Monroe Doctrine

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Turning the Tide by Noam Chomsky

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V. G. Kiernan, America: The New Imperialism (Zed, 1978), 11. 33. Connell-Smith, Inter-American System, 2; Dexter Perkins, The Monroe Doctrine, three volumes (1927, 1933, 1937; reprinted by Peter Smith, 1965-6), I, 9-10. 34. Perkins. Monroe Doctrine, III, 63; Connell-Smith, InterAmerican System, 10, 5; Perkins, II, 318, referring specifically to Mexico. 35. Gabriel Kolko, Main Currents in American History (Pantheon, 1984), 47; Taft, quoted by Pearce, Under the Eagle, 17; Connell-Smith, Inter-American System, 16; the reference in the latter case is to Mexico. 36. Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, III, 161; Millet, Guardians of the Dynasty, 52. 37. Perkins, Monroe Doctrine, III, 396. 38. Connell-Smith, Inter-American System, 48-9, 15. 39. Lester Langley, The Banana Wars (U. of Kentucky, 1983), 26; Hubert Herring, cited by Connell-Smith, 15. 40.

It is, he said, “as much a law of nature that this should become our pretension as that the Mississippi should flow to the sea,” while in his diary he recorded his statement to British minister Canning: “Keep what is yours, but leave the rest of this continent to us.”33 Connell-Smith comments that while it is not entirely clear what Jefferson, a well-known expansionist, meant by the term “America,” “the appropriation by United States citizens of the adjective ‘American’, not surprisingly resented by Latin Americans, has encouraged a proprietary attitude towards the hemisphere already present in 1823.” This proprietary interest was expressed in the Monroe Doctrine, announced by the President in 1823. This doctrine has no more standing in international affairs than the Brezhnev Doctrine a century and a half later, expressing the right of the USSR to protect the “socialist” world from influences regarded as subversive. In the major scholarly study of the Monroe Doctrine and its subsequent history, Dexter Perkins comments that “The Doctrine is a policy of the United States, not a fixed principle of international law,” a conclusion that is surely correct. Latin Americans “have seen [the Monroe Doctrine] as an expression of United States hegemony employed to justify that country’s own intervention,” not as protection against Europe, and since the days of Simón Bolívar have sought “to summon Europe to their aid against the Colossus of the North,” with good reason.34 The operative meaning of the Doctrine was lucidly explained by Woodrow Wilson’s Secretary of State Robert Lansing, in what Wilson described as an “unanswerable” argument but one that it would be “impolitic” to state openly: In its advocacy of the Monroe Doctrine the United States considers its own interests.

We were not defeated, and rarely are; for the people of Nicaragua, the verdict of history was different.36 Summarizing his three-volume work, Dexter Perkins writes that “In the development of the Monroe Doctrine, one of the most extraordinary and interesting objects of study must be the evolution of a doctrine which was intended for the protection of Latin American states by the United States into one that justified and even sanctified American interference in and control of the affairs of the independent republics of this continent.”37 The assessment of the early intention may be questioned, and one might be slightly taken aback by Perkins’s lack of comment over what this “interference” has meant to Latin America, evident enough when he wrote in 1937. But the basic thrust of his summary is much to the point. Over the years, there have been various “corollaries” to the Monroe Doctrine, most notably, the “Roosevelt Corollary” announced by President Theodore Roosevelt in 1904, after he had succeeded in stealing the Panama Canal route from Colombia and with an eye on the Dominican Republic: Chronic wrongdoing, or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties of civilized society, may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized nation, and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power.

 

Year 501 by Noam Chomsky

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US policy “would involve the preservation of the absolute position presently obtaining, and therefore vigilant protection of existing concessions in United States hands coupled with insistence upon the Open Door principle of equal opportunity for United States companies in new areas.”5 That Latin America would be ours is an expectation that goes back to the earliest days of the Republic, given an early form in the Monroe Doctrine. The intentions were articulated plainly and illustrated consistently in action. It is hard to improve upon the formulation by Woodrow Wilson’s Secretary of State, Robert Lansing, which the President found “unanswerable” though “impolitic” to state openly: In its advocacy of the Monroe Doctrine the United States considers its own interests. The integrity of other American nations is an incident, not an end. While this may seem based on selfishness alone, the author of the Doctrine had no higher or more generous motive in its declaration. With some reason, Bismarck had described the Monroe Doctrine in 1898 as a “species of arrogance, peculiarly American and inexcusable.” Wilson’s predecessor, President Taft, had foreseen that “the day is not far distant” when “the whole hemisphere will be ours in fact as, by virtue of our superiority of race, it already is ours morally.”

The US and other Western powers could not be expected to respond in kind in their dominions, including India, Indonesia, the Philippines, Cuba, and other vast regions from which the Japanese had been effectively barred by extremely high tariffs when they unfairly began to win the competitive game in the 1920s. Dismissing Japan’s frivolous appeal to the British and American precedent, Hull deplored the “simplicity of mind that made it difficult for...[Japanese generals]...to see why the United States, on the one hand, should assert leadership in the Western Hemisphere with the Monroe Doctrine and, on the other, want to interfere with Japan’s assuming leadership in Asia.” He urged the Japanese government to “educate the generals” about this elementary distinction, reminding his backward pupils that the Monroe Doctrine, “as we interpret and apply it uniformly since 1823 only contemplates steps for our physical safety.” Respected scholars chimed in with their endorsement, expressing their outrage over the inability of the little yellow men to perceive the difference between a great power like the US and a small-time operator like Japan, and to recognize that “The United States does not need to use military force to induce the Caribbean republics to permit American capital to find profitable investment.

Thomas Jefferson predicted to John Adams that the “backward” tribes at the borders “will relapse into barbarism and misery, lose numbers by war and want, and we shall be obliged to drive them, with the beasts of the forests into the Stony mountains”; the same would be true of Canada after the conquest he envisioned, while all blacks would be removed to Africa or the Caribbean, leaving the country without “blot or mixture.” A year after the Monroe Doctrine, the President called for helping the Indians “to surmount all their prejudices in favor of the soil of their nativity,” so that “we become in reality their benefactors” by transferring them West. When consent was not given, they were forcibly removed. Consciences were eased further by the legal doctrine devised by Chief Justice John Marshall: “discovery gave an exclusive right to extinguish the Indian right of occupancy, either by purchase or by conquest”; “that law which regulates, and ought to regulate in general, the relations between the conqueror and conquered was incapable of application to...the tribes of Indians,”...fierce savages whose occupation was war, and whose subsistence was drawn chiefly from the forest.”

 

What We Say Goes: Conversations on U.S. Power in a Changing World by Noam Chomsky, David Barsamian

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You could have relatively free competition with assurance that the playing field was tilted in the right direction, to use the common metaphor. It would be an international system in which U.S. corporations would be free to access resources, access markets, invest without constraints. That’s the basic conception of the international order. You’ve said that the Grand Area strategy essentially extended the Monroe Doctrine, which was limited to this hemisphere, to the rest of the world. The Monroe Doctrine, remember, was a hope for the future. The United States did not have the power in the 1820s to implement the Monroe Doctrine. They couldn’t even conquer Cuba, which was one of the main goals in the 1820s of John Quincy Adams and others. Also, they couldn’t conquer Canada. The United States repeatedly invaded Canada and was beaten back. At the time, John Quincy Adams pointed out that we couldn’t conquer Cuba because of the British naval deterrent, but sooner or later Cuba would fall into our hands by the laws of “political gravitation,” much as an apple falls from the tree.16 Meaning, over time we would become more powerful, and Britain relatively weaker, so we would eventually be able to conquer Cuba—which in fact happened.

There are by now other reasons for the United States to maintain Guantánamo, which would be Cuba’s major port. Holding on to Guantánamo prevents Cuba from using it as a port and prevents development of the eastern end of the island. So it’s part of the strangulation of Cuba, the punishment of Cubans for what the Democratic administrations of the early 1960s called its “successful defiance” of U.S. policies going back to the Monroe Doctrine.21 Very much like defiance against the Mafia don: it can’t be tolerated. It can’t be tolerated. In fact, international affairs has more than a slight resemblance to the Mafia. You often make that analogy in your talks. I think it’s real. By and large, the state acts as something like the executive agency of those who largely own the domestic society in the United States, the corporate sector.

Kirchner, Nestor Kirkpatrick, Jeane Kissinger, Henry Kollek, Teddy Korten, David Krieger, David Kristof, Nicholas Kristol, Bill Kull, Steven Kyoto Protocols L Latin America see also individual nations Lebanon Cedar Revolution see also Hezbollah liberation theology Lippmann, Walter Llewellyn, Tim London Review of Books M McCarthy, Eugene McNamara, Robert Making It (Podhoretz) al-Maliki, Nuri Mallat, Chibli Mamdani, Mahmood manufacturing sector, U.S. Mearsheimer, John media reform Mercosur Mexico microcredit loans Middle East. See individual countries Midstream Milhollin, Gary MIT Monroe Doctrine Montagne, Renée Morales, Evo Mueller, Robert N Nasrallah, Hassan Nasser, Gamal Abdel Nation nationalism, secular National Public Radio (NPR) Nature Nazarbayev, Nursultan neoliberalism Netanyahu, Benjamin New York Times Nicaragua Nixon, Richard North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) North Korea Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty nuclear weapons O Obama, Barack Obrador, Andrés Manuel Lopez oil Operation Miracle Ortega, Daniel Orwell, George O’Shaughnessy, Hugh P Pahlavi, Mohammad Reza (shah of Iran) Pakistan Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid (Carter) Palestinians two-state solution see also Hamas; Israel, the occupied territories Pamuk, Orhan Panama Peck, Edward Pelosi, Nancy Pentagon Papers Peres, Shimon Peru pharmaceutical industry Pico, Juan Hernández Pinochet, Augusto Podhoretz, Norman Porath, Yehoshua Porter, Bernard Powell, Colin Program on International Policy Attitudes Putin, Vladimir Q Qatar, emir of R racism Rand Corporation Reagan, Ronald, administration of Record of the Paper, The (Friel and Falk) Reinhart, Tanya Rice, Condoleezza Rich, Frank Roosevelt, Franklin D.

 

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Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance by Noam Chomsky

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The contagion of these doctrines, they warned, “crosses the seas, and often appears with all the symptoms of destruction which characterize it, in places where not even any direct contact, any relation of proximity might give ground for apprehension.” Worse yet, the apostles of sedition had just announced their intention to expand their dominion by proclaiming the Monroe Doctrine—”a species of arrogance, peculiarly American and inexcusable,” as Bismarck later described it.23 Bismarck did not have to await the era of Wilsonian idealism to learn the meaning of the Monroe Doctrine, explained by Secretary of State Robert Lansing to President Wilson, who found his description “unanswerable,” though advising that it would be “impolitic” to let it reach the public: In its advocacy of the Monroe Doctrine the United States considers its own interests. The integrity of other American nations is an incident, not an end. While this may seem based on selfishness alone, the author of the Doctrine had no higher or more generous motive in its declaration.24 The doctrine could not yet be implemented fully because of the balance of world power, though Wilson did secure US domination of the Caribbean region by force, leaving a terrible legacy that remains to this day, and was able to move somewhat beyond, driving the British enemy out of oil-rich Venezuela and supporting the vicious and corrupt dictator Juan Vicente Gomez, who opened the country to US corporations.

It is useful to remember that no matter where we turn, there is rarely any shortage of elevated ideals to accompany the resort to violence. The words accompanying the “Wilsonian tradition” may be stirring in their nobility, but should also be examined in practice, not just rhetoric: for example, Wilson’s call for conquest of the Philippines, already mentioned; or as president, his interventions in Haiti and the Dominican Republic that left both countries in ruins; or what Walter LaFeber calls the “Wilson corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine, which dictated “that only American oil interests receive concessions” within the reach of its power.75 The same is true of the worst tyrants. In 1990, Saddam Hussein warned Kuwait of possible retribution for actions that were undermining Iraq’s battered economy after Iraq had protected Kuwait during the war with Iran. But he assured the world that he wanted not “permanent fighting, but permanent peace … and a dignified life.”76 In 1938, President Roosevelt’s close confidant Sumner Welles praised the Munich agreement with the Nazis and felt that it might lead to a “new world order based upon justice and upon law.”

The coup sent a more far-reaching message, spelled out by the editors of the New York Times: “Underdeveloped countries with rich resources now have an object lesson in the heavy cost that must be paid by one of their number which goes berserk with fanatical nationalism … Iran’s experience [may] strengthen the hands of more reasonable and more far-seeing leaders [elsewhere], who will have a clear-eyed understanding of the principles of decent behavior.”27 The same lesson had been taught nearer home, at the Chapulte-pec (Mexico) Conference in February 1945 that laid the basis for the postwar order now that the Monroe Doctrine could be enforced in the Wilsonian sense. Latin Americans were then under the influence of what the State Department called “the philosophy of the New Nationalism, [which] embraces policies designed to bring about a broader distribution of wealth and to raise the standard of living of the masses.” Washington was concerned that “economic nationalism is the common denominator of the new aspirations for industrialization”—just as it had been for England, the United States, and in fact every other country that succeeded in industrializing.

 

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The Stack: On Software and Sovereignty by Benjamin H. Bratton

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This counterhegemonic move undergirds how some on the contemporary left, have made use of Schmittian concepts, against what they take to be a US-centric neo-Wilsonian empire building, and instead in the service of a multipolar geopolitical architecture that is heterogeneous and programmatically antiuniversalist.31 For Schmitt, but not for most of these leftist deployments, that multipolarity is also couched in transnational Großraum (for ASCII, Grossraum), or “great spaces” or spheres of influences and domains of dominion over which dominant political cultures reserve systemic sovereignty, such as the US Monroe Doctrine claims over North and South American continental space. However, to establish what the nomos of the Cloud may or may not be, it is necessary to counter the misrecognition of the extraordinary spacefulness of global information networks, tracking their ongoing occupation, settlement, and doctrinal composition. We will observe the technically necessary and politically limited universality through which platforms can cohere polities, and toward that, we will look more closely at the grossraum, the type of claims it makes and could make (and how hard it is to decide its inside from its outside). 7.  The Nomos of the Cloud? For Schmitt, the Monroe Doctrine symbolized an end of older Jus Publicum European system of international relations and operated in a parallel domain to that arrangement of Westphalian modules, one for which multiple political geographic ordering principles abut and overlap.

At first the model it represented appealed strongly to Schmitt, and his “advocation of a Großraum world-view … grew out of his admiration for the origins of the Monroe Doctrine, when it was a territorially delimited, hemispherical order. From economic origins, it had found continental coherence, but had then been distorted into a liberal, universal, spaceless policy of non-intervention.”32 The model it suggested of a hemispheric multipolar arrangement of geographically natural transnational domains gave way, however, to what was for him most dubious thing about twentieth-century globalization. In Schmitt's positive vision for it, through the Monroe Doctrine, the United States is the sole sovereign in the Western Hemisphere and its will is fiat. The doctrine reintroduced transnational territorial lines of demarcation into the body of modern international law, infusing it not just according to population and land, or space and politics, but by “land, people and idea,” in opposition to liberal internationalism and “Anglo-Saxon pseudo-universalism.”33 For the older Schmitt, both Wilsonian/United Nations globalism as well as Nazi Germany's Lebensraum diluted a really “genuine” Grossraum solution, partially because both rejected true multipolarity and the coexistence of Grossräume (plural) in a stable order.

Especially since Google is, to date, so deeply associated with the US and its interests, to what extent has the global space of planetary computation been occupied by its particular ambitions and strategies, and already established a certain claim on an embryonic political geography? Does “Google” (literally the cloud platform and the geography defined by it) represent something like a Monroe Doctrine of the Cloud, filling out and supervising a domain extended well beyond the North American continental shelf, across a more comprehensive composite spectrum? For Schmitt, the first Monroe Doctrine represented a break with an older order, and perhaps the new one (if it so exists) does too, but just as the first lost its validity for him by its transformation from an upright territorial claim into deterritorializing universalization, then at least, to this extent, it is possible to consider a it new doctrine because the first was itself already also so nebular?

 

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The WikiLeaks Files: The World According to US Empire by Wikileaks

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Latin America and the Caribbean Alexander Main, Jake Johnston, and Dan Beeton In a speech at the Organization of American States (OAS) in 2013, US secretary of state John Kerry declared: “the era of the Monroe Doctrine is over.” A nearly 200-year-old hemispheric policy conceived in theory to protect Latin America from foreign intervention but in practice used to justify countless US military invasions and deep internal meddling was, according to Kerry, a thing of the past. “The relationship that we seek,” Kerry said, “and that we have worked hard to foster is not about a United States declaration about how and when it will intervene in the affairs of other American states. It’s about all of our countries viewing one another as equals…”1 Much of the major English-language media coverage of the WikiLeaks cables on Latin America and the Caribbean support the thesis that the Monroe Doctrine has gone out of style, and that US diplomacy in the region is, nowadays, largely benign and non-interventionist.

US support for dictatorships in Latin America is vividly illustrated by the WikiLeaks cables relating to three countries in particular: Haiti, Chile, and Honduras. They enable an understanding of the historical context that has motivated changing US strategies. The history of US empire and its relationship to dictatorships in Latin America falls into three broad phases, each corresponding to its own imperial moment. The first is that signaled by the “Monroe Doctrine,” whereby the United States claimed a strategic preeminence against colonial rivals in South America—a period reaching its zenith with the colonial turn of 1898, in which the United States first claimed formal colonies in its battle with Spain. The United States was still an up-and-coming economic power and, for much of the period, still expanding its territorial claims in North America. By the 1890s, it had defeated Native American opposition and closed the frontier, and was undertaking a longing look abroad for new territories, just as it developed a serious naval capacity.

This involved reorganizing national elites, reducing the power of protectionist oligarchies, and—once leftist movements had been defeated by a tornado of CIA-orchestrated violence—encouraging them to rule through parliamentary institutions. With some outstanding exceptions, such as Plan Colombia and the Venezuelan coup, the United States was largely able to withdraw from military and paramilitary interventions, and let markets do the talking. Phase I: The “Monroe Doctrine” The Latin American continent and the Caribbean islands had long been regarded as America’s “backyard”—a colloquial expression of the doctrine outlined by US president James Monroe in 1823, which stated that any European intervention in these territories would be regarded by the US as an “unfriendly act.” This was arguably hubristic, given that the United States lacked the naval capacity to enforce the doctrine at this point.

 

Who Rules the World? by Noam Chomsky

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As the CIA explained, “The extensive influence of ‘Castroism’ is not a function of Cuban power … Castro’s shadow looms large because social and economic conditions throughout Latin America invite opposition to ruling authority and encourage agitation for radical change,” for which his Cuba provided a model.13 Kennedy feared that Russian aid might make Cuba a “showcase” for development, giving the Soviets the upper hand throughout Latin America.14 The State Department Policy Planning Staff warned that “the primary danger we face in Castro is … in the impact the very existence of his regime has upon the leftist movement in many Latin American countries.… The simple fact is that Castro represents a successful defiance of the United States, a negation of our whole hemispheric policy of almost a century and a half”—that is, since the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, when the United States declared its intention of dominating the hemisphere.15 The immediate goal at the time of the doctrine was to conquer Cuba, but that could not be achieved because of the power of the British enemy. Still, that grand strategist John Quincy Adams, the intellectual father of the Monroe Doctrine and Manifest Destiny, informed his colleagues that over time Cuba would fall into our hands by “the laws of political gravitation,” as an apple falls from the tree.16 In brief, U.S. power would increase and Britain’s would decline.

In the case of Cuba, the State Department Policy Planning Staff explained that “the primary danger we face in Castro is … in the impact the very existence of his regime has upon the leftist movement in many Latin American countries.… The simple fact is that Castro represents a successful defiance of the US, a negation of our whole hemispheric policy of almost a century and a half,” since the Monroe Doctrine announced Washington’s intention, then unrealizable, to dominate the western hemisphere.24 The right to dominate is a leading principle of U.S. foreign policy found almost everywhere, though typically concealed in defensive terms: during the Cold War years, routinely by invoking the “Russian threat,” even when Russians were nowhere in sight. An example of great contemporary import is revealed in Iran scholar Ervand Abrahamian’s important book on the U.S.

Mearsheimer asks, pointing out that “Washington may not like Moscow’s position, but it should understand the logic behind it.” That should not be too difficult. After all, as everyone knows, “The United States does not tolerate distant great powers deploying military forces anywhere in the Western hemisphere, much less on its borders.” In fact, the U.S. stand is far stronger. It does not tolerate what is officially called “successful defiance” of the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, which declared (but could not yet implement) U.S. control of the hemisphere. And a small country that carries out such successful defiance may be subjected to “the terrors of the earth” and a crushing embargo—as happened to Cuba. We need not ask how the United States would have reacted had the countries of Latin America joined the Warsaw Pact, with plans for Mexico and Canada to join as well.

 

pages: 306 words: 79,537

Prisoners of Geography: Ten Maps That Explain Everything About the World by Tim Marshall

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The Latin American countries do not have a natural affinity with the United States. Relations are dominated by America’s starting position, laid out in the Monroe Doctrine of 1823 (as we have seen in chapter three) during President Monroe’s State of the Union address. The doctrine warned off the European colonialists and said, in as many words, that Latin America was the United States’ backyard and sphere of influence. It has been orchestrating events there ever since and many Latin Americans believe the results have not always been positive. Eight decades after Monroe’s Doctrine, along came another president with “Monroe reloaded.” In a speech in 1904, Theodore Roosevelt said: “In the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe Doctrine may force the United States, however reluctantly, in flagrant cases of such wrongdoing or impotence, to the exercise of an international police power.”

There was little chance of them putting down roots in the region we now know as modern Mexico, thus assimilating, and boosting, the population numbers there. Mexico is not blessed in the American way. It has poor-quality agricultural land, no river system to use for transport, and was wholly undemocratic, with new arrivals having little chance of ever being granted land. While the infiltration of Texas was going on, Washington, DC, issued the Monroe Doctrine (named after President James Monroe) in 1823, which boiled down to warning the European powers that they could no longer seek land in the Western Hemisphere, and that if they lost any parts of their existing territory they could not reclaim them. Or else. By the mid-1830s there were enough white settlers in Texas to force the Mexican issue. The Mexican, Catholic, Spanish-speaking population numbered in the low thousands, but there were approximately twenty thousand white Protestant settlers.

See also names of specific countries African trade, 114 Arab Spring, 43, 164–67 artificial borders in, 6, 133, 134–38, 141, 142, 153 climate and terrain, 135, 157–58 colonial period, 136–38, 141–43, 144, 152–53 energy resources, 135, 150, 157, 159–61, 163 Gulf War conflicts, 140, 158, 160 Islamists, 134, 145–52, 163–67 Kurds/Kurdistan, 136, 138–41, 141, 145–46, 149, 150, 161, 164 Ottoman Empire, 3, 15, 30, 90, 115, 117, 136, 138–39, 141–42, 152, 163, 174 Persian Empire, 15, 139, 160 and Russia, 34, 163 Shia Islam, 137–39, 143–44, 149, 150, 159, 160 size, 135 Suez Crisis (1956), 75–76 Sunni Islam, 137–39, 143–46, 148, 149–50, 160–61 United Kingdom in, 136–37, 141–42, 152–53 water supplies, 261 Mischief Islands, 58 Mississippi Basin, 62–63 Mississippi River, 62–63, 65, 67–72 Moldova, 8–9, 21, 27, 29, 29–31, 86–87, 91 Mongolia, 8–9, 18, 36–37, 40–45, 49–50 Mongols, 14–15, 42, 43, 158, 198, 206 Monroe Doctrine (1823), 70–71, 229–30 Monroe, James, 70–71, 229–30 Montenegro, 86–87, 91 Montreux Convention (1936), 22 Morales, Evo, 221 Mouillot, Miranda Richmond, 88 Mozambique, 109, 130 Mubarak, Gamal, 166–67 Mubarak, Hosni, 166–67 Muhammad, 137, 154 Multan, 181 Murat River, 261 Murmansk, 8–9, 19, 240–41, 246, 251 Musharraf, Pervez, 182–83 Muslim Brotherhood, 145, 163, 166–67 Muslims in Africa, 112, 123 in Albania, 3–4 in European countries, 105–6, 151 in India/Pakistan, 172–77, 190 in the Middle East, 137–39, 143–46, 148–50, 160–62 Salafi, 138, 150–51 Shia, 137–39, 143–44, 149, 150, 159, 160, 175 Sunni, 137–39, 143–46, 148, 149–50, 160–61, 175 Xinjiang, 42–43, 50–51 Nagaland, 190 Nagasaki, 193, 209 Namibia, 109, 112, 119–20 Napoleon, 13, 69, 92 Native Americans, 66, 67, 69, 71–72 NATO.

 

pages: 537 words: 158,544

Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order by Parag Khanna

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Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Bartolomé de las Casas, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, complexity theory, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, energy security, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, flex fuel, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, global supply chain, haute couture, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, Islamic Golden Age, Khyber Pass, knowledge economy, land reform, low skilled workers, means of production, megacity, Monroe Doctrine, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Pax Mongolica, pirate software, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, Potemkin village, price stability, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, special economic zone, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Thomas L Friedman, trade route, trickle-down economics, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce

CONTENTS TITLE PAGE DEDICATION PREFACE INTRODUCTION: INTER-IMPERIAL RELATIONS PART I: THE WEST’S EAST 1 BRUSSELS: THE NEW ROME 2 THE RUSSIAN DEVOLUTION 3 UKRAINE: FROM BORDER TO BRIDGE 4 THE BALKANS: EASTERN QUESTIONS 5 TURKEY: MARCHING EAST AND WEST 6 THE CAUCASIAN CORRIDOR CONCLUSION: STRETCHING EUROPE PART II: AFFAIRS OF THE HEARTLAND 7 THE SILK ROAD AND THE GREAT GAME 8 THE RUSSIA THAT WAS 9 TIBET AND XINJIANG: THE NEW BAMBOO CURTAIN 10 KAZAKHSTAN: “HAPPINESS IS MULTIPLE PIPELINES” 11 KYRGYZSTAN AND TAJIKISTAN: SOVEREIGN OF EVERYTHING, MASTER OF NOTHING 12 UZBEKISTAN AND TURKMENISTAN: MEN BEHAVING BADLY 13 AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTAN: TAMING SOUTH-CENTRAL ASIA CONCLUSION: A CHANGE OF HEART PART III: THE END OF THE MONROE DOCTRINE 14 THE NEW RULES OF THE GAME 15 MEXICO: THE UMBILICAL CORD 16 VENEZUELA: BOLÍVAR’S REVENGE 17 COLOMBIA: THE ANDEAN BALKANS? 18 BRAZIL: THE SOUTHERN POLE 19 ARGENTINA AND CHILE: VERY FRATERNAL TWINS CONCLUSION: BEYOND MONROE PART IV: IN SEARCH OF THE “MIDDLE EAST” 20 THE SHATTERED BELT 21 THE MAGHREB: EUROPE’S SOUTHERN SHORE 22 EGYPT: BETWEEN BUREAUCRATS AND THEOCRATS 23 THE MASHREQ: ROAD MAPS 24 THE FORMER IRAQ: BUFFER, BLACK HOLE, AND BROKEN BOUNDARY 25 IRAN: VIRTUES AND VICES 26 GULF STREAMS CONCLUSION: ARABIAN SAND DUNES PART V: ASIA FOR ASIANS 27 FROM OUTSIDE IN TO INSIDE OUT 28 CHINA’S FIRST-WORLD SEDUCTION 29 MALAYSIA AND INDONESIA: THE GREATER CHINESE CO-PROSPERITY SPHERE 30 MYANMAR, THAILAND, AND VIETNAM: THE INNER TRIANGLE 31 SIZE MATTERS: THE FOUR CHINAS CONCLUSION: THE SEARCH FOR EQUILIBRIUM IN A NON-AMERICAN WORLD ACKNOWLEDGMENTS BIBLIOGRAPHY NOTES FOOTNOTES ABOUT THE AUTHOR COPYRIGHT TO BHAGWAN DAS SETH: DIPLOMAT, THINKER, GRANDFATHER PREFACE NO ONE KNEW the world like Arnold Toynbee did.

Similarly, Thomas Jefferson saw South America as a “continent unto itself”—by which he meant a continent to be fully controlled by the United States. America’s gradual assertion of hemispheric hegemony from the 1790s through the War of 1812 and onward was not a classic imperialist quest for land and labor, but it succeeded in supplanting European powers through a mix of pocketbook diplomacy and military conquest.3 The Monroe Doctrine, articulated by the U.S. president in 1823, promised to complete the ejection of European powers and ensure unfettered American dominance in perpetuity. America’s “Manifest Destiny” was not merely a westward expansion to the Pacific Ocean, as is often supposed; it was also a vision of northern and southern hemispheric control. President James K. Polk took advantage of Mexico’s weakness from its long war of independence to annex Texas in 1845.

But their technique—the Open Door policy of the early twentieth century—aimed to extend America’s power “without the embarrassment and inefficiency of traditional colonialism.”4 But America has always carried a big stick even if, contrary to Theodore Roosevelt’s dictum, it has not always spoken so softly. The most vivid example was Cuba. The United States declared war on Spain on April 21, 1898, ostensibly to liberate Cuba and initiate its democratic evolution. Roosevelt, then assistant secretary of the navy, sought not only to vanquish Spain but also to control the Philippines, which the United States simultaneously seized. Almost a century after America instituted the Monroe Doctrine, the Roosevelt Corollary was an imperial anticolonialism that justified American interference. Roosevelt’s guiding premise was clear: “Peace cannot be had until the civilized nations have expanded in some shape over the barbarous nations.” The case of Panama seemed an almost natural case for U.S. hegemony due to its dependence on agricultural export to America and an oligarchic political system that facilitated American control over the Canal Zone.

 

pages: 160 words: 46,449

The Extreme Centre: A Warning by Tariq Ali

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Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Berlin Wall, bonus culture, BRICs, British Empire, centre right, deindustrialization, Edward Snowden, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, full employment, labour market flexibility, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mortgage debt, North Sea oil, obamacare, offshore financial centre, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, The Chicago School, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, Wolfgang Streeck

This was accompanied by hard anti-Chinese talk in which President Obama underlined the imperial presence in the Far East, stressing that the US was an Asian power and warning the Chinese to ‘play by the rules of the road’. These are rules that the Chinese know are formulated, interpreted and enforced by the US. Elsewhere, only South America has experienced a rise of political resistance to imperial hegemony, both political and economic. This is the first time since the Monroe doctrine that four states are without US ambassadors: Cuba, Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia. The largest state in the region, Brazil, has asserted a degree of independence lacking in recent decades. State Department functionaries visit Brasilia regularly to reassure the political elite that ‘Obama is not Bush’, a message greeted with some scepticism. It is hardly a secret that Obama/Clinton approved the coup in Honduras and that death squads are back in favour.

In other words they don’t want peer competitors; they like to keep other regions divided, so that they’ll compete with one another and be unable to focus on them. This, at least, is how the US and other great powers have acted in the past. On this assumption, Mearsheimer argues that China will try to maximize the power gap with regional rivals like Japan, Russia and India. It will also try to push the US out of its sphere of influence (as US did with Europe in Latin America) and develop its own Monroe Doctrine. This will inevitably lead to conflict with the US, since it doesn’t tolerate a peer competitor. The US will therefore go to any lengths to contain and weaken China. China’s neighbours will also be worried about its rise, and might join forces with the US in a balancing coalition to contain it. The US and Japan will want to prevent Taiwan falling into Chinese hands and will seek to strengthen it, fuelling further competition between the US and China.

China sees it as an opportunity. Decades of military cooperation with Pakistan, which shares India as a rival, have flowered into an economic alliance. A Chinese-built deepwater port in Gwadar, Pakistan, on the Gulf of Oman, is expected eventually to carry Middle Eastern oil and gas over the western Himalayas into China.24 It will not be easy for China to become a regional hegemon, implementing its version of the Monroe Doctrine. Whereas the US was surrounded mainly by weak states, China has powerful competitors in Japan, Russia and India, two of which are likely to band together with the US to contain a powerful China. China is more likely to rely on its economy to gain leverage over neighbouring powers, increasing their dependence. Though China has hitherto been excluded from the G8, in 2008 the decline of the West’s economic power was on display when even Bush had to turn to the G20 instead.

 

On Power and Ideology by Chomsky, Noam

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, feminist movement, imperial preference, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Stanislav Petrov, union organizing

When he became President a few years later, Wilson was in a position to implement his doctrine of self-determination, as he did by invading Mexico and Hispaniola (Haiti and the Dominican Republic), where his warriors murdered and destroyed, reestablished virtual slavery, demolished the political system, and placed the countries firmly in the hands of U.S. investors. His Secretary of State, Robert Lansing, explained the meaning of the Monroe Doctrine in a memorandum that Wilson thought it would be “impolitic” to issue publicly, though he found its argument “unanswerable”: In its advocacy of the Monroe Doctrine the United States considers its own interests. The integrity of other American nations is an incident, not an end. While this may seem based on selfishness alone, the author of the Doctrine had no higher or more generous motive in its declaration. The major problem, Lansing went on, is to exclude European control over “American territory and its institutions through financial as well as other means.”

It was, in fact, not until the 1960s, when the popular movements in the United Stares substantially raised the moral and intellectual level of the country—the major reason why they are so reviled and despised by the educated classes—that it became possible to face this history with a degree of honesty. In 1786, Thomas Jefferson described “our confederacy” as “the nest, from which all America, North and South, is to be peopled.” It is just as well, he felt, that the continent should be in the hands of the Spanish throne until “our population can be sufficiently advanced to gain it from them piece by piece.” John Quincy Adams, while formulating the thinking that led to the Monroe Doctrine, described “our proper dominion” as “the continent of North America.” This is the law of nature, he explained. The law of nature had wide application. Adams invoked it again in reference to China’s vain attempt to bar opium imports from India, which led to the Opium Wars, as Britain resorted to violence to overcome China’s resistance to the noble principles of free trade that would have excluded Britain from the China market by blocking the major export it could offer to China.

 

Interventions by Noam Chomsky

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Albert Einstein, Ayatollah Khomeini, cuban missile crisis, energy security, facts on the ground, failed state, Monroe Doctrine, nuremberg principles, Ralph Nader, Thorstein Veblen, uranium enrichment, Washington Consensus, éminence grise

The gangsters leading the current coup in Haiti include FRAPH leaders. For the United States, Cuba has long been the primary concern in the hemisphere. A declassified 1964 State Department document declares Fidel Castro to be an intolerable threat because he “represents a successful defiance of the United States, a negation of our whole hemispheric policy of almost a century and a half,” since the Monroe Doctrine declared that no challenge to U.S. dominance would be tolerated in the hemisphere. Venezuela now presents a similar problem of successful defiance. A recent lead article in the Wall Street Journal says, “Fidel Castro has found a key benefactor and heir apparent to the cause of derailing the U.S.’s agenda in Latin America: Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.” Last month (February 2004), Venezuela asked the United States to extradite two former military officers who are seeking asylum in the United States.

., 93–96, 118, 195 South America, 159, 193–195 demonization of enemy, 141–142 demonstrations and protests, 74, 88, 105 newspaper coverage, xviii Summit of the Americas, 2005, 155 Department of Homeland Security, 148 Dewey, John, 108 Different Kind of War, A (Von Sponeck), 60, 136 diplomats, 75 Director of National Intelligence, 92, 115 Dobriansky, Paul, 121 doctrine and indoctrination, 141 Bush II doctrine of “force at will,” 48 See also Clinton Doctrine; Monroe Doctrine Dole, Robert, 55 Dowd, Maureen, 23 economic sanctions against Iraq, 3, 14, 59–61, 74 against Syria, 86 as genocide, 59–60 Ecuador, 198 Egypt, 29–30, 65, 83 Einstein, Albert, 128 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 1, 21 ElBaradei, Mohamed, 138, 184, 185 El Salvador, 122 elections impermissible if wrong candidate might win, 165–166 Iraq, 25, 161–164 Palestine, 165–168 South America, 159 Brazil (2002), 94–95 Venezuela, 157 U.S. (2002), 27 U.S. (2004), 75–76, 93–100 voter turnout, wealth gap of, 94 Elshtain, Jean Bethke, 179 embassies U.S. in Honduras, 89–90 enriched uranium, 45 Erlanger, Steven, 166 Estrich, Susan, xix European Union, 217 and Iran, 183, 211 as model for South America, 197 euros, 170 evangelical Christians political power, 99 evolution, 151–152 Extra!

-Israel invasion (2006), 33, 187–192, 209 Leverett, Flynt, 182–183 Levinson, Sanford, 106, 108–109 Lewis, Anthony, xiii Lieven, Anatol, 7 Linzer, Dafna, 181–182 London bombings, 2005, 137, 140, 148 Los Angeles Times, xv–xvi, xix Lugar, Richard, 139 Lula da Silva, Luiz Inácio, 94–95, 171, 198, 199–200 Lutzenberger, José, 120 Madrid train bombings, 2004, 73 Malley, Robert, 30 malnutrition Nicaragua, 91 Manufacturing Consent (Chomsky), 205 Marcos, Ferdinand, 53 Mayer, Arno, 143 McCarthy, Colman, xv MccGwire, Michael, 126–127 McNamara, Robert, 138–139 medical aid (international), 171–172 medical care, 130–132 Caribbean, 157 medical insurance, 131 American public opinion, 93 See also national health insurance media, xi and Iraq War, xxi “doctrinal system,” 133 on Iran, 210 See also newspapers mercenary armies Central America, 90 MERCOSUR, 157, 171, 200 Meyerson, Adam, xiv, xv Milhollin, Gary, 172–173 military bases, 13 Iraq, 26, 54, 75, 78, 85, 203 SCO calls on U.S. to withdraw, 208 Military Commissions Act immunizes U.S. officials from War Crimes Act, 103 military coups, 70, 143–144, 198 military spending, 137 public opinion, 121 Mill, John Stuart, 142–143, 216 missile testing North Korea, 48–49 Monroe Doctrine, 69 moral philosophy, 119–123 moral responsibility, 213–218 moral virtue and U.S. “mission to redeem the world,” 113, 141–145 Morales, Evo, 171, 195, 197 “bad guy” to U.S., 199 Morgenthau, Hans, 213, 216 Musharraf, Pervez, 172 Muslims, 144. See also Shiite Muslims; Sunni Muslims Mueller, John, 3 Mueller, Karl, 3 Mueller, Robert S., 38, 175 Mukerjee, Pranab, 173 Nader, Ralph, 95 Napoleon I, 54 Nasrallah, Sayyed Hassan, 189 National Guard deployed to Iraq, unavailable in New Orleans, 147 national health insurance American public opinion, 93, 131–132 National Intelligence Council, 135 national security, 30 and elections, 37 Israel, 33 U.S., 14 National Security Strategy 2002, 21, 26, 27, 36, 177 nationalism, 7 as U.S. enemy, 143 NATO, 108 natural gas, 169, 170, 171 Nazi philosophy, 142 echoed in the White House, 106 Necessary Illusions (Chomsky), xviii–xix Negroponte, John, 89–92, 115–116 “neoliberalism” neither new nor liberal, 194 Netanyahu, Benjamin, 82 New Generation Draws the Line, The (Chomsky), 179 New Orleans flooding, 2005, 147–149 New York Times, xi–xiii, xvii–xx New York Times Syndicate, xiv newspapers, xi–xxi syndicates, xiv–xv Nicaragua, xix U.S. covert war against, 90–91 9/11 terrorist attacks.

 

Powers and Prospects by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, colonial rule, declining real wages, deindustrialization, deskilling, Fall of the Berlin Wall, invisible hand, Jacques de Vaucanson, John von Neumann, Monroe Doctrine, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, theory of mind, Tobin tax, Turing test

The Strategic Conception The Gulf War took place against the background of important changes in the international economy and global affairs that offered the United States opportunities to organise the world that it had not enjoyed since the end of World War II. In the ashes of that catastrophe, the US was at last able to expel from the hemisphere its main rivals, France and Britain, and to implement the Monroe Doctrine. By the 1990s, the US was able to extend the Monroe Doctrine, in effect, over the Middle East. To understand what this implies for the region, it is necessary to dissipate the fog of ideology and see how the Doctrine has actually been understood by planners. Take just the Woodrow Wilson Administration, at the peak moment of ‘idealism’ in foreign policy. The Monroe Doctrine is based on ‘selfishness alone’, Wilson’s Secretary of State Robert Lansing explained privately and, in advocating it, the US ‘considers its own interests. The integrity of other American nations is an incident, not an end’.

In the real world, Castro’s Cuba was a concern not because of a military threat, human rights abuses, or dictatorship; rather, for reasons deeply rooted in American history. In the 1820s, as the takeover of the continent was proceeding apace, Cuba was regarded by the political and economic leadership as the next prize to be won. That is ‘an object of transcendent importance to the commercial and political interests of our Union’, the author of the Monroe Doctrine, John Quincy Adams, advised, agreeing with Jefferson and others that Spain should keep sovereignty until the British deterrent faded, and Cuba would fall into US hands by ‘the laws of political . . . gravitation’, a ‘ripe fruit’ for harvest, as it did a century ago. By mid-twentieth century, the ripe fruit was highly valued by US agricultural and gambling interests, among others. Castro’s robbery of this US possession was not taken lightly.

 

Hopes and Prospects by Noam Chomsky

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Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, colonial rule, corporate personhood, Credit Default Swap, cuban missile crisis, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deskilling, en.wikipedia.org, energy security, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Firefox, Howard Zinn, Hyman Minsky, invisible hand, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, new economy, nuremberg principles, open borders, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, uranium enrichment, Washington Consensus

Kennedy’s Latin American adviser, historian Arthur Schlesinger, recommended to the president that he should address Latin Americans with “a certain amount of high-flown corn” about “the higher aims of culture and spirit, [which] will thrill the audience south of the border, where metahistorical disquisitions are inordinately admired.” Meanwhile we’ll take care of the serious business.16 In the internal planning record, the guiding principles of policy are often articulated without illusion. The basic principles are revealed by the oldest concern of U.S. policy in Latin America: Cuba. In 1823, the Monroe Doctrine declared Washington’s right to rule the hemisphere, but it was not powerful enough to exercise that right because of the British deterrent. The British did not try to impede the murderous conquest of Spanish Florida in 1818 and could not prevent the conquest of half of Mexico or the remainder of the national territory. But British forces did bar the conquest of Canada and Cuba. The intellectual father of Manifest Destiny, John Quincy Adams, predicted that Cuba would eventually drop into U.S. hands by the laws of “political gravitation” just as “an apple severed by a tempest from its native tree cannot but choose to fall to the ground.”

The determining factor is agency. And unsurprisingly, the long record of similar practices received no more notice than the pairing of Osama’s doctrines with our own. The reasons Cuba must be tortured were frankly explained in the internal record, particularly when the attack escalated under Kennedy. The basic reason was Cuba’s “successful defiance” of U.S. policies going back 150 years; not Russians, but rather the Monroe Doctrine. Then come the usual reasons for intervention: the concern that the Cuban example might infect others with the dangerous idea of “taking matters into their own hands,” an idea with great appeal throughout the continent because “the distribution of land and other forms of national wealth greatly favors the propertied classes and the poor and underprivileged, stimulated by the example of the Cuban revolution, are now demanding opportunities for a decent living.”

To achieve the goal, Washington “actively supported the vicious and venal regime of Juan Vicente Gómez,” violating its Open Door policy to achieve “U.S. economic hegemony in Venezuela” by pressuring its government to bar British concessions—more abuse of reality in the service of Wilsonian idealism.24 Meanwhile the United States continued to demand—and secure—oil rights in the Middle East, where the British and French were in the lead. By the end of World War II, everything had changed. U.S. industrial production more than tripled during the war, while industrial rivals were severely damaged or destroyed. The United States had literally half of the wealth of the entire world, along with incomparable security and military power, including nuclear weapons. U.S. planners had no doubt that they could now implement the Monroe Doctrine for the first time, and could also go on to dominate most of the world. High-level planners and foreign policy advisers determined that in the new global system the United States should “hold unquestioned power” while ensuring the “limitation of any exercise of sovereignty” by states that might interfere with its global designs, while developing “an integrated policy to achieve military and economic supremacy for the United States” throughout most of the world, all if possible.

 

Because We Say So by Noam Chomsky

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Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Chelsea Manning, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, Edward Snowden, Julian Assange, Malacca Straits, Martin Wolf, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Slavoj Žižek, Stanislav Petrov, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks

The U.S. and Canada were alone in barring Cuban participation, on grounds of Cuba’s violations of democratic principles and human rights. Latin Americans can evaluate these charges from ample experience. They are familiar with the U.S. record on human rights. Cuba especially has suffered from U.S. terrorist attacks and economic strangulation as punishment for its independence—its “successful defiance” of U.S. policies tracing back to the Monroe Doctrine. Latin Americans don’t have to read U.S. scholarship to recognize that Washington supports democracy if, and only if, it conforms to strategic and economic objectives, and even when it does, favors “limited, top-down forms of democratic change that [do] not risk upsetting the traditional structures of power with which the United States has long been allied . . . [in] quite undemocratic societies,” as neo-Reaganite scholar Thomas Carothers points out.

Patrick, 187 Lebanon, 35, 60, 115, 118 Libya, 25–26, 180 Lindsey, Graham, 122 Lipner, Shalom, 26 Lozada, Gonzalo Sánchez de, 123 Lumumba, Patrice, 180 MacInnis, Bo, 94 Madison, James, 149–150 Madrid, 125–127 Magna Carta, 31, 32, 51, 160, 174 Malacca strait, 85 Malkin, Elisabeth, 112 Mandela, Nelson, 32 Mankell, Henning, 99 Manning, Bradley, 122 Manning, Chelsea, 157–158 Maoz, Zeev, 34, 35 Marines, 46 Marshall Islands, 86 Martí, José, 153 Marx, Karl, 149, 151 McChesney, Robert W., 93 McChrystal, Stanley A., 160 McCoy, Alfred, 108 McGuiness, Margaret E., 31 Mearsheimer, John, 158 Meir, Golda, 77 Menachem Begin, 69 Mexico, 39, 42–43, 116, 147, 154 Miami, 124, 137 Micronesia, 86, 141 Middle East, 35–36, 58, 60, 65, 74, 83–87, 117, 153–154, 176, 183, 190 Mill, John Stuart, 145, 149 Mladic, Ratko, 46 Molina, Perez, 42 Monroe Doctrine, 41 Montt, Rios, 110, 111 Morales, Evo, 121–122 Morgenthau, 129–130 Morsi, Mohammed, 74, 75 Moscow, 55, 61 Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, 132 Moyn, Samuel, 47–48 Mozambique, 99 Mubarak, Hosni, 74 Mukhabarat, 99 Murray, William, 138 Namibia, 156 Nasr, Hassan Mustafa Osama, 124 National Defense Authorization Act, 32 Negev, 27–28 Nelson Mandela, 155 Netanyahu, Benjamin, 185 Nevada, 86 New Spirit of the Age, 53 Nicaragua, 111, 113, 180–181 Nicolaides, Kypros, 47 Nile Valley, 189 Nixon, Richard, 24, 64 Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), 60, 84 Norman Ornstein, 135 North American Free Trade Agreement, 116 North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), 25, 160, 163–164, 171 Northern Laos, 31, 108 NPT, 35, 65, 84, 86, 139–141 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), 35, 65, 84, 139 Nuremberg Trials, 31, 131, 155 Nystrom, Paul, 54 Obama, Barack, 32, 52, 63, 65, 85–86, 105, 107, 128, 129, 131, 139, 140, 154, 158, 159, 166, 169, 171, 174, 175, 179, 181, 185, 186 Okinawa, 55 Oklahoma, 166 Olmert, Ehud, 71, 73 Olstrom, Elinor, 53 Open Society Institute, 124 Operation Cast Lead, 70, 71, 186 Operation Gatekeeper, 116 Operation Mongoose, 56 Operation Pillar of Defense, 79, 184 Operation Protective Edge, 185 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, 62 Organization of American States (OAS), 41, 121 Orwell, George, 26, 29 Oslo, 125 Oslo Accords, 70, 73, 75, 82, 125, 127 Oslo process, 127 Owl of Minerva, 189 Pacific Rim, 53 Pakistan, 35, 57, 106–107, 116, 153, 160, 192 Palau, 86, 128, 141 Palestine, 71, 79, 99, 101, 103, 117, 127–128, 161, 184–185 Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), 125 Panetta, Leon, 59 Pantucci, Raffaello, 81 Parry, Robert, 110 Pashtuns, 116 Peace Union of Finland, 85 Pearl Harbor, 29 Peck, James, 45, 48 People’s Summit, 54 Peres, Shimon, 127 Peri, Yoram, 69 Petersen, Alexandros, 81 Petrov, Stanislav, 164 Philippines, 108 Phoenicia, 189 Portugal, 42, 121 Powell, Lewis, 39 Power, Samantha, 132 Pretoria, 156 Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board, 158 Program on International Policy Attitudes (PIPA), 21, 22 Putin, Vladimir V., 129, 169, 171 Rabbani, Mouin, 183 Rabin, Yitzhak, 125, 127 Rafah Crossing, 74, 75 Raz, Avi, 77 Reagan, Ronald, 32, 109–111, 163, 175 Red Crescent, 46 Reilly, John, 23 Republicans, 28, 135–136 Riedel, Bruce, 35 Rio+20 Conference, 54 Roberts, Leslie, 106 Rocker, Rudolf, 146, 149 Romney, Mitt, 64, 83 Rose, Frank, 141 Ross, Dennis, 87, 126, 128 Rousseff, Dilma, 121 Roy, Sara, 72, 101 Rubinstein, Danny, 127 Rudoren, Jodi, 141 Rumsfeld, Donald, 178 Russia, 23, 25, 33, 56, 61, 140, 163–164, 171–172 Ryan, Paul, 62 Sakharov, Andrei D., 47 Samidin, 76 San Diego, 158 Sanger, David E., 141 Santos, Juan Manuel, 42 Saudi Arabia, 23, 60, 166, 190 Scahill, Jeremy, 107 Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr., 55, 138 Schlosser, Eric, 164 Schneider, Nathan, 147 Seko, Mobutu Sese, 180 Shafi, Haidar Abdul, 125 Shalit, Gilad, 27, 79 Shane, Scott, 52 Shehadeh, Raja, 70, 99 Sick, Gary, 57 Silk Road, 85 Sinai Peninsula, 77 Singapore, 91 Smith, Adam, 38, 91, 146 Snowden, Edward J., 121–123, 157, 173–176 Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr I., 47 Sourani, Raji, 71, 74, 82, 183 South Africa, 21, 25, 110, 155–156 South Vietnam, 29–30, 45 Soviet Union, 48, 164, 175 Spain, 121, 147 Sponeck, Hans von, 189 Stearns, Monteagle, 107 Stevenson, Adlai III, 161 Stiglitz, Joseph E., 38 Stratcom, 164–165 Stratfor, 46 Summer Olympics, 45 Sweden, 61 Swift, Jonathan, 62 Sykes-Picot Agreement, 115 Syria, 117, 131, 154, 177, 180, 189–190 Taiwan, 37, 91 Taksim Square, 118–119 Taliban, 178–179 Tehran, 65, 84, 141 Telhami, Shibley 141, 159 Tigris, 189 Trans-Pacific Partnership, 159 Trilateral Commission, 39 Tripoli, 137 Truman Doctrine, 175 Tsarnaev, Dzhokhar, 105 Turkey, 25, 33, 49, 56, 85, 118, 140, 170 U.K., 35 Ukraine, 169, 171 Union Carbide, 46 Union of South American Nations (UNASUR), 121 United Nations (U.N.), 30, 128, 132, 137 U.N.

 

Profit Over People: Neoliberalism and Global Order by Noam Chomsky

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Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, declining real wages, deindustrialization, full employment, invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, manufacturing employment, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, union organizing, Washington Consensus

In secret postwar planning, each part of the world was assigned its specific role. Thus the “major function” of Southeast Asia was to provide raw materials for the industrial powers. Africa was to be “exploited” by Europe for its own recovery. And so on, through the world. In Latin America, Washington expected to be able to implement the Monroe Doctrine, but again in a special sense. President Wilson, famous for his idealism and high moral principles, agreed in secret that “in its advocacy of the Monroe Doctrine the United States considers its own interests.” The interests of Latin Americans are merely “incidental,” not our concern. He recognized that “this may seem based on selfishness alone,” but held that the doctrine “had no higher or more generous motive.” The United States sought to displace its traditional rivals, England and France, and establish a regional alliance under its control that was to stand apart from the world system, in which such arrangements were not to be permitted.

 

Imperial Ambitions: Conversations on the Post-9/11 World by Noam Chomsky, David Barsamian

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British Empire, collective bargaining, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, failed state, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, Monroe Doctrine, offshore financial centre, Ronald Reagan, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment

Regime change is normal policy. If you go back to the Kennedy and Johnson administrations, there was a period of real frenzy about regime change in Cuba. Internally, the reason given by U.S. intelligence for regime change was that the very existence of the Castro regime “represents a successful defiance of the United States, a negation of our whole hemispheric policy of almost a century and a half,” meaning the Monroe Doctrine.2 So we have to overthrow Cuba by a campaign of large-scale terror and economic warfare. This terrorist campaign almost led the world to a terminal nuclear war. It was very close. Right after the First World War, the British replaced the Turks as the rulers of Iraq. They occupied the country, and faced, as one account says, “anti-imperialist agitation … from the start.” A revolt “became widespread.”

Kerry, John Kimhi, David Kim II Sung Kinzer, Stephen Kissinger, Henry Kurds Kuwait Kyoto protocol Lancet Lasswell, Harold Latin America Lebanon LeMay, Curtis Lewis, Anthony liberation theology Lippmann, Walter Lloyd George, David London, Jack London Review of Books Lula da Silva, Luiz Inácio McCann, Thomas McNamara, Robert Madison, James Mandela, Nelson Mankiw, Gregory “manufacture of consent,” Marshall Plan Mayr, Ernst media Medicaid Mein Kampf (Hitler) mercenary army Mexico Middle East militarization of space military bases Mill, John Stuart Milošević, Slobodan mini nukes missile defense Monroe Doctrine Mossadegh, Mohammed Mussollini, Benito My Lai massacre Nagasaki Nanking Massacre National Security Strategy (2002) Native Americans nativism Nature Nazis Necessary Illusions (Chomsky) Negroponte, John Nehru, Jawaharlal New York Times Magazine Nicaragua Nigeria Nimitz, Chester William 9/11. See September 11, 2001 Nitze, Paul Nixon, Richard Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons Treaty (NPT) Noriega, Manuel North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Northeast Asia North Korea nuclear weapons Nuremberg tribunal Occupied Territories Office of Public Diplomacy off-job control oil O’Neill, Paul Operation Enduring Freedom Operation Iraqi Freedom Operation Mongoose Operation Wheeler oppression Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) Orwell, George Osirak nuclear reactor Pakistan Palestine Palestinians Panama “Patterns in Global Terrorism,” Pequot massacre Perle, Richard Philippines Polk, James K.

 

pages: 249 words: 79,740

The Next Decade: Where We've Been . . . And Where We're Going by George Friedman

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airport security, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Deng Xiaoping, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, hydraulic fracturing, illegal immigration, Monroe Doctrine, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea

In addition, there is no passable land bridge between North and South America because of Central America’s jungle terrain, and even if there were a bridge, only Colombia and perhaps Venezuela could take advantage of it. The key to American policy in Latin America has always been that for the United States to become concerned, two elements would have to converge: a strategically significant area (of which there are few in the region) would have to be in the hands of a power able to use it to pose a threat. The Monroe Doctrine was proclaimed in order to make it clear that just such an eventuality was the single unacceptable geopolitical development as far as the United States was concerned. During World War II, the presence of German agents and sympathizers in South America became a serious issue among strategists in Washington, who envisioned German troops arriving in Brazil from Dakar, across the Atlantic. Similarly, during the Cold War, the United States became genuinely concerned about Soviet influence in the region and intervened on occasion to block it.

As for migration, it is a problem now, but as demography shifts, it will be the solution. The United States has a secure position in the hemisphere. The sign of an empire is its security in its region, with conflicts occurring far away without threat to the homeland. The United States has, on the whole, achieved this. In the end, the greatest threat in the hemisphere is the one that the Monroe Doctrine foresaw, which is that a major outside power should use the region as a base from which to threaten the United States. That means that the core American strategy should be focused on Eurasia, where such global powers arise, rather than on Latin America: first things first. Above all else, hemispheric governments must not perceive the United States as meddling in their affairs, a perception that sets in motion anti-American sentiment, which can be troublesome.

 

The Great Turning: From Empire to Earth Community by David C. Korten

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Albert Einstein, banks create money, big-box store, Bretton Woods, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, Community Supported Agriculture, death of newspapers, declining real wages, European colonialism, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, George Gilder, global supply chain, global village, Hernando de Soto, Howard Zinn, informal economy, invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Monroe Doctrine, Naomi Klein, neoliberal agenda, new economy, peak oil, planetary scale, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, South Sea Bubble, stem cell, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, trade route, Washington Consensus, World Values Survey

Through courtroom victories, corporations successfully claimed the status of legal personhood entitled to the same constitutional protections accorded to real persons under the Bill of Rights. Most of it happened with no public discussion and even without the vote of elected legislators.25 GOING GLOBAL In 1823, even as the westward expansion was still in progress, President James Monroe enunciated the Monroe Doctrine as a cornerstone of U.S. policy. The publicly expressed intent was to protect independent Latin American and Caribbean nations from efforts by European powers to recolonize them; the implicit message was that the United States claimed hegemony over the Western Hemisphere. Theodore Roosevelt took the Monroe doctrine a step further during his presidency (1901–9), announcing that the United States claimed the right to intervene in the internal affairs of any nation that engaged in “flagrant and chronic wrongdoing.” Future U.S. administrations defined this to mean any nation that transgressed against a U.S. trade or investment interest.

., 193 recipients of U.S. aid, 197 responses to terrorism, 66 security of, 306–307 support of friendly regimes, 197 U.S. interventions in other countries, 192 U.S. personnel in Gulf War (1991), 64 use of power of, 196 militia, citizen’s, 183 millionaires, 209 Mills, Mark, 71 mines, active worldwide, 64 missionaries, 191, 193–194 mob rule, 184 modern empires, 126–127, 127–133 Mohler, Albert, 256–257 monarch butterfly metaphor, 74–75, 84 monarchical model of God, 259, 262–263 monarchies. See also kings ancient Athens, 143 current view of, 214 end of, 133–134 replacement of, with elected leaders, 199 rights of kings, 133 money bias of money system, 140 idolatrous worship of, 250 making money from, 139–140 psychological attitude toward, 138 391 ultimate money con, 138–139 as wealth, 68–69 money system, 141 monopolies, 240 Monroe, James, 187, 192 Monroe Doctrine, 192 moral autism, 51–52 moral bankruptcy, 340 moral behavior/values, 132–133, 153–154, 225, 240, 324, 329, 339 Moral Majority, 221 moral maturity, 51 Morgan, Sir Henry, 129 Mott, Lucretia, 204 Murolo, Priscilla, 209 mutuality, 276–277 NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement), 228 Nagin, Ray, 321 Napoleonic Wars, 133 narcissism, 25, 43, 48, 114 narratives/stories communicating Earth Community– based, 355–356 competing, 33–34 contemporary story of Creation, 267–269 creation stories, 246 discovering and sharing, 310–311 Earth Community meaning story, 308–310 Earth Community prosperity story, 303–305 Earth Community security story, 305–307 imperial biblical meaning story, 246–247, 249 imperial meaning story, 257 imperial prosperity story, 238–242 imperial secular meaning story, 247–248 imperial secular story, 249 imperial security story, 242–246 as key to New Right’s success, 249–250 lack of contemporary, 253 prosperity story, 250 shifts in national, 356 National Association of Evangelicals, 325 392 INDE X National Association of Manufacturers, 213 national economies, access to, 137 national policy, use of war as instrument of, 81–82 National Research Council, 335 National Trades Union, 207 nation-states, 140 Native Americans, 165–166, 191, 204–205 natural succession process, 15 nature, Empire’s assault on, 317 nature as teacher, 291–294 neoliberal economics, 164–165, 241 neoliberal elitism, 240 neoliberal policies, 336–337 New Deal, 212–214 New Jerusalem, 162–163 New Orleans, 321 New Right, 219, 285 agenda/goals of, 228–229 economic agenda, 241 family stress propaganda, 335–336 focus of, 328–329 imperial secular story favored by, 247–248 leaders versus followers of, 225 prosperity story of, 239–240 relations between the owning and working classes, 226 self-presentation of, 339–340 standing against, 340 war against children, families, and community, 285, 335–338 worldviews of leaders of, 237–238 New Rules Project, 319 Newtonian science, 263–264, 300, 308 New World, 160 New York State Supreme Court, 207 New Zealand, 356 NGOs (nongovernmental organizations), 15–16 NIA (Philippine National Irrigation Administration), 10 Nicaragua, 193 Nickels, Greg, 321 Nixon, Richard, 228 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), 15–16 noosphere, 271 Norquist, Grover, 222 North West Company, 131 nuclear bombs, 65–66 Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, 333 Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA), 228 occupations, U.S., 197 oil dependence, 62–63, 234 oil reserves, 60–62 oligarchy, 148 Olin Foundation, 220–221 One River, Many Wells (Fox), 258 operant conditioning, 270 Opium War, 130 orders of consciousness, 42–56, 147, 286, 347 OSHA (Occupational Safety and Health Administration), 228 Ottawa Treaty, 333 owners, separation of, from management, 131 owning class, 139–140, 186, 208–209, 215 Pacific Legal Foundation, 220 Paine, Tom, 189 pain of an unlived life, 286–288 Palmer, Parker, 84 Panama, 193 Parable of the Tribes, The (Schmookler), 35–36 parents/parenting, 284–285, 285–286, 288, 290, 336.

 

pages: 823 words: 206,070

The Making of Global Capitalism by Leo Panitch, Sam Gindin

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, airline deregulation, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Basel III, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collective bargaining, continuous integration, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, dark matter, Deng Xiaoping, disintermediation, ending welfare as we know it, eurozone crisis, facts on the ground, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Financial Instability Hypothesis, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gini coefficient, global value chain, guest worker program, Hyman Minsky, imperial preference, income inequality, inflation targeting, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, late capitalism, liquidity trap, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, non-tariff barriers, Northern Rock, oil shock, precariat, price stability, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, regulatory arbitrage, reserve currency, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, seigniorage, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, special economic zone, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, the payments system, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, union organizing, very high income, Washington Consensus, Works Progress Administration, zero-coupon bond

When the new Republic of the United States was founded, the term “empire” was quite often used to describe it—George Washington was not the only Founding Father to do so when he spoke of it ambitiously as “a rising empire”—but proponents of American power gradually ceased to use the word.1 Unlike previous empires, the new American empire was primarily built without colonies. The early articulation of dynamic capitalist development at home with the Monroe Doctrine abroad involved building the continental territorial expansion of the republic directly into the American state structure, while at the same time trying to contain, and finally sweep out, the colonies established in the Western hemisphere by the European powers. This laid the foundation, despite the few colonies the US took over from Spain at the beginning of the twentieth century, for the eventual global reach of the informal American empire.

In a bald assertion of the universality of American law and constitutional principles, Elihu Root, Theodore Roosevelt’s secretary of state and one of the founders of the Permanent Court of International Justice and the International Court of Justice, equated the protection of American capital with the extraterritorial enforcement of property rights in general. From Root’s perspective, all governments had a legal duty to afford foreign investors a “minimum standard of treatment” equivalent to what they would be afforded in the United States.64 Although Theodore Roosevelt’s “Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine” in his 1904 address to Congress was full of talk about the need for the “great civilized nations of the present day” to employ force against the “recrudescence of barbarism,” it also explicitly rejected colonialism and guaranteed that states within the American sphere of influence would be independent and sovereign. Within this sphere, Roosevelt insisted, it fell to the US, as part of its “general world duty” given the absence of a regime of “international law” and other means of “international control” (such as the conventions adopted at the Hague Peace Conference of 1899), to serve as an “international police,” with the purpose of establishing regimes that know “how to act with reasonable efficiency and decency in social and political matters,” and to ensure that each such regime “keeps order and pays its obligations.’’65 As Thomas McCormick has recently written, the colonies and protectorates the US informal empire acquired through this practice “were principally important as means to a more important end—the economic penetration of heavily populated, emerging market areas such as Mexico and China.”

Wilson’s promise to help establish the economic conditions that would lay the basis for social-democratic reform after the war—and offset the need for revolutionary change—appeared to be grounded in the expectation that even the victorious allies could be forced “to our way of thinking because by that time they will . . . be financially in our hands.”8 But expectations that the US “way of thinking” had much to do with substantial social reform were dashed at the Paris peace talks. Wilson’s sordid compromises with the leaders of the victorious old empires—allowing them to retain their colonies, and even to extend their “spheres of influence,” while unanimously turning their face against the Bolshevik revolution in Russia—exposed how little the Fourteen Points he had brought to Paris were capable of transcending the old contradictions. In putting forward the Monroe Doctrine as the model for the League of Nations and its principles,9 Wilson revealed the extent to which his main goal was to get the other victorious Great Powers to adopt in their spheres of influence a more informal style of imperialism, along US lines. At the same time, the concerns of Wilson and his advisers at the Paris talks not to tie the US “to the shaky financial structure of Europe” and to preserve the US’s “freedom of action” led them to reject Keynes’s proposals for the cooperative financing of postwar reconstruction.10 Together with their refusal to cancel the massive debt that the Allies owed the US at the end of war, this effectively condemned social-democratic reformist politics in Europe to failure in the interwar period.

 

pages: 1,056 words: 275,211

Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan by Herbert P. Bix

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anti-communist, British Empire, colonial rule, defense in depth, European colonialism, land reform, Malacca Straits, Monroe Doctrine, nuremberg principles, oil shock, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea

In “A View of International Law in the Kellogg-Briand Pact” and “Britain’s New Monroe Doctrine and the Effect of the No-War Treaty,” both published in 1928, Tachi belabored the obvious point that the signatories to the pact had renounced war “as an instrument of national policy,” but not the right of self-defense. Focusing on the interpretive notes that France, Great Britain, and the United States exchanged prior to signing the Pact on August 27, 1928, he observed that: Britain does not recognize the application of the No-War Pact in regions where it claims to have a vital interest…. If other countries recognize this claim of Britain, it will lead to a situation where the United States too will claim that war based on the principle of the Monroe Doctrine is not prohibited by the No War Pact. I have to acknowledge, therefore, that, in addition to cases of the activation of the right of self-defense, wars exist that cannot be prohibited by the Pact in connection with the Monroe Doctrine of the United States and the New Monroe-ism of Britain.

But what about himself and the emperor? Belief in a policy of expansion, disagreement over how to use imperial authority to control the army, and fear of domestic unrest all lay behind the court’s appeasement of military expansion. Makino, particularly susceptible to such fear, had abruptly abandoned his support for Japanese-Anglo-American-cooperation when he was confronted by the advocates of a Monroe Doctrine for Asia. Rather than clash with the military, he abjured his long-held belief in the Versailles-Washington treaty system. He supported Hirohito’s decision to quit the League, which he himself had helped establish. Hirohito and Makino, standing at the top of the polity, became, in a sense, the earliest apostates in a decade of apostasy.87 No documentation has been presented to show that Hirohito or his palace advisers ever sought to avoid a break with the League by proposing alternatives to the army’s continental policy.

It will be effective to have an imperial conference depending on the circumstances [at the time of defining fundamental policy].”15 Yet because of deep divisions among the political elites, not to mention the opposition and chronically poor judgment of Saionji and Makino, no such conference was convened. II The premeditated efforts of the Kwantung Army and the China Garrison Force to separate North China further hardened Chinese opposition. Japan’s “Monroe Doctrine” for Asia became an immediate source of conflict with the United States and Britain.16 While this was occurring, domestic debate on the kokutai rekindled, gradually resulting in popular distrust of the nation’s ruling elites. For nearly a decade the court group had initiated efforts to “clarify” the national polity—that is, counter antimonarchist thought and impart rationality to the tangle of statements and intellectual arguments pertaining to the nature of the state.

 

Culture of Terrorism by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, Bretton Woods, centre right, clean water, David Brooks, failed state, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

., support for what they absurdly take to be the “elected government” of Nicaragua] is no doubt a sop to the left in their own countries,” just as South America and the American media are dominated by the left, as the official Nicaraguan democrats and their supporters lament. But the Journal editors, not subject to such illusions about Nicaragua, see that diplomatic measures will not do the job: If the Sandinistas remain in power, they will surely carry out their promise to spread revolution throughout Central America. The U.S. will have no choice but to invoke the Monroe Doctrine and spend more of its defense budget securing its southern flank by blockading or finally invading communist Nicaragua.3 Presumably, the editors are not anticipating direct conquest of neighboring countries by the Nicaraguan superpower while the U.S. stands by helplessly (though this reading may be too charitable). It must be, then, that the Sandinistas will achieve their nefarious ends, thus threatening our security, even without invading their neighbors, by “ideological subversion.”

., 3 Kennedy administration, 29, 31, 174, 185, 289n7 Khashoggi, Adnan, 187 Khmer Rouge See Pol Pot Kimche, David, 180–81 Kinsley, Michael, viii, 72 Kirkpatrick, Jeane, 86–87 Kissinger, Henry, xi, 11, 148–49, 163, 171 Koch, Edward, 150–51 Komer, Robert, 181 Kondracke, Morton, viii, 47, 72–73, 102, 212 Krauss, Clifford, 53, 219, 221, 276n23, 276n26 Krauthammer, Charles, xi, 13, 75, 122–23, 173, 274n16 L La Prensa, 108–9, 138, 157, 207, 296n14 Laird, Melvin, 171 Lane, Charles, 47 Lansdale, Edward, 123–24 Laos, 56, 97, 124, 128, 185, 275n20, 292n50 Law, Richard, 48–49 Lebanon, 28, 78, 180 Lehmann-Haupt, Christopher, 279n58 Leiken, Robert, 61, 65, 206, 212, 267n13, 277n28 LeMoyne, James, x, 99–100, 142, 144, 151–52, 231, 233, 276n23, 298n12 Leopold, King, 78 Lewis, Anthony, ix, 75 Libya, ix, 28, 50, 62, 75, 190 Linowitz, Sol, 114–15 Lodge, Henry Cabot, 96 Lubrani, Un, 180 M Marcos, Ferdinand, 93, 124, 279n58 Martinez, Ruben, 119–20 Marxism, 21, 72, 158, 165, 174, 235 in Central America, 14, 88, 212, 219–20 in Nicaragua, 18, 53, 72, 110, 129, 131–35, 145, 151, 165, 205, 243, 274n6 McCain, John, 244 McFarlane, Robert, 57, 181, 201 McGovern, George, 59 McMahon, John, 37 McNamara, Robert, 95, 184 Mecklin, John, 96 Meese, Edwin, 39, 47 Mexico, 173, 271n33 Miami Herald, 56–57, 62–63 Middle East, vii, xii, 68, 171 See also specific countries Miskito, 80–81, 102, 247 Monroe Doctrine, 218 Mutual Support Group (GAM), 238 N Nairn, Alan, 118 Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 172 National Liberation Front (NLF), 148 National Reconciliation Commission, 155–57 National Security Council, 55, 185, 201 NATO See North Atlantic Treaty Organization Nazi Party, 36, 78, 255–56 New Republic, viii–ix, 29, 47, 72, 111, 227 New York Times, x, xi, 39, 71, 110–11, 131, 144, 154, 210, 219–20, 228, 231, 233 on aid to contras, 55, 60, 203 critical of Sandanistas, x, 100 endorsement of peace plan, 121, 133, 161 news media See specific publications Newspaper Guild, 118 Newsweek, 62, 84 Nicaragua church-state relations, 296–97n14 economic and social conditions, 51–53, 244, 249 opposition to US attack on, 30, 35, 49–50, 109, 114–15 peace plans for, 8–12, 16–19, 115–16, 120–21, 129–38, 141–48, 150–68 and reasoning behind US intervention, 13–15, 26–27, 45, 110–13, 189–91, 231, 251–54 relations with USSR, 26–27, 42–43, 111–12, 173, 188–89, 206, 222 and US attacks and terrorism, viii–xi, xvi, 8, 25, 27–28, 40–44, 71–74, 77, 79–90, 93–95, 99–102, 218–23 and US covert actions, 36–39, 55–58, 61, 175, 200–201 See also contras; Sandinistas; Somoza regime Nidal, Abu, 62, 72, 146, 277n28 Nimrodi, Yaakov, 178, 180–81 Nixon, Richard, 67–68 Nixon administration, 31, 170–71 Nordland, Rod, 83–86 North, Oliver, 17, 36, 55, 167, 182, 201, 211 testimony in congressional hearings, 38–39, 60–62, 86, 87, 109–10, 178–79, 268n16 North Atlantic Treaty Organization, 195–96, 198 North Vietnam See Vietnam war Norton, Augustus Richard, xii O Obama, Barack, xi Obando y Bravo, Miguel Cardinal, 155, 243 ORDEN, 78 Ortega, Daniel, 8, 131, 159, 208, 244–45, 274n6 Orwellism, reference to, 32–33, 41, 71–72, 122, 123, 184, 272n1 Owen, Robert, 86 Oxfam, x, 51, 203–4 P Paris Peace agreements, 19, 128, 147–50, 284n2 Pastora, Edén, 37, 81–82, 273n9, 276n23 Pazner, Avi, 179 Pellecer, José Ramiro, 239 Pinochet, Augusto, 185–86 Poindexter, John, 47, 110–11, 182 Pol Pot, 44, 291n41 Polgar, Thomas, 62 Potsdam agreement, 127 Pravda, 29, 92, 205 press See specific publications Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam (PRG), 148 public, deception and manipulation of, xi–xiii, xx–xxi, 2, 10, 24–25, 32–34, 42–43, 47, 51–52, 88, 188–91, 272n47 See also Public Relations industry public opinion and dissidence, 1–4, 23, 35–6, 66, 189 opposition to war on Nicaragua, 30, 35, 55 preference for New Deal policies, 30 Public Relations industry, 33–4, 64, 201 R Radosh, Ronald, 105, 114, 122, 129, 130, 143 Read, Conyers, xxi Reagan, Ronald, 18, 50, 64, 169 elections, 23, 29–30, 183, 192n32 and hostages in Iran, 108, 181, 183, 186, 291n32 support of Apartheid, vii See also Reagan administration Reagan administration disdain for democratic process, 38, 59–60, 113, 200 economics during, 31–32, 53–55, 266n2 Office of Public Diplomacy, 201, 210, 221, 262 and Operation Truth, xi, 204–5, 207, 210, 212–13, 220–23, 239, 247, 262 opposition to policies of, 24, 35, 109, 189 and peace plans, 9–12, 16–18, 132–34, 138–47, 151–53, 159 policies of, xi, 23–30, 107, 110–17, 187–91, 251 and sending arms to Iran, 36–37, 59–60, 183 terrorism during, vii–viii, x, xvi–xvii, 8, 24–29, 35–51, 56–8, 59, 66, 69–79, 92–94, 100, 105, 120, 129–30, 136–39, 154, 169–70, 187–91, 218–22, 225–28, 236–38, 246–47, 252 and war on Nicaragua, 25–7 world opinion of, 48–50 Reagan Doctrine, 23–24, 39, 40, 43–44, 47, 76, 110, 170, 183, 210 Reagan-Wright peace plan, 139–47, 159–60, 253 Red Cross, 83–84 “Red Scare,” 33 Republican Party, 50 Reston, James, 110–11 Reza Shah Pahlavi, Mohammad, 170, 175, 176, 177 “right turn,” 23, 28–34, 38 Rios Montt, General, xvi, 157 Rivera, William Hall, 219 Robb, Charles, 151 Robelo, Alfonso, 76, 88, 93–94, 212 Rohwer, James, 11–12 Romero, Archbishop, 25 Rosenthal, A.

 

pages: 913 words: 299,770

A People's History of the United States by Howard Zinn

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affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, death of newspapers, desegregation, equal pay for equal work, feminist movement, friendly fire, full employment, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, land reform, Mercator projection, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, very high income, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration

And would not a foreign adventure deflect some of the rebellious energy that went into strikes and protest movements toward an external enemy? Would it not unite people with government, with the armed forces, instead of against them? This was probably not a conscious plan among most of the elite—but a natural development from the twin drives of capitalism and nationalism. Expansion overseas was not a new idea. Even before the war against Mexico carried the United States to the Pacific, the Monroe Doctrine looked southward into and beyond the Caribbean. Issued in 1823 when the countries of Latin America were winning independence from Spanish control, it made plain to European nations that the United States considered Latin America its sphere of influence. Not long after, some Americans began thinking into the Pacific: of Hawaii, Japan, and the great markets of China. There was more than thinking; the American armed forces had made forays overseas.

It had “opened” Japan to its trade with gunboats and threats. It had declared an Open Door Policy in China as a means of assuring that the United States would have opportunities equal to other imperial powers in exploiting China. It had sent troops to Peking with other nations, to assert Western supremacy in China, and kept them there for over thirty years. While demanding an Open Door in China, it had insisted (with the Monroe Doctrine and many military interventions) on a Closed Door in Latin America—that is, closed to everyone but the United States. It had engineered a revolution against Colombia and created the “independent” state of Panama in order to build and control the Canal. It sent five thousand marines to Nicaragua in 1926 to counter a revolution, and kept a force there for seven years. It intervened in the Dominican Republic for the fourth time in 1916 and kept troops there for eight years.

., 451–52, 461, 462, 485, 644 “King Philips War,” 16, 40 Kissinger, Henry, 9, 441, 484, 491, 498, 544, 548, 551, 552, 553–54, 556, 569 Kistiakowsky, George, 604 Kitt, Eartha, 487 Kleindienst, Richard, 544, 547, 548 Knights of Labor, 251, 267–68, 269, 273, 274, 279, 285, 289, 307 Knox, Henry, 81, 95, 126 Kolchin, Peter, 199 Kolko, Gabriel, 350, 413 Koning, Hans, 17–18 Korea/Korean war, 428, 429, 647, 652, 685 Kornbluh, Joyce, 332 Kovic, Ron, 496–97, 619, 621 Kozol, Jonathan, 539 Kristol, Irving, 435 Kropotkin, Peter, 271 Krushchev, Nikita, 592 Ku Klux Klan, 203, 382, 432, 452, 636 Kurds, 656 Kuwait, 594–96, 598, 622, 627, 653 labor: blacks, 199, 203, 208, 209, 241, 274, 328, 337–38, 381, 404–05, 415, 466, 467 children, 43, 44, 49, 221, 230–31, 266, 267, 324, 335, 346–47, 403 Colonial era, 23, 25, 27–28, 29, 30, 32, 37, 42–47, 50, 53, 55, 56, 57, 62, 80, 104–05 Constitution, support for, 99 convicts, 209, 275, 292 Depression and unemployment, 386–95 passim factories and mills, 10, 111, 115, 116–17, 216, 221, 228–31, 239, 241, 243–44, 253, 300, 324–27, 334–39 passim, 346, 349, 381, 386, 387, 397 Fair Employment Practices Commission, 415 health and safety in working conditions, 230, 239, 241, 242, 246, 254, 255, 256, 278, 325, 326, 327, 338–39, 346 insurance and compensation, 349, 352–53 ILGWU, 326 immigrants, 49, 125, 216, 221, 225, 227–28, 230, 238, 244, 253, 254, 265–67, 307, 324 see also individual ethnic groups Independent Labor party, 272 Indians, 25, 29, 53 Knights of Labor, 251, 267–68, 269, 273, 274, 279, 285, 289, 306 minimum-wage (1938), 403 National Labor Relations Board, 401, 402, 574 1980s and 1990s, 617 organization (unions, strikes): 19th century, 218–19, 221, 222, 223, 225–51 passim, 260, 265, 267–83, 293, 310; 20th century, 324, 326, 330, 334–39 passim, 346–47, 354, 377–82, 386, 392, 397, 399–402 passim, 406, 407, 415, 416, 417–18, 575, 578, 668–74 socialism and, 244–45, 249, 268–73, 278, 281, 282, 307–08, 336, 339–40, 382, 385, 406, 547 Spanish American war and, 317 Wagner Act, 395, 401 women, 10, 32, 43, 44, 103, 104–05, 110, 111, 114–15, 123, 228–31, 234–35, 240–41, 253, 257, 267–68, 324–27 passim, 336, 338–39, 347, 405–06, 504, 506–11 passim Workingmen’s party, 244–45, 248–49 see also American Federation of Labor; Congress of Industrial Organizations; farming; Industrial Workers of the World; slavery Lafeber, Walter, 301, 304 La Follette, Robert, 353 LaGuardia, Fiorello, 384, 385, 388, 684 LaMonte, Robert, 354 Land, Aubrey, 57 land: Bacon’s Rebellion, 37, 39–42, 45, 54, 55, 59 blacks and post-Civil War problems, 197–98, 199 “eminent domain” favoring business, 239 Homestead Acts, 206, 238, 282 Indians, 13, 20, 86–88, 128 Indian Removal and treaties, 126–28, 295, 526, 529 private property, Colonial era, 13, 17, 47, 48, 49, 54, 84, 85; in Europe, 16, 27, 74; law’s regard for, 260–62; as qualification for voting, 49, 65, 83, 96, 214–16, 291; after Revolutionary War, 84, 85, 86–87, 99, 126; tenants and rebellions, 47, 62–65, 84, 85–86, 91–95, 98, 211, 212–14 Proclamation of 1763, 59, 71, 87 railroads acquisition of, 220, 238, 239, 283 territorial expansion, 9, 87–88, 111, 124, 685: Florida, 129; Louisiana Purchase, 126, 149; Mexico/Mexican war, 10, 149–69 passim, 181, 297, 408, 411, 492; overseas, 297–300; see also Spanish-American war see also farming Laos, 472, 473, 481–83, 484, 556 las Casas, Bartolomé de, 5–7 Latin America, 53, 299, 408 Alliance for Progress, 438 Good Neighbor Policy, 439 Monroe Doctrine, 297, 408 Organization of American States, 440 slavery, 25, 32, 173 see also Indians, Central and South American Latinos, 615–16 Lattimore, Owen, 432, 436 Lease, Mary Ellen, 288 Lebanon, 439, 586, 595 Lee, Richard, 42 Lee, Richard Henry, 81 Lee, Robert E., 185, 192, 195 Lehman, John, 597 Lehrmann, Leonard, 628 Leisler, Benjamin, 48 Lekachman, Robert, 571 Lemon, James T., 50 Lenin, V.

 

pages: 494 words: 28,046

Empire by Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri

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Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, discovery of the americas, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global village, Haight Ashbury, informal economy, invention of the printing press, invisible hand, labour mobility, late capitalism, low skilled workers, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, New Urbanism, open borders, Peace of Westphalia, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, Scramble for Africa, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, urban planning, William of Occam

In particular, the position of black labor in the United States strongly paralleled the position of colonial labor in European regimes in terms of the division of labor, working conditions, and wage structure. Indeed, the super-exploitation of black labor gives us one example, an internal example, of the imperialist tendency that has run throughout U.S. history. A second example of this imperialist tendency, an external example, can be seen in the history of the Monroe Doctrine and the U.S. efforts to exert control over the Americas. The doctrine, announced by President James Monroe in 1823, was presented first and foremost as a defensive measure against European colonialism: the free and independent American continents ‘‘are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by a European power.’’ 24 The United States assumed the role of protector of all the nations of the Americans against European aggression, a role that was eventually made explicit with the Theodore Roosevelt corollary to the doctrine, claiming for the United States ‘‘an international police power.’’

See Antonio Negri, ‘‘Keynes and the Capitalist Theory of the State,’’ in Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Labor of Dionysus (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), pp. 23–51. 24. The effects of Monroe’s original declaration were ambiguous at best, and Ernst May has argued that the doctrine was born as much from domestic political pressures as international issues; see The Making of the Monroe Doctrine (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1975). The doctrine only really became an effective foreign policy with Theodore Roosevelt’s imperialist campaigns, and particularly with the project to build the Panama Canal. 25. For the long history of U.S. military interventions in Latin America and particularly in Central America, see Ivan Musicant, The Banana Wars: A History of United States Military Intervention in Latin America (New York: Macmillan, 1990); Noam Chomsky, Turning the Tide: U.S.

See also general intellect; subsumption, formal and real; Vogelfrei Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels, 63–65, 226, 304 mass intellectuality, 29, 410 measure of value, 86, 354–359, 392 media, the, 311–312, 322–323 Melville, Herman, 203–204 militant, the, 411–413 miscegenation, 362–364 mobility of populations, 213, 253, 275, 344: and suffering, 154–155; right to, 396–400 modernity, 46–47, 69–74; as crisis, 74–78, 90, 109; postmodernist critique of, 140–143, 155 modernization, 249–251, 280–281, 284–286 money, 346–347 Monroe Doctrine, 177–178 Montesquieu, 20–21, 371–372 More, Thomas, 73 Morris, William, 50 Moulier Boutang, Yann, 123–124 multitude, 60–66, 73–74, 90, 161, 164, 353; negated by modern sovereignty, 79, 82, 87, 97; in contrast to the people, 103, 113, 194–195, 316, 344; powers of, 209–218, 357–363; imperial corruption of, 391–392; rights of, 396–407 Musil, Robert, 69–70, 284–285, 289 naked life, 204, 366 nation, modern concept of, 93–105 nationalism, struggles against, 42–43.

 

pages: 489 words: 111,305

How the World Works by Noam Chomsky, Arthur Naiman, David Barsamian

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, capital controls, clean water, corporate governance, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, glass ceiling, Howard Zinn, income inequality, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, labour market flexibility, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, transfer pricing, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor

Kennan went on to explain the means we have to use against our enemies who fall prey to this heresy: The final answer might be an unpleasant one, but…we should not hesitate before police repression by the local government. This is not shameful since the Communists are essentially traitors....It is better to have a strong regime in power than a liberal government if it is indulgent and relaxed and penetrated by Communists. Policies like these didn’t begin with postwar liberals like Kennan. As Woodrow Wilson’s Secretary of State had already pointed out 30 years earlier, the operative meaning of the Monroe Doctrine is that “the United States considers its own interests. The integrity of other American nations is an incident, not an end.” Wilson, the great apostle of self-determination, agreed that the argument was “unanswerable,” though it would be “impolitic” to present it publicly. Wilson also acted on this thinking by, among other things, invading Haiti and the Dominican Republic, where his warriors murdered and destroyed, demolished the political system, left US corporations firmly in control, and set the stage for brutal and corrupt dictatorships.

See also Israel; Third World; specific countries The Nation and Chomsky’s views on oil reserves “peace process,” PLO threat used to justify US policies US intervention in military. See Pentagon; Pentagon system; weapons manufacturers military coups. See coups military-industrial complex Million Man March Mill, James Mill, John Stuart “miracles.” See economic “miracles” Miskito Indians MIT (Massachusetts Institute of Technology) Mobutu, Joseph Mokhiber, Russell Mondale, Walter Mondragon money laundering Monroe Doctrine Montgomery, David Moorehouse, Ward Moore, Michael moratorium, debt Morgan (Mohammed Hersi) Moynihan, Daniel multinational corporations. See corporations Multinational Monitor Murdoch, Rupert Muslims myths Friedman’s hard times are here Third World debt Nader, Ralph NAFTA beneficiaries of Clinton and criticism of critics of effects of Gore-Perot debate on as “investor rights agreement,” Mexican opposition to purpose of reporting lacking until passed US opposition to US violation of as world government institution Naiman, Arthur Namibia “narcissism of small differences,” Nash, Nathaniel Nassar, Gamal Abd al- Nation National Association of Manufacturers National Bureau of Standards and Technology national debt National Defense Highway System National Guard (Nicaragua) nationalism economic as threat to new world order National Public Radio (NPR) access to ADM as sponsor of Chomsky’s appearance on political leanings of National Security Council (NSC) Italian election undermined by Martin Indyk appointment to memorandum 1 (1948) memorandum 68 (1950) National Security Policy Review leak “nation building,” Nation, The native population (of Western Hemisphere).

 

pages: 302 words: 82,233

Beautiful security by Andy Oram, John Viega

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Albert Einstein, Amazon Web Services, business intelligence, business process, call centre, cloud computing, corporate governance, credit crunch, crowdsourcing, defense in depth, en.wikipedia.org, fault tolerance, Firefox, loose coupling, market design, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, Nicholas Carr, Nick Leeson, Norbert Wiener, optical character recognition, packet switching, performance metric, pirate software, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, security theater, SETI@home, Silicon Valley, Skype, software as a service, statistical model, Steven Levy, The Wisdom of Crowds, Upton Sinclair, web application, web of trust, x509 certificate, zero day, Zimmermann PGP

It naturally follows, however, that without a broad federal doctrine and associated strategy on cyber security, development of a culture of security can be tremendously difficult. Consistent with this view, Commission members appeared before the House Homeland Cybersecurity Subcommittee in a September 2008 hearing. The members testified that the U.S. lacks a coherent and actionable national strategy for addressing the daunting challenges of securing cyberspace. The U.S. has had various doctrines at different times in history. In the early 1800s, the Monroe Doctrine articulated a policy on political development in the rest of the Americas and the role of Europe in the Western Hemisphere. The three main concepts of (1) separate spheres of influence for the Americas and Europe, (2) noncolonization, and (3) nonintervention were meant to show a clear break between the diplomatic approach of the new United States and the autocratic realm of Europe. Following World War II, the Truman Doctrine established a policy that drove diplomatic endeavors of the United States for several decades.

Brazos, 206 Gutmann, Peter, 117 H handshakes, 28 Hannaford Brothers security breach, 67, 68, 211 hash algorithms data translucency and, 241 LAN Manager, 4 SET procedure, 78 INDEX 273 Windows NT, 5 Hasselbacher, Kyle, 127 health care field infosecurity and, 208 security metrics, 34–38 Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA), 80, 214 hierarchical trust cumulative trust comparison, 110 defined, 109 HijackThis change tracker, 92 HIPAA (Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act), 80, 214 HIPS (Host-based Intrusion Prevention Systems), 253 Holz, Thorsten, 145 Homeland Security, Department of, 36 honeyclients defined, 133 future of, 146 implementation limitations, 143 open source, 133–135 operational results, 139–140 operational steps, 134, 137 related work, 144–145 second-generation, 135–138 storing and correlating data, 140 honeymonkeys, 144 Honeynet Project, 138, 145 honeypot systems defined, 133 proliferation of malware, 252 Honeywall, 138 host logging, 232–237 Host-based Intrusion Prevention Systems (HIPS), 253 hostile environments confirmation traps and, 10 specialization in, 249 hotspot services, 22 House Committee on Homeland Security, 201 Howard, Michael, 195 HTTPS protocol, 66 Hubbard, Dan, 144 Hula Direct ad broker, 98, 99 I IBM, social networking and, 159 IDEA (International Data Encryption Algorithm), 117, 118 iDefense Labs, 59, 156 identity certificates, 111 identity management services, 154 identity theft devaluing credit card information, 71 274 INDEX wireless networking, 23–25 IDS (intrusion detection system) building a resilient model, 233–237 challenges detecting botnets, 231 false positives, 217 functionality, 226 honeyclient support, 133, 144 host logging, 232–237 host-based, 253 improving detection with context, 228–231 limitations, 227, 229 log handling considerations, 218 Iframedollars.biz, 132 incident detection, 233 (see also malicious attacks) building a resilient model, 233–237 host logging and, 232–237 improving with context, 228–231 percentage identified, 226, 227 SQL Slammer worm, 225 InCtrl change tracker, 92 information dealers defined, 64 IRC data exchange, 67 malware producers and, 64 sources of information, 68 information security as long tail market, 165–167 balance in, 202–207 basic concepts, 200 cloud computing, 150–154 communication considerations, 207–211 connecting people and processes, 154–158 doing the right thing, 211–212 historical review, 248–251 host logging, 232 need for new strategies, 247 organizational culture, 200–202 overview, 147–150 September 11, 2001 and, 249 social networking and, 158–162 strict scrutiny, 252–254 suggested practices, 257 supercrunching, 153, 162–164 taking a security history, 44–46 web services, 150–154 Information Security Economics, 162–164 Information Security Group, 168 injected iFrames, 69 International Data Encryption Algorithm (IDEA), 117, 118 International Tariff on Arms Regulations (ITAR), 3 Internet Explorer exploit-based installs and, 92 open source honeyclients, 134 recent vulnerabilities, 131 Internet Relay Chat (see IRC) intranets, security flaws, 25 introducers in PGP, 113 (see also certificate authorities) defined, 109, 112 extended, 123 Web of Trust process, 113 intrusion detection system (see IDS) investment metrics, 47 IRC (Internet Relay Chat) botnet communication, 66 cyber underground communication, 65, 67 ISO 2700x standard, 214 ISPs, costs versus profits, 16–17 ITAR (International Tariff on Arms Regulations), 3 ITIL regulation, 214 iTunes, 165 J J/Secure, 76 JCB International, 76 Jericho Forum, 156 Jerusalem virus, 248 K Kaminsky, Dan, 161 KBA (knowledge-based authentication), 68 key loggers as information source, 68 specialization in, 249 key signatures bloat and harassment, 124 certificate support, 111 exportable, 125 freshness considerations, 122 in-certificate preferences, 126 Web of Trust, 113, 115, 120 keyrings, 112 keys (see certificates; public key cryptography) keyservers defined, 112 key-editing policies, 126 PGP Global Directory, 127 Klez virus, 248 knowledge-based authentication (KBA), 68 Kovah, Xeno, 138 L L0phtCrack government interest in, 13 learned helplessness example, 3–6 Lai, Xuejia, 117 LAN Manager, 4 Lancaster, Branko, 117 Langevin, Jim, 201 LANs, physical security inherent in, 28 Lansky, Jared, 90–92 learned helplessness backward compatibility and, 2 defined, 2, 7 L0phtCrack example, 3–6 overview, 2–7 Leeson, Nick, 38–49 legacy systems backward compatibility, 7 e-commerce security and, 74 end-of-life upgrades, 2, 7 password security and, 4–6 legal considerations balance in information security, 202–207 communication and information security, 207– 211 doing the right thing, 211–212 information security concepts, 200 log handling, 223 organizational culture, 200–202 value of logs, 214 Levy, Steven, 119 LinkShare affiliate network, 102 Linux systems, 221 log management tools, 222–223 log messages, 215 logs case study, 218–221 challenges with, 216–218 classifying, 214 database, 221 defined, 215 email tracking, 221 future possibilities, 221–223 host logging, 232–237 incident detection and, 226, 228 regulatory compliance and, 214 universal standard considerations, 217 usefulness of, 153, 214, 215 long straddle trading strategy, 40 Lucent (see Bell Labs) Lynch, Aidan, 144 M machine learning, 254 malicious attacks, 228 (see also cyber underground; incident detection) attack indicators, 233–237 Blaster, 248 INDEX 275 Code Red, 248 confirmation traps, 10 directionality of, 227 energy companies vulnerabilities, 18 identity theft, 22–28 Jerusalem, 248 Klez, 248 Melissa, 248 Michelangelo, 248 Morris, 248 MyDoom, 248 Nimda, 248 Pakistani Flu, 248 Slammer, 248 Snort signatures, 228 Sober, 248 Sobig, 248 SQL Slammer worm, 225–227, 229 Symantec reports on, 229 VBS/Loveletter—“I Love you”, 248 W32.Gaobot worm, 229 malvertisements, 92–94 malware anti-virus software and, 251 as cyber attack method, 69 banking trojans, 141, 249 client-side exploitation, 15, 132, 141–143 common distribution methods, 69 current market values, 67 directionality of attacks, 227 gaming trojans, 141, 249 historical review, 248–249 polymorphic, 70 production cycle, 64 streamlining identification of, 254 targeted advertising, 250 testing, 65 zero-day exploits, 252 malware producers defined, 64 information dealers and, 64 polymorphic malware, 70 testing code, 65 man-in-the-middle attacks, 25 manual penetration testing, 190 Massey, James, 117 MasterCard 3-D Secure protocol, 76 SET protocol, 78 Maurer, Ueli, 128 MBNA, 79 McAfee online safety survey, 187 SiteAdvisor, 97 vulnerability management, 152 276 INDEX McBurnett, Neal, 128 McCabe, Jim, 178, 179 McCaul, Mike, 201 McDougle, John, 178 McGraw, Gary, 186 McManus, John, 171–182 Mean Time Between Security Incidents (MTBSI), 48 Mean Time to Repair (MTTR), 58 Mean Time to Repair Security Incidents (MTTRSI), 48 Media Guard product, 94 medical field infosecurity and, 208 security metrics, 34–38 Melissa virus, 248 Merchant Server Plug-in (MPI), 77 meta-introducers, 123 metrician, 34 metrics Barings Bank security breach, 38–49 coverage, 46 for data responsibility, 72 health care field, 34–38 investment, 47 measuring ROI, 163 scan coverage, 58 software development lifecycle and, 172–174, 189 TJX security breach, 49–59 treatment effect, 48 MetricsCenter technology, 45 MetricsCenter.org, 54 Michelangelo virus, 248 microchunking, 166 Microsoft, 134 (see also Internet Explorer) Authenticode, 110 Azure cloud operating system, 152 Commission on Cyber Security, 201 CPC advertising, 100 hierarchical trust, 110 honeymonkeys, 144 L0phtCrack example, 3–6 security controls in SDLC, 194 SQL Server, 225 supporting legacy systems, 7 testing approach, 10 Unix systems and, 8 MITRE Corporation, 135, 222 money, 44, 70, 141 (see also financial institutions; PCI) Monroe Doctrine, 201 Morris virus, 248 mothership systems, 230 Motorola Corporation, 31 Mozilla Firefox honeyclient support, 140, 145 malware exploits and, 141 MPI (Merchant Server Plug-in), 77 MTBSI (Mean Time Between Security Incidents), 48 MTTR (Mean Time to Repair), 58 MTTRSI (Mean Time to Repair Security Incidents), 48 Murray, Daragh, 144 MyDoom virus, 248 MySpace social network, 159 N naïveté client counterpart of, 8–9 learned helplessness and, 2–7 NASA background, 171 perception of closed systems, 172 software development lifecycle, 172–174, 178– 181 National Institute for Standards, 159 National Office for Cyberspace (NOC), 201, 202 Nazario, Jose, 145 newsgroups, 250 Nichols, Elizabeth, 33–61 Nichols, Elizabeth A., 30 Nimda virus, 248 NOC (National Office for Cyberspace), 201, 202 NTLM authentication, 6 O OCC, 191 off-the-shelf software (see software acquisition) Office Max, 50 online advertising advertisers as victims, 98–105 attacks on users, 89–98 CPA advertising, 102–103 CPC advertising, 100–101 CPM advertising, 100–103 creating accountability, 105 deceptive ads, 94–98 exploit-laden banner ads, 89–92 false impressions, 98–99 fighting fraud, 103–104 malvertisements, 92–94 special procurement challenges, 104 targeted, 250 online advertising, targeted, 249 online forums, 250 Open Security Foundation, 55 open source honeyclients, 133–135 Open Web Application Security Project (see OWASP) OpenID identity management, 154 OpenPGP standard/protocol background, 108 certification support, 111, 112 designated revokers, 122 direct trust, 109 exportable signatures, 125 extended introducers, 123 in-certificate preferences, 126 key support, 112 key-editing policies, 126 revoking certificates, 122 OpenSocial API, 159 operating systems, host logging, 232, 236 OptOut spyware removal tool, 251 Orange Book, 213 organizational culture, 200–202 outsourcing extending security initiative to, 190 trends in, 154 vulnerability research, 156 OWASP (Open Web Application Security Project) background, 159 CLASP methodology, 187 Top 10 list, 187 P P2P (peer-to-peer) networks botnet communication, 66 honeyclient considerations, 146 packet sniffers, 92 packets handshake, 28 SQL Slammer worm, 227 Pakistani Flu virus, 248 PAN (Primary Account Number), 77 Panda Labs, 69 PAR (Payer Authentication Request), 77 PARAM tag, 94 passive sniffing, 9 passphrases, 29 password grinding, 28 password-cracking tools L0phtCrack example, 3–6 passphrases and, 29 passwords authentication security, 7 identity theft and, 24 NTLM authentication and, 6 PATHSERVER, 129 Payer Authentication Request (PAR), 77 Payment Card Industry (see PCI) INDEX 277 PayPal, 79 PCI (Payment Card Industry) Data Security Standard, 75, 82, 159, 211, 214, 237 protecting credit card data, 44 peer-to-peer networks (see P2P networks) PEM (Privacy Enhanced Mail), 117 perma-vendors, 156 Personally Identifiable Information (PII), 180 Pezzonavante honeyclient, 144 PGP (Pretty Good Privacy), 111 (see also Web of Trust) background, 107, 108, 116 backward compatibility issues, 117 Crypto Wars, 118 designated revokers, 122 encryption support, 107, 116–120 key validity, 108 patent and export problems, 117 source download, 116 trust models, 109–116 trust relationships, 108 PGP Corporation, 108 PGP Global Directory, 127 pharmware, 68 phishing 3-D Secure protocol, 77 as information source, 68 botnet support, 66 challenges detecting, 231 spam and, 70 specialization in, 249 PhoneyC website, 145 PII (Personally Identifiable Information), 180 Piper, Fred, 168 PKI (Public Key Infrastructure) authoritative keys, 123 defined, 111 DSG support, 203 revoking certificates, 120 SET considerations, 79 PlexLogic, 45 Plumb, Colin, 119 port scanning, 231 pragmatic security, 200, 209 Pre-Shared Key (PSK), 28 Pretty Good Privacy (see PGP) Price, Will, 127 Primary Account Number (PAN), 77 Privacy Enhanced Mail (PEM), 117 proof-of-concept project, 191–193 Provos, Niels, 145 PSK (Pre-Shared Key), 28 psychological traps confirmation traps, 10–14 278 INDEX functional fixation, 14–20 learned helplessness, 2 public key cryptography cumulative trust systems, 111 key revocation, 121 PGP support, 107 RSA algorithm, 117 SET support, 78 steganographic applications, 245 validity, 108 Public Key Infrastructure (see PKI) Public Key Partners, 118 put options, 39 Q Qualys vulnerability management, 151 R Raduege, Harry, 201 Regular, Bob, 90 regulatory compliance (see legal considerations) Reiter, Mark, 129 Reliable Software Technologies, 171, 173 reputation economy, 167 resource dealers, 64 Return on Investment (ROI), 163, 205–207 Return on Security Investment (ROSI), 206 Returnil, 254, 255, 256, 257 revoking certificates, 120–122 RFC 1991, 108, 119 RFC 3156, 108 RFC 4880, 108 Right Media, 94 ROI (Return on Investment), 163, 205–207 root certificates defined, 109 direct trust, 110 rootkits example investigating, 220 Rustock.C, 252 specialization in, 249 ROSI (Return on Security Investment), 206 routers DDoS attacks on, 16 host logging, 232 watch lists, 231 Routh, Jim, 183–197 RSA Data Security Incorporated, 117 RSA public-key algorithm, 117 RSAREF library, 117 Rustock.C rootkit, 252 S Sabett, Randy V., 199–212 sandboxing functionality, 254 HIPS support, 253 need for new strategies, 248 Santa Fe Group, 44 Sarbanes-Oxley Act (SOX), 80, 214 SCADA systems, 18 Schoen, Seth, 127 SDLC (see software development lifecycle) Second Life virtual world, 159 Secret Service Shadowcrew network and, 65 TJX security breach and, 50 Secunia, 156 Secure Electronic Transaction (see SET) security breaches attorney involvement in investigating, 211 Barings Bank, 38–49 California data privacy law, 203–205 cyber underground and, 63–72 databases and, 239 impact of, 208 logs in investigating, 218–221 public data sources, 59 tiger team responses, 210–211 TJX, 49–59 security certificates defined, 22 encryption and, 22, 24 fundamental flaw, 25 paying attention to, 26 wireless access points, 26, 27 Security Event Managers (SEMs), 153 security metrics (see metrics) Security Metrics Catalog project, 54 security traps (see psychological traps) SecurityFocus database, 132 SecurityMetrics.org, 54 SEI (Software Engineering Institute), 176 Seifert, Christian, 138, 145 self-signed certificates, 109 SEMs (Security Event Managers), 153 separation of duties, 39 September 11, 2001, 249 server applications, host logging, 232 Service Set Identifier (SSID), 52 service-oriented architecture (SOA), 150 SET (Secure Electronic Transaction) background, 78 evaluation of, 79 protections supported, 78 transaction process, 79 SHA256 hash algorithm, 241 Shadowcrew network, 65 short straddle trading strategy, 39, 40 signature harassment, 125 Sinclair, Upton, 149 Skinner, B.

 

pages: 476 words: 144,288

1946: The Making of the Modern World by Victor Sebestyen

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, Etonian, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, illegal immigration, imperial preference, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, operation paperclip

He would point out that when the US and the UK had signed the Atlantic Charter, earlier in the war, which contained a sweeping statement about the freedom of people to choose the form of government they wished, Churchill had insisted on an assurance that the Charter would not apply to any of the colonies in the British Empire, including India, where a popular independence movement had long been campaigning for freedom. The Monroe Doctrine gave the US a self-appointed right to stop others interfering anywhere in the Americas – and the Americans permitted nobody else any say in the future of Japan. From Stalin’s point of view the other Allies had limited rights to interfere in Poland, a country so clearly important to the USSR. Averell Harriman, who had met Stalin many times when he was US Ambassador to Moscow, was right when he told Truman that the Soviet leader could not grasp that others believed firmly in their own ideology too.

P. ref1 Metaxas, Ioannis ref1, ref2, ref3 Michael, King ref1 Mikołajczyk, Stanisław ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Mikoyan, Anastas ref1 Ministry of Food ref1 Misaka, Prince ref1 Missouri, USS ref1 Mitford, Nancy ref1, ref2, ref3 Mitsubishi ref1 Modern Times ref1 Molotov, Vyacheslav ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7 and Greece ref1 humiliation of by Stalin ref1 and Poland ref1, ref2, ref3 on Stalin ref1 and Turkey ref1, ref2 view of by Churchill ref1 Monopol-Grimberg mine accident (Germany) ref1 Monroe Doctrine ref1 Montand, Yves ref1 Montgomery, Field Marshal Bernard ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8, ref9 Moon, Major Arthur ref1 Moon, Sir Penderel ref1 Morgan, Lieutenant-General Sir Frederick ref1 Morgenthau, Henry ref1, ref2 Morrison, Herbert ref1, ref2 Mountbatten, Edwina ref1 Mountbatten, Lord Louis ref1, ref2 Mournier, Emmanuel ref1 Moyne, Lord (Walter Guinness) ref1 Munich ref1 Munich Conference (1938) ref1 Murdoch, Iris ref1 Murphy, Robert ref1, ref2 Murray, Wallace ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Muslim League ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Nagasaki ref1, ref2 Naidu, Padmaja ref1 al-Nashashibi, Ragheb ref1 National Liberation Front see EAM National Republican League (EDES) ref1 Nazis ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8, ref9, ref10, ref11, ref12, ref13, ref14, ref15, ref16, ref17, ref18, ref19, ref20 see also de-Nazification Nehru, Jawaharlal ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Neumann, Gunther ref1 New Statesman ref1 Nicolson, Harold ref1 NKVD ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Nobusuke, Kishi ref1 Novikov, Air Marshal Aleksandr ref1 Nowakowski, Tadeusz Camp of All Saints ref1 nuclear weapons see atomic bomb Nuremberg trials (1946) ref1, ref2 Odrodzenie (magazine) ref1 OGPI ref1 Okulicki, General Leopold ref1 O’Neill, Con ref1 Operation Paperclip ref1 Operation Pincher ref1 opium trade (China) ref1 Oppenheimer, J.

 

pages: 497 words: 144,283

Connectography: Mapping the Future of Global Civilization by Parag Khanna

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1919 Motor Transport Corps convoy, 2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, 3D printing, 9 dash line, additive manufacturing, Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Airbnb, Albert Einstein, amateurs talk tactics, professionals talk logistics, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Asian financial crisis, asset allocation, autonomous vehicles, banking crisis, Basel III, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, Black Swan, blockchain, borderless world, Boycotts of Israel, Branko Milanovic, BRICs, British Empire, business intelligence, call centre, capital controls, charter city, clean water, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, complexity theory, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, crony capitalism, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, cuban missile crisis, data is the new oil, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, Deng Xiaoping, Detroit bankruptcy, diversification, Doha Development Round, edge city, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, energy security, ethereum blockchain, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, family office, Ferguson, Missouri, financial innovation, financial repression, forward guidance, global supply chain, global value chain, global village, Google Earth, Hernando de Soto, high net worth, Hyperloop, ice-free Arctic, if you build it, they will come, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, informal economy, Infrastructure as a Service, interest rate swap, Internet of things, Isaac Newton, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, John von Neumann, Julian Assange, Just-in-time delivery, Kevin Kelly, Khyber Pass, Kibera, Kickstarter, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, LNG terminal, low cost carrier, manufacturing employment, mass affluent, megacity, Mercator projection, microcredit, mittelstand, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, New Economic Geography, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, oil rush, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, openstreetmap, out of africa, Panamax, Peace of Westphalia, peak oil, Peter Thiel, Plutocrats, plutocrats, post-oil, post-Panamax, private military company, purchasing power parity, QWERTY keyboard, race to the bottom, Rana Plaza, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Scramble for Africa, Second Machine Age, sharing economy, Shenzhen was a fishing village, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, six sigma, Skype, smart cities, Smart Cities: Big Data, Civic Hackers, and the Quest for a New Utopia, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, spice trade, Stuxnet, supply-chain management, sustainable-tourism, TaskRabbit, telepresence, the built environment, Tim Cook: Apple, trade route, transaction costs, UNCLOS, uranium enrichment, urban planning, urban sprawl, WikiLeaks, young professional, zero day

The great British historian Arnold Toynbee argued against the setting of arbitrary borders in such a system, writing, “The erection of a limes [boundary] sets in motion a play of social forces which is bound to end disastrously for the builders….Whatever the imperial government may decide, the interests of traders, pioneers, adventurers, and so forth will inevitably draw them beyond the frontier.”1 Maps 13 and 30, corresponding to this chapter, appear in the map insert. Connectivity has mattered as much as geography in imperial rise and decline. From the Monroe Doctrine to the Spanish-American War, the United States in the nineteenth century muscled European powers out of the Caribbean basin and Pacific islands in favor of American commercial dominance. Topographical engineering was the complementary strategy on terra firma: surveying terrain, making maps, and plotting the necessary infrastructures to extend influence into the unknown. In 1803, Thomas Jefferson established the Corps of Discovery to study the geography of the Louisiana Purchase and reach the Pacific Ocean.

China’s now infamous “9-dash line” map—most recently issued with ten dashed lines—depicts sovereign claims hanging downward like a tongue along the Vietnamese coast, along Borneo island, and past the Philippines to Taiwan. It would be like America claiming the entire Caribbean to Venezuela’s coast as its own—which was indeed the gist of the early twentieth-century Roosevelt corollary to the Monroe Doctrine. But China’s aggressive maps and aerial defense identification zones are meant not to deny others’ usage of the South China Sea but rather to position itself to better harvest as much as possible of the estimated thirty trillion cubic meters of natural gas and ten billion barrels of oil deposited under disputed waters. China’s “use it or lose it” approach also involves installing brick-and-mortar airstrips, lighthouses, garrisons, signals stations, and administrative centers on neglected or abandoned islands in the Spratly and Paracel chains.*3 Fiery Cross Reef in the Spratly Islands has become the epicenter of what some call an “island factory” where large-scale sand dredging and land reclamation are used to build up and connect separate shoals into larger islands.

 

Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap Between Latin America and the United States by Francis Fukuyama

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Andrei Shleifer, Atahualpa, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business climate, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, crony capitalism, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, income per capita, labour market flexibility, land reform, land tenure, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, New Urbanism, oil shock, open economy, purchasing power parity, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, transaction costs, upwardly mobile, Washington Consensus

When Mexican independence was achieved and ties with Spain were broken, the United States recognized the new nation and designated its first ambassador, Joel R. Poinsett. Poinsett’s assignment explicitly focused on modifying the border treaty with Spain (and, therefore, with New Spain, i.e., Mexico) through the purchase—or eventual annexation—of bordering territories. His appointment also coincided with the declaration of the Monroe Doctrine (1823) prohibiting any European meddling in the Americas. In those enthusiastic early days of the Mexican republic, few foresaw that a defensive doctrine would transform itself, within a few years, into the aggressive and expansionist concept of “Manifest Destiny” (1839), according to which the historical plan of the United States was to expand its frontiers and its civilization all the way to Patagonia.

., 246–247 McLane-Ocampo Treaty, 53 Mejía, Hipólito, 119 Menem, Carlos, 206, 212–213 Merkel, Angela, 210 Mesoamerica, 269 Mexican Revolution, 69 Mexico agrarian reforms in, 82 anti-Yankeeism in, 59 conditional cash transfer programs, 291–292 Conservative Party of, 51 constitution of, 28–29, 50 economy of from 1950 to 1970, 78–81 state-owned enterprises, 80 state’s role in, 79–80 trade liberalization effects on, 93–94 educational reforms in, 287, 291 electoral reform in, 285 exports by, from 1950 to 1960, 79, 81 Federal Electoral Institute, 286 foreign investment in, 54 Fox administration, 63–64, 208 gas imports by, 68 hatred of United States by, 67 immigration to United States, 48–49, 64, 68 independence effects on per capita income in, 108t industrialization process and growth in, 78–79 institutional reform in, 216 land ownership rates in, 82 liberals in, 52–53 nationalism in, 58–59, 61–62, 68 Partido Acción Nacional, 208 per capita gross domestic product of, 73–74, 77, 164t per capita income in, 103t, 106 poverty in, 66–67 PRI, 140, 208, 286 radical populist labor in, 139 revolutionary movement in, 28 Salinas de Gortari administration, 62 secondary education statistics, 83 teacher salaries in, 83–84 Texas war of separation from, 51–52 trade liberalization program in, 93–94 United States and border between, 66–67 distant reconciliation of, 62–70 framing of relationship between, 64–67 future of relations between, 67 historical and cultural roots of gap between, 49–70 Index 307 Mexico (continued) income inequalities, 74 U.S. authors writing books about Mexico, 69 U.S. films about Mexico, 68–69 War of Independence, 50 War of the Reform, 52–53 Zedillo administration, 63 Michels, Robert, 186 Military coups, 88–89, 121 Military regimes in Argentina, 88, 90, 144 in Brazil, 87, 144 in Chile, 144 description of, 88, 90, 124 in Peru, 90 Mitre, Bartolomé, 25 Monroe, James, 12 Monroe Doctrine, 50 Morelos, José María, 50 Morrow, Dwight D., 59 Mortality rates, 176 Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario, 185, 187 Muñoz, Oscar, 79 NAFTA. See North American Free Trade Agreement Napoleon III, 53 National emergency tax, 237 Nationalism, 58–59, 61–62, 68 Neo-English America, 23 Neo-Europes, 173 Neo-Ibero-America, 16, 23 Neo-institutionalist proposition, 118 Neoliberal restructuring, 145–146 Nepomuceno, Juan, 50 New institutionalism, 99–100 New Zealand, 210–211 Nicaragua, 31, 73, 85, 108t North American Free Trade Agreement, 63, 66, 93, 283 Nuestra América, 25 Ocampo, Melchor, 53 Old World, 12 Operation Pan America, 39 Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 83–84, 113, 165 Organized labor, 137–138 308 Index Pacted transitions, 278 Palma, José Gabriel, 79 Panama, 108t Paraguay, 102, 108t Parliamentary systems, 199–200 Partido Acción Nacional, 208 Paz, Octavio, 49, 65 Peninsulares, 110 People’s Party, 137 Per capita gross domestic product of Argentina, 73, 78, 164t of Brazil, 73, 77–78, 164 of Chile, 73, 78, 164t of Colombia, 73, 85, 164t of Cuba, 164t growth of from 1870 to 1950, 72–73 from 1973 to 2000, 91 labor effects on, 137 of Mexico, 73–74, 77, 164t of Peru, 164t of South Korea, 73–74, 77–78 of Taiwan, 73–74, 77 of Venezuela, 164t Per capita income factors that affect, 165 independence effects on, 107 in Latin America vs.

 

pages: 516 words: 159,734

War Without Mercy: PACIFIC WAR by John Dower

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anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, British Empire, colonial rule, European colonialism, ghettoisation, labour mobility, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Scientific racism, South China Sea, Torches of Freedom, transcontinental railway

The commission was comprised of prominent civilians drawn from big business, politics, the academic world, and the diplomatic corps, and its “first” (and apparently last) report was published in English in July under the title “The American-British Challenge Directed Against Nippon.”71 After a brief introduction by foreign-policy adviser Arita Hachirō, which spoke of the need “to expose the outrageous words and actions of the enemy nations, words and actions which violate all the principles of justice and humanity,” the report launched into a detailed summary of the causes of the present conflict. The Greater East Asia War was described as “the counteroffensive of the Oriental races against Occidental aggression,” and the United States was depicted as having been Japan’s primary antagonist since the turn of the century, when it hypocritically demanded an open door in China while using the Monroe Doctrine to prohibit outsiders from interfering in the Americas. The decades that followed witnessed a steady increase in anti-Japanese sentiment and activity on the part of the Americans: attempts to neutralize Manchuria and gain U.S. railroad rights there after the Russo-Japanese War; criticism of Japan’s position in China at the peace conference at Versailles in 1919; pressure to force Great Britain to give up the Anglo-Japanese alliance in the early 1920s; the imposition of an unfavorable naval ratio at the 1921–22 Washington Conference; anti-Japanese immigration and commercial policies; support, along with Great Britain, of Chiang Kai-shek’s attack on Japan’s legitimate rights and interests in Manchuria and China, especially after the 1931 Manchurian Incident; and the ABCD (American, British, Chinese, Dutch) encirclement that began at the end of the 1930s, involving both economic strangulation and the strengthening of the Anglo-American military presence in Asia and the Pacific, most notably in Singapore and the Philippines.

By 1919, the Japanese appeared to have attained not merely equality but eminence on the global scene, sitting at the Paris Peace Conference as one of the Big Five victors after World War One and helping to reapportion the world. When the Japanese expanded onto continental Asia, their most cosmopolitan officials spoke of the need to emulate British colonial models. When they came under fire for accelerating their expansion in the 1920s and 1930s, they invoked the rhetoric of a “Monroe Doctrine for Asia.” They were patriots and nationalists, of course, and thus believed their country possessed unique virtues, but until late in the game they also believed themselves to be just good, practical imperialists, like their European and American teachers. These accomplishments naturally drew special attention and consideration to the Japanese from Europeans and Americans, even murmurs of admiration; but they did not bring them genuine respect.

 

pages: 214 words: 57,614

America at the Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and the Neoconservative Legacy by Francis Fukuyama

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affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cuban missile crisis, David Brooks, European colonialism, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Internet Archive, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, New Journalism, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, transaction costs, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

Germany and Japan were transformed into model democracies after 1945, but they started out as highly developed countries with strong states whose cores for the most part survived the war intact. They were, moreover, thoroughly defeated societies that had turned decisively against the political forces that led them to war. 25 Better comparators would have been America's experience in governing the Philippines, the many Caribbean and Latin American interventions under the Monroe Doctrine, or the intervention in Bosnia, where the U.S. record has been decidedly mixed. The United States ruled the Philippines for almost fifty years, yet the record of democracy after independence up to 1986 was shaky, and it remains one of the least successful ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) states in terms of economic development. The United States intervened repeatedly in Cuba, Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic, and Haiti and did not succeed in leaving behind strong institutions in any of these countries.

 

pages: 136 words: 42,864

The Cable by Gillian Cookson

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British Empire, cable laying ship, joint-stock company, Monroe Doctrine

These are advantages to rejoice in, and be thankful for … But let the praise be discriminating, and then it will be at once more sincere and more valuable. The critic also thought Americans were trying to take more than their share of credit for the success. ‘One might suppose, from the style and tone of the demonstrations in New York, that it was as thoroughly American as if it had been the out-growth of the Monroe doctrine.’ In fact, the United States’ involvement extended only to the fact that Field was an American citizen, and that some of the initial surveys had been carried out by the US Navy. ‘For the rest, it was done chiefly by British science and mechanical skill, British enterprise and British capital.’ This, though, is hardly a full story. The cable had been driven forward from the start by Americans, from the Canadian provinces and the United States.

 

Rethinking Camelot by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fear of failure, Howard Zinn, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, Ronald Reagan

Policy there, Haines explains, was designed “to develop larger and more efficient sources of supply for the American economy, as well as create expanded markets for U.S. exports and expanded opportunities for the investment of American capital,” a “neocolonial, neomercantilist policy” that permitted local development only “as long as it did not interfere with American profits and dominance.” The Monroe Doctrine was also effectively extended to the Middle East, where the huge oil resources, and crucially the enormous profits they generated, were to be controlled by the US and its British client, operating behind an “Arab Façade” of pliant family dictatorships. As explained by George Kennan and his State Department Policy Planning Staff, Africa was to be “exploited” for the reconstruction of Europe, while Southeast Asia would “fulfill its major function as a source of raw materials for Japan and Western Europe,” helping them to overcome the “dollar gap” so that they would be able to purchase US manufacturing exports and provide lucrative opportunities for US investors.

 

Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinians (Updated Edition) (South End Press Classics Series) by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, colonial rule, David Brooks, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Monroe Doctrine, New Journalism, random walk, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, the market place, Thomas L Friedman

One can’t predict exactly what the crisis will be far down the road, but that there will be one is a fairly safe prediction. That will continue to be the case as long as basic problems of the region are not addressed. Furthermore, the crises will be serious in what President Eisenhower called “the most strategically important area in the world.” In the early post-War years, the United States in effect extended the Monroe Doctrine to the Middle East, barring any interference apart from Britain, assumed to be a loyal dependency and quickly punished when it occasionally got out of hand (as in 1956). The strategic importance of the region lies primarily in its immense petroleum reserves and the global power accorded by control over them; and, crucially, from the huge profits that flow to the Anglo-American rulers, which have been of critical importance for their economies.

The political blocs have differed on West Bank Arab population concentrations, Labor being more concerned than Likud to exclude them from areas scheduled for Israeli takeover. Washington has favored Labor Party rejectionism, more rational than the Likud variety, which has no real provision for the population of the occupied territories except eventual “transfer” (expulsion). After the Gulf war, Europe accepted the U.S. position that the Monroe Doctrine effectively extends over the Middle East; Europeans would henceforth refrain from independent initiatives, limiting themselves to helping implement U.S. rejectionist doctrine, as Norway indeed did in 1993. The Soviet Union was gone from the scene, its remnants now loyal clients of Washington. The UN had become virtually a U.S. agency. Whatever space the superpower conflict had left for nonalignment was gone, and the catastrophe of capitalism that swept the traditional colonial domains of the West in the 1980s left the Third Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky Washington’s “Peace Process” 886 World mired in general despair, disciplined by forces of the managed market.

Other informed observers give still higher estimates of the decline.48 In short, the “peace process” follows a rule of very great generality: it Classics in Politics: The Fateful Triangle Noam Chomsky Washington’s “Peace Process” 928 serves the interests of its architects quite nicely while the interests of others are “an incident, not an end,” to borrow the thoughts of Woodrow Wilson and his Secretary of State on the real meaning of the Monroe Doctrine—to be kept secret, Wilson wisely decided.49 As for the “insignificant people,” the “peace process” has offered the U.S. and Israel new mechanisms to follow the advice of Moshe Dayan, one of the Labor leaders more sympathetic to the Palestinian plight, in the early days of the occupation: Israel should tell the Palestinian refugees in the territories that “we have no solution, you shall continue to live like dogs, and whoever wishes may leave, and we will see where this process leads.”

 

pages: 681 words: 214,967

A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Creation of the Modern Middle East by David Fromkin

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anti-communist, British Empire, colonial rule, Khartoum Gordon, Khyber Pass, Monroe Doctrine, trade route

In Constantinople, the band of Young Turk adventurers who had seized power and who ruled the empire as the Sultan's ministers, feared that their domains were in mortal danger and that the European predators were closing in for the kill. Only a short time before, the nations of Europe had divided up the African continent among themselves. Some of them were now hungry for new conquests. There were not many directions in which they could look. Much of the surface of the globe was already taken: a quarter by the British Empire and a sixth by the Russian Empire. The western hemisphere fell within the ambit of the Monroe Doctrine and thus was shielded by the United States. The Middle East was the only vulnerable region left. There were rumors of French ambitions in Syria; of Italian and Russian designs further north; and of rival Greek, Bulgarian, and Austrian claims to the west. Beyond the campfires, the C.U.P. leaders could sense the animals in the dark moving in for the attack. ii The C.U.P. leadership was convinced that its program of freeing the empire from European control—a program that British states-men, among others, either did not know about or did not under-stand—would precipitate the attack.

10 This represented yet a further enlargement of the vast section of the globe that Amery regarded as properly falling under British hegemony. Like Milner's other associates, his essential focus was on "the whole of the great semi-circle which runs from Cape Town to Cairo, thence through Palestine, Mesopotamia and Persia to India and so through Singapore to Australia and New Zealand." Within that area, he wrote to the Prime Minister of Australia in late 1917, "What we want ... is a British Monroe Doctrine which should keep that portion of the world free from future interference of ambitious powers . .. "/p> By June of 1918 Amery had come to feel (and to advise Lloyd George) that, if German expansion in Asia were not stopped, this "Southern British World" could not "go about its peaceful business without constant fear of German aggression." He wrote that "as soon as this 'little side show' in the West is over ... we shall have to take the war for the mastery of Asia in hand seriously."12 This harked back to his view that British foreign policy was flawed by giving Britain's interests in Europe priority over her interests elsewhere.

 

pages: 829 words: 186,976

The Signal and the Noise: Why So Many Predictions Fail-But Some Don't by Nate Silver

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airport security, availability heuristic, Benoit Mandelbrot, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, big-box store, Black Swan, Broken windows theory, Carmen Reinhart, Claude Shannon: information theory, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, complexity theory, computer age, correlation does not imply causation, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, diversification, Donald Trump, Edmond Halley, Edward Lorenz: Chaos theory, en.wikipedia.org, equity premium, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, fear of failure, Fellow of the Royal Society, Freestyle chess, fudge factor, George Akerlof, haute cuisine, Henri Poincaré, high batting average, housing crisis, income per capita, index fund, Internet Archive, invention of the printing press, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, John Nash: game theory, John von Neumann, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, locking in a profit, Loma Prieta earthquake, market bubble, Mikhail Gorbachev, Moneyball by Michael Lewis explains big data, Monroe Doctrine, mortgage debt, Nate Silver, new economy, Norbert Wiener, PageRank, pattern recognition, pets.com, prediction markets, Productivity paradox, random walk, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Rodney Brooks, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, savings glut, security theater, short selling, Skype, statistical model, Steven Pinker, The Great Moderation, The Market for Lemons, the scientific method, The Signal and the Noise by Nate Silver, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, too big to fail, transaction costs, transfer pricing, University of East Anglia, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, wikimedia commons

Schelling writes of our propensity to mistake the unfamiliar for the improbable: There is a tendency in our planning to confuse the unfamiliar with the improbable. The contingency we have not considered seriously looks strange; what looks strange is thought improbable; what is improbable need not be considered seriously. Because of the United States’ isolation from the European and Asian continents and the relatively good relations we have maintained with the rest of the Americas since the promulgation of the Monroe Doctrine, we have infrequently been the subject of foreign attack. The exceptions (September 11) and near-misses (the Cuban Missile Crisis) have therefore been exceptionally jarring to us. Before Pearl Harbor, the last foreign attack on American soil had been during the War of 1812.19 Americans just do not live among the ruins of wars past, as people in Europe and Asia have throughout their history.

., 396 Mercury, 374 Merrill Lynch, 353 metacognition, 273 methane, 374, 375 Met Office (UK), 394, 408 Mexico, 210, 215–16 Mexico City, 144 middle class, 189 Middle East, 398 Midway Islands, 413 Milledge, Lastings, 89 Millikan, Arikia, 334 mind blindness, 419 minor league system, 92–93 Mississippi, 109, 123–24 MIT, 384 MMR shots, 224 modeling for insights, 229 models: agent-based, 226, 227–29, 230 bugs in, 285–86 of CDO defaults, 13, 22, 26, 27, 29, 42, 45 for chess, 267 of climate system, 371, 380, 384–85, 401–6, 402 crudeness of, 7 of elections, 15 foxlike approach of, 68 FRED, 226 fundamentals-based, 68 language as, 230 naïve trust in, 11 overfitting in, 163–71, 166, 168–71, 185, 191, 452n, 478 for predicting earthquakes, 158–61, 167 regression, 100 signal vs. noise in, 388–89 SIR, 220–21, 221, 223, 225, 389 thought experiments as, 488 use and abuse of, 230 as useful even in failure, 230–31 for weather forecasting, 114–18, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123–25, 225, 226, 388 Model T, 212 Mojave Desert, 159–60 Molina, Yadier, 101 moment magnitude scale, 142n momentum trading, 344–45, 345, 368 Moneyball (Lewis), 9, 10, 77, 86, 87, 92, 93–94, 95, 99, 101, 105, 107, 314, 446 Moneymaker, Chris, 294–95, 296, 327 Mongols, 145n Monroe Doctrine, 419 Moody’s, 19, 24–25, 43, 44, 45, 463 Morgan, Joe, 102 Morris, Dick, 55, 56, 61 mortgage-backed securities, 462 home sales vs., 34–35, 35, 39, 42, 43 nonlinearity of, 119 ratings of, 19, 20, 24, 68 shorting of, 355 mortgages, 24 defaults on, 27–29, 184 subprime, 27, 33, 464 Mount Pinatubo, 392, 399–400 Moussaoui, Zacarias, 422, 444 MRSA, 227, 228 MSM, 222, 222, 487 MSNBC, 51n Müller-Lyer illusion, 366, 367 multiplier effect, 42 mumps, 224 Murphy, Allan, 129 Murphy, Donald, 89 mutual funds, 339–40, 340, 356, 363–64, 498 Nadal, Rafael, 331, 357-58, 496 Naehring, Tim, 77 Nagasaki, Japan, 432 Nagin, Ray, 110, 140–41 Napoleon I, Emperor of France, 262 NASA, 174–75, 370, 379, 393–95 NASDAQ, 346, 346, 348, 365 Nash, John, 419 National Academy of Sciences, 384 National Basketball Association (NBA), 92, 234–40, 255n National Center for Atmospheric Research (NCAR), 110, 111, 118 National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA), 451n national debt, 189, 509 National Economic Council, 37 National Football League (NFL), 92, 185–86, 336, 480 National Hurricane Center, 108, 109–10, 126, 138–41 National Institute of Nuclear Physics, 143 National Journal, 57–58 National League, 79 National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA), 122, 393–95 National Park Service, 267 National Science Foundation, 473 National Weather Service (NWS), 21, 122–23, 125, 126, 127–28, 131, 135, 139, 178–79, 393–94 NATO, 428–29, 429, 430–31, 431, 437, 438, 439 Nature, 13, 254, 409 Nauru, 372 nearest neighbor analysis, 85 negative feedback, 38, 39 neighborhoods, 224–25, 226–27, 230 Netherlands, 31, 210 New Jersey, 391 New Madrid Fault, 154 New Orleans, La., 108–9, 138, 139–40, 387, 388 Newsweek, 399 Newton, Isaac, 112, 114, 118, 241, 249, 448 New York, N.Y., 219n, 391, 391, 396, 432, 474, 514 New Yorker, 103 New York Knicks, 119 New York Stock Exchange, 329, 363, 370 New York Times, 146, 205–6, 276, 281, 356, 433, 484 New York Yankees, 74 New Zealand, 210 9/11 Commission, 444, 445 9/11 Commission Report, 423 Ninety-Five Theses (Luther), 4 Ningirsu, 112 nitrous oxide, 375 Nixon, Richard, 400 No Free Lunch, 361–62 noise, 63, 250 in batting averages, 339 in climatology, 371–73 definitions of, 416 in financial markets, 362–64 increase in, 13 in predictive models, 388–89 signals vs., 8, 13, 17, 60, 81, 133, 145, 154, 162, 163, 173, 185, 196, 285–86, 295, 327, 340, 371–73, 388–89, 390–91, 404, 448, 451, 453 in stock market, 368 “Noise” (Black), 362 no-limit hold ’em, 300–308, 309–11, 315–16, 316, 318, 324n, 495 nonlinear systems, 29, 118–19, 120, 376–77 Nordhaus, William, 398 North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD), 423 Norway, 31 NRSROs, see ratings agencies Nuclear Cities Initiative, 512 nuclear weapons, 434, 436, 438 see also weapons of mass destruction null hypothesis, 260 see also statistical significance test Nunn, Sam, 434 Oakland Athletics, 87, 92, 99–100, 106, 471 Obama, Barack, 40, 49, 55, 59, 252, 358, 379, 444, 468, 473 obesity, 372, 373 objective truth, 14 objectivity, 14, 64, 72–73, 100, 252, 253, 255, 258-59, 288, 313, 403, 453 observer effect, 188, 472 Occam’s razor, 389 Odean, Terrance, 359 Oklahoma City bombing, 425, 427 Okun’s law, 189 Omaha, Nebr., 396 O’Meara, Christopher, 36 Omori’s Law, 477 On-base percentage (OBP), 95, 106, 314, 471 O’Neal, Shaquille, 233–34, 235, 236, 237 options traders, 364 order, complexity and, 173 outliers, 65, 425–28, 452 out of sample, 43–44, 420 Overcoming Bias (blog), 201 overconfidence, 179–83, 191, 203, 323–24, 386, 443, 454 in stock market trading, 359–60, 367 overeating, 503 overfitting, 163–68, 166, 191, 452n, 478 earthquake predictions and, 168–71, 185 over-under line, 239–40, 257, 286 ozone, 374 Ozonoff, Alex, 218–19, 223, 231, 483 Pacific countries, 379 Pacific Ocean, 419 Pacific Poker, 296–97 Page, Clarence, 48, 467 PageRank, 291 Pakistan, 434–35 Palin, Sarah, 59 Palm, 361, 362 panics, financial, 38, 195 Papua New Guinea, 228 Pareto principle, 312–13, 314, 315, 316n, 317, 496 Paris, 2 Parkfield, Calif., 158–59, 174 partisanship, 13, 56, 57, 58, 60, 64, 92, 130, 200, 378, 411, 452 Party Poker, 296, 319 patents, 7–8, 8, 411, 411n, 460, 514 pattern detection, 12, 281, 292 Pearl Harbor, 10, 412–13, 414, 415–17, 419–20, 423, 426, 444, 510 Pearl Harbor: Warning and Decisions (Wohlstetter), 415, 416, 418, 419–20 PECOTA, 9, 74–75, 78, 83, 84, 85–86 scouts vs., 88–90, 90, 91, 102, 105, 106–7 Pecota, Bill, 88 Pedroia, Dustin, 74–77, 85, 89, 97, 101–5 penicillin, 119 pensions, 24, 27, 34, 356, 463 P/E (price-to-earnings) ratio, 348, 349, 350–51, 354, 365, 369, 500 Perry, Rick, 59, 217 persistence, 131, 132, 132 personal income, 481 Peru, 210 Petit, Yusemiro, 89 Petty, William, 212 pharmaceuticals, 411 Philadelphia Phillies, 286 Pielke, Roger, Jr., 177n pigs, 209 Pippen, Scottie, 235, 236 pitchers, 88, 90, 92 Pitch f/x, 100–101, 106–7 Pittsburgh, Pa., 207–8, 228, 230 Pittsburgh, University of, 225–26 plate discipline, 96 Plato, 2 pneumonia, 205 Poe, Edgar Allan, 262–64, 282, 289 Poggio, Tomaso, 12, 231 point spread, 239 poker, 10, 16, 59–60, 63, 66, 256, 284, 294–328, 343, 362, 494–95 Bayesian reasoning in, 299, 301, 304, 306, 307, 322–23 boom in, 294, 296, 314–15, 319, 323 competition in, 313 computer’s playing of, 324 fish in, 312, 316, 317–19 inexperience of mid-2000s players in, 315 limit hold ’em, 311, 322, 322 luck vs. skill in, 321–23 no-limit hold ’em, 300–308, 309–11, 315–16, 316, 318, 324n, 495 online, 296–97, 310 plausible win rates in, 323 predictions in, 297–99, 311–15 random play in, 310 results in, 327 river in, 306, 307, 494 signal and noise in, 295 suckers in, 56, 237, 240, 317–18, 320 Texas hold ’em, 298–302 volatility of, 320, 322, 328 PokerKingBlog.com, 318 PokerStars, 296, 320 Poland, 52 Polgar, Susan, 281 polio vaccine, 206 political partisanship, see partisanship political polls, see polls politics, political science, 11, 14–15, 16, 53, 426 failures of predictions on, 11, 14–15, 47–50, 49, 53, 55–59, 64, 67–68, 157, 162, 183, 249, 314 small amount of data in, 80 polls, 61–63, 62, 68, 70, 426 biases in, 252–53 frequentist approach to, 252 individual vs. consensus, 335 margin of error in, 62, 65, 176, 252, 452 outlier, 65 prediction interval in, 183n Popper, Karl, 14, 15 Population Bomb, The (Ehrlich and Ehrlich), 212–13 pork, 210 Portland Trail Blazers, 234, 235–37, 489 positive feedback, 38, 39, 368 posterior possibility, 244 power-law distribution, 368n, 427, 429–31, 432, 437, 438, 441, 442 precision, accuracy vs., 46, 46, 225 predestination, 112 Predicting the Unpredictable: The Tumultuous Science of Earthquake Prediction (Hough), 157 prediction, 1, 16 computers and, 292 consensus, 66–67, 331–32, 335–36 definition of, 452n Enlightenment debates about, 112 in era of big data, 9, 10, 197, 250 fatalism and, 5 feedback on, 183 forecasting vs., 5, 149 by foxes, see foxes of future returns of stocks, 330–31, 332–33 of global warming, 373–76, 393, 397–99, 401–6, 402, 507 in Google searches, 290–91 by hedgehogs, see hedgehogs human ingenuity and, 292 of Hurricane Katrina, 108–10, 140–41, 388 as hypothesis-testing, 266–67 by IPCC, 373–76, 389, 393, 397–99, 397, 399, 401, 507 in Julius Caesar, 5 lack of demand for accuracy in, 202, 203 long-term progress vs. short-term regress and, 8, 12 Pareto principle of, 312–13, 314 perception and, 453–54, 453 in poker, 297–99, 311–15 probability and, 243 quantifying uncertainty of, 73 results-oriented thinking and, 326–28 scientific progress and, 243 self-canceling, 219–20, 228 self-fulfilling, 216–19, 353 as solutions to problems, 14–16 as thought experiments, 488 as type of information-processing, 266 of weather, see weather forecasting prediction, failures of: in baseball, 75, 101–5 of CDO defaults, 20–21, 22 context ignored in, 43 of earthquakes, 7, 11, 143, 147–49, 158–61, 168–71, 174, 249, 346, 389 in economics, 11, 14, 40–42, 41, 45, 53, 162, 179–84, 182, 198, 200–201, 249, 388, 477, 479 financial crisis as, 11, 16, 20, 30–36, 39–42 of floods, 177–79 of flu, 209–31 of global cooling, 399–400 housing bubble as, 22–23, 24, 25–26, 28–29, 32–33, 42, 45 overconfidence and, 179–83, 191, 203, 368, 443 overfitting and, 185 on politics, 11, 14–15, 47–50, 49, 53, 55–59, 64, 67–68, 157, 162, 183, 249, 314 as rational, 197–99, 200 recessions, 11 September 11, 11 in stock market, 337–38, 342, 343–46, 359, 364–66 suicide bombings and, 424 by television pundits, 11, 47–50, 49, 55 Tetlock’s study of, 11, 51, 52–53, 56–57, 64, 157, 183, 443, 452 of weather, 21–22, 114–18 prediction interval, 181-183, 193 see also margin of error prediction markets, 201–3, 332–33 press, free, 5–6 Price, Richard, 241–42, 490 price discovery, 497 Price Is Right, 362 Principles of Forecasting (Armstrong), 380 printing press, 1–4, 6, 13, 17, 250, 447 prior probability, 244, 245, 246, 252, 255, 258–59, 260, 403, 406–7, 433n, 444, 451, 490, 497 probability, 15, 61–64, 63, 180, 180, 181 calibration and, 134–36, 135, 136, 474 conditional, 240, 300; see also Bayes’s theorem frequentism, 252 and orbit of planets, 243 in poker, 289, 291, 297, 302–4, 302, 306, 307, 322–23 posterior, 244 predictions and, 243 prior, 244, 245, 246, 252, 255, 258–59, 260, 403, 406–7, 433n, 444, 451, 490, 498 rationality and, 242 as waypoint between ignorance and knowledge, 243 weather forecasts and, 195 probability distribution, of GDP growth, 201 probability theory, 113n productivity paradox, 7–8 “Programming a Computer for Playing Chess” (Shannon), 265–66 progress, forecasting and, 1, 4, 5, 7, 112, 243, 406, 410–11, 447 prospect theory, 64 Protestant Reformation, 4 Protestant work ethic, 5 Protestants, worldliness of, 5 psychology, 183 Public Opinion Quarterly, 334 PURPLE, 413 qualitative information, 100 quantitative information, 72–73, 100 Quantum Fund, 356 quantum mechanics, 113–14 Quebec, 52 R0 (basic reproduction number), 214–15, 215, 224, 225, 486 radar, 413 radon, 143, 145 rain, 134–37, 473, 474 RAND database, 511 random walks, 341 Rapoport, David C., 428 Rasskin-Gutman, Diego, 269 ratings agencies, 463 CDOs misrated by, 20–21, 21, 22, 26–30, 36, 42, 43, 45 housing bubble missed by, 22–23, 24, 25–26, 28–29, 42, 45, 327 models of, 13, 22, 26, 27, 29, 42, 45, 68 profits of, 24–25 see also specific agencies rationality, 183–84 biases as, 197–99, 200 of markets, 356–57 as probabilistic, 242 Reagan, Ronald, 50, 68, 160, 433, 466 RealClimate.org, 390, 409 real disposable income per capita, 67 recessions, 42 double dip, 196 failed predictions of, 177, 187, 194 in Great Moderation, 190 inflation-driven, 191 of 1990, 187, 191 since World War II, 185 of 2000-1, 187, 191 of 2007-9, see Great Recession rec.sport.baseball, 78 Red Cross, 158 Red River of the North, 177–79 regression analysis, 100, 401, 402, 498, 508 regulation, 13, 369 Reinhart, Carmen, 39–40, 43 religion, 13 Industrial Revolution and, 6 religious extremism, 428 religious wars of sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 2, 6 Remote Sensing Systems, 394 Reno, Nev., 156–57, 157, 477 reserve clause, 471 resolution, as measure of forecasts, 474 results-oriented thinking, 326–28 revising predictions, see Bayesian reasoning Ricciardi, J.

 

pages: 796 words: 242,660

This Sceptred Isle by Christopher Lee

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agricultural Revolution, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, Corn Laws, cuban missile crisis, Edward Lloyd's coffeehouse, failed state, financial independence, glass ceiling, half of the world's population has never made a phone call, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Khartoum Gordon, Khyber Pass, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, Northern Rock, Ronald Reagan, spice trade, spinning jenny, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, urban decay

Canning wanted the Americans to help Britain oppose European intervention. This was in the American interest: it didn’t want wars on its continent, no matter how far south they were fought. But the then President, James Monroe, was persuaded not to involve America in unworkable alliances. On 2 December 1823, the fifth President of the United States addressed Congress. His speech has become known as the Monroe Doctrine and remains the basis of American foreign policy. A summary of what he said might be that the United States would see any European attempt to influence politically the ‘Western hemisphere’ as ‘dangerous to our peace and safety’. In 1917, it was President Wilson who, during the First World War, declared, ‘I am proposing that the nations should adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world: that no nation should seek to extend its policy over any other nation or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its own policy, its own way.’

John ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Smith, William ref 1 Smith-Stanley, Edward ref 1 Smollett, Tobias ref 1, ref 2 Smuts, Jan ref 1 Smythe, Thomas ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 Solway Moss, Battle of ref 1 Somers, George ref 1, ref 2 Sophia of Hanover ref 1 Soult, Marshal Nicholas ref 1 South Africa ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6 South America ref 1, ref 2 South Sea Company ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Spain ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6, ref 7, ref 8, ref 9, ref 10 and Bermuda ref 1 Britain’s wars with ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6, ref 7, ref 8, ref 9, ref 10 and Convention of Prado ref 1 Empire of ref 1 and Huguenots ref 1 James I/VI’s peace with ref 1 in Napoleonic Wars, see main entry and Treaty of Vienna ref 1 Spanish Armada ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 Spanish Succession, War of ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 spinning-jenny ref 1 Spurs, Battle of ref 1 Stainmore, Battle of ref 1 Stalin, Iosif ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Stamp Act ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Stamp Tax ref 1 Statute of Marlborough ref 1 Stephen, King ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Stephen, William fitz ref 1, ref 2 Stephens, James ref 1 Sterne, Laurence ref 1 Stigand, Archbishop ref 1, ref 2 Stirling Bridge, Battle of ref 1 Stockmar, Baron ref 1 Strabo ref 1 Strachey, William ref 1 Stuart, Charles Edward (Bonnie Prince Charlie) ref 1 Stuart, James Edward (Old Pretender) ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5; see also Jacobites Stukeley, Thomas ref 1 Sudan ref 1, ref 2 Sudetendland ref 1 Suetonius ref 1 Suez Canal ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Sunday Schools ref 1 Sunderland, Earl of ref 1, ref 2 Sutton Hoo ref 1 Sweden ref 1, ref 2 Sweyn I (Forkbeard) ref 1, ref 2 Swift, Jonathan ref 1 Switzerland ref 1 Symeon of Durham ref 1 Tacitus ref 1, ref 2 Tahiti ref 1 Tasmania ref 1 taxation ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6, ref 7, ref 8, ref 9, ref 10, ref 11, ref 12, ref 13; see also Britain: income tax in Taylor, Jeremy ref 1 tenant farming ref 1 Territorial Army ref 1 Test Acts ref 1, ref 2 Tewdwr, Rhys ap ref 1 textile industry ref 1 Textus Roffensis ref 1 Thackeray, William ref 1 Thatcher, Margaret ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Theobald, Archbishop ref 1 Thirty Years War ref 1 Thirty-Nine Articles ref 1 Thistlewood, Arthur ref 1 Thomas, Earl of Lancaster of ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester ref 1, ref 2 Times, first edition of ref 1 Tinchebrai, Battle of ref 1 Tirel, Walter ref 1 tobacco ref 1 Tobago ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Togodumnus ref 1 Tokig of Walligford ref 1 Toleration Acts ref 1 toll roads ref 1 Tolpuddle Martyrs ref 1, ref 2 Tone, Wolfe ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 Tories ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6, ref 7, ref 8, ref 9, ref 10 associations of ref 1 beginnings of ref 1 and Corn Laws ref 1 and Emancipation ref 1, ref 2 thought of as Conservatives ref 1 Torrington, Lord ref 1 Tostig ref 1 Townshend, Charles ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 Towton, Battle of ref 1 trade unionism ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 Trafalgar, Battle of ref 1, ref 2 Transvaal ref 1, ref 2 Treaty of Versailles/Paris (1783) ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Treaty of Versailles (1919) ref 1, ref 2 Trevelyan, Charles ref 1 Trinidad ref 1 Troy, Thomas ref 1 Trueman, Harry ref 1 Tudor, Margaret ref 1 Tull, Jethro ref 1 Turkey ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 Tyler, Wat ref 1, ref 2 Tyrell, James ref 1 Tyrwhitt, Thomas ref 1 Ulster ref 1, ref 2 see also Ireland; Northern Ireland Ulster experiment ref 1 United Irishmen ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6 United States of America: Declaration of Independence of ref 1 first president of ref 1 Irish migration to ref 1 and Monroe Doctrine ref 1 New Deal of ref 1 and War of 1812 ref 1 and World Wars, see First World War; Second World War see also North America USSR ref 1 Utrecht, Treaties of ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 Valentinian ref 1 Vaughan, Henry ref 1 Vere, Robert de ref 1 Vesey-FitzGerald, William ref 1 Vetch, Col. Samuel ref 1 Victoria, Queen ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6, ref 7, ref 8, ref 9, ref 10, ref 11, ref 12, ref 13, ref 14, ref 15, ref 16, ref 17 Vietnam ref 1 Vikings ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 passim return of (980) ref 1 Villeneuve, Rear Admiral Pierre-Charles ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Villiers, George, Duke of Buckingham ref 1, ref 2 Villiers, George, Lord Clarenden ref 1, ref 2 Virginia Company ref 1 Voltaire ref 1 Vortigern ref 1 Wakefield, Battle of ref 1 Wakefield, Edward Gibbon ref 1 Waldegrave, 3rd Earl ref 1 Wales ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6, ref 7, ref 8, ref 9, ref 10, ref 11, ref 12, ref 13 and Act of Union ref 1 Act for the Government of ref 1 Church in ref 1 Danes pillage ref 1 England’s union with ref 1, ref 2 first Eisteddfod in ref 1 Glyndŵr begins war for independence of ref 1 Monmouth uprising in ref 1, ref 2 Wallace, William ref 1, ref 2 Walpole, Catherine ref 1, ref 2 Walpole, Horace ref 1, ref 2 Walpole, Robert ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6 Walsingham, Francis ref 1 Walter, Archbishop Hubert ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Walter, John ref 1 Walworth, William ref 1 War of Austrian Succession ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 War of 1812 ref 1 War of Jenkins’s Ear ref 1 Warbeck, Perkin ref 1 Wars of the Roses ref 1, ref 2 Warwick, Earl of ref 1 Warwick and Salisbury, Earl of ref 1, ref 2 Washington, George ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Waterloo, Battle of ref 1, ref 2 Watson-Wentworth, Charles, Marquess of Rockingham ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5 Watt, James ref 1 Wedgwood, Josiah ref 1 weights and measures, standardization of ref 1 Wellesley, Arthur, Duke of Wellington ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6, ref 7, ref 8, ref 9, ref 10, ref 11 Wentworth, Thomas, Earl of Strafford ref 1, ref 2 Wesley, Charles ref 1 Wesley, John ref 1 West Indies ref 1, ref 2 enormous wealth from ref 1 lucrative sugar crops in ref 1 tobacco from ref 1 West, Thomas ref 1 Whigs ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6, ref 7, ref 8, ref 9, ref 10, ref 11, ref 12, ref 13, ref 14, ref 15, ref 16, ref 17, ref 18 beginnings of ref 1 breaking of reign of ref 1 and Corn Laws ref 1 and Emancipation ref 1 last PM among ref 1 Old and New ref 1 and unions ref 1 Wilberforce, William ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 Wilkes, John ref 1, ref 2 Wilkinson, Ellen ref 1 William I (the Conqueror) ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 William I of Prussia ref 1 William I of Scotland ref 1 William II (Rufus) ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 William II of Prussia ref 1, ref 2 William III ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4, ref 5, ref 6, ref 7, ref 8, ref 9, ref 10, ref 11 William IV ref 1, ref 2, ref 3 William of Malmesbury ref 1, ref 2 William the Marshal ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 Wilson, Woodrow ref 1, ref 2, ref 3, ref 4 Winstanley, Gerrard ref 1 Wishart, George ref 1 witchcraft ref 1 woad ref 1 Wolfe, Gen.

 

The Chomsky Reader by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, British Empire, business climate, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, interchangeable parts, land reform, land tenure, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, theory of mind, Thomas L Friedman, union organizing, War on Poverty, éminence grise

To prove that we are menaced is of course unnecessary, and the matter receives no attention; it is enough that we feel menaced. Our policy must be based on our national heritage and our national interests. Our national heritage is briefly outlined in the following terms: “Throughout the nineteenth century, in good conscience Americans could devote themselves to the extension of both their principles and their power on this continent,” making use of “the somewhat elastic concept of the Monroe doctrine” and, of course, extending “the American interest to Alaska and the mid-Pacific islands.… Both our insistence on unconditional surrender and the idea of post-war occupation … represented the formulation of American security interests in Europe and Asia.” So much for our heritage. As to our interests, the matter is equally simple. Fundamental is our “profound interest that societies abroad develop and strengthen those elements in their respective cultures that elevate and protect the dignity of the individual against the state.”

Stephen Kinzer, New York Times, September 9, 1985. 10. Interview, COHA’s Washington Report on the Hemisphere, July 9, 1985. See Penny Lernoux, The Nation, September 28, 1985, for a reasoned discussion of the current situation. The United States secured British recognition of the sovereignty of Nicaragua over the Miskitos, which the United States regarded as “unquestionable” in 1895; Dexter Perkins, The Monroe Doctrine, 3 vols. (1927, 1933, 1937; reprinted ed., Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1965–66), 3:40ff. 11. Human Rights in Nicaragua: Reagan, Rhetoric and Reality, Americas Watch, July 1985; Violations of the Laws of War by Both Sides in Nicaragua: 1981–1985, Americas Watch, March 1985. The former is a detailed critique of Reagan administration lies concerning Nicaragua. On administration lies, see also In Contempt of Congress (Institute for Policy Studies, 1985) and the bipartisan congressional report “U.S.

 

Understanding Power by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Burning Man, business climate, cognitive dissonance, continuous integration, Corn Laws, cuban missile crisis, dark matter, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, global reserve currency, Howard Zinn, labour market flexibility, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mortgage tax deduction, Ralph Nader, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, school choice, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, wage slave, women in the workforce

It wasn’t about fear of losing oil. It wasn’t about international law, or principled opposition to aggression or anything like that. It wasn’t that they didn’t like Saddam Hussein—they didn’t care about Saddam Hussein one way or the other. It was that after the Gulf War was over, the U.S. was in a perfect position to ram through its rejectionist program and fully extend the Monroe Doctrine to the Middle East [the Monroe Doctrine was proclaimed by the U.S. in 1823 and stated that Latin America was the exclusive domain of the United States, not the European colonial powers]. It was our way of saying: “Look, this is our turf, we’ll do what we feel like here.” As George Bush in fact put it: “What we say goes.” 105 Now the world understands that; the Gulf War helped them understand it. Bosnia: Intervention Questions MAN: Noam, do you recall any major issues on which your views have totally flip-flopped at some point, perhaps by thinking them out more or something like that?

 

pages: 262 words: 83,548

The End of Growth by Jeff Rubin

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Ayatollah Khomeini, Bakken shale, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, British Empire, call centre, carbon footprint, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, decarbonisation, deglobalization, energy security, eurozone crisis, Exxon Valdez, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fiat currency, flex fuel, full employment, ghettoisation, global supply chain, Hans Island, happiness index / gross national happiness, housing crisis, hydraulic fracturing, illegal immigration, income per capita, Jane Jacobs, labour mobility, McMansion, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, new economy, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, peak oil, Ponzi scheme, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, uranium enrichment, urban planning, urban sprawl, women in the workforce, working poor, Yom Kippur War

China is emerging as the world’s most important oil customer, while Venezuela’s heavy oil reserves are the largest in the world. It’s a logical fit that’s now a growing concern for the United States. The proposed pipeline to the Pacific coast represents a significant challenge to America’s traditional sphere of influence in the western hemisphere. For nearly two hundred years, US foreign policy in South America has been guided by the Monroe Doctrine, which essentially means that America doesn’t take kindly to foreign nations playing in its backyard. The United States boasts a long and often dubious track record of intervention, with a list of notable hits that include a CIA-sponsored coup in Guatemala in the 1950s, the attempted Bay of Pigs invasion in Cuba during the 1960s, the Iran-Contra affair in Nicaragua, and the 1983 invasion of Grenada.

 

pages: 356 words: 103,944

The Globalization Paradox: Democracy and the Future of the World Economy by Dani Rodrik

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collective bargaining, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, financial innovation, floating exchange rates, frictionless, frictionless market, full employment, George Akerlof, guest worker program, Hernando de Soto, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, joint-stock company, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, land reform, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, margin call, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, night-watchman state, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, open economy, price stability, profit maximization, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, savings glut, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Tobin tax, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, tulip mania, Washington Consensus, World Values Survey

At the time, the prime minister, William Gladstone, had a sizable chunk of his wealth invested in Egyptian obligations so in this case the link between financial globalization and military power was particularly transparent.24 Britain eventually ended up governing Egypt directly, even though its early intentions had been much more limited. The United States itself had a checkered history of honoring debts, with many of the states having defaulted throughout the nineteenth century, so it is ironic that the Americans eventually became the debt enforcers in the western hemisphere. Theodore Roosevelt made it clear in 1904 (in the so-called “Roosevelt Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine) that the United States would ensure that Latin American countries honored their international debt. He showed that he meant business by sending gunboats to Santa Domingo in 1905 and taking over customs revenue collection after the Dominican Republic defaulted on its debts—an action that signaled his determination to protect foreign creditors’ interests and sent the prices of Latin American sovereign bonds soaring.25 The question before the U.S. gunboats appeared was not whether the debts would be collected, but whether it was the Europeans or the Americans who would do it.

 

pages: 278 words: 88,711

The Next 100 Years: A Forecast for the 21st Century by George Friedman

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banking crisis, British Empire, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, illegal immigration, immigration reform, invisible hand, megastructure, Monroe Doctrine, pink-collar, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, working poor

When you look at a map of South America, leaving out impassable terrain, you see that there can be no transcontinental power: the continent is sliced in two (see map, page 43). So there is no chance of a native threat to the United States emerging from South America. The major threats in the hemisphere came from European powers with naval bases in South and Central America and the Caribbean, as well as land forces in Mexico. That is what the Monroe Doctrine was about—long before the United States had the ability to stop the Europeans from having bases there, it made blocking the Europeans a strategic imperative. The only time the United States really worries about Latin America is when a foreign power has bases there. 3: COMPLETE CONTROL OF THE MARITIME APPROACHES TO THE UNITED STATES BY THE NAVY IN ORDER TO PRECLUDE ANY POSSIBILITY OF INVASION In 1812, the British navy sailed up the Chesapeake and burned Washington.

 

Rogue States by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, capital controls, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, deskilling, Edward Snowden, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, floating exchange rates, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, oil shock, RAND corporation, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, Tobin tax, union organizing, Washington Consensus

That meant taking Cuba, controlling the Caribbean, stealing what was called Panama from Colombia (another one of Theodore Roosevelt’s achievements), building the canal, taking over Hawaii, taking over the Philippines as another base for trade with China, and in fact effectively turning those two seas, the Caribbean and the Pacific, into American lakes, as they remain today. Every one of these 1898 actions and what followed was connected in some fashion or another, usually quite explicitly, to this long-term objective. This includes the so-called Theodore Roosevelt Corollary to the Monroe Doctrine, which formally established the US right to rule the Caribbean. The repeated invasions of Nicaragua, Woodrow Wilson’s very bloody invasions of the Dominican Republic and Haiti—particularly ugly in Haiti because it was also suffused by extreme racism (Haiti will never recover from that and in fact may not be habitable in a couple of decades)—and many other actions in that region were all part of the new humanism, which we’re now reviving.

 

Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower by William Blum

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, collective bargaining, Columbine, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

Mossadegh had been elected to his position by a large majority of parliament, but he had made the fateful mistake of spearheading the movement to nationalize a British-owned oil company, the sole oil company operating in Iran. The coup restored the Shah to absolute power, initiating a period of 25 years of repression and torture, while the oil industry was restored to foreign ownership, with the US and Britain each getting 40 percent. Guatemala, 1953-1990s Humorist Dave Barry boils the Monroe Doctrine down to three simple precepts: 1) Other nations are not allowed to mess around with the internal affairs of nations in this hemisphere. 2) But we are. 3) Ha ha ha. A CIA-organized coup overthrew the democratically-elected and progressive government of Jacobo Arbenz, initiating 40 years of military-government death squads, torture, disappearances, mass executions and unimaginable cruelty, totaling more than 200,000 victims—indisputably one of the most inhumane chapters of the 20th century.

 

pages: 487 words: 151,810

The Social Animal: The Hidden Sources of Love, Character, and Achievement by David Brooks

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Albert Einstein, asset allocation, Atul Gawande, Bernie Madoff, business process, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, clean water, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, delayed gratification, deliberate practice, disintermediation, Donald Trump, Douglas Hofstadter, Emanuel Derman, en.wikipedia.org, fear of failure, financial deregulation, financial independence, Flynn Effect, George Akerlof, Henri Poincaré, hiring and firing, impulse control, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, loss aversion, medical residency, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Monroe Doctrine, Richard Thaler, risk tolerance, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, school vouchers, six sigma, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, the scientific method, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, transaction costs, Walter Mischel, young professional

Rob was made to understand, in phrases—interrupted by long glacial pauses—of the sort one uses when trying to explain something to a particularly stupid preschooler … that life from now on was going to involve a different level of commitment and joint planning and that a certain sort of carefree, what-do-I-want-for-myself-at-this-moment thinking would have to go. Once this unconscious paradigm shift occurred in Rob’s head, the relationship progressed relatively smoothly. Both issued their own domestic Monroe Doctrines, parts of their lives that they considered sacred, and where external meddling would be regarded as an act of war. Both were pleased by the loving acts of compromise each made on behalf of the other. Rob admired his own selfless nobility every time he remembered to put the toilet seat down. Julia silently compared herself to Mother Teresa every time she pretended to enjoy action movies. And so commenced the division of marital labor.

 

pages: 388 words: 125,472

The Establishment: And How They Get Away With It by Owen Jones

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anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, battle of ideas, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bonus culture, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, citizen journalism, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, don't be evil, Edward Snowden, Etonian, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, housing crisis, inflation targeting, investor state dispute settlement, James Dyson, laissez-faire capitalism, market fundamentalism, Monroe Doctrine, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, night-watchman state, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, short selling, sovereign wealth fund, stakhanovite, statistical model, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transfer pricing, union organizing, unpaid internship, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent

Its share of global economic output has collapsed from a quarter in 1991 to less than a fifth today. China is a rapidly expanding competitor, along with other booming economies such as India and Brazil. The 2008 financial collapse has helped to speed up a global shift in economic power to the East. The US once enjoyed near-hegemony over Latin America, a position initially enshrined by the 1823 Monroe Doctrine and, in modern times, the so-called ‘Washington Consensus’. But a wave of left-leaning administrations swept to power across Latin America in the noughties, asserting an independent course. The disastrous Iraq War undermined US military prestige and possible domestic support for military interventions, and perversely boosted the influence of its arch-enemy Iran across the Middle East. With US power declining, the Establishment dogma behind the ‘special relationship’ may be weakening too, as an abortive build-up to military action would illustrate.

 

pages: 637 words: 117,453

Empire Lost: Britain, the Dominions and the Second World War by Andrew Stewart

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British Empire, Fellow of the Royal Society, imperial preference, Monroe Doctrine, union organizing

The strategies developed by successive governments at Westminster whose intention was to improve this position formed slowly and had doubtful results. There were those on both sides of the Atlantic who tried to understand why the two countries could not reconcile lingering differences on such issues, but they ran the risk of themselves being derided. Prominent among this group was the New York Times. Its position was typified by a question posed by one of its writers in November 1921 about the Monroe Doctrine. First announced by the president of the same name in December 1823, this was surely an imperial document if ever there was one in so much as, in formalizing a policy of resistance to European encroachment of the American continent, it carried a hidden message; the fledgling Republic would not let its continental neighbours threaten its security. As the newspaper now asked was this not also an important principle of British foreign policy, in effect constituting an Anglo-American Doctrine?

 

pages: 483 words: 134,377

The Tyranny of Experts: Economists, Dictators, and the Forgotten Rights of the Poor by William Easterly

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air freight, Andrei Shleifer, battle of ideas, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, Carmen Reinhart, clean water, colonial rule, correlation does not imply causation, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, discovery of the americas, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, Francisco Pizarro, fundamental attribution error, germ theory of disease, greed is good, income per capita, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, John Snow's cholera map, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, M-Pesa, microcredit, Monroe Doctrine, oil shock, place-making, Ponzi scheme, risk/return, road to serfdom, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, urban planning, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, World Values Survey, young professional

The Cold War had begun about a year earlier with the March 12, 1947, announcement of the Truman Doctrine, a commitment to defend Greece and Turkey against Soviet attempts at communist revolutions. Both the United States and the Soviets were scrambling to line up allies on their respective sides of the Cold War. The United States feared Soviet-supported communist takeovers would happen in its traditional sphere of influence in the Americas, the area that the Monroe Doctrine had long forbidden to European interference. On November 1, 1947, a CIA agent wrote a secret memo describing “Soviet objectives in Latin America,” mentioning Colombia among a number of Latin American countries thought to be vulnerable to communist penetration. Shortly after the OAS founding summit in Bogotá in April 1948, the Cold War would heat up with the June 25, 1948, Soviet blockade of Berlin.

 

Killing Hope: Us Military and Cia Interventions Since World War 2 by William Blum

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anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bolshevik threat, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, kremlinology, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, nuremberg principles, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, trickle-down economics, union organizing

Kennedy was in the White House, he met with British Prime Minister Macmillan and the two leaders agreed, according to a CIA report, on "Penetration and cultivation of disruptive elements in the Syrian armed forces, particularly in the Syrian army, so that Syria can be guided by the West."17 Decades later, Washington was still worried, though Syria had still not "gone communist". 13. The Middle East 1957-1958 The Eisenhower Doctrine claims another backyard for America On 9 March 1957, the United States Congress approved a presidential resolution which came to be known as the Eisenhower Doctrine. This was a piece of paper, like the Truman Doctrine and the Monroe Doctrine before it, whereby the US government conferred upon the US government the remarkable and enviable right to intervene militarily in other countries. With the stroke of a pen, the Middle East was added to Europe and the Western hemisphere as America's field of play. The resolution stated that "the United States regards as vital to the national interest and world peace the preservation of the independence and integrity of the nations of the Middle East."

 

pages: 422 words: 113,830

Bad Money: Reckless Finance, Failed Politics, and the Global Crisis of American Capitalism by Kevin Phillips

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algorithmic trading, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, Black Swan, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, collateralized debt obligation, computer age, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, currency peg, diversification, Doha Development Round, energy security, financial deregulation, financial innovation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, George Gilder, housing crisis, Hyman Minsky, imperial preference, income inequality, index arbitrage, index fund, interest rate derivative, interest rate swap, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, large denomination, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, Martin Wolf, Menlo Park, mobile money, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, mortgage debt, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, peak oil, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, profit maximization, Renaissance Technologies, reserve currency, risk tolerance, risk/return, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, short selling, sovereign wealth fund, The Chicago School, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, trade route

National Intelligence Council report “Global Trends 2025: A Transformed World” sees Wall Street’s failure speeding up the reordering of the international economy to the disadvantage of the United States. In economic terms, Asia is moving to the forefront, and the Shanghai Conference Organization, which conjoins Russia, China, and central Asia, may be emerging as a military counterbalance to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. To our south, Latin America no longer seems to be the U.S. sphere of interest proclaimed in the Monroe Doctrine. And the increasingly relevant precedents of previous leading world economic powers do nothing to ease the chill. WALL STREET AGONISTES Official measurement of the shrinkage of the financial sector must await publication of its back-to-back shares of gross domestic product for the years 2008, 2009, and 2010. By then, the bulk of the deepest Wall Street upheaval and home-price collapse since the Great Depression will have echoed through the U.S. economy.

 

pages: 828 words: 232,188

Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy by Francis Fukuyama

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Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, Atahualpa, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, British Empire, centre right, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, colonial rule, conceptual framework, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Snowden, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, Home mortgage interest deduction, income inequality, invention of the printing press, iterative process, knowledge worker, land reform, land tenure, life extension, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, means of production, Menlo Park, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, new economy, open economy, out of africa, Peace of Westphalia, Port of Oakland, post-industrial society, Post-materialism, post-materialism, price discrimination, quantitative easing, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Scramble for Africa, Second Machine Age, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, trade route, transaction costs, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, women in the workforce, World Values Survey

A final factor inhibiting Latin American state building was powerful external actors—the United States, Britain, France, and other European powers—who sought to influence developments there. The United States in particular upheld a conservative political and social order in the region, intervening to help topple left-wing leaders such as Jacobo Árbenz in Guatemala and Salvador Allende in Chile. The United States under the Monroe Doctrine also sought to prevent outside powers like Britain and France in the nineteenth century and the Soviet Union in the twentieth from forming alliances with Latin American countries that might have helped both in institution building. As a result of their own experience in a country with historical social mobility, American policy makers are often blind to deeply embedded social stratifications that characterize other societies.

 

pages: 699 words: 192,704

Heaven's Command (Pax Britannica) by Jan Morris

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British Empire, Cape to Cairo, centralized clearinghouse, Corn Laws, European colonialism, Fellow of the Royal Society, Khartoum Gordon, Khyber Pass, land reform, land tenure, Livingstone, I presume, Magellanic Cloud, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Scramble for Africa, trade route

In the 1830s most of the British possessions could be considered invulnerable. The Royal Navy made them so. There was a long land frontier, it was true, between Canada and the United States, but 10 million Americans with their minds on other things did not then pose any serious threat to the stability of the Empire: on the contrary, the Royal Navy was their own first line of defence, and the only real guarantor of their Monroe Doctrine. As for the scattered islands and remoter settlements of the Empire, they were either so awful as to be scarcely worth coveting, or accessible only by courtesy of the British fleet. The one exception was India, where during the past half century British power had been extending steadily towards the north. Here the British must defend a land frontier 2,000 miles long. No foreseeable threat arose from the decadent Chinese Empire in the north-cast.1 To the north-west, however, stood Russia, whose strength was uncertain, whose intentions were always mysterious, and whose empire in Asia had grown as fast as Britain’s.

 

pages: 710 words: 164,527

The Battle of Bretton Woods: John Maynard Keynes, Harry Dexter White, and the Making of a New World Order by Benn Steil

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Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, banks create money, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, deindustrialization, European colonialism, facts on the ground, fiat currency, financial independence, floating exchange rates, full employment, global reserve currency, imperial preference, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, margin call, means of production, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Monroe Doctrine, New Journalism, open economy, Potemkin village, price mechanism, price stability, psychological pricing, reserve currency, road to serfdom, seigniorage, South China Sea, special drawing rights, The Great Moderation, the market place, trade liberalization, Works Progress Administration

The secretaries of war and navy, the chief of staff of the army, and the chief of naval operations all concurred that Britain was holding positions vital to American defense, and that the only acceptable alternative to fortifying the British was to send American forces to occupy the positions. In the words of Roosevelt biographer Robert Sherwood, FDR “knew that with Britain and her Navy gone all of our traditional concepts of security in the Atlantic Ocean—the Monroe Doctrine, the principle of freedom of the seas, the solidarity of the Western Hemisphere—would become mere memories, and the American people would be living constantly ‘at the point of a Nazi gun.’”2 A negotiated peace would equally have been a disaster, as it would have given Hitler valuable time and resources to consolidate his position and to rearm, while enhancing the influence of those against preparation for war in Britain, France, and, most importantly, the United States.

 

pages: 1,445 words: 469,426

The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money & Power by Daniel Yergin

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial exploitation, Columbine, cuban missile crisis, energy security, European colonialism, Exxon Valdez, financial independence, fudge factor, informal economy, joint-stock company, land reform, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, North Sea oil, oil rush, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, postnationalism / post nation state, price stability, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Thomas Malthus, Yom Kippur War

In May 1903, the Secretary, Lord Lansdowne, had risen in the House of Lords to make a historic statement: The British government would "regard the establishment of a naval base or of a fortified port in the Persian Gulf by any other power as a very grave menace to British interests, and we should certainly resist it with all the means at our disposal." This declaration, said a delighted Lord Curzon, Viceroy of India, was "our Monroe Doctrine in the Middle East." For the Admiralty, the issue was more specific: the possibility of obtaining a source of secure supplies of fuel oil for the British fleet. The battleships, the heart of the Royal Navy, were committed to coal for their fuel. Oil was being used, however, to propel smaller ships. Even that reliance aroused fear about whether there were sufficient quantities of oil in the world on which to base a significant element of British strength.

[5] Hardinge, Diplomatist, pp. 281, 273-74 ("Shiahs"), 306-11; Ferrier, British Petroleum, pp. 57 ("expedite"), 65 ("heat," "Mohamedan Kitchen" and "Mullahs"). [6] Ferrier, British Petroleum, pp. 59-62 ("Every purse" and "keep the bank quiet"); Jones, State and British Oil, pp. 97-99 ("eminence grise"), 133; Corley, Burmah Oil, pp. 98-103 ("Glorious news"). [7] Kazemzadeh, Russia and Britain in Persia, pp. 442-44 ("menace" and "Monroe Doctrine"). Lansdowne to Curzon, December 7, 1903, FO 60/731 ("danger"); Cargill to Redwood, October 6, 1904, ADM 116/3807, PRO. Corley, Burmah Oil, pp. 99-102 ("imperial," "patriots" and "coincided exactly"); Jones, State and British Oil, pp. 133-34 ("British hands"). [8] R. C. Cooper, "A Visit to the Anglo-Persian Oil-Fields," Journal of the Central Asian Society, 13 (1926), pp. 154-56 ("thousand pities"); Kazemzadeh, Russia and Britain in Persia, pp. 444445; Ferrier, British Petroleum, pp. 67,86 ("beer and skittles"), 79 ("dung" and "teeth"); Arnold Wilson, S.

 

pages: 1,351 words: 404,177

Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America by Rick Perlstein

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affirmative action, Alistair Cooke, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cognitive dissonance, cuban missile crisis, delayed gratification, desegregation, East Village, European colonialism, full employment, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, immigration reform, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index card, indoor plumbing, Mahatma Gandhi, Marshall McLuhan, Monroe Doctrine, New Urbanism, Own Your Own Home, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price mechanism, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, the medium is the message, traveling salesman, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, walking around money, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog

Nixon, everyone knew, was the partisan on the team. He was blamed for the congressional losses. In the spring of 1958 the second-term VP received another travel opportunity. They called them “goodwill tours,” these Eisenhower administration junkets to shore up Cold War alliances. As regarded South and Central America, a semi-imperialist American sphere of influence since the imposition of the Monroe Doctrine, the naïveté of a hegemon lay behind the conceit. Europe, after World War II, had been rewarded with the Marshall Plan: its free nations would contribute to U.S. economic health as a prosperous market for U.S. goods. South America’s reward was NSC 144/1: instead of direct economic aid, its leaders were to be patronizingly instructed “that their own self-interest requires the creation of a climate which will attract investment.”

 

pages: 1,335 words: 336,772

The House of Morgan: An American Banking Dynasty and the Rise of Modern Finance by Ron Chernow

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bank run, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bolshevik threat, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, British Empire, California gold rush, capital controls, collective bargaining, Etonian, financial deregulation, German hyperinflation, index arbitrage, interest rate swap, margin call, Monroe Doctrine, North Sea oil, oil shale / tar sands, paper trading, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, short selling, strikebreaker, the market place, the payments system, too big to fail, transcontinental railway, Yom Kippur War, young professional

Such was the nature of Morgan involvement in Mexico, with Tom Lamont serving as chairman of the International Committee of Bankers on Mexico—the splendidly initialed ICBM. Formed in 1918 with the approval of the State Department and the British Foreign Office, the ICBM negotiated for two hundred thousand small bondholders. In the nineteenth century, Mexican debt talks had been handled by Barings. But citing the Monroe Doctrine, the State Department demanded that the United States have the controlling hand on the committee. With over $1 billion invested in Mexico, the United States behaved like a jealous landlord. Mexico was a resource-rich country that always held out a seductive promise of prosperity, which it never quite fulfilled. And it had a weak political system, always making debt repayment problematic. Lamont spent so much time wrestling with Mexican debt that a slightly paternal tone crept into his comments, as if Mexico were the backward child of the Morgan brood.

 

Executive Orders by Tom Clancy

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affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, card file, defense in depth, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, experimental subject, financial independence, friendly fire, Monroe Doctrine, out of africa, Own Your Own Home, Plutocrats, plutocrats, rolodex, South China Sea, trade route

Presidents liked to call it the People's House, to use the political voice of false modesty to describe a place for which some of them would have willingly run over the bodies of their own children, then say that it wasn't really all that big a thing. If lies could stain the walls, Jack reflected, then this building would have a very different name. But there was greatness here, too, and that was more intimidating than the pettiness of politics. Here James Monroe had promulgated the Monroe Doctrine and propelled his country into the strategic world for the first time. Here Lincoln had held his country together through the sheer force of his own will. Here Teddy Roosevelt had made America a real global player, and sent his Great White Fleet around the world to announce America. Here Teddy's distant cousin had saved his country from internal chaos and despair, with little more than a nasal voice and an up-angled cigarette holder.