 288 Index true and false utopias 5–6, 7, 106 utopia and history 244–245 utopian communities’ political viewpoint 25 utopian writings 47, 254 utopianism and availability of choice 123 utopias and role of women 25, 63, 90–92, 173 utopias, millenarianism and science ﬁction 8–9 and virtual reality 255 Western utopias 16, 242, 250, 252 see also particular authors, Best and Brightest, Edutopia, Pansophists, Shakers, Technocracy, World’s fairs utopian communities 194–198, 247 and France 2 negative aspects 254–255 quasi-utopian societies 201 religion-based 2, 10 utopian settlements, US 98 Utopian Socialist Society, Venezuela 79 Utopia (New York Library exhibition catalog) 245 Utopia (Thomas More) 5, 13, 23, 47, 48, 123, 242, 244 Utopia or Oblivion: The Prospects for Humanity (Fuller) 14, 164, 207, 248 Utopia Road, Southern California 2 Utopia, Texas, United States 2 Utopia: The Search for the Ideal Society in the Western World (exhibition, New York Public Library) 242–245 utopianism (movement) 5, 100–101, 245, 247, 250, 254 Utopianism: A Very Short Introduction (Sargent) 16 utopians 98, 161, 186–192 Utopias (beer) 3, 249 Utopias in Conﬂict: Religion and Nationalism in Modern India (Embree) 171 Veblen, Thorstein 97, 106, 216 Venezuela 23, 189 Venter, Craig 127 Vergil 47 Vermont Yankee Nuclear Plant 145, 148, 154 Verne, Jules 7, 8 Vernon, Vermont, United States 145, 147–148 Vietnam War 104–105, 111, 112, 115, 158, 159, 160, 245 Vincenti, Walter 52, 121 virtual governments 250 virtual reality 255 “virtual school” 206 “vision thing” (H. W. Bush) 241–242 Visual Factory, The 212 von Braun, Wernher 9 Wallingford, Connecticut 28 “War on Poverty” 101 War Stars: The Superweapon and the American Imagination (Franklin) 141–142 water power 150 Watergate scandal 158, 159 Watt, James 8 We (Zamyatin) 123, 166 Webber, Melvin 112 Weinberg, Alvin 106, 107–108, 109, 110, 114, 122 Wells, H. G. 9, 35, 240, 251 Wen Jiabao, Prime Minister 38 Western ethnocentrism and industrialisation 169–170 Westinghouse, George 157 What Will Be (Dertouzos) 164 Wheeler, William Bruce 111 Whewell, Rev.
Reskilling America: Learning to Labor in the Twenty-First Century by Katherine S. Newman, Hella Winston
active measures, blue-collar work, collective bargaining, Computer Numeric Control, deindustrialization, desegregation, factory automation, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, job-hopping, knowledge economy, low skilled workers, performance metric, reshoring, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, two tier labour market, union organizing, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Wolfgang Streeck, working poor
The silver lining to these Cold War obsessions was the National Defense Education Act of 1958, which supported a massive investment in higher education through loan programs that fostered college enrollments, especially in defense-oriented fields, from foreign languages and area studies to engineering and mathematics. The vocational education section of the bill focused on training individuals for highly skilled technical occupations such as computer programming and aircraft mechanics, which were vital to national defense. Vocational Education and the War on Poverty The common purpose of the second wave of vocational education and its allied programs of apprenticeship had emphasized the needs of the labor market for skilled workers as well as the manpower requirements of war production. In the 1960s, a new mission emerged that had little to do with either of these goals. Instead, vocational training was deemed important as a weapon in the fight against poverty.
community and technical colleges and credentials and debates over decentralization of employer ties to schools and funding and funding and, Germany German dual system German dual system, in US high school high-school, vs. general education hiring biases and history of improving and expanding Japan and manual training movement and mathematics and modernizing obstacles to rebranded as CTE standardized tests and workforce needs and Vocational Education Act (1963) vocational teachers Vocational Training Act (Germany) Volkswagen (VW) Coaching wages and incomes apprenticeships and community colleges and Germany and protection of South and wait staff Waitz, Martin Walker, Scott Walmart War on Poverty Washington, Booker T. Washington State Web developers “We’d Love to Hire them, But…” (Kirschenman and Neckerman) welding Wentworth Institute of Technology West Virginia white-collar work White House Fact Sheet (1992) Whittier Regional Vocational Technical High School Williams, Keith Williams, Nigeria Wilson, William Julius Wisconsin Wolf, Stephan Wolfsburg Works Council workers’ councils Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act (WIOA, 2014) World War I World War II writing skills Yale University Youssef, Said Youth Apprenticeship, American Style conference (1990) youth apprenticeship programs.
Getting Back to Full Employment: A Better Bargain for Working People by Dean Baker, Jared Bernstein
2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, Asian financial crisis, collective bargaining, declining real wages, full employment, George Akerlof, income inequality, inflation targeting, mass immigration, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, price stability, publication bias, quantitative easing, Report Card for America’s Infrastructure, rising living standards, selection bias, War on Poverty
Wall Street Journal, September 20. http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10000872396390443890304578008713419920352.html Hobijn, Bart, Ayşegül Şahin, and Robert Valletta. 2011. “A Rising Natural Rate of Unemployment: Transitory or Permanent?” Report No. 11-160/3. The Netherlands: Tinbergen Institute. Holtz-Eakin, Douglas. 1992. “Public-Sector Capital and the Productivity Puzzle.” Working Paper No. 4122. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research. Holzer, Harry. 2013. “Workforce Development Programs.” In Legacies of the War on Poverty, ed. Martha J. Bailey and Sheldon Danziger, 121-151.New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation. Johnson, Clifford M., Amy Rynell, and Melissa Young. 2010. “Publicly Funded Jobs: An Essential Strategy for Reducing Poverty and Economic Distress Throughout the Business Cycle.” Paper prepared for the Georgetown University and Urban Institute Conference on Reducing Poverty and Economic Distress after ARRA, January 15.
9-11 by Noam Chomsky
That is a useful way to avoid questions about the origin of the bin Laden network itself, and about the practices that lead to anger, fear, and desperation throughout the region, and provide a reservoir from which radical Islamic terrorist cells can sometimes draw. Since the answers to these questions are rather clear, and are inconsistent with preferred doctrine, it is better to dismiss the questions as “superficial” and “insignificant,” and to turn to “deeper causes” that are in fact more superficial, even insofar as they are relevant. Should we call what is happening now a war? There is no precise definition of “war.” People speak of the “war on poverty,” the “drug war,” etc. What is taking shape is not a conflict among states, though it could become one. Can we talk of the clash between two civilizations? This is fashionable talk, but it makes little sense. Suppose we briefly review some familiar history. The most populous Islamic state is Indonesia, a favorite of the United States ever since Suharto took power in 1965, as army-led massacres slaughtered hundreds of thousands of people, mostly landless peasants, with the assistance of the U.S. and with an outburst of euphoria from the West that is so embarrassing in retrospect that it has been effectively wiped out of memory.
Men Without Work by Nicholas Eberstadt
Carmen Reinhart, centre right, deindustrialization, financial innovation, full employment, illegal immigration, jobless men, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kenneth Rogoff, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, mass immigration, moral hazard, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working-age population
But a key study on that earlier success concluded that macroeconomic conditions played only a relatively small role in getting women back in the labor force, with changes in incentives accomplishing most of that feat instead.1 TWO FINAL COMMENTS IN RESPONSE TO HENRY First, his observation about the role of the draft in augmenting skills and training for young men in the early postwar era, while politically incorrect, may be very much on target. Remember, though, that the “selective service” was indeed selective—and as late as the Kennedy administration, one-third of the young men tested failed either physical or cognitive requirements for service. (That finding was ammunition, so to speak, for the Johnson administration’s “war on poverty.”) Thus, the most disadvantaged were also the least likely to avail themselves of such employment-enhancing experience as military conscription could provide. And I am in violent agreement with Henry’s lament that available data can “tell us that a man is disconnected” from the labor force, but “tells us nothing about the mindset of the men who are disconnected.” Henry puts his finger on not only a failure of government information systems but a failure of empathy and understanding in our nation—perhaps a failure of mobility and solidarity as well.
The Atlantic and Its Enemies: A History of the Cold War by Norman Stone
affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, British Empire, central bank independence, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, illegal immigration, income per capita, interchangeable parts, Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, labour mobility, land reform, long peace, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, Norman Mailer, North Sea oil, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, Ponzi scheme, popular capitalism, price mechanism, price stability, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, V2 rocket, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Yom Kippur War, éminence grise
It was all rather good politics, in the sense that it made the Republicans appear to be in favour of poverty, which, said Johnson’s rival, Hubert Humphrey, would, if allowed to go on, become hereditary. It turned out, despite his efforts, that that indeed happened, the inheritance being from the lone-maternal side: a later book, by Allen Matusow, had the title How Not to Fight Poverty (1985). As Ronald Reagan later put it, ‘We declared war on poverty, and we lost.’ But such discoveries were a good decade in the future. Roosevelt had had much trouble with the Supreme Court in the later 1930s. Johnson found that he could get around this, because he had an astute legal ally, Abe Fortas, and he could in effect ‘pack’ the Court. States’ rights were overborne, and so too, on occasion, were the provisions of Congress. But Medicare and Medicaid followed, paying for the elderly and the poor, both becoming much more expensive than any other system of health care, and yet also excluding many millions of people.
Late-seventies England was not a happy place, or, rather, what was happy was not real, and what was real was not happy. There were other ideas around at this time, often of great interest, and reflecting the disillusion of men and women who had regarded the sixties as a time of hope. Much of the inspiration, and even some of the money, came from North America. There, the disillusion had also run deep, and Johnson’s idea of a ‘Great Society’ had disintegrated: as Ronald Reagan put it, ‘We declared war on poverty, and we lost.’ Daniel Moynihan, originally a New Dealer and a Democrat, made himself very unpopular at Harvard (they threatened to burn down his house) because he said that welfare was causing black girls just to do without husbands, and bringing about the disintegration of the black family; that was producing an ‘underclass’ of hopeless misfits who, again through welfare, were paid to reproduce themselves.
Stiglitz and many others now dismiss these ideas, but in the short term they proved, as Bartley shows, quite right. Then there was the extraordinary deterioration of the conditions in which big-city Americans lived: squalid housing, grotesque crime rates. Myron Magnet, a scholar of English literature who knew his nineteenth century, wrote (in 1993) The Dream and the Nightmare and it was easy for him to catalogue the failures of the ‘Great Society’: as Reagan said, ‘We declared war on poverty, and we lost.’ There was also a failure, though a more complicated one, as regards America’s racial problem. ‘School bussing, more public housing projects, affirmative action, job-training programs, drug treatment projects . . . multi-cultural curricula, new textbooks, all-black college dorms, sensitivity courses, minority set-asides, Martin Luther King Day, and the political correctness movement at colleges’ had only led, all in all, to rather greater apartheid than before.
Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer-And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class by Paul Pierson, Jacob S. Hacker
accounting loophole / creative accounting, active measures, affirmative action, asset allocation, barriers to entry, Bonfire of the Vanities, business climate, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, desegregation, employer provided health coverage, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, fixed income, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, Howard Zinn, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, Martin Wolf, medical bankruptcy, moral hazard, Nate Silver, new economy, night-watchman state, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Powell Memorandum, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, union organizing, very high income, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce
Much of the change, however, looked less like an earthquake and more like the drip, drip, drip of a melting ice cap. Over more than two decades, both the geographic and organizational bases of the party shifted in ways that reinforced its commitment to an extreme economic platform. Eisenhower, Nixon, and, more ambivalently, even Reagan had felt obliged to accept the New Deal while picking battles with Democrats elsewhere. Now many Republicans revealed a thinly veiled desire to do more than combat LBJ’s War on Poverty. Their ambitions included repeal of huge swaths of not only the New Deal but the Progressive Era: no Social Security, no effective minimum wage, no progressive taxation, no support for employer-provided health care, almost no financial regulation. They sought, in short, to reestablish the policies of the Gilded Age to mirror the emerging Gilded Age economy. Dixie Rising These attitudes reflected a new Republican Party, defined both by the sources of its voters and by the composition of its most organized voices.
., 165 UBS, 198, 254 unemployment insurance, 86, 89, 189 unemployment rate, 2, 27, 63, 86, 88, 125, 165, 235, 253, 281, 282, 287, 294–95 Unequal Democracy (Bartels), 151–52, 167 unions, labor: business opposition to, 55, 121–24, 127–32, 135, 219, 303 collective bargaining by, 98 decline of, 5, 56–61, 66, 127–32, 139–43, 164, 235, 248, 278, 303 Democrats supported by, 58, 89, 99, 121–24, 126, 129–32, 141, 164, 172, 178, 248, 278–79 financial resources of, 143 laws for, 44, 58, 78, 80, 125–32, 134, 189, 296 membership of, 57–58, 61, 140, 141–42, 248, 278–79, 318n organization by, 127–28, 204 PACs organized by, 121–22, 128, 172 picketing by, 128–29 political influence of, 89, 99, 121–24, 126, 127–32, 139–43, 144, 145, 146, 154, 204, 218, 275, 278–79, 293 in public sector, 56, 142, 278 Republican opposition to, 58–59, 129–32, 186–87 strikes by, 58–59, 60, 186–87, 191 upper class: income levels of, 3, 12–13, 16–18, 18, 20–25, 32, 39–40, 39, 46, 153–55, 194, 290, 311n political influence of, 72, 78–79, 112–14, 147–51, 157–58 Republicans supported by, 110–11, 147–49 taxation of, 3, 5, 14, 20–24, 34, 47–48, 133, 134, 157, 187, 212–13, 215–17, 243–46, 266, 290 wealth accumulated by, 16–17, 24–25, 31, 32, 43, 49–50, 54–55, 56, 74–77, 100, 101, 225–26, 256, 302–3, 306 upward mobility, 14n, 28–29, 152–53 Urofsky, Melvin, 81 Vanguard Group, 229 Verba, Sidney, 144 vetoes, presidential, 84, 85, 98–99, 126, 128, 213, 241, 298 Vietnam War, 95, 101, 216 Viguerie, Richard, 202 Vogel, David, 116 Volcker, Paul, 46, 256 voters: information for, 108–10, 154–58, 214–15, 236–37, 277, 295 median-voter model of, 77–78 misconceptions of, 151–55, 236–37 mobilization of, 107–10, 138–39, 140, 160, 248, 282 participation by, 77–78, 99, 107, 108–10, 113–14, 137–60, 167–68, 174–75, 252, 268, 287 registration of, 99, 140, 142, 203 swing, 109, 159 targeting of, 147–48, 174–75 “unmoored,” 139, 149–51 Wagner, Robert, 306 Wagner Act (1935), 129, 140 Walker, Charls, 120, 124–26, 133–34, 135 Wall Street, 1, 2, 6, 51, 66–68, 70, 104, 194, 195, 197, 209, 221–30, 232, 247–50, 256, 261, 274, 282, 290–91; see also financial services industry Wall Street Journal, 47, 59, 77, 275 Wal-Mart, 32, 64, 104, 240, 318n Walton family, 218, 240 War on Poverty, 200 Washington, George, 269–70 Watergate scandal, 98, 117 Waxman, Henry, 260 Wealth of Nations, The (Smith), 82 Weber, Vin, 190 Weill, Sanford, 71, 249–50 welfare, 52, 97, 107, 181, 182, 193 What a Party! (McAuliffe), 223–24 What’s the Matter with Kansas? (Frank), 204 White, Maureen, 225 White, William Allen, 79 Williams, Edward Bennett, 125 Williams, Harrison, 131 Wilson, Woodrow, 86, 89 winner-take-all politics: conservatism and, 5, 7, 41–42, 43, 54, 77, 115, 189, 204 Democratic vs.
The Working Poor: Invisible in America by David K. Shipler
always be closing, Bonfire of the Vanities, call centre, David Brooks, full employment, illegal immigration, late fees, low skilled workers, payday loans, profit motive, Silicon Valley, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, War on Poverty, working poor
“You bet,” the president-elect replied: “that people who work hard and make the right decisions in life can achieve anything they want in America.”2 The myth has its value. It sets a demanding standard, both for the nation and for every resident. The nation has to strive to make itself the fabled land of opportunity; the resident must strive to use that opportunity. The ideal has inspired a Civil Rights Movement, a War on Poverty, and a continuing search for ways to ease the distress that persists in the midst of plenty. But the American Myth also provides a means of laying blame. In the Puritan legacy, hard work is not merely practical but also moral; its absence suggests an ethical lapse. A harsh logic dictates a hard judgment: If a person’s diligent work leads to prosperity, if work is a moral virtue, and if anyone in the society can attain prosperity through work, then the failure to do so is a fall from righteousness.
The individual is a victim of great forces beyond his control, including profit-hungry corporations that exploit his labor. In 1962, Michael Harrington’s eloquent articulation of the Anti-Myth in his book The Other America heightened awareness; to a nation blinded by affluence at the time, the portrait of a vast “invisible land” of the poor came as a staggering revelation. It helped generate Lyndon B. Johnson’s War on Poverty. But Johnson’s war never truly mobilized the country, nor was it ever fought to victory. Fifty years later, after all our economic achievements, the gap between rich and poor has only widened, with a median net worth of $1,589,000 among the top 10 percent and minus $4,900 for the bottom 25 percent, meaning that they owe more than they own.3 Life expectancy in the United States is lower, and infant mortality higher, than in Japan, Hong Kong, Israel, Canada, and all the major nations of Western Europe.4 Yet after all that has been written, discussed, and left unresolved, it is harder to surprise and shock and outrage.
The Wrecking Crew: How Conservatives Rule by Thomas Frank
affirmative action, anti-communist, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, edge city, financial deregulation, full employment, George Gilder, guest worker program, income inequality, invisible hand, job satisfaction, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage debt, Naomi Klein, new economy, P = NP, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Nader, rent control, Richard Florida, road to serfdom, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, stem cell, Telecommunications Act of 1996, the scientific method, too big to fail, union organizing, War on Poverty
Traditionally, the damage is worst at those agencies that most inconvenience business: the Labor Department, the Environmental Protection Agency, and virtually anything else having to do with pollution, strip mining or oil drilling, product safety, or workers’ rights. For modern purposes, the model for this style of governing was established by the remarkable Howard Phillips, who served as director of the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) for five crazy months in 1973. As we have seen, this man Phillips is renowned for the purity of his right-wing views. The OEO, on the other hand, was set up to administer Lyndon Johnson’s very liberal “War on Poverty”; it included a legal aid program that made lawyers available to people who could not afford them and which had thus led to thousands of lawsuits against landlords, banks, employers, and so on. Johnson had appointed Sargent Shriver to run the OEO. Nixon chose Howard Phillips. What happened next is the stuff of right-wing legend. Then only thirty-two years old, Phillips immediately commenced wrecking the agency he headed.
See Agriculture, Department of utilities Vanderbilt family Van Scoyoc Associates Vienna, Virginia Vietnam War Viguerie, Richard Vioxx scandal Virginia. See also Loudoun County Statute for Religious Freedom suburbs Virgin Islands “voluntary compliance” wages. See also minimum wage “pay gap” Walker, Robert S. Waller, J. Michael Wallop, Malcolm Wall Street Journal Wal-Mart War on Poverty Warsaw Pact Washington, D.C. conservative railing vs. conservative rule and boom of New Deal and Washington Post Washington Times Watergate scandal Watt, James Wealth and Poverty (Gilder) wealthy We Are the Government (Elting) Weber, Vin welfare policy welfare state. See also government (liberal state) West Germany West Virginia Wexler & Walker firm Weyrich, Paul What Will Happen to You When the Soviets Take Over (Swann) Wheeler, Jack Wilkes, Brent Williamson, Craig Wired Woodward, Bob workers compensation workplace regulations World Anti-Communist League (WACL) World War II Wright, Jim Yale University Young Americans for Freedom (YAF) Young Conservative Foundation “Youth for Freedom” conference (Johannesburg, 1985) Zinsmeister, Karl zoning About the Author THOMAS FRANK is the author of What’s the Matter with Kansas?
Common Wealth: Economics for a Crowded Planet by Jeffrey Sachs
agricultural Revolution, air freight, back-to-the-land, British Empire, business process, carbon footprint, clean water, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, demographic transition, Diane Coyle, Edward Glaeser, energy security, failed state, Gini coefficient, Haber-Bosch Process, income inequality, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), intermodal, invention of agriculture, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, labour mobility, low skilled workers, mass immigration, microcredit, oil shale / tar sands, old age dependency ratio, peak oil, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, Skype, statistical model, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transaction costs, unemployed young men, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working-age population
Thus, by reversing the tax cuts and ending the Iraq War, it would be possible to pay more for the U.S. poor—to ensure, for example, universal health care coverage within the United States and to improve public schools—while also increasing U.S. outlays for the world’s poor to the 0.7 percent of U.S. GNP that we promised. Another recent and powerful book is Jacob Hacker’s The Great Risk Shift, which describes how the United States not only lacks an adequate social insurance system today but has also substantially dismantled the limited system that was in place during the past forty years (with the peak years of social insurance identified as the mid-1960s, during Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty). Hacker demonstrates the great rise in risk facing the American middle class as well as the poor and shows the remarkably high proportion of the middle class in the United States who are vulnerable to spells of poverty. He describes vividly and persuasively how a great right-wing attack on social insurance has systematically reduced the scope of the social-welfare system in health care, job protection, child support, housing support, and retirement security.
Figure 12.5: Views of American Influence Source: BBC-PIPA GlobeScan Poll (2007) The most basic norm of cooperation is reciprocity: I will assist you if you will assist me. But the U.S. attitude has been different: “You are either with us or against us,” as President Bush declared, with no recognition of the interests of the other country. The United States has demanded allegiance in the war on terror, without reciprocal support for the war on poverty, disease, or climate change. The UN has been attacked relentlessly by the American right wing as a threat to American sovereignty, as if American objectives could be accomplished unilaterally. This whole approach has by now imploded. PICKING UP THE PIECES The United States must take six steps to transform its security policy into a workable framework for the twenty-first century: Embrace multilateralism and international law Create a Department of International Sustainable Development Shift financing from the military to an international sustainable development budget Address demography and the environment Reinvigorate the framework for nuclear nonproliferation Understand the Middle East and respond appropriately Embrace Multilateralism The neoconservative mistake, at the core, is the misreading of U.S. power.
The Great Escape: Health, Wealth, and the Origins of Inequality by Angus Deaton
Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Branko Milanovic, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, clean water, colonial exploitation, Columbian Exchange, creative destruction, declining real wages, Downton Abbey, end world poverty, financial innovation, germ theory of disease, Gini coefficient, illegal immigration, income inequality, invention of agriculture, invisible hand, John Snow's cholera map, knowledge economy, Louis Pasteur, low skilled workers, new economy, purchasing power parity, randomized controlled trial, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, structural adjustment programs, The Spirit Level, too big to fail, trade route, very high income, War on Poverty
Keeping the line fixed in this way is really very odd; why not retain the original procedure and redo Orshansky’s calculation for each subsequent year? Instead, the 1963 line has been retained, adjusted only for inflation. Orshansky’s “scientific” derivation of the poverty line—based on the superficially sensible and rhetorically appealing idea of nutritional needs—was little more than a smoke screen. Economists in the Johnson administration, preparing for what was to become the War on Poverty, needed a poverty line, and they were using $3,000 because it seemed like a sensible number. Orshansky’s task was to provide something more readily defensible than a number plucked out of the air around the water cooler. Her first, and preferred, calculation was based on the Department of Agriculture’s “low-cost food plan” and came in just above $4,000. A more stringent “economy food plan” produced the line of $3,165, which was adopted, not because it was more soundly or more scientifically based, but because it was closer to the original $3,000!
That would mean that inflation is being overstated, because some of the increase in prices comes from better things, not just from dearer things. If so, the poverty line is being increased too fast, and an ever-increasing proportion of the poor are not poor at all. If we buy this argument—and there is no way of knowing by how much the poor are benefiting from unmeasured quality improvements—we might be winning the war on poverty after all.9 Working in the same direction is the failure of the official measure to incorporate taxes and transfers that are designed to benefit the poor. Doing so not only moderates upticks during recessions, as we have seen for the recent recession, but also would have resulted in a larger decline in poverty over the longer run.10 However, if you believe, as I do, that the poverty line should move up with the living standards of typical households in the population, poverty rates have increased over the past four decades, in stark contrast to the growth of the average economy.
Geek Heresy: Rescuing Social Change From the Cult of Technology by Kentaro Toyama
active measures, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, blood diamonds, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, cognitive dissonance, commoditize, computer vision, conceptual framework, delayed gratification, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, end world poverty, epigenetics, Erik Brynjolfsson, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, fundamental attribution error, germ theory of disease, global village, Hans Rosling, happiness index / gross national happiness, income inequality, invention of the printing press, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Khan Academy, Kibera, knowledge worker, liberation theology, libertarian paternalism, M-Pesa, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, microcredit, mobile money, Nicholas Carr, North Sea oil, pattern recognition, Peter Singer: altruism, Peter Thiel, post-industrial society, Powell Memorandum, randomized controlled trial, rent-seeking, RFID, Richard Florida, Richard Thaler, school vouchers, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, technoutopianism, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, Upton Sinclair, Walter Mischel, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, World Values Survey, Y2K
., 25, 2011, www.pbs.org/newshour/rundown/2011/11/why-does-healthcare-cost-so-much.html. Rupp, Lindsey, and Devin Banerjee. (2014). Toms sells 50% stake to Bain Capital to fund sales growth. Bloomberg, Aug. 20, 2014, www.bloomberg.com/news/2014-08-20/toms-sells-50-stake-to-bain-capital.html. Sachs, Jeffrey. (2005). The End of Poverty: How We Can Make It Happen in Our Lifetime. Penguin. ———. (2008). The digital war on poverty. Project Syndicate, Aug. 20, 2008, www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/the-digital-war-on-poverty. Sachs, Jeffrey D., and Andrew M. Warner. (1999). The big rush, natural resource booms and growth. Journal of Development Economics 59(1):43–76, www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/B6VBV-3WMK4TP-3/2/7e2c0030bf45b0f9a0d8cd5b8cbec71e. Saez, Emmanuel. (2013). Striking it richer: The evolution of top incomes in the United States. UC Berkeley, http://eml.berkeley.edu/~saez/saez-UStopincomes-2012.pdf.
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Haight Ashbury, Kitchen Debate, kremlinology, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, old-boy network, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, Sinatra Doctrine, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra
But then again, I had felt lucky about my whole experience in government. After getting a master’s in foreign service studies from Georgetown University, I had worked on legislation for a fabulous mentor, Hank Lieberman, in the Commerce Department. Then, by happenstance, in 1968 my father ran into fellow lawyer Don Lowitz on LaSalle Street in Chicago, which ended up with my landing a job in the “war on poverty” agency headed by a dashing young ex-congressman from the Thirteenth District of Illinois, Don Rumsfeld, with his even younger assistant from Wyoming, twenty-eight-year-old Dick Cheney. Two years later, my wife—a career foreign service officer with the foreign aid agency—took me along to Zaire as her “dependent husband.” There she worked while I conducted research for a Georgetown doctorate in political theory, collected African art, and translated for Muhammad Ali during his “Rumble in the Jungle” heavyweight bout.
See Strategic Arms Limitations Talks Schabowski, Günter, 275–76 Schmemann, Serge, 32 Schorr, Daniel (NPR), 37 Schweid, Barry (AP), 37 Selleck, Tom, 339 September 11, 271, 273–74 Sestanovich, Stephen, 13 Sharansky, Natan and Avital, 125 Shevardnadze, Eduard adviser to Gorbachev, 77, 228 expectations for Reykjavik, 33–34, 36, 41 named foreign minister, 17, 24–25 negotiations on strategic defense, 150–51, 158–59, 170 as president of Georgia, 329 relationship with Shultz, 242–43 resignation as foreign minister, 284–85 at Reykjavik, 85–86, 93–95, 328–29 role in ending Cold War, 273, 313–14, 321 Washington summit, 237, 243–53 Shultz, George negotiations on strategic defense, 150–51, 158–59 reflections on Reykjavik, 4–5, 298 at Reykjavik, 12–14, 21, 85–86, 93–97, 328–29 Shevardnadze relationship, 242–43 tenure in government service, 17–19 Washington summit of 1987, 243–53 Shushkevich, Stanislav, 293–94 Simons, Tom, 99 Soderlind, Rolf, 41 Solzhenitsyn, Alexandr, 263, 264, 326, 341 Souza, Pete, 265 Soviet Union 70th anniversary celebration, 239 about collapse, 3–4, 268 beginning of secessions, 283–85 bugging of U.S. embassy, 221 Chernobyl nuclear accident, 79 disbands Communist Party, 292–93 economic and technology weaknesses, 110, 315–17, 320–21 formation of Confederation, 293 formation of Federation, 293–95 glasnost and perestroika, 228–30, 239–40, 262, 263–64, 317–18 Gorbachev on need for reform, 24–25, 28–33, 75–77, 79 invasion of Afghanistan, 60, 97, 124, 256, 258, 325 Jewish emigration, 116, 124–25, 228 manufacture of missiles, 236 Reagan goal to delegitimize, 38, 73, 77, 79, 154, 235, 319, 321, 323 Reagan’s “evil empire” speech, 64–68, 93, 145, 233, 256, 265, 338 U.S. intelligence assessment, 77, 330–31, 363n320 Yeltsin and the coup, 285–89 See also Gorbachev, Mikhail; individual states; Moscow summit of 1988 Spassky, Boris, 33 Speakes, Larry, 34, 92, 186 Spencer, Stuart, 64–65 Stalin, Joseph, 25–26, 33, 163, 228, 239–40, 245, 260, 266, 283 Stanford University, 297, 308 Steele, Jonathan, 328 Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT I and II), 59–60, 116–18, 207–8, 305 Strategic Arms Reductions Talks (START I, II, and III), 60, 116, 304 Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI, “Star Wars”) announcement by Reagan, 61–64 criticisms, 175–76, 201–3, 215–16 Gorbachev reaction to, 105–8, 208–9 intelligence failures, 330–31 linkage to ABM, 148–49 Reagan commitment to, 38, 57, 109–11, 205–6, 315 Reykjavik negotiations, 86–89, 99–101, 136–43, 148–51, 198 role ending Cold War, 4 sharing with Soviets, 87, 94, 107, 110, 154 summit insights, 92–94, 108–11, 151–56, 310–12 trying to salvage summit, 168–75 Suslov, Mikhail, 31 Sveinsson, Asmundur, 82 Talbott, Strobe, 67, 215–16, 319 Tarasenko, Sergey, 71 Tchaikovsky, Pyotr Ilich, 236 “Tear down the Wall” speech, 232–35 terrorism, responding to, 311–12 Thatcher, Margaret, 38–39, 61, 93, 157, 199, 221, 318–19, 337–38, 341 “the mice,” 16 Things Fall Apart (Achebe), 216 “A Threat Mostly to Ourselves” (Nitze), 308 Time (magazine), 49, 58, 147, 177, 186–87, 215, 233, 235, 259, 304, 319 Gorbachev as “Man of the Decade,” 328 Gorbachev as “Man of the Year,” 328 Reagan as “Man of the Year,” 66–67 Tory, Peter, 32 Tower Commission, 225, 232 translation and notetaking, 14, 29, 35, 99, 106–7, 121, 140, 172, 212, 351n84, 352n89 Treaty of Björkö of 1905, R Trotsky, Leon, 326 Trudeau, Pierre, 12 Truman, Harry, 16, 26, 56, 260, 341 Trump, Donald, 250 Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (Shultz), 235 Ukraine, 79, 284, 285, 292–93 United Nations Adelman at, 376 Kirkpatrick at, 20, 120, 197 Shevardnadze visit to, 33–34 Truman and, 56 urinal diplomacy, 69, 162–63 Velikhov, Evgeny, 300 Victoria (queen of England), 203–4 Vietnam War, 88, 314, 327 Vlasov, Albert, 187 Wałęsa, Lech, 268, 280, 337 Wall Street Journal, 20, 308 Walpole, Horace, 186 Walters, Barbara, 250, 337 “war on poverty,” 19 Washington Post, 2, 28, 73, 98, 166, 210, 251, 277, 289 Washington summit of 1987 Gorbachev agreement to, 73, 75 Gorbachev “walkabout,” 251–52 INF signing ceremony, 247–50 Reagan eagerness, 85, 232, 241 Reykjavik as prelude to, 8 summit insights, 261 Weinberger, Caspar, 61, 217–20, 226–27 Weinraub, Bernard, 114 White House East Room history, 246–47 INF signing ceremony, 247–49 Oval Office and Resolute desk, 203–4 Reagan departure for Iceland, 7–9 Reagan departure for Moscow, 256 Reagan final good-bye to, 270–71 Williams, Carol, 259 Williamsburg G-7 Economic Summit (1983), 11–12 Woodward, Bob, 267 “A World Free of Nuclear Weapons” (Wall Street Journal), 308 “A World Without Nuclear Weapons” (conference), 309 World Factbook (CIA), 320 World War II actions leading to, 55 Hofdi House use, 52–53 Reagan experiences in, 179 Soviet experiences, 114, 244–45 U.S. experiences, 15, 117–18, 180 U.S.
airport security, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, big-box store, clean water, cognitive dissonance, continuation of politics by other means, drone strike, Edward Snowden, facts on the ground, failed state, illegal immigration, Internet Archive, John Markoff, Mark Zuckerberg, moral panic, pattern recognition, Peace of Westphalia, personalized medicine, RAND corporation, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, Turing test, unemployed young men, Valery Gerasimov, Wall-E, War on Poverty, WikiLeaks
As a native New Yorker, I could hardly conceive of a skyline without the Twin Towers, and the endless television replays of falling bodies and the towers’ slow collapse left me sick with horror. But I was dismayed when President Bush declared that America was now in a “global war on terror.” By this time, I had left the State Department and become a member of the law faculty at the University of Virginia, where I taught and wrote about international legal issues and human rights, and I understood immediately that the war on terror was no mere metaphor—no “War on Poverty” or “War on Illiteracy.” A global war on terror, I intuitively knew, was a war that could, by its nature, have no boundaries: no geographic limits, no limits on who could be targeted, captured, or killed, and no end. All the same: if there was going to be war and struggle, I wanted somehow to be part of it. Some of my military friends were deploying to Afghanistan, and I envied them. They were going to be part of something vast and historic: they would drive out the Taliban and help restore an Afghan government that respected human rights.
We can denounce U.S. government practices and legal interpretations that undermine human rights and the rule of law, and insist that the root of the problem is a simple category mistake: the United States has labeled as “war” too many things that should correctly be labeled “crime” or “social problems,” and labeled as “military” too many tasks that should properly be labeled “civilian.” If the root of our current problems is a category mistake, the way to remedy these problems is to urge politicians, policymakers, military leaders, and judges to recognize that counterterrorism should not truly be conceived of as war, any more than the “war on drugs” or the “war on poverty” led us to apply the law of armed conflict to those efforts. Similarly, this argument would suggest that we should stop viewing cyber threats, economic threats, and a dozen other threats through the lens of war, and return to our pre-9/11 understanding of the world. This is the approach that has been taken by many in the human rights and civil rights communities since 9/11. But a decade and a half after those planes crashed into the Twin Towers, this approach is a waste of time and energy—and an exercise in self-deception.
Woman On The Edge Of Time by Piercy, Marge
If your mems felt you’d cut them off, they might ask you to leave. If too many in a village cut off, the neighboring villages send for a team of involvers.” “Years ago I was living in Chicago. I got involved that way. Meetings, meetings, meetings! My life was so busy, my head was boiling! I felt such hope. It was after my husband Martín … He got killed. I was young and naïve and it was supposed to be a War on Poverty … . But it was just the same political machine and us stupid poor people, us … idiots who thought we were running things for a change. We ended up right back where we were. They gave some paying jobs to so-called neighborhood leaders. All those meetings. I ended up with nothing but feeling sore and ripped off.” “You lose until you win—that’s a saying those who changed our world left us. Poor people did get together.”
She could be no more than twenty-one or twenty-two, yet she was serving as people’s judge. Doctor of rivers. She herself could be such a person here. Yes, she would study how to fix the looted landscape, heal rivers choked with filth. Doctor the soil squandered for a quick profit on cash crops. Then she would be useful. She would like herself, as she had during the brief period she had been involved in the war-on-poverty hoax. People would respect her. There’s Consuelo, they’d say, doctor of soil, protector of rivers. Her children would be proud of her. Her lovers would not turn from her, would not die in prison, would not be cut down in the streets, like Martin. How she had stood over him in the morgue, shaking with rage—yes, rage—because he was dead without reason. Because everybody was poor and the summer was hot and tempers flared and men without jobs proved they were still men on the bodies of other men, on the bodies of women.
Coming Apart: The State of White America, 1960-2010 by Charles Murray
affirmative action, assortative mating, blue-collar work, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate governance, David Brooks, en.wikipedia.org, feminist movement, George Gilder, Haight Ashbury, happiness index / gross national happiness, helicopter parent, illegal immigration, income inequality, job satisfaction, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, Menlo Park, new economy, Ralph Nader, Richard Florida, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, Unsafe at Any Speed, War on Poverty, working-age population, young professional
The precise shape of the legislation and regulatory regime to implement the revolution were probably different under Johnson than they would have been under Kennedy, but momentum for major change in 1963 was already too great to stop. Something resembling the War on Poverty would probably have been proposed in 1964, no matter what. Michael Harrington’s The Other America had appeared in the spring of 1962 proclaiming that 40 to 50 million Americans were living in poverty, and that their poverty was structural—it would not be cured by economic growth. Kennedy had read the book, or at least some laudatory reviews of it, and ordered the staff work that would later be used by Johnson in formulating his War on Poverty. How many programs Kennedy could have actually passed is another question, but Harrington’s thesis was already being taken up by the liberal wing of the Democratic Party and would have become part of the policy debate even without the assassination.
America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy by Francis Fukuyama
affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, European colonialism, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Internet Archive, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, New Journalism, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, transaction costs, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus
American politics had shifted dramatically by the late 1960s: as a result of the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War, the old communist and fellow- n The Neoconseiuative Legacy traveling Left of the 1930s had been replaced, temporarily at least, by the New Left of Tom Hayden and the Students for a Democratic Society. This was also the period of the revival of large-scale social engineering on the part of the U.S. government, in the form of Lyndon Johnson's War on Poverty and Great Society programs. Figures like Bell, Glazer, and Lipset were by now all ensconced in universities and found themselves in opposition to a new generation of student radicals who, in addition to supporting a progressive social agenda with which their professors were vaguely sympathetic, attacked the university itself as a handmaiden of American capitalism and imperialism. The first formative battle that shaped neoconservatism was the fight with the Stalinists in the thirties and forties; the second was the one with the New Left and the Counterculture it spawned in the 1960s.
The Lights in the Tunnel by Martin Ford
Albert Einstein, Bill Joy: nanobots, Black-Scholes formula, call centre, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, commoditize, creative destruction, credit crunch, double helix, en.wikipedia.org, factory automation, full employment, income inequality, index card, industrial robot, inventory management, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, job automation, John Markoff, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, mass immigration, moral hazard, pattern recognition, prediction markets, Productivity paradox, Ray Kurzweil, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, Silicon Valley, Stephen Hawking, strong AI, superintelligent machines, technological singularity, Thomas L Friedman, Turing test, Vernor Vinge, War on Poverty
At the same time, reserves of oil, natural gas, and in the longer Copyrighted Material – Paperback/Kindle available @ Amazon THE LIGHTS IN THE TUNNEL / 106 run even coal, are going to be depleted. How can we hope to face these challenges if our economy is in decline and the bulk of our population is focused almost exclusively on the continuity of individual incomes? A similar point can be made regarding the global war on poverty. How can we hope to win this war, if we ourselves are not prosperous? We knowthat poverty is one of the primary drivers of war, conflict and terrorism. In a long-term stagnant or declining economic environment, these problems will only grow. The answer cannot be to attempt to halt technological progress. The problem is not with technology; it is with our economic system, and it lies specifically in that system’s inability to continue thriving in the newreality that is being created.
Capitalism 3.0: A Guide to Reclaiming the Commons by Peter Barnes
Albert Einstein, car-free, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, corporate personhood, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, dark matter, diversified portfolio, en.wikipedia.org, hypertext link, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, jitney, money market fund, new economy, patent troll, profit maximization, Ronald Coase, telemarketer, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transaction costs, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra
If ever there was a time when a rising tide should have lifted all boats, this was it. After World War II, America went on an almost uninterrupted growth binge. Per capita economic output, adjusted for inflation, tripled between 1950 and the end of the century. The stock market rose about fortyfold. Mutual funds and tax-sheltered retirement accounts spread stock ownership to the masses. In the 1960s, the federal government launched an all-out War on Poverty. And yet, at the end of the century, the distribution of private wealth was more unequal than it had been in 1950. In cold numbers, the top 5 percent owned more than the bottom 95 percent (see figure 2.3). Figure 2.3 WEALTH DISTRIBUTION IN THE UNITED STATES, 2001 P E R C E N T O F W E A LT H O W N E D 100 75 Top 5% 50 25 Next 15% Bottom 80% 0 Poorest 2 3 4 Richest F I F TH S O F U.
Let Them In: The Case for Open Borders by Jason L. Riley
affirmative action, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, guest worker program, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, lump of labour, mass immigration, open borders, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, school choice, Silicon Valley, trade liberalization, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, zero-sum game
And although a Democratic president, Lyndon Johnson, gave us the Great Society, its programs expanded exponentially during the Republican administrations of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. Welfare becomes a problem when people become habituated to it, when dependency isn’t kept to a minimum and benefits become more attractive than a paycheck. The historical tendency to keep immigrants out of welfare programs began to fade during the War on Poverty in the 1960s. Means-tested programs were added and enhanced but legislation was usually silent on whether citizenship was required to participate. Some states moved to bar noncitizens from public assistance, but a 1971 Supreme Court decision, Graham v. Richardson, reversed those efforts, holding that only the federal government could regulate immigrants’ use of welfare. Between 1970 and 1980, more than forty welfare programs grew at a rate that was three times as fast as wages and more than twice as fast as the GDP.
Utopia or Bust: A Guide to the Present Crisis by Benjamin Kunkel
anti-communist, Bretton Woods, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, creative destruction, David Graeber, declining real wages, full employment, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, liquidity trap, means of production, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, mortgage debt, Occupy movement, peak oil, price stability, profit motive, savings glut, Slavoj Žižek, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transatlantic slave trade, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, women in the workforce, Works Progress Administration, zero-sum game
In this sense, the fatally overpaid workers of the past forty years, as they have been conceived of across the political spectrum, might be reconceived as fatally underpaid, not just from their own point of view but from the standpoint of systemic requirements for sustained growth. To draw this consequence from Brenner’s argument is to turn the received idea of the Golden Age on its head. After all, even in the legendary days of “full employment” joblessness in the US was often three or four times higher than in Sweden, and Johnson’s War on Poverty hardly named a phantom enemy; it was never the case that all who wanted a job could get one, or that fear of hardship had ceased to exert its discipline. Might it be that the era’s fatal flaw lay not in excess compensation for workers and over-full employment, but in insufficient wage growth and not-full-enough employment? Resurrecting the old Marxist measure of the rate of exploitation—which no one seems to try to calculate anymore—would probably support the idea that inadequate rather than excessive wages and employment sapped the Golden Age.
Masters of Mankind by Noam Chomsky
affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, Berlin Wall, failed state, God and Mammon, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), land reform, Martin Wolf, means of production, nuremberg principles, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, Paul Samuelson, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit maximization, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, union organizing, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Westphalian system
Similarly, it may be true, in the abstract, that “the techniques of economic stimulation and stabilization are simply neutral administrative tools capable of distributing national income either more or less equitably, improving the relative bargaining position of either unions or employers, and increasing or decreasing the importance of the public sector of the economy.56 But in the real world, as the same author points out, these “neutral administrative tools” are applied “within the context of a consensus whose limits are defined by the business community.” The tax reforms of the “new economics” benefit the rich.57 Urban renewal, the war on poverty, expenditures for science and education, turn out, in large measure, to be a subsidy to the already privileged. There are a number of ways in which the intellectual who is aware of these facts can hope to change them. He might, for example, try to “humanize” the meritocratic or corporate elite or the government bureaucrats closely allied to them, a plan that has seemed plausible to many scientists and social scientists.
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, mass immigration, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Post-materialism, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent
As the party of Abraham Lincoln, Republicans had traditionally been receptive to black civil rights, and the Republican leadership in Congress supported Lyndon Johnson’s Civil Rights and Voting Rights acts of 1964 and 1965. Barry Goldwater was an early dissenter, but in the 1964 presidential election, Johnson easily defeated him. Johnson’s victory did not, however, signal widespread support for his civil rights initiatives, and after he passed the Voting Rights Act and launched the War on Poverty, a popular backlash grew. Wallace turned the backlash into a populist crusade. Wallace was raised in a rural small town in Alabama. His father and grandfather dabbled in politics. They were New Deal Democrats under Roosevelt’s spell. Wallace would eventually make his name as an arch-segregationist, but he was initially a populist Democrat like Long for whom race was strictly a secondary consideration.
accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, barriers to entry, borderless world, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, capital controls, corporate governance, corporate raider, correlation coefficient, credit crunch, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, deskilling, ending welfare as we know it, feminist movement, full employment, gender pay gap, George Gilder, glass ceiling, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, half of the world's population has never made a phone call, income inequality, indoor plumbing, intangible asset, Internet Archive, job satisfaction, joint-stock company, Kevin Kelly, labor-force participation, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, manufacturing employment, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, Naomi Klein, new economy, occupational segregation, pets.com, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, statistical model, structural adjustment programs, Telecommunications Act of 1996, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, union organizing, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, Y2K, zero-sum game
Fifty years ago, poor people were likely to be Southern and rural; cities were still home to the industrial working class. Now, the population Hving below the poverty Hne is disproportionately urban, and hving in families headed by single women (Levy 1998, chap. 2)—though poverty now, hke the rest of America, has recently been moving out of the cities and into the suburbs. The U.S. didn't get an official poverty line until 1965, as part of the target practice for the Johnson administration's War on Poverty, but the concept has a long history.'^ The broad project of studying the household budgets of the poor and working class goes back at least to the 1870s, a project motivated in large part by fear of unrest from below. In the U.S., immigrants w^ere bringing radical ideas w^ith them, which fermented dangerously in urban slums; unions were being organized and strikes being conducted—with the nationwide riots following the railway strike of 1877 having a particularly great impact.
asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, bonus culture, Bretton Woods, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, cuban missile crisis, disintermediation, diversification, fiat currency, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Santayana, global reserve currency, Home mortgage interest deduction, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, liquidity trap, London Interbank Offered Rate, long peace, margin call, market clearing, mass immigration, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage tax deduction, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, paradox of thrift, pattern recognition, pension reform, pets.com, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, profit maximization, pushing on a string, reserve currency, risk tolerance, risk-adjusted returns, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, South Sea Bubble, statistical model, The Great Moderation, the new new thing, the payments system, too big to fail, value at risk, very high income, War on Poverty, Y2K, yield curve
The notion of virtue and the social and economic order based on virtue were swept away. If the Great Inflation had a single author, his name is Lyndon Baines Johnson. A New Dealer to the bone and a master of getting things done in Congress, he believed there was no excuse for persistent poverty amidst plenty in a country as rich as the United States. So, he launched the Great Society and the War on Poverty, vastly increasing the size and spending of the federal government in the process. At the same time, he expanded the war in Vietnam, which he inherited from Kennedy. This explosion in federal spending was unlike those of the Roosevelt years in one key aspect. They were not nearly as fully financed by taxation. The United States, of course, could always ‘‘print dollars,’’ since the dollar had become the ‘‘new gold’’ under Bretton Woods.
Social Democratic America by Lane Kenworthy
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, basic income, Celtic Tiger, centre right, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, David Brooks, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, endogenous growth, full employment, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, Kenneth Arrow, labor-force participation, manufacturing employment, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, school choice, shareholder value, sharing economy, Skype, Steve Jobs, too big to fail, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, union organizing, universal basic income, War on Poverty, working poor, zero day
“From Wall Street to Wal-Mart: Why College Graduates Are Not Getting Good Jobs.” Washington, DC: Center for College Affordability and Productivity. Vogel, David. 1989. Fluctuating Fortunes: The Political Power of Business in America. New York: Basic Books. Waldfogel, Jane. 2006. What Children Need. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Waldfogel, Jane. 2009. “The Role of Family Policies in Antipoverty Policy.” Focus 26(2): 50–55. Waldfogel, Jane. 2010. Britain’s War on Poverty. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Waldfogel, Jane and Elizabeth Washbrook. 2011. “Income-Related Gaps in School Readiness in the United States and the United Kingdom.” Pp. 175–207 in Persistence, Privilege, and Parenting: The Comparative Study of Intergenerational Mobility. Edited by Timothy M. Smeeding, Robert Erickson, and Markus Jäntti. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Wang, Chen and Koen Caminada. 2011.
Bitcoin: The Future of Money? by Dominic Frisby
3D printing, altcoin, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, barriers to entry, bitcoin, blockchain, capital controls, Chelsea Manning, cloud computing, computer age, cryptocurrency, disintermediation, ethereum blockchain, fiat currency, fixed income, friendly fire, game design, Isaac Newton, Julian Assange, land value tax, litecoin, M-Pesa, mobile money, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Occupy movement, Peter Thiel, Ponzi scheme, prediction markets, price stability, QR code, quantitative easing, railway mania, Ronald Reagan, Satoshi Nakamoto, Silicon Valley, Skype, slashdot, smart contracts, Snapchat, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Ted Nelson, too big to fail, transaction costs, Turing complete, War on Poverty, web application, WikiLeaks
America was on its own path to large government. In 1913 income tax was introduced and the Federal Reserve Bank was created to manage the dollar. In 1932, to generate the funds he wanted for his New Deal, Roosevelt confiscated Americans’ gold, gave Americans dollars in exchange and then devalued the dollar. In the 1960s, under the presidency of Lyndon Johnson, the American state grew even further. Johnson’s War on Poverty saw the Social Security Act, the Food Stamp Act, the Economic Opportunity Act and the Elementary and Secondary Education Act signed into law. But these reforms, together with America’s involvement in the Vietnam War, cost money. The US began printing dollars – many more dollars than its gold supply could back. This would lead to a run on America’s gold by other nations, and in 1971 the US abandoned the gold standard for good and joined the rest of the world under a fiat money system.
Rethinking Money: How New Currencies Turn Scarcity Into Prosperity by Bernard Lietaer, Jacqui Dunne
3D printing, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, BRICs, business climate, business process, butterfly effect, carbon footprint, Carmen Reinhart, clockwork universe, collapse of Lehman Brothers, complexity theory, conceptual framework, credit crunch, discounted cash flows, en.wikipedia.org, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fear of failure, fiat currency, financial innovation, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, German hyperinflation, happiness index / gross national happiness, job satisfaction, liberation theology, Marshall McLuhan, microcredit, mobile money, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, more computing power than Apollo, new economy, Occupy movement, price stability, reserve currency, Silicon Valley, the payments system, too big to fail, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, urban decay, War on Poverty, working poor
This bright idea started at the weekly Tilba Growers Market in Central Tilba, located in the southeast of New South Wales province, and has now spread to other regions. TIME DOLLARS—TIME- BACKED CURRENCY The time dollars system was created by attorney Edgar Cahn. As a Fulbright scholar, cofounder of the National Legal Ser vices, a speechwriter and counsel to former Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, and a close associate of Sargent Shriver on the War on Poverty and the Peace Corps, Cahn has dedicated much of his life to those less fortunate than himself. He had the idea for the time dollar program while recuperating from an illness. “There were two separate forces coming together at the time. It was less a matter of coping with my convalescence, but more of my reaction to feeling useless and helpless. I was getting the care I needed, but the notion that I would spend my life as a recipient of ser vices, even affection, was to me not really being alive.
accounting loophole / creative accounting, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Bretton Woods, capital controls, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, disintermediation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, financial deregulation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Akerlof, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, index fund, inflation targeting, inventory management, invisible hand, John Meriwether, Kitchen Debate, laissez-faire capitalism, locking in a profit, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, Philip Mirowski, price stability, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, technology bubble, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, too big to fail, union organizing, V2 rocket, value at risk, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Y2K, Yom Kippur War
He was a former New Dealer who had seen the light, a man who was willing to exalt individualistic ideals and personal freedom, someone who seemed clearly unafraid to stand up to the Soviets. Edwin Meese, Reagan’s key legal staffer and his future attorney general, had known Uhler at Boalt Hall, and in 1968 invited him to join Reagan’s gubernatorial staff. Uhler’s first major assignment was to challenge California Rural Legal Assistance, a nonprofit organization established by Lyndon Johnson as part of the War on Poverty to provide legal aid to the poor, mostly agricultural workers, regarding housing, wages, and health care. The program was a thorn in the side of Reagan’s backers, and especially the politically powerful farm community. Uhler wrote a report charging the program’s legal staff with serious improprieties. “It was one of those new liberal agencies,” Uhler said, “where you saw hammer-and-sickle banners drawn on the walls.”
He never wanted to appear that he was betraying his ideals, though in office he compromised pragmatically to maintain his popularity. His political future, indisputably bright to that point, was now uncertain, as was the conservative political movement itself. Nixon, who became president in 1969, signed legislation to start the Environmental Protection Agency, the Occupational Safety and Health Agency, and the Consumer Product Safety Commission, froze prices and wages, provided generous funds to the War on Poverty, aggressively expanded Social Security, and spent federal funds prodigiously to stimulate economic growth. Even though he tried to limit civil rights in the South, Nixon was still not the conservative Uhler had hoped for as the next Republican president. But Reagan, like the army of the committed of which Uhler was a tireless member, kept sowing the truly conservative fields. Uhler never relinquished his vision.
The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism by Joyce Appleby
1919 Motor Transport Corps convoy, agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Madoff, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Columbian Exchange, commoditize, corporate governance, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Doha Development Round, double entry bookkeeping, epigenetics, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Firefox, fixed income, Ford paid five dollars a day, Francisco Pizarro, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gordon Gekko, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, Hernando de Soto, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, informal economy, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, invention of movable type, invention of the printing press, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, land reform, Livingstone, I presume, Long Term Capital Management, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, moral hazard, Parag Khanna, Ponzi scheme, profit maximization, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, refrigerator car, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, special economic zone, spice trade, spinning jenny, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, total factor productivity, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration, Yogi Berra, Yom Kippur War
They saddled their companies with costs that kept growing when the burden might have been spread through public funding, as was the New Deal’s Aid to Families with Dependent Children. Aside from the expansion of higher education, the engine of social reform had an uphill push in the 1960s. Progressive income tax rates and rising wages shrank the gap between rich and poor for twenty years while the economy moved ahead at full tilt. President Lyndon Johnson declared war on poverty, but the real war in Vietnam undercut many of his domestic goals. The quest for acknowledgment of labor has been made more difficult by the language of economic analysis that depersonalizes workers. Labor is bundled with land and capital as the principal components of enterprise. In a subtle way, this has a dehumanizing effect, for it obscures the enormous difference between the human and material elements in production.
Meanwhile Yunus has teamed up with Mexican telecom mogul Carlos Slim Hélu to bring microlending to Mexico in a big way. A contender with Warren Buffett and Bill Gates for the title of the world’s wealthiest person, Slim has been a great benefactor. He has poured money into foundations, but as a monopoly owner of many sectors of the economy he is also part of the problem of Mexican poverty. He employs a quarter of a million men and women. Like Yunus, he has declared war on poverty and is turning his attention to helping fund Mexican health and education programs. “My new job,” Slim says, “is to focus on the development and employment of Latin America.” Critics ask if he intends to pay a working wage commensurate with the rest of North America.27 Yunus understands that one of the underpinnings of poverty is the widespread conviction that it is an ineradicable evil, like dying.
Ayn Rand and the World She Made by Anne C. Heller
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, conceptual framework, greed is good, laissez-faire capitalism, Milgram experiment, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, New Journalism, open borders, price stability, profit motive, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, theory of mind, Thorstein Veblen, transcontinental railway, upwardly mobile, wage slave, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration, young professional
She also named him an editor of The Objectivist and of its scaled-down successor publication, The Ayn Rand Letter, until late 1974, when the Letter was discontinued. “I am tired of saying ‘I told you so,’” she wrote. The essays she contributed to almost every issue were not the sweeping policy statements of the 1960s; they were sometimes illuminating, more often bitter assessments of current events. She published position papers against the war on poverty, “selfless” hippies, affirmative action, government funding of the arts, international relief aid, the Watergate Committee—as well as in opposition to the Vietnam War and a wave of 1970s anti-obscenity legislation. She crafted a brilliant and farsighted critique of B. F. Skinner’s 1971 behaviorist manifesto, Beyond Freedom and Dignity, in which she aptly quoted Victor Hugo: “And he [the student Marius in Les Misérables] blesses God for having given him these two riches which many of the rich are lacking: work, which gives him freedom, and thought, which gives him dignity.”
The family with whom she and O’Connor stayed in Titusville, NASA’s pleasant bedroom town for Kennedy Space Center employees, remembered that she was wearing a new diamond-and-ruby ring. The ring had forty rubies, one for each year she had been married to Frank, and she told the family that he had given it to her for their wedding anniversary in April. On Rand’s return to New York, Barbara Weiss reflected that she had never seen the great woman in a better frame of mind. And yet there was unremitting anger. “Those who suggest we substitute a war on poverty for the space program should ask themselves whether the premises and values that form the character of an astronaut would be satisfied by a lifetime of carrying bedpans and teaching the alphabet to the mentally retarded,” she wrote in The Objectivist. This, like her praise, was a scrap of old rhetoric, and was unseemly. Another high point was an address she gave in March 1974 to members of the senior class of the United States Military Academy at West Point.
White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America by Nancy Isenberg
A. Roger Ekirch, back-to-the-land, British Empire, California gold rush, colonial rule, Copley Medal, desegregation, Donald Trump, feminist movement, full employment, indoor plumbing, invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, land tenure, mass immigration, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, trade route, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration
Mountain farm families had been stripped of the legal right to their property when coal-mining companies, aided by state courts, were given the prerogative to ruin fields, destroy forests, build roads wherever they chose, and pollute the water supply. In the end, the Johnson administration secured passage of the Appalachian Regional Development Act, providing infrastructure, schools, and hospitals. The president subsequently stated that seeing the poverty there firsthand had convinced him of the necessity of the Medicare Act. And so fighting rural poverty remained a central plank in Johnson’s overall “War on Poverty.” But even these bold policies proved inadequate to manage the massive devastation that the blighted regional economy had already experienced.81 Lyndon Johnson was aware of every detail as he went about fashioning his public image. The hat he wore was not a ten-gallon cowboy, but a modified five-gallon version with a narrower brim. This was LBJ: a modified, modernized southerner. When he sought aid for Appalachia, he imagined himself as a kindly benefactor, making the “cold indifferent” government newly responsive to the “little fella.”
On poor white images, also see “Johnson’s Great Society—Lines Are Drawn,” New York Times, March 14, 1965; and John Ed Pearce, “The Superfluous People of Hazard, Kentucky,” Reporter 28, no. 1 (January 3, 1963): 33–35; Homer Bigart, “Kentucky Miners: A Grim Winter,” New York Times, October 20, 1963; Robyn Muncy, “Coal-Fired Reforms: Social Citizenship, Dissident Miners, and the Great Society,” Journal of American History (June 2009): 72–98, esp. 74, 90–95; and Ronald Eller, Uneven Ground: Appalachia Since 1945 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2008), 20, 23–25, 30–32, 36–39; David Torstensson, “Beyond the City: Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty in Rural America,” Journal of Policy History 25, no. 4 (2013): 587–613, esp. 591–92, 596, 606. 82. On Johnson’s hat, see “Random Notes from All Over: Johnson Says Aye to LBJ Hats,” New York Times, February 17, 1964. On the poor, see Marjorie Hunter, “President’s Tour Dramatized Issue” and “Johnson Pledges to Aid the Needy,” New York Times, April 26, 1964, and September 21, 1964; Franklin D.
Apple II, Bob Noyce, collective bargaining, computer age, George Gilder, informal economy, John Markoff, laissez-faire capitalism, low skilled workers, means of production, Menlo Park, Murray Gell-Mann, open economy, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Sand Hill Road, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, union organizing, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, Yom Kippur War
By 1970, many people familiar with the industry believed the semiconductor market was fully saturated.45 In the summer of 1968, however, life was so good for most electronics companies that firms up and down the Pacific Coast, flush with success, feeling generous, and hungry for employees, trained “young people from disadvantaged minorities” and “hard-core unemployed” as part of President Johnson’s War-on-Poverty programs. In Europe, student protests turned violent. In Chicago, police clubbed Vietnam War protesters at the Democratic National Convention, while in Washington, the United States Army, citing the “large number of civil disturbances” around the country, began construction on an “emergency action headquarters” anchored by a series of computers running on integrated circuit technology and designed to coordinate military action at as many as 25 domestic “hot spots” simultaneously.
., Done Deals: Venture Capitalists Tell Their Stories (Boston: Harvard Business School Press, 2000). 44. Failures of companies: “Electronics Industry Failures Fall to Lowest Level Ever,” Electronic News, 10 June 1968. Age of Electro-Aquarius: “The Splintering of the Solid-State Electronics Industry.” Notes to Pages 168–172 341 45. The last year: “Where the Action is in Electronics,” Business Week, Oct. 1969, 86. Market fully saturated: Jackson, Inside Intel, 47. 46. Participation in War on Poverty: Neil Kelly, “Coast Firms Eager in Poverty Fight,” Electronic News, 22 July 1968. Army’s computerized facility: Heather M. David, “Army Opens Riot Control Center,” Electronic News, 14 July 1969. 47. Knew Intel would lose money: “Intel Corp $2,500,000 Convertible Debentures,” IA. More aggressive: Gordon Moore, interview by author. 48. In early August, Noyce left: Noyce 1968 datebook, ASB Description of Maine house: author’s visit. 49.
The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature by Steven Pinker
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Alfred Russel Wallace, anti-communist, British Empire, clean water, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, conceptual framework, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Defenestration of Prague, desegregation, epigenetics, Exxon Valdez, George Akerlof, germ theory of disease, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, Hobbesian trap, income inequality, invention of agriculture, invisible hand, long peace, meta analysis, meta-analysis, More Guns, Less Crime, Murray Gell-Mann, mutually assured destruction, Norman Mailer, Peter Singer: altruism, phenotype, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Potemkin village, prisoner's dilemma, profit motive, QWERTY keyboard, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Richard Thaler, risk tolerance, Robert Bork, Rodney Brooks, Saturday Night Live, speech recognition, stem cell, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the new new thing, theory of mind, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, ultimatum game, urban renewal, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, Yogi Berra, zero-sum game
As the conservative philosopher Michael Oakshott wrote, “To try to do something which is inherently impossible is always a corrupting enterprise.” The two kinds of visionaries thereby line up on opposite sides of many issues that would seem to have little in common. The Utopian Vision seeks to articulate social goals and devise policies that target them directly: economic inequality is attacked in a war on poverty, pollution by environmental regulations, racial imbalances by preferences, carcinogens by bans on food additives. The Tragic Vision points to the self-interested motives of the people who would implement these policies—namely, the expansion of their bureaucratic fiefdoms—and to their ineptitude at anticipating the myriad consequences, especially when the social goals are pitted against millions of people pursuing their own interests.
The great homicidal classics?”) People also enjoy watching the stylized combat we call “sports,” which are contests of aiming, chasing, or fighting, complete with victors and the vanquished. If language is a guide, many other efforts are conceptualized as forms of aggression: intellectual argument (to shoot down, defeat, or destroy an idea or its proponent), social reform (to fight crime, to combat prejudice, the War on Poverty, the War on Drugs), and medical treatment (to fight cancer, painkillers, to defeat AIDS, the War on Cancer). In fact, the entire question of what went wrong (socially or biologically) when a person engages in violence is badly posed. Almost everyone recognizes the need for violence in defense of self, family, and innocent victims. Moral philosophers point out that there are even circumstances in which torture is justified—say, when a captured terrorist has planted a time bomb in a crowded place and refuses to say where it is.
Currency Wars: The Making of the Next Gobal Crisis by James Rickards
Asian financial crisis, bank run, Benoit Mandelbrot, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Black Swan, borderless world, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, business climate, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, collateralized debt obligation, complexity theory, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Deng Xiaoping, diversification, diversified portfolio, Fall of the Berlin Wall, family office, financial innovation, floating exchange rates, full employment, game design, German hyperinflation, Gini coefficient, global rebalancing, global reserve currency, high net worth, income inequality, interest rate derivative, John Meriwether, Kenneth Rogoff, labour mobility, laissez-faire capitalism, liquidity trap, Long Term Capital Management, mandelbrot fractal, margin call, market bubble, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, money market fund, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Myron Scholes, Network effects, New Journalism, Nixon shock, offshore financial centre, oil shock, one-China policy, open economy, paradox of thrift, Paul Samuelson, price mechanism, price stability, private sector deleveraging, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, special economic zone, The Myth of the Rational Market, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, time value of money, too big to fail, value at risk, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game
Despite the persistence of Bretton Woods into the 1970s, the seeds of Currency War II were sown in the mid- to late 1960s. One can date the beginning of CWII from 1967, while its antecedents lie in the 1964 landslide election of Lyndon B. Johnson and his “guns and butter” platform. The guns referred to the war in Vietnam and the butter referred to the Great Society social programs, including the war on poverty. Although the United States had maintained a military presence in Vietnam since 1950, the first large-scale combat troop deployments took place in 1965, escalating the costs of the war effort. The Democratic landslide in the 1964 election resulted in a new Congress that convened in January 1965, and Johnson’s State of the Union address that month marked the unofficial launch of the full-scale Great Society agenda.
Bobos in Paradise: The New Upper Class and How They Got There by David Brooks
1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Community Supported Agriculture, David Brooks, Donald Trump, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Gilder, haute couture, haute cuisine, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, place-making, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Robert Bork, Silicon Valley, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Thorstein Veblen, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban planning, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra
That was an era of consolidation, when small entities seemed to be drawn ineluctably together to form big entities—big trusts, big bureaucracies, big cities. But we no longer feel we are living in an age of consolidation; on the contrary, deconsolidation seems to be the order of the day. So upscale Americans, like most Americans, show little desire to launch a new set of massive political enterprises, whether it is another liberal War on Poverty or a grand conservative War on Cultural Decay. They tend to distrust formal hierarchies that are imposed from above and Olympian lawgivers who would presume to govern from glorious heights. They are generally disenchanted with national politics. They tend not to see it as a glorious or capital R Romantic field of endeavor, the way so many people did earlier in the century. Utopianism of that sort is practically extinct.
Dreaming in Public: Building the Occupy Movement by Amy Lang, Daniel Lang/levitsky
Bay Area Rapid Transit, bonus culture, British Empire, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collective bargaining, corporate governance, corporate personhood, crowdsourcing, David Graeber, deindustrialization, facts on the ground, glass ceiling, housing crisis, Kibera, late capitalism, mass incarceration, Naomi Klein, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, out of africa, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Port of Oakland, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, Slavoj Žižek, structural adjustment programs, the medium is the message, too big to fail, trade liberalization, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, We are Anonymous. We are Legion, We are the 99%, white flight, working poor
This article discusses the Hungary situation, together with further examples from the UK and how we need to radically alter our conversation, if we want to live in a transformed world where nightmares like this are distant memories. Guilty of being skint The story seemed so absurd that, when I awoke this morning ready to write about it, I wondered if I had simply dreamt it. During my fact checking, it not only proved true, but worse. When the story started, I assumed that it was part of a drive to prevent homelessness: Outlaw Homelessness, like a War on Poverty. However, this is not the case. Hungarian capital Budapest has circa 10,000 homeless people attempting to survive in it. The Conservative government has declared this too much for Budapest to bear, and therefore banned it. The law has been passed. Its implications? If you are found homeless in Hungary, you get a warning. If found again, you get a fine of $614 and/or prison. Now, I’m no fortune teller – but I’m happy to predict that this ludicrous law will be about as effective at stopping homelessness as making short skirts illegal would stop rape.
assortative mating, autonomous vehicles, blue-collar work, Bonfire of the Vanities, Branko Milanovic, call centre, collective bargaining, computer age, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, Erik Brynjolfsson, feminist movement, Frank Levy and Richard Murnane: The New Division of Labor, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, industrial robot, invisible hand, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, low skilled workers, lump of labour, manufacturing employment, moral hazard, oil shock, pattern recognition, Paul Samuelson, performance metric, positional goods, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, Powell Memorandum, purchasing power parity, refrigerator car, rent control, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, The Spirit Level, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, union organizing, upwardly mobile, very high income, Vilfredo Pareto, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, women in the workforce, Works Progress Administration, Yom Kippur War
The calculations are based on real family income from 1995 to 2002 for Americans who were children in 1968 as compared with their parents’ real family income from 1967 to 1971. 6. Panel Study of Income Dynamics brochure at http://psidonline.isr.umich.edu/Guide/Brochures/PSID.pdf; and PSID video at http://psidonline.isr.umich.edu/videos.aspx. The PSID was created as an outgrowth of some research undertaken by the Office of Economic Opportunity, the short-lived federal agency tasked with conducting President Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty. But where the OEO research had focused on low-income families, the PSID expanded the sampling group to include households at all income levels. 7. Interview with Isabel Sawhill, Feb. 4, 2011. 8. Chul-In Lee and Gary Solon, “Trends in Intergenerational Income Mobility” (Cambridge, MA: NBER, 2006), 16. 9. Katharine Bradbury and Jane Katz, “Trends in U.S. Family Income Mobility, 1967–2004,” Working Paper 09–7 (Boston: Federal Reserve Bank, 2009). 10.
The Global Minotaur by Yanis Varoufakis, Paul Mason
active measures, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, business climate, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, corporate governance, correlation coefficient, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, debt deflation, declining real wages, deindustrialization, endogenous growth, eurozone crisis, financial innovation, first-past-the-post, full employment, Hyman Minsky, industrial robot, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, light touch regulation, liquidity trap, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, market fundamentalism, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, money market fund, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, negative equity, new economy, Northern Rock, paper trading, Paul Samuelson, planetary scale, post-oil, price stability, quantitative easing, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, structural adjustment programs, systematic trading, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Yom Kippur War
While Johnson pursued the Vietnam War abroad with increasingly reckless vigour, domestically he attempted to stamp his authority by means of the Great Society, a programme that greatly inspired progressives when it set centre stage the goal of eliminating not only poverty for the white working class, but also racism. The Great Society will be remembered for its effective dismantling of American apartheid, especially in the southern states. Between 1964 and 1966, four pieces of legislation saw to this major transformation of American society. Moreover, the Great Society had a strong Keynesian element that came to the fore as Johnson’s unconditional war on poverty. In its first three years, 1964–66, $1 billion were spent annually on various programmes to boost educational opportunities and to introduce health cover for the elderly and various vulnerable groups. The social impact of the Great Society’s public expenditure was mostly felt in the form of poverty reduction. When it began, more than 22 per cent of Americans lived below the official poverty line.
The Cheating Culture: Why More Americans Are Doing Wrong to Get Ahead by David Callahan
1960s counterculture, affirmative action, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, David Brooks, deindustrialization, East Village, fixed income, forensic accounting, full employment, game design, greed is good, high batting average, housing crisis, illegal immigration, income inequality, job satisfaction, mandatory minimum, market fundamentalism, McMansion, microcredit, moral hazard, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, oil shock, old-boy network, Plutocrats, plutocrats, postindustrial economy, profit maximization, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ray Oldenburg, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, Thorstein Veblen, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, World Values Survey, young professional, zero-sum game
Communities of color also have lower voting turnout, make fewer campaign contributions, and overall have weaker political representation than white communities. Not surprisingly, blacks and Latinos tend to be less trusting of government, corporations, and the media, as well as less trusting of other people. At the same time, many whites see some minority Americans as not doing their part to uphold the social contract. The powerful white backlash following the Civil Rights movement and the war on poverty was partly rooted in plain racism; but it was also rooted in concerns about higher crime in communities of color and a perception of a lax work ethic, low levels of personal responsibility, and little commitment to self-improvement. Carol Swain's book The New White Nationalism in America provides a troubling look at how these sentiments are playing out today in different ways than in the past.12 While there is much evidence that the racial polarization of American society is ebbing, vast divisions persist.
Composing a Further Life: The Age of Active Wisdom by Mary Catherine Bateson
affirmative action, Berlin Wall, Celebration, Florida, desegregation, double helix, estate planning, feminist movement, invention of writing, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, urban renewal, War on Poverty, women in the workforce
Jim was in Chicago for eight years. I commented on the hopefulness of that time. “I mean, there was a belief that it was really going to be possible to fix the things that were wrong.” “Absolutely!” Jim said. “That was before cynicism.” “We really believed things were going to be fixed.” “And then everybody got killed. There was a loss of courage and a loss of hope that things could change. The War on Poverty—that was a big sign of hope, hope, hope, and then the tremendous amount of internal graft and sloppy stuff—very few of those projects really did much good.” After the assassination of John Kennedy in 1963, a series of events began that gradually changed the atmosphere. Malcolm X was assassinated in 1965. Stokely Carmichael reframed the struggle in terms of Black Power in 1967. Lyndon Johnson did push through the Civil Rights Act in 1968, but that success was followed in April by the assassination of Martin Luther King, with nationwide rioting and whole neighborhoods burned in black communities, and then by the assassination of Bobby Kennedy in the same year.
The Sellout: A Novel by Paul Beatty
affirmative action, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, desegregation, El Camino Real, haute couture, illegal immigration, Lao Tzu, late fees, mass incarceration, p-value, publish or perish, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, telemarketer, theory of mind, War on Poverty, white flight, yellow journalism
She patted me sympathetically on the shoulder and raised her supervisor on the radio, and while we waited for the ambulance, the three of us haggled about the severity of the crime. The county reluctant to cite me with anything more than vandalism of state property and me trying to convince them that even if crime had gone down in the neighborhood since the Wheaton Academy went up, what I did was still a violation of the First Amendment, the Civil Rights Code, and, unless there’s been an armistice in the War on Poverty, at least four articles of the Geneva Convention. The paramedics arrived. Once I’d been stabilized with gauze and a few kind words, the EMTs went through the standard assessment protocol. “Next of kin?” As I lay, not exactly dying but close enough, I thought about Marpessa. Who, if the position of the sun high in the gorgeous blue sky was any indication, was at the far end of this very same street taking her lunch break.
barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, clean water, computer age, Corn Laws, creative destruction, cross-subsidies, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, dematerialisation, Diane Coyle, Edward Glaeser, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, financial deregulation, full employment, George Santayana, global village, hiring and firing, Howard Rheingold, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, laissez-faire capitalism, lump of labour, Marshall McLuhan, mass immigration, McJob, microcredit, moral panic, Network effects, new economy, Nick Leeson, night-watchman state, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, pension reform, pensions crisis, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, spinning jenny, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, Tobin tax, two tier labour market, very high income, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, working-age population
The US and France, the two states whose revolutionary origins have bequeathed them an ideology of equality, are two of the most inegalitarian countries outside the third world.6 True, most of us would still prefer to be poor in a rich country rather than a less rich one, because the level of income available is higher. Our underclass is better off. Even so, in the old industrial- The End of Welfare 127 ised countries we seem to have an inefficient welfare state. What it provides by way of a safety net comes at a high price, with high government spending and high taxes but at the same time declining social cohesion and no sign of an end to the war on poverty. The excess baggage that we are paying for now consists for the most part of additional entitlements not included in the original vision. Of course, high unemployment in Europe is costing governments large amounts in benefit. However, the greater long-term financial burden is concentrated in pensions, health and social security benefits of various types. According to International Monetary Fund and OECD figures for a range of countries, these are the bits of social spending that have grown the most.
Reinventing the Bazaar: A Natural History of Markets by John McMillan
accounting loophole / creative accounting, Albert Einstein, Alvin Roth, Andrei Shleifer, Anton Chekhov, Asian financial crisis, congestion charging, corporate governance, corporate raider, crony capitalism, Dava Sobel, Deng Xiaoping, experimental economics, experimental subject, fear of failure, first-price auction, frictionless, frictionless market, George Akerlof, George Gilder, global village, Hernando de Soto, I think there is a world market for maybe five computers, income inequality, income per capita, informal economy, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, job-hopping, John Harrison: Longitude, John von Neumann, Kenneth Arrow, land reform, lone genius, manufacturing employment, market clearing, market design, market friction, market microstructure, means of production, Network effects, new economy, offshore financial centre, ought to be enough for anybody, pez dispenser, pre–internet, price mechanism, profit maximization, profit motive, proxy bid, purchasing power parity, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, sealed-bid auction, second-price auction, Silicon Valley, spectrum auction, Stewart Brand, The Market for Lemons, The Nature of the Firm, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transaction costs, War on Poverty, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, yield management
“Bargaining and Market Behavior in Jerusalem, Ljubljana, Pittsburgh, and Tokyo: An Experimental Study.” American Economic Review 81, 1068–1095. Rothschild, Michael, and Stiglitz, Joseph E. 1976. “Equilibrium in Competitive Insurance Markets: An Essay on the Economics of Imperfect Information.” Quarterly Journal of Economics 90, 629–650. Rozelle, Scott, Zhang, Linxiu, and Huang, Jikun. 1999. “China’s War on Poverty.” Typescript, University of California, Davis. Ruhm, Christopher J. 1996. “Alcohol Policies and Highway Vehicle Fatalities.” Journal of Health Economics 15, 437–456. Russell, Marcia. 1996. Revolution: New Zealand from Fortress to Free Market. Auckland, Hodder Moa Beckett. Sachs, Jeffrey. 1992. “Privatization in Russia.” American Economic Review Papers and Proceedings 82, 43–48. Salop, Steven, and Stiglitz, Joseph E. 1977.
The Vanishing Neighbor: The Transformation of American Community by Marc J. Dunkelman
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, assortative mating, Berlin Wall, big-box store, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, Broken windows theory, call centre, clean water, cuban missile crisis, dark matter, David Brooks, delayed gratification, double helix, Downton Abbey, Edward Glaeser, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Filter Bubble, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Santayana, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, global supply chain, global village, helicopter parent, if you build it, they will come, impulse control, income inequality, invention of movable type, Jane Jacobs, John Markoff, Khyber Pass, Louis Pasteur, Marshall McLuhan, Martin Wolf, McMansion, Nate Silver, Nicholas Carr, obamacare, Occupy movement, Peter Thiel, post-industrial society, Richard Florida, rolodex, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steve Jobs, telemarketer, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the medium is the message, Thomas L Friedman, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, urban decay, urban planning, Walter Mischel, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, World Values Survey, zero-sum game
Fischer and Michael Hout, Century of Difference: How America Changed in the Last One Hundred Years (New York: Russell Sage Foundation: 2006), 152. 8Charles Murray, Coming Apart: The State of White America 1960–2010 (New York: Crown Forum, 2012), 8. “Poverty Status of People by Family Relationship, Race, and Hispanic Origin: 1959 to 2012” by the U.S. Census Bureau, accessed on December 13, 2013. It’s worth noting that poverty rates since the Great Society have fluctuated—as Eduardo Porter pointed out (http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/18/business/economy/in-the-war-on-poverty-a-dogged-adversary.html?ref=economicscene). But even during that period, the figure has fluctuated, falling by nearly a quarter during the Clinton years, then rising by more than 15 percent during George W. Bush’s presidency, http://www.dlc.org/documents/TheLostDecade.pdf. 9Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumer’s Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America (New York: Vintage Books, 2003), 123-24. 10Fareed Zakaria, The Post-American World (New York: W.
Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything by Steven D. Levitt, Stephen J. Dubner
airport security, Broken windows theory, crack epidemic, desegregation, Exxon Valdez, feminist movement, George Akerlof, information asymmetry, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, mental accounting, moral hazard, More Guns, Less Crime, oil shale / tar sands, Paul Samuelson, peak oil, pets.com, profit maximization, Richard Thaler, school choice, sensible shoes, Steven Pinker, Ted Kaczynski, The Chicago School, The Market for Lemons, Thorstein Veblen, War on Poverty
THE SHRINKING OF VARIOUS BLACK-WHITe GAPS, PRE-CRACK: See Rebecca Blank, “An Overview of Social and Economic Trends by Race,” in America Becoming: Racial Trends and Their Consequences, ed. Neil J. Smelser, William Julius Wilson, and Faith Mitchell (Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press, 2001), pp. 21–40. / 103 Regarding black infant mortality, see Douglas V. Almond, Kenneth Y. Chay, and Michael Greenstone, “Civil Rights, the War on Poverty, and Black-White Convergence in Infant Mortality in Mississippi,” National Bureau of Economic Research working paper, 2003. THE VARIOUS DESTRUCTIVE EFFECTS OF CRACK are discussed in Roland G. Fryer Jr., Paul Heaton, Steven D. Levitt, and Kevin Murphy, “The Impact of Crack Cocaine,” University of Chicago working paper, 2005. 4. WHERE HAVE ALL THE CRIMINALS GONE? NICOLAE CEAUşESCU’S ABORTION BAN: Background information on Romania and the Ceauşescus was drawn from a variety of sources, including “Eastern Europe, the Third Communism,” Time, March 18, 1966; “Ceauşescu Ruled with an Iron Grip,” Washington Post, December 26, 1989; Ralph Blumenthal, “The Ceauşescus: 24 Years of Fierce Repression, Isolation and Independence,” New York Times, December 26, 1989; Serge Schmemann, “In Cradle of Rumanian Revolt, Anger Quickly Overcame Fear,” New York Times, December 30, 1989; Karen Breslau, “Overplanned Parenthood: Ceauşescu’s Cruel Law,” Newsweek, January 22, 1990; and Nicolas Holman, “The Economic Legacy of Ceauşescu,” Student Economic Review, 1994. / 106 The link between the Romanian abortion ban and life outcomes has been explored in a pair of papers: Cristian Pop-Eleches, “The Impact of an Abortion Ban on Socio-Economic Outcomes of Children: Evidence from Romania,” Columbia University working paper, 2002; and Cristian Pop-Eleches, “The Supply of Birth Control Methods, Education and Fertility: Evidence from Romania,” Columbia University working paper, 2002.
World Economy Since the Wars: A Personal View by John Kenneth Galbraith
central bank independence, full employment, income inequality, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, joint-stock company, means of production, price discrimination, price stability, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, spinning jenny, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, union organizing, War on Poverty
Address by Fred Maytag II, before the National Association of Manufacturers, December 1, 1954. [back] *** 3 "The Relation of Taxes to Economic Growth." Address by Ernest L. Swigert, before the National Association of Manufacturers, December 6, 1956. [back] *** 4 Alice Bourneuf, Norway: The Planned Revival (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1958). [back] *** 5 The so-called war on poverty of the Johnson administration was instructive: income redistribution was to be limited to the very poor. The more important improvement in the incomes of the poor was to come from the increased productivity of that group. The ability of all shades of political opinion to endorse aspects of this program suggests the mildness of the effort. [back] *** 6 U.S. Department of Commerce, Statistical Abstract of the United States.
A People's History of the United States by Howard Zinn
active measures, affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, death of newspapers, desegregation, equal pay for equal work, feminist movement, friendly fire, full employment, God and Mammon, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, jobless men, land reform, Mercator projection, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, very high income, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration
Their activities were largely unreported by the media. They constituted this “permanent adversarial culture.” The Democratic party was more responsive to these Americans, on whose votes it depended. But its responsiveness was limited by its own captivity to corporate interests, and its domestic reforms were severely limited by the system’s dependency on militarism and war. Thus, President Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty in the sixties became a victim of the war in Vietnam, and Jimmy Carter could not go far so long as he insisted on a huge outlay of money for the military, much of this to stockpile more nuclear weapons. As these limits became clear in the Carter years, a small but determined movement against nuclear arms began to grow. The pioneers were a tiny group of Christian pacifists who had been active against the Vietnam war (among them were a former priest, Philip Berrigan, and his wife, Elizabeth McAlister, a former nun).
Steel, 257, 331, 350, 363, 381 Van Buren, Martin, 130, 146, 148, 217, 224 Vandenberg, Arthur, 415 Vanderbilt, Cornelius, 262 Vanderbilt family, 242 Van Every, Dale, 135–36, 137, 138–39, 142, 143, 146 Vanzetti, Bartolomeo, 376 Vesco, Robert, 544, 547 Vesey, Denmark, 171, 173–74 Vietnam/Vietnam war, 9, 366–67, 411, 469, 472–501, 542, 549–54, 556, 558, 563, 618, 618–19, 631, 652 opposition to, 461, 484–94, 500–01, 516, 518, 523, 541, 542, 554, 567 Pentagon Papers, 412, 470, 472, 473, 474, 476, 481, 488, 499, 500 War Powers Act, 588 Vincent, Henry, 286 Vinson, Fred, 434, 435 Virginia (Colonial era), 12, 13, 18, 25, 41–47 passim, 50, 55, 56, 68, 78, 82, 84, 86 Bacon’s Rebellion, 37, 39–42, 45, 54, 55, 59 House of Burgesses, birth of, 43 slavery, 25, 30, 32–38 passim, 47, 72 see also Jamestown Vogel, Virgil, 15 voting: blacks, 65, 88–89, 198, 199, 203, 207, 291, 449, 454–55, 456, 458, 459, 461, 465–66, 610 Constitution, 96 15th Amendment, 198, 449 Indians, 65, 96 low voter turnout, 563 1960s and 1970s, 562 property qualifications, 49, 65, 83, 96, 214–16, 291 women, 65, 96, 110, 114, 123, 342, 343, 344–45, 384, 503 see also civil rights/civil rights movement Wadsworth, James, 359 Wake Island, 312 Walker, Charles R., 394 Walker, David, 180, 184 Walker, Margaret, 446 Wall, John, 618 Wallace, Henry, 428, 449 Wampanoag Indians, 15–16, 40 War of 1812, 127 War on Poverty, 601 War Powers Act, 553, 588 War Resister’s League, 437 Washburn, Wilcomb, 40 Washington, Booker T., 208, 209, 348 Washington, George, 85, 91, 95, 97, 125, 126 Revolutionary War, 79–80, 81, 82, 145 Washington, Mrs. George (Martha), 110 Watergate, 488, 542–49 passim, 554, 558, 631 Watergate scandal, 563, 618 Watson, Tom, 291–92 Wayland, Francis, 156 Wayne, Anthony, 81, 87 wealth distribution, 571, 612, 629, 662–64, 668 Weatherby, William, 404 Weaver, James, 289 Webster, Daniel, 142, 145, 181, 216 Weems, John, 162, 166, 167 Weil, Simone, 420 Weinberger, Caspar, 584, 585, 605 Wiener, Jon, 595 Weinstein, James, 351, 353, 365 welfare, attack on, 578–79, 647–50 Welles, Sumner, 412 Welter, Barbara, 112 West Germany, 591 Westmoreland, William, 500, 550 Wheeler, Burton, 385 White, Walter, 419 Whitman, Walt, 154 Wicker, Tom, 521, 566 Wiebe, Robert, 350 Willard, Emma, 117–18 Williams, Roger, 16–17 Williams, William Applernan, 301–02 Wilson, Charles E., 425 Wilson, Darryl B., 530 Wilson, Edmund, 237–38 Wilson, James, 70, 80 Wilson, James Q., 587 Wilson, Woodrow, 347, 349, 350, 356, 362, 381 World War I, 361, 362, 364, 365 Winthrop, John, 13, 14, 48, 108–09 Winthrop, Robert, 158 Witt, Shirley Hill, 533 Wittner, Lawrence, 419, 425 Wollstonecraft, Mary, 111 women: abolitionists, 117, 120, 121, 122, 124 abortion, 509–10, 511 blacks, 32, 103, 105–06, 184–85, 193, 202, 347, 504 change in status, 503–14 Colonial Era, 43, 44, 49, 72, 73, 102, 104–11 passim Declaration of Independence and Constitution, 72, 73, 96, 102 education, 110, 115, 118, 123, 509 exploitation and oppression, 9, 103–24 passim feminist movements: 19th century, 117, 119–23 passim, 184–85, 202; early 20th century, 342–46, 349; 1960s and 1970s, 504–14; 1980s and 1990s, 616 Indians, 5, 7, 19, 20, 104 in antinuclear movement, 603 labor, 10, 32, 43, 44, 103, 104–05, 110, 111, 114–15, 123, 228–31, 234–35, 240–41, 253, 257, 267–68, 324–27 passim, 336, 338–39, 347, 406, 504, 506–11 passim; see also labor, factory and mill system property ownership denied, 114, 123 rape, 510, 511 socialists, 341–46 passim voting, 65, 96, 110, 114, 123, 342, 343, 344–45, 384, 503 World War II, 416 Wood, Leonard, 311, 312 Woodford, Stewart, 304 Woodward, C.
Capitalism: the unknown ideal by Ayn Rand
Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, East Village, Ford paid five dollars a day, full employment, Isaac Newton, laissez-faire capitalism, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, profit motive, the market place, trade route, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, War on Poverty, yellow journalism
So they scream their defiance against “The System,” not realizing that they are its most consistently docile pupils, that theirs is a rebellion against the status quo by its archetypes, against the intellectual “Establishment” by its robots who have swallowed every shopworn premise of the “liberals” of the 1930’s, including the catch-phrases of altruism, the dedication to “deprived people,” to such a safely conventional cause as “the war on poverty.” A rebellion that brandishes banners inscribed with bromides is not a very convincing nor very inspiring sight. As in any movement, there is obviously a mixture of motives involved: there are the little shysters of the intellect, who have found a gold mine in modern philosophy, who delight in arguing for argument’s sake and stumping opponents by means of ready-to-wear paradoxes—there are the little role-players, who fancy themselves as heroes and enjoy defiance for the sake of defiance—there are the nihilists, who, moved by a profound hatred, seek nothing but destruction for the sake of destruction—there are the hopeless dependents, who seek to “belong” to any crowd that would have them—and there are the plain hooligans, who are always there, on the fringes of any mob action that smells of trouble.
Microtrends: The Small Forces Behind Tomorrow's Big Changes by Mark Penn, E. Kinney Zalesne
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, big-box store, call centre, corporate governance, David Brooks, Donald Trump, extreme commuting, Exxon Valdez, feminist movement, glass ceiling, God and Mammon, Gordon Gekko, haute couture, hygiene hypothesis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, index card, Isaac Newton, job satisfaction, labor-force participation, late fees, life extension, low skilled workers, mobile money, new economy, RAND corporation, Renaissance Technologies, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Rubik’s Cube, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Superbowl ad, the payments system, Thomas L Friedman, upwardly mobile, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white picket fence, women in the workforce, Y2K
At that rate, Extreme Commuters listening in their cars can habla español in a week without giving up any other activities. And after a couple months, they could be U.N. translators, if their current jobs don’t work out. Or books on tape. Extreme Commuters are the transportation equivalent of speed readers. They could get through War and Peace in twelve days, or The Da Vinci Code in five. Lyndon Johnson said he was declaring war on poverty and beginning massive urban renewal because, he predicted, 95 percent of Americans were going to live in cities. But in fact, people have spread out across the country to suburbs and exurbs faster than anyone could have predicted. (This just proves how hard it is to make assumptions about what America will look like fifty years from now—while you’re focused on a few big trends, other microtrends seep in and upset your expectations.)
Free to Choose: A Personal Statement by Milton Friedman, Rose D. Friedman
affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, air freight, back-to-the-land, bank run, banking crisis, Corn Laws, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, German hyperinflation, invisible hand, labour mobility, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, school vouchers, Simon Kuznets, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration
Allen Wallis put it in a somewhat different context, socialism, "intellectually bankrupt after more than a century of seeing one after another of its arguments for socializing the means of production demolished—now seeks to socialize the results of production." 2 In the welfare area the change of direction has led to an explosion in recent decades, especially after President Lyndon Johnson declared a "War on Poverty" in 1964. New Deal programs of Social Security, unemployment insurance, and direct relief were all expanded to cover new groups; payments were increased; and Medicare, Medicaid, food stamps, and numerous other programs were added. Public housing and urban renewal programs were enlarged. By now there are literally hundreds of government welfare and income transfer programs. The Department of Health, Education and Welfare, established in 1953 to consolidate the scattered welfare programs, began with a budget of $2 billion, less than 5 percent of expenditures on national defense.
And it’s been used to finance both sides of the wars in Vietnam, the Dominican Republic, and other places. Back in 1964, the government started promising an “early end” to the Vietnam War, but the promises and realities were far, far apart. At home, look at the many housing projects that were going to do away with slums. Where can a government point to a slum-free big city as proof of its effectiveness? Remember the War on Poverty? The Alliance for Progress? The Full Employment Act of 1946? Grand dreams, lots of money spent, no success. Governments have a consistent record of failure in their endeavors. Even if you’re willing to force others to pay for what you want, no government is going to solve the ecology problems, make women professional equals, prevent monopolies, or fulfill any other objective you may have in mind.
New Market Wizards: Conversations With America's Top Traders by Jack D. Schwager
backtesting, beat the dealer, Benoit Mandelbrot, Berlin Wall, Black-Scholes formula, butterfly effect, commodity trading advisor, computerized trading, Edward Thorp, Elliott wave, fixed income, full employment, implied volatility, interest rate swap, Louis Bachelier, margin call, market clearing, market fundamentalism, money market fund, paper trading, pattern recognition, placebo effect, prediction markets, Ralph Nelson Elliott, random walk, risk tolerance, risk/return, Saturday Night Live, Sharpe ratio, the map is not the territory, transaction costs, War on Poverty
That’s the type of funding I believe in, and it may not fit the conventional view of charity. I know what I’m going to say can be easily misconstrued, but if 1 could set up a system where I could make money off the poor, then I would have achieved my goal. I know that sounds crass. Of course, my objective is not to make money off the poor, but the point is that charity tends to spawn dependency. That’s why the Great Society war on poverty was such a failure. In contrast, if I can establish someone in a business where he can return my money, then I know his situation is stable. 338 / The New Market Wizard Would you mind saying roughly what percentage of your income you funnel into these efforts to help the poor? As a sweeping generalization, roughly one-third goes to Uncle Sam, onethird I put back into my account to increase my trading size, and one-third I dispense to these various projects.
Hard Times: The Divisive Toll of the Economic Slump by Tom Clark, Anthony Heath
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, British Empire, Carmen Reinhart, credit crunch, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, debt deflation, deindustrialization, Etonian, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, full employment, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, income inequality, interest rate swap, invisible hand, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, mortgage debt, new economy, Northern Rock, obamacare, oil shock, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price stability, quantitative easing, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, science of happiness, statistical model, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, unconventional monetary instruments, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, women in the workforce, working poor
But the real point of the story about what Washington allowed to happen to the minimum wage is what it betrays about the official attitude to poverty since the 1970s. Withholding from the smallest pay packets all the benefit of the last 60 years of economic growth indicates a malign passivity towards the lowliest living standards – an attitude that has prevailed ever since Ronald Reagan shrugged off the activism of the 1960s with the claim ‘we fought a war on poverty, and poverty won’.9 Such defeatism has gone on to infect the range of public policy. Ever since the 1970s, the real value of the American safety net, such as it was – always strictly limited to families with children – was allowed to sag steadily as prices rose, losing as much as 40% of its purchasing power by the mid-1990s.10 The most devastating damage, however, was done with the welfare ‘reform’ legislation signed by President Clinton in 1996.
Crisis and Leviathan: Critical Episodes in the Growth of American Government by Robert Higgs, Arthur A. Ekirch, Jr.
Alistair Cooke, clean water, collective bargaining, creative destruction, credit crunch, declining real wages, endowment effect, fiat currency, fixed income, full employment, hiring and firing, income per capita, Joseph Schumpeter, laissez-faire capitalism, manufacturing employment, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, Plutocrats, plutocrats, post-industrial society, price discrimination, profit motive, rent control, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, transaction costs, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration
In such an event "simple causes seem to be evident for all to see, ... simplistic Crisis and Leviathan 251 solutions lie near at hand and command consensus, and ... the upper and middle classes of the population can identify with efforts to solve someone else's problems." In Brown's view the urban crisis of the sixties exemplifies a good crisis: its causes were taken to be poverty and racism; a "war" on poverty and racial discrimination would eliminate them once and for all; both the legislators and the poverty fighters liked this kind of war. 37 (By such criteria World War II was an even "better" crisis.) Whether one views the twin crises of the mid-sixties as especially "good" or not, they were clearly fundamental in the creation of sociopolitical conditions favorable to the regulatory outburst that began then.
accounting loophole / creative accounting, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, Atahualpa, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, British Empire, California gold rush, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, Etonian, eurozone crisis, fiat currency, financial innovation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, German hyperinflation, hiring and firing, income inequality, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, liberal capitalism, market bubble, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, moral hazard, new economy, oil shock, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, quantitative easing, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, War on Poverty, Yom Kippur War
‘This Nation is mighty enough,’ he thundered, ‘its society is healthy enough, its people are strong enough, to pursue our goals in the rest of the world while still building a Great Society here at home.’12 None of the Congressmen present could have doubted the strength of the President’s conviction or the vigour of his idealism. In the course of his address, Johnson challenged Americans to ‘prosecute with vigor and determination our war on poverty’. He urged them to ‘rebuild completely, on a scale never before attempted, entire central and slum areas of several of our cities’. But his address acknowledged the continuing effects of the Vietnam War. Despite his enthusiasm for the Great Society, the war meant that he could not achieve ‘all that we should’, or indeed all that ‘we would like to do’. In his conclusion, Johnson used the most emotionally charged rhetoric he could muster to rouse the liberal Congressmen, who had risen to their feet to applaud him.
Airbnb, centre right, failed state, glass ceiling, illegal immigration, mass incarceration, McJob, moral panic, Naomi Klein, placebo effect, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, science of happiness, Steven Pinker, traveling salesman, War on Poverty
He vowed to write poetry every day, no matter what else happened to him. “I thought—poetry is something that can never be taken away from you . . . You can only lose it yourself.” He had a deeper ambition, one he kept to himself and told to nobody. He hoped that one day, he might write one poem that did for another human being what their poetry had done for him. Bud volunteered for VISTA, one of the antipoverty programs set up by Lyndon Johnson as part of his War on Poverty, before it was replaced by Richard Nixon’s War on Drugs. He arrived at his posting in East Harlem a year after rioters had tried to burn it down, and the block he was assigned to—at the very top of Central Park—consisted of five stories of narrow apartments with long, snaking fire escapes, and stoops facing the street that were always thrumming with people. It was no different from the Harlem that Billie Holiday had arrived in forty years before.
Endless Money: The Moral Hazards of Socialism by William Baker, Addison Wiggin
Andy Kessler, asset allocation, backtesting, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Black Swan, Branko Milanovic, break the buck, Bretton Woods, BRICs, business climate, capital asset pricing model, commoditize, corporate governance, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, debt deflation, Elliott wave, en.wikipedia.org, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, fiat currency, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, German hyperinflation, housing crisis, income inequality, index fund, inflation targeting, Joseph Schumpeter, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, liquidity trap, Long Term Capital Management, McMansion, mega-rich, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage tax deduction, naked short selling, negative equity, offshore financial centre, Ponzi scheme, price stability, pushing on a string, quantitative easing, RAND corporation, rent control, reserve currency, riskless arbitrage, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, seigniorage, short selling, Silicon Valley, six sigma, statistical arbitrage, statistical model, Steve Jobs, The Great Moderation, the scientific method, time value of money, too big to fail, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra, young professional
Taylor suggests raising the Fed funds rate by 1.5 percent for each 1 percent rise in inflation observed, but cutting it by 0.5 percent when real GDP falls 1 percent. By watching two outcomes, real growth and inflation, the central bank might pursue a flexible path that responds to market conditions, 76 ENDLESS MONEY yet telegraphs to market participants that credit growth might be restrained within a friendly channel. Thus, in periods such as the 1960s when President Johnson pressured the Fed to monetize government spending for the war on poverty and the Vietnam conflict, the central bank might defend maintaining a prudent stance with this institutionalized formula. But a larger theoretical question gnaws at the accepted convention of inflation targeting, even if it is improved through considering real growth as well. Is the primary outcome being targeted—inflation—really the underlying problem, or is it a symptom? Today in Zimbabwe or after the Great War in Europe inflation was the one-dimensional villain.
The Divide: American Injustice in the Age of the Wealth Gap by Matt Taibbi
banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, butterfly effect, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, Corrections Corporation of America, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, Edward Snowden, ending welfare as we know it, fixed income, forensic accounting, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, illegal immigration, information retrieval, London Interbank Offered Rate, London Whale, naked short selling, offshore financial centre, Ponzi scheme, profit motive, regulatory arbitrage, short selling, telemarketer, too big to fail, War on Poverty
When he was in the middle of a tough primary fight in 1992 and came out with a speech promising to “end welfare as we know it,” he could immediately smell the political possibilities, and it wasn’t long before this was a major plank in his convention speech (and soon in his first State of the Union address). Clinton understood that putting the Democrats back in the business of banging on black dependency would allow his party to reseize the political middle that Democrats had lost when Lyndon Johnson threw the weight of the White House behind the civil rights effort and the War on Poverty. If you dig deeply enough in America, the big political swings always have something to do with race. And Clinton’s vacillating but cleverly packaged campaign to “end welfare as we know it” was a brilliant ploy by the man Toni Morrison called the “first black president” to take back the southern white voters the Democrats had seemingly lost forever when they sent the FBI into Alabama and Mississippi in the 1960s.
The Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class by Kees Van der Pijl
anti-communist, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, deskilling, diversified portfolio, European colonialism, floating exchange rates, full employment, imperial preference, Joseph Schumpeter, liberal capitalism, mass immigration, means of production, North Sea oil, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit maximization, RAND corporation, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, trade route, union organizing, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, War on Poverty
Of Hunt, Lundberg writes that ‘the violence of the diatribes in his subsidized radio programs — carried to 331 … stations — led many observers to see them as having at least helped nurture the mood for the assassination of President Kennedy’. Of Johnson, on the other hand, Hunt in 1964 said that he ‘wouldn’t mind seeing him in there for three terms’.77 If in the meantime the Vietnam war had not been decided upon by the remaining liberals in Washington, this wish might well have been fulfilled. ‘Liberalism’ at home, embodied in such programmes as the ‘War on Poverty’ which particularly infuriated conservatives, was in fact necessary to allow the offensive turn of foreign policy. The outward thrust of the Kennedy policy was based firmly in domestic reforms and expansionary measures, even if it was often left to his successor to win final congressional approval. In his own lifetime, Kennedy succeeded in having passed an improved minimum wage, low-cost housing projects and urban renewal, as well as a $900 million public works programme.78 Employment was still recovering from the 1958 and 1959/60 recessions when Kennedy came to power.
Year 501 by Noam Chomsky
anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, Bolshevik threat, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, land reform, land tenure, long peace, mass incarceration, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price stability, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor
Typical is a report by Washington Post Central America correspondent Lee Hockstader on a meeting in Guatemala of the new breed of conservative Presidents, freely elected at last without a trace of foreign influence. This “new wave of democracy” has “shifted politicians’ priorities” from the days when they “traditionally represented the established order.” The proof is that they have now dedicated themselves to serving the poor with an imaginative new approach: “Central Americans to use Trickle-down Strategy in War on Poverty,” the headline reads. “Committed to free-market economics,” the Presidents have abandoned vapid rhetoric about land reform and social welfare programs, adopting at last a serious idea: “a trickle-down approach to aid the poor.” “The idea is to help the poor without threatening the basic power structure,” a regional economist observes. This brilliant and innovative conception overturns the “preferential option for the poor” of the Latin American Bishops.
airport security, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, clean water, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, Edward Glaeser, end world poverty, European colonialism, failed state, farmers can use mobile phones to check market prices, George Akerlof, Gunnar Myrdal, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, income per capita, Indoor air pollution, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, Live Aid, microcredit, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, publication bias, purchasing power parity, randomized controlled trial, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, structural adjustment programs, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transaction costs, War on Poverty, Xiaogang Anhui farmers
Montalvo, and Marta Reynal-Querol, “The Curse of Aid,” World Bank mimeograph, April 2005. 42.Nancy Birdsall, Adeel Malik, and Milan Vaishnav, “Poverty and the Social Sectors: The World Bank in Pakistan 1990–2003,” prepared for the World Bank’s Operations Evaluation Department, September 2004. 43.World Bank Ethiopia report, 2001. 44.OECD, Poor Performers: Basic Approaches for Supporting Development in Difficult Partnerships, Paris: OECD, 2001. 45.World Bank PRSP Sourcebook 2001. 46.Interim Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, Joint Staff Assessment, Ethiopia, 2001. 47.http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2003/27716.htm. 48.http://web.worldbank.org/WBSITE/EXTERNAL/COUNTRIES/AFRICAEXT/0,, menuPK:258652~pagePK:146732~piPK:146828~theSitePK:258644,00.html. 49.http://lnweb18.worldbank.org/news/pressrelease.nsf/673fa6c5a2d50a67852565 e200692a79/6b834179b3fd616b85256b990077a8a7?OpenDocument. 50.Daniel Patrick Moynihan. Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding: Community Action in the War on Poverty, New York: Free Press, 1969. 51.Ronald Herring, “Making Ethnic Conflict: The Civil War in Sri Lanka,” in Milton Esman and Ronald Herring, eds., Carrots, Sticks and Ethnic Conflict: Rethinking Development Assistance, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2001. 52.Sara Grusky, ed., “The IMF and World Bank Backed Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers.” Comments from Southern Civil Society. Globalization Challenge Initiative, May 2000. 53.Scott, Seeing Like a State, p. 94. 54.Robert Fatton, Jr., Haiti’s Predatory Government: The Unending Transition to Democracy, Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2002, p. 126. 55.World Bank, Country Assistance Strategy for the Republic of Bolivia, January 8, 2004, Report no. 26838-BO, table 10. 56.International Development Association additions to IDA Resources: Thirteenth Replenishment, IDA/SecM2002-0488, September 17, 2002, p. 21. 57.www.imf.org/external/np/exr/facts/prgf.html. 58.Nicolas van de Walle, Overcoming Stagnation in Aid-Dependent Countries, Center for Global Development: Washington, D.C., 2005, p. 67. 59.Polity IV database, University of Maryland Political Science Department, www.cidcm.und.edu/inscr/polity. 60.Robert Heinl, Nancy Heinl, and Michael Heinl, Written in Blood: The History of the Haitian People, 1492–1995, Lanham, Md.: University Press of America, 1996, p. 7. 61.David Nicholls, From Dessalines to Duvalier: Race, Colour and National Independence in Haiti, New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1996, p. 19; Heinl, Heinl, and Heinl, Written in Blood, p. 3, gives a higher estimate of the slave population in 1789. 62.Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, Haiti: A Country Study, Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, December 1989, chap. 6. 63.Stanley Engerman and Kenneth Sokoloff, “Factor Endowments, Institutions, and Differential Paths of Growth Among New World Economics: A View from Economic Historians of the United States,” in Stephen Haber, ed., How Latin America Fell Behind, Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1997, p. 55. 64.Heinl, Heinl, and Heinl, Written in Blood, pp. 172, 204. 65.Federal Research Division, Haiti. 66.
An Extraordinary Time: The End of the Postwar Boom and the Return of the Ordinary Economy by Marc Levinson
affirmative action, airline deregulation, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, car-free, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, deindustrialization, endogenous growth, falling living standards, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Gilder, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, informal economy, intermodal, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, late capitalism, linear programming, lump of labour, manufacturing employment, new economy, Nixon shock, North Sea oil, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, pension reform, price stability, purchasing power parity, refrigerator car, Right to Buy, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, rolodex, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, statistical model, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, Thomas Malthus, total factor productivity, unorthodox policies, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, Wolfgang Streeck, women in the workforce, working-age population, yield curve, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game
A year later, Italy granted all older people state-funded pensions, even if they had paid little or nothing into the pension schemes. France and Great Britain boosted child allowances much faster than inflation.13 The universal welfare state did not stop with direct payments. In January 1964, just six weeks after the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, his successor, Lyndon Johnson, declared war on poverty. Congress responded by enacting food assistance for the poor and taxpayer-funded medical care for the poor and the elderly. The United States, Great Britain, and several other countries debated the virtues of a “negative income tax,” which would have ensured each household a basic level of income, funded by the government, without requirements or restrictions. Spending to expand colleges and universities to welcome millions of new students was massive.
Selfie: How We Became So Self-Obsessed and What It's Doing to Us by Will Storr
Albert Einstein, autonomous vehicles, banking crisis, bitcoin, book scanning, computer age, correlation does not imply causation, Donald Trump, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, Elon Musk, en.wikipedia.org, gig economy, greed is good, invisible hand, job automation, John Markoff, Lyft, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage debt, Mother of all demos, Nixon shock, Peter Thiel, QWERTY keyboard, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, Stewart Brand, The Future of Employment, Tim Cook: Apple, Uber and Lyft, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog
It seemed clear Berkeley thought that would be an exciting idea, that tech brains were of a different order to the ones the politicians and civil servants carried around in them. I asked about major Great Compression projects like the New Deal. Weren’t those noble undertakings for the common good of the kind that could only be provided by a collective organization such as the state? ‘Those ideas have been tried and some would say they didn’t work out as planned,’ he said, with a smile. ‘In what way didn’t they work?’ ‘Well, we had a so-called war on poverty in the US. Poverty is still there.’ ‘But isn’t it also simply about giving people on the bottom of the socio-economic pile a basic standard of living? There doesn’t have to be an end goal beyond making sure they’re not completely miserable.’ ‘But we still have that, to some extent.’ He seemed functionally unable to accept what I was saying, as if the continuing existence of poverty and misery was an argument against trying to altruistically lessen their effects.
air freight, Albert Einstein, California gold rush, cognitive dissonance, corporate raider, desegregation, double entry bookkeeping, family office, feminist movement, full employment, ghettoisation, Indoor air pollution, medical malpractice, Mikhail Gorbachev, Plutocrats, plutocrats, publication bias, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, selection bias, The Chicago School, the scientific method, Torches of Freedom, trade route, transaction costs, traveling salesman, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty
Tobacco’s sway was no less apparent in the White House, where Lyndon Johnson had become the first President from a state of the old Confederacy since the antebellum era (not counting Wilson, a transplanted Virginian). Johnson was much in need of votes from his fellow Southerners to put across his ambitious social programs, including the broadening of civil rights, medical care for the elderly, and a war on poverty—none of them issues likely to stir an outpouring of affection in Dixie. A heavy smoker himself until he suffered a serious heart attack while serving as Senate majority leader in 1955 and was ordered by his doctors to quit the habit, the President told reporters a few months after the Surgeon General’s panel had reported, “I’ve missed it [smoking] every day, but I haven’t gone back on it, and I’m glad that I haven’t.”
If smoking was a peril during the civil rights and Vietnam ferment, it was not tobacco that raised concern but the rebellious younger generation’s widespread use of marijuana and other illicit and far more fearsome mind-altering substances, taken not so much to reduce the stresses of life, as cigarettes were believed to do by most smokers, but as a euphoric escape from them. In this age of domestic turbulence, there was no discrete “health lobby” with its champions in Congress—only a far-flung and unorganizable assortment of individual Americans worried about the cigarette habit. And there was no leadership on the issue from Lyndon Johnson’s administration, engaged in the fight for social justice and its war on poverty. “We were in monumental battles,” recalled Joseph A. Califano, Jr., then a key (and heavy-smoking) White House aide. “Our focus in the South was on desegregation—we were making enough enemies as it was,” and so to have pushed for regulation of the tobacco industry would likely have compounded the problems besetting the administration. The President’s 1964 Republican opponent, Barry Goldwater, was still more indifferent to the smoking issue.
Apollo by Charles Murray, Catherine Bly Cox
Within the world of Apollo, the outside world looked completely different. “I missed the entire Vietnam War,” said one, typical of many. “I watched no television, read no newspapers, came to work at six in the morning and worked until nightfall, six or seven days a week for years.” The people of Apollo were barely aware that the Vietnam War was going on, barely aware that this was a Presidential election year, barely aware that there was such a thing as a War on Poverty or L.S.D. or Sgt. Pepper or race riots. Had one of Chris Kraft’s flight controllers been asked about the most important event so far of 1968, he would probably have said that it had occurred on January 22, when the unmanned Apollo 5 had carried a lunar module on its first test flight. Today, April 4, was going to be the next important date of 1968: the unmanned flight of Apollo 6, the second flight of a fully operational Saturn V.
Alvin Roth, Andrei Shleifer, asset-backed security, bank run, barriers to entry, Basel III, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, Brownian motion, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, complexity theory, constrained optimization, creative destruction, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, dark matter, David Brooks, David Graeber, debt deflation, deindustrialization, Edward Glaeser, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, experimental economics, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Flash crash, full employment, George Akerlof, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Hernando de Soto, housing crisis, Hyman Minsky, illegal immigration, income inequality, incomplete markets, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Jean Tirole, joint-stock company, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, l'esprit de l'escalier, labor-force participation, liberal capitalism, liquidity trap, loose coupling, manufacturing employment, market clearing, market design, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Naomi Klein, Nash equilibrium, night-watchman state, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, Philip Mirowski, Ponzi scheme, precariat, prediction markets, price mechanism, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, random walk, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, school choice, sealed-bid auction, Silicon Valley, South Sea Bubble, Steven Levy, technoutopianism, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, the map is not the territory, The Myth of the Rational Market, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thorstein Veblen, Tobin tax, too big to fail, transaction costs, Vilfredo Pareto, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, We are the 99%, working poor
Staged acts of everyday sadism do not seek to confront the audience with an inconvenient truth they refuse to recognize; rather, they promote the reign of a double truth by appealing to a convenient rationalization that the audience can feel under its skin: If the losers, the poor, the lost, the derelict, and the dissolute would only exit the stage after their fifteen seconds of notoriety, having abjectly accepted their status, never to be heard from again, the world would seem a much better place, wouldn’t it? To drive these lessons home, a spectacle must be made out of random outbreaks of misfortune. Thus the erstwhile war on poverty has become a guerrilla war on the poor in the contemporary theater of cruelty. Past standard harassment, there really would otherwise be very little point in subjecting the destitute to further irrational punishment, unless, of course, the purpose of the exercise was instead to exemplify, titillate, and instruct an audience. We need to feel their pain, but only in an abstract vicarious fashion.
The Chomsky Reader by Noam Chomsky
anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, British Empire, business climate, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, interchangeable parts, land reform, land tenure, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, theory of mind, Thomas L Friedman, union organizing, War on Poverty, zero-sum game, éminence grise
As the “experiments in material and human resources control” collapse and “revolutionary development” grinds to a halt, we simply resort more openly to the Gestapo tactics that are barely concealed behind the facade of “pacification.” When American cities explode, we can expect the same. The technique of “limited warfare” translates neatly into a system of domestic repression—far more humane, as will quickly be explained, than massacring those who are unwilling to wait for the inevitable victory of the war on poverty. Why should a liberal intellectual be so persuaded of the virtues of a political system of four-year dictatorship? The answer seems all too plain. *The quoted testimony is from September 1, 1937; presumably, the reference is to September 1936. *Orwell had just returned from the Aragon front, where he had been serving with the POUM militia in an area heavily dominated by left-wing (POUM and anarchist) troops.
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Bakken shale, bank run, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, centre right, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, collective bargaining, corporate raider, crony capitalism, David Brooks, desegregation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, energy security, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, George Gilder, housing crisis, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, job automation, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, Mont Pelerin Society, More Guns, Less Crime, Nate Silver, New Journalism, obamacare, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, Ralph Nader, Renaissance Technologies, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, school choice, school vouchers, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, the scientific method, University of East Anglia, Unsafe at Any Speed, War on Poverty, working poor
A stint writing editorials for the archconservative Gazette-Telegraph in Colorado Springs enabled him to drum up funds to launch the Freedom School on a rustic, five-hundred-acre campus nearby. There, he assumed the title of dean. The school taught a revisionist version of American history in which the robber barons were heroes, not villains, and the Gilded Age was the country’s golden era. Taxes were denigrated as a form of theft, and the Progressive movement, Roosevelt’s New Deal, and Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty, in the school’s view, were ruinous turns toward socialism. The weak and poor, the school taught, should be cared for by private charity, not government. The school had a revisionist position on the Civil War, too. It shouldn’t have been fought; instead, the South should have been allowed to secede. Slavery was a lesser evil than military conscription, the school argued, because human beings should be allowed to sell themselves into slavery if they wished.
The Golden Passport: Harvard Business School, the Limits of Capitalism, and the Moral Failure of the MBA Elite by Duff McDonald
activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, barriers to entry, Bayesian statistics, Bernie Madoff, Bob Noyce, Bonfire of the Vanities, business process, butterfly effect, capital asset pricing model, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Clayton Christensen, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, commoditize, corporate governance, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, deskilling, discounted cash flows, disintermediation, Donald Trump, family office, financial innovation, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Gilder, glass ceiling, Gordon Gekko, hiring and firing, income inequality, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, job-hopping, John von Neumann, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, London Whale, Long Term Capital Management, market fundamentalism, Menlo Park, new economy, obamacare, oil shock, pattern recognition, performance metric, Peter Thiel, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit maximization, profit motive, pushing on a string, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, random walk, rent-seeking, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Sand Hill Road, Saturday Night Live, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steve Jobs, survivorship bias, The Nature of the Firm, the scientific method, Thorstein Veblen, union organizing, urban renewal, Vilfredo Pareto, War on Poverty, William Shockley: the traitorous eight, women in the workforce, Y Combinator
The “development of the modern business enterprise can be understood only as a comprehensive effort to reduce risk,” wrote economist John Kenneth Galbraith, who was also a notable dissenter from the prevailing opinion that government efforts to provide security for the broader public—via unemployment compensation or Social Security, to name just two—were contrary to the national ethos.20 Even a few ’49ers thought so. In 1968, Roger Sonnabend, who had taken the reins of his family’s hotel business (later renamed Sonesta International Hotels), signed on as regional chairman of the National Alliance of Businessmen, a rare corporate partner in Lyndon Johnson’s War on Poverty, and he explained his reasons in terms his fellow HBS grads could understand. “Social responsibility—and expanding profitability—are not intrinsically at odds with one another,” he said. “Quite the contrary—they are two faces of the same coin.”21 If the majority of those associated with HBS never stopped insisting that what was good for business was good for America, Sonnabend saw it the other way around, arguing that “what is best for America is best for business.”22 When David Callahan writes that the ’49ers “laid the groundwork for the great boom of the 1990s,” he has a point, but only insomuch as the ’39ers, ’29ers, and ’19ers did, too.
call centre, card file, cuban missile crisis, Ford paid five dollars a day, half of the world's population has never made a phone call, job satisfaction, Ralph Nader, strikebreaker, traveling salesman, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Yogi Berra, zero day
It isn’t the kind of free school you read about. We’re involved in picking up basic skills that others have neglected to teach the kids. Some of them have feelings of rage, undefined, and they’re acting it out in school—dangerously. We try to calm them down. In a neighborhood like ours it’s very dangerous. It’s low income and there are many ethnic groups. This community has experienced its war on poverty and hasn’t changed. The kids now don’t believe in politics. They don’t believe things will get better for them. There’s a feeling of hopelessness and despair. They’re from ages six to seventeen. The age difference doesn’t really . . . Certainly a fifteen-year-old kid is not going to see an eight-year-old as his equal. But kids do throw off the age barrier and relate to each other as human beings.
The Snowball: Warren Buffett and the Business of Life by Alice Schroeder
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Bob Noyce, Bonfire of the Vanities, Brownian motion, capital asset pricing model, card file, centralized clearinghouse, collateralized debt obligation, computerized trading, corporate governance, corporate raider, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, Donald Trump, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, global village, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, haute cuisine, Honoré de Balzac, If something cannot go on forever, it will stop - Herbert Stein's Law, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index fund, indoor plumbing, intangible asset, interest rate swap, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, John Meriwether, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Long Term Capital Management, Louis Bachelier, margin call, market bubble, Marshall McLuhan, medical malpractice, merger arbitrage, Mikhail Gorbachev, money market fund, moral hazard, NetJets, new economy, New Journalism, North Sea oil, paper trading, passive investing, Paul Samuelson, pets.com, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Nader, random walk, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, shareholder value, short selling, side project, Silicon Valley, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, supply-chain management, telemarketer, The Predators' Ball, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, transcontinental railway, Upton Sinclair, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration, Y2K, yellow journalism, zero-coupon bond
Then, on February 9, 1966, the Dow had briefly streaked across the mythical one thousand mark before closing just a few points below. The chant began: Dow one thousand! Dow one thousand! The market would not break through the barrier again that year, but the euphoria carried on anyway. Buffett had been worrying all year about disappointing his partners. Although he started his latest letter to them cheerily with the news about the huge profits on American Express—“Our War on Poverty was successful in 1965,” he wrote, alluding to President Johnson’s program to bring about a “Great Society” through a vast array of new social-welfare programs—he then delivered the real news in what would be the first of many similar warnings: “I now feel that we are much closer to the point where increased size may prove disadvantageous.” And with that he announced that he would be shutting the door to the partnership, locking it, and putting away the key.