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Gaza in Crisis: Reflections on Israel's War Against the Palestinians by Ilan Pappé, Noam Chomsky, Frank Barat
Ayatollah Khomeini, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, desegregation, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, friendly fire, ghettoisation, Islamic Golden Age, New Journalism, price stability, too big to fail
Ironically, most Israelis, according to 2006 polls, looked at Gaza as an independent Palestinian state that Israel has graciously allowed to emerge.12 The leadership, and particularly the army, saw it as a prison with the most dangerous community of inmates, which had to be managed ruthlessly one way or another. Thus, the ghettoization of the Palestinians in Gaza did not reap any dividends. The ghettoized community continued to express its will for life by firing primitive missiles into Israel. Ghettoizing or quarantining unwanted communities, even if they were regarded as dangerous, has never worked in history as a solution. The Jews know it best from their own history. The final strategy was not articulated and in its stead it seemed that the daily military activity began to emerge as the new strategy itself and thus the “punitive” tactics turned into genocidal strategy in 2006.
INVOLVEMENT IN THE PALESTINE QUESTION THE BLACKSTONE-SCOFIELD LEGACY THE KING-CRANE LEGACY THE LAGUARDIA AND KENEN LEGACY THE FIVE SISTERS’ LEGACY THE MORGENTHAU AND WALTZ LEGACY CONCLUSION THREE - STATE OF DENIAL: THE NAKBAH IN ISRAELI HISTORY AND TODAY THE ERASED CHAPTERS OF EVIL PROFESSIONAL REMEMBERING AND THE NAKBAH NAKBAH MEMORY IN THE PUBLIC EYE THE STRUGGLE AGAINST NAKBAH DENIAL NAKBAH DENIAL AND THE PALESTINE-ISRAEL PEACE PROCESS FUTURE PROSPECTS FOUR - “EXTERMINATE ALL THE BRUTES”: GAZA 2009 FIVE - BLUEPRINT FOR A ONE-STATE MOVEMENT: A TROUBLED HISTORY A TROUBLED HISTORY RESELLING THE PAST DECONSTRUCTING THE PEACE PROCESS PREPARING FOR THE FUTURE: THE MODULAR MODEL SIX - THE GHETTOIZATION OF PALESTINE: A DIALOGUE WITH ILAN PAPPÉ AND NOAM CHOMSKY SEVEN - THE KILLING FIELDS OF GAZA 2004-2009 MOVING TO A NEW STRATEGY, 2000-2005 2004: THE DUMMY CITY 2005: “FIRST RAINS” 2006: “SUMMER RAINS” AND “AUTUMN CLOUDS” 2007-2008: THE POLICY BECOMES A STRATEGY A GENOCIDAL POLICY? EIGHT - A MIDDLE EAST PEACE THAT COULD HAPPEN (BUT WON’T) Acknowledgements A NOTE ON THE TEXT NOTES INDEX ABOUT THE CONTRIBUTORS ALSO FROM HAYMARKET BOOKS ABOUT HAYMARKET BOOKS Copyright Page INTRODUCTION When Noam Chomsky first answered my email in December 2005, I would never have imagined that five years later I would be working on a book with him.
To answer this, I asked myself: “Why has this ‘conflict’ lasted for so long, who can stop it, and how?” Ignorance, the people, and by popular resistance and a refusal to remain silent were the first answers that came to mind. I sincerely believe that what is happening in Palestine would never have lasted this long if the public were properly informed about what had been really taking place in this part of the Middle East. Noam, Ilan, and I worked on the dialogue, now titled “The Ghettoization of Palestine,” again, gave it more insight, edited some questions, and added new ones. Ilan additionally contributed several articles addressing various crucial aspects of the Israel-Palestine question and Noam reworked his astonishing piece “‘Exterminate All the Brutes’: Gaza 2009.” Combining interviews and essays was important. On one hand, the interactive joint interview/dialogue form is a means to express and explore researched analysis and opinions in an accessible way.
IBM and the Holocaust by Edwin Black
The status of each of his grandparents must be given and substantiated by evidence in case of inquiry.”2 Certainly, by May 1939, virtually every “practicing Jew” had been registered, surveyed, numbered, and sorted numerous times in a series of overlapping, often disjointed, campaigns. The purpose of the 1939 census was to identify the so-called “racial Jews” in Germany proper, add Jews of any definition in the new territories of the expanded Reich, and locate each individual before being ghettoized or subjected to other action. Indeed the ghettoization decrees had begun that very month. In addition, Germany was preparing for all-out war and without the census, it could not identify exactly where all its draftable men were, and which women would step into their economic shoes once mobilized.3 As such, the census was vital to Hitler’s two-front war—one against the Jews, and one against all of Europe. Understandably, Dehomag’s 1939 undertaking dwarfed anything it had attempted before, including the 1933 Prussian census.
So how did it work? When Hitler came to power, a central Nazi goal was to identify and destroy Germany’s 600,000-member Jewish community. To Nazis, Jews were not just those who practiced Judaism, but those of Jewish blood, regardless of their assimilation, intermarriage, religious activity, or even conversion to Christianity. Only after Jews were identified could they be targeted for asset confiscation, ghettoization, deportation, and ultimately extermination. To search generations of communal, church, and governmental records all across Germany—and later throughout Europe—was a cross-indexing task so monumental, it called for a computer. But in 1933, no computer existed. When the Reich needed to mount a systematic campaign of Jewish economic disenfranchisement and later began the massive movement of European Jews out of their homes and into ghettos, once again, the task was so prodigious it called for a computer.
Preliminary analyzed results were ready by November 10, 1939, the one-year anniversary of Kristallnacht, and, more importantly for Hitler, the anniversary of Germany’s surrender in the Great War.10 Intense demand to access the final information on racial Jews came from competing Nazi organizations as well as state and national government bureaus. But anxious local and state agencies would have to wait. For example, municipal officials throughout Saxony asked their regional statistical offices if they could examine the census data first to speed their ghettoization and confiscation campaigns. But the Reich Statistical Office in Berlin said no. Greater priority was granted to the SD and Adolf Eichmann’s Referat II 112, which both received copies of all census registration lists.11 The census yielded exactly the data Nazi Germany needed, including data for the areas beyond Germany. Within months, for example, bureaucrats in the Austrian Statistical Office had compiled a complete profile of Jewish existence in the country.
Vertical: The City From Satellites to Bunkers by Stephen Graham
1960s counterculture, Berlin Wall, Buckminster Fuller, Chelsea Manning, Commodity Super-Cycle, deindustrialization, Edward Glaeser, Edward Snowden, energy security, Frank Gehry, ghettoisation, Google Earth, high net worth, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, Indoor air pollution, Jane Jacobs, late capitalism, means of production, megacity, megastructure, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, nuclear winter, oil shale / tar sands, planetary scale, Plutocrats, plutocrats, post-industrial society, Project Plowshare, rent control, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Skype, South China Sea, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, trickle-down economics, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, white flight, WikiLeaks
Many lamented that the obsession with the modernist aesthetics of the new towers had not been matched by detailed sociological thinking about how they would benefit the lives of those who inhabited them. In the fierce debates about the design and management of vertical mass housing that developed in France, the UK, the US and elsewhere from the late 1960s, vertical mass housing began to be read off as an (often racialised) proxy for pathologically rooted ‘urban problems’: crime, poverty, gang violence, ghettoisation and drug misuse. Jane Jacobs, the most influential critic of all, complained of the ‘great blight of dullness’ in the cheap and poorly designed US public housing projects.18 Dutch planner John Habraken, meanwhile, criticised modernist planners and architects for being ‘bewitch[ed] by partially understood technical possibilities’ which resulted in a soul-destroying ‘“automatism” and uniformity in housing design.’19 Certainly, the forcible and arrogant rehousing and removal of populations into warrens of cell-like apartments within badly sited, poorly designed and under-landscaped housing towers was often socially disastrous.
Even in their ruinous condition, they can still offer a sense of possibility which decades of being told that ‘There is No Alternative’ has almost beaten out of us.’35 Successes in vertical social housing have occurred when design, maintenance and management have been of a high quality; where residents have been able to maintain their economic fortunes amid dramatic processes of urban restructuring; and where residents have had continued inputs into the design and management of their homes. The careful integration of socially rented housing and avoidance of ethnic ghettoisation have also often also been crucial. In nations where mass high-rise housing has been organised for whole populations – as in Singapore and Hong Kong – high levels of maintenance, rent regulation and the provision of mass transit, decent public and commercial services and quality landscaping have helped to make tower living relatively popular, even for families. We must be wary, then, of writing residential towers into simplistic ‘grand stories’ while ignoring their complex and varied histories and politics.
On Palestine by Noam Chomsky, Ilan Pappé, Frank Barat
Israelis do not find it therefore at all bizarre or unacceptable that determining the results of a democratic process by first determining by force who makes up the electorate gets the desired result: a purely Jewish state in a binational country. This charade is still marketed successfully in the West: Israel is a democracy because the majority decides what it wants, even if the majority is determined by means of colonization, ethnic cleansing, and, recently, by ghettoizing the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, enclaving them in Areas A and B in the West Bank and in isolated villages in the Greater Jerusalem area, the Jordan Valley, and the Bedouin reservations in the Naqab. Israeli Jews need to safeguard the existence of the Palestinians, threatened daily by their government and army, before nourishing the project of coexistence. If they want to help, they can join the international solidarity movement and those within the land who wish to transform Israel and Palestine into a geopolitical entity in which everyone can live as equal persons and citizens.
The geopolitical location of the West Bank creates the impression in Israel, at least, that it is possible to achieve this without anticipating a third uprising or too much international condemnation. The Gaza Strip, due to its unique geopolitical location, did not lend itself that easily to such a strategy. Ever since 1994, and even more so when Ariel Sharon came to power as prime minister in the early 2000s, the strategy there has been to ghettoize Gaza and somehow hope that the people there—1.8 million as of today—would be dropped into eternal oblivion. But the ghetto proved to be rebellious and unwilling to live under conditions of strangulation, isolation, starvation, and economic collapse. There was no way it would be annexed to Egypt, either in 1948 or in 2014. In 1948, Israel pushed into the Gaza area (before it became a strip) hundreds of thousands of refugees it expelled from the northern Naqab and southern coast who, so Israel hoped, would move even farther away from Palestine.
Is It Just Me? by Miranda Hart
Once you fully accept this as your role and decide to make the most of it, you can relax and have fun. What kind of fun? At a dinner party you can initiate rowdy games of ‘Would You Rather’ at one end of the table, whilst people are earnestly discussing the new wave of young women playwrights at the other. So as they’re asking, whilst leaning forward, glasses on nose, mouth puckered: ‘But don’t you think that the whole concept of a new wave constitutes a ghettoisation of female talent?’ you’ll be asking, leaning back in your chair, giggling, a bit pissed: ‘Would you rather have an elbow on your ear, or an ear on your elbow?’ Which is a question that does need asking, I rather strongly feel. Other questions in the ‘Would You Rather’ category might include: ‘Would you rather have squirrels for feet or hamsters for hands? Or a face for an arse, or an arse for a face?’
Capitalism: A Ghost Story by Arundhati Roy
Bretton Woods, corporate governance, feminist movement, Frank Gehry, ghettoisation, Howard Zinn, informal economy, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, megacity, microcredit, neoliberal agenda, Occupy movement, RAND corporation, reserve currency, special economic zone, spectrum auction, stem cell, The Chicago School, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks
From their ranks have come good scholars and academics but also the prime ministers, finance ministers, economists, corporate lawyers, bankers, and bureaucrats who helped to open up the economies of their countries to global corporations. Scholars of the foundations-friendly version of economics and political science were rewarded with fellowships, research funds, grants, endowments, and jobs. Those with foundation-unfriendly views found themselves unfunded, marginalized, and ghettoized, their courses discontinued. Gradually, one particular imagination—a brittle, superficial pretense of tolerance and multiculturalism (that morphs into racism, rabid nationalism, ethnic chauvinism, or warmongering Islamophobia at a moment’s notice) under the roof of a single overarching, very unplural economic ideology—began to dominate the discourse. It did so to such an extent that it ceased to be perceived as an ideology at all.
Multicultural Cities: Toronto, New York, and Los Angeles by Mohammed Abdul Qadeer
affirmative action, call centre, David Brooks, deindustrialization, desegregation, edge city, en.wikipedia.org, Frank Gehry, game design, ghettoisation, global village, immigration reform, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, market bubble, McMansion, new economy, New Urbanism, place-making, Richard Florida, risk tolerance, Silicon Valley, Skype, telemarketer, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method, urban planning, urban renewal, working-age population, young professional
While the structural conditions of a city’s market do frame the choices, there is no guiding hand or systemic discrimination that herds 60 Multicultural Cities an ethnic group into a particular area. In this respect, enclaves normally represent the promise of modern multiculturalism, namely, ethnic minorities exercising their civil and human rights to live where they can afford to and feel comfortable. Enclaves, Ghettos, and Citadels The history of racial discrimination leading to the ghettoization of racial minorities haunts the discussions on enclaves. Aren’t enclaves just ghettos of immigrant minorities? It is a question often raised in public discussions. Newspapers and television often paint enclaves as breeding grounds for poverty, exclusion, and even crime.8 Yet the same media in their reporting of a city’s places of colour and excitement laud ethnic enclaves. Scholars make distinctions between enclaves and ghettos.
This sphere of social relations, with its norms and values, lays the ground for subcultures to flourish in families and communities, but it functions within the bounds set by the public sphere. These are the structural conditions that underlie ethno-racial communities and groups. They colour social relations within ethnic and racial communities. Multiracial and multi-ethnic urban areas are affected by various processes of social differentiation, ranging from stratification, clustering, and concentration and to the structures of inequality, namely, segregation and polarization, ghettoization, and gentrification.8 Cities differ in terms of the prevalence and scope of these processes. Family, Neighbourhood, and Social Relations Where one lives is an entry point into the social life of a place. From a home a network of social relations radiate out; from casual but regular contacts with store operators, daycare workers, teachers, and neighbours to intimate and persistent relations with friends, relatives, and co-workers.
Conceptually, there is a fundamental tension between the recognition and expression of cultural diversity, on the one hand, and the pull to integrate multicultural communities into the mainstream and instil in them a sense of belonging, on the other.12 Ideologically, multiculturalism sits well with the left-liberal values of social justice, individual rights, and 272 Appendix freedoms. Yet many of those espousing the rights of minorities and the disadvantaged find multiculturalism to not be fulfilling its promise of equality and fairness. For them, it ignores the racism that has long afflicted minorities by shifting the focus onto culture instead of race and class. Another criticism from this perspective is that multiculturalism ghettoizes minorities and freezes them in primordial identities, thereby reinforcing conservative mores in community cultures.13 In the same vein, multiculturalism is said to be promoting the exoticism of song and dance rather than liberal values and human rights. Some argue for a post-multiculturalism and post-ethnicity that promotes human rights and ethno-racial equality without herding individuals into ethnic enclosures.14 The underlying theme of these criticisms is that multiculturalism goes only part way towards achieving equality of diversity.
On the Run: Fugitive Life in an American City by Alice Goffman
Under the second Bush administration, the near unanimous endorsement of tough-on-crime policies by police and civic leaders accompanied the mushrooming of federal and state police agencies, special units, and bureaus.1 These policies increased the sentences for violent offenses, but they also increased the sentences for prostitution, vagrancy, gambling, and drug possession.2 The tough-on-crime era ushered in a profound change in how the United States manages ghettoized areas of its cities. For most of the twentieth century, the police ignored poor and segregated Black neighborhoods such as 6th Street. Between the 1930s and the 1980s, an era which saw the Great Migration, restrictive racial housing covenants, the Civil Rights Movement, growing unemployment, the erosion of social services, an expanding drug trade, and the departure of much of the Black middle class from the poor and segregated areas of major cities,3 reports from firsthand observers paint the police in segregated Black neighborhoods as uninterested, absent, and corrupt.4 This began to change in the 1960s, when riots in major cities and a surge in violence and drug use spurred national concern about crime, particularly in urban areas.
As officers raid women’s houses, threaten to arrest them or get them evicted, and take their children away, they must decide between their own safety and the freedom of the men they hold dear. Women’s pledges to protect the men in their lives dissolve under sustained police pressure, and some find they become the unwilling accomplices of the authorities. This descent from trusted partner to snitch or abandoner causes considerable personal anguish as well as public humiliation. In ghettoized communities there has long been distrust between men and women, and also between people living respectably and those living on the edge. The divide between members of respectable society and those oriented toward the fast life or criminal activity has long been noted. But generosity and trust, and bonds of family and friendship, also have endured through great duress. Around 6th Street, intensive policing and the looming threat of prison are tearing at these bonds, shutting people up in their homes, sowing suspicion and distrust into friendship and family life.
The Full Catastrophe: Travels Among the New Greek Ruins by James Angelos
The neighborhood, in decades past, had been a middle-class bastion, but as its residents had grown wealthier, and the area congested and overdeveloped, many people moved away to the greener suburbs. This left an abundance of empty apartments that migrants began to inhabit, changing the demographics of the neighborhood rather quickly. Giannatou sipped on her coffee and pithily summarized the change for me like this: “We went to bed in Athens and woke up in Kabul.” Around the time they sent the letter, residents also planned a demonstration. “No to the ghettoization of our area,” read a flyer advertising the event. “No to the unconditional surrender of our lives.” Leftist groups from the area heard of the planned gathering, however, and, considering the committee’s tone to be one of “racism and fascism,” planned their own counterdemonstration on the square. These leftists threatened to bring 1,500 Afghans with them to “slaughter” the residents, Giannatou recalled during our conversation.
A formation of black-clad men carrying Greek flags marched past the shops and cafés, emerging before the Committee of Residents’ supporters. “Foreigners out of Greece,” these entrants onto the scene yelled. “Greece belongs to the Greeks.” Many residents greeted the formation with cheers and whistles. “Bravo! Bravo!” some yelled, and joined in the chants. “Foreigners out of Greece!” The entrants tossed leaflets pledging their intention to defend the homeland and urging Greeks to “wake up” and “resist the ghettoization of our neighborhoods.” The black-clad men held up their flags and sang the national anthem. Some raised their arms in a manner that looked to newspaper reporters present like a Nazi salute, but was, rather, as least according to the group the men belonged to, an ancient Greek salute. Before the men departed, they chanted: “Blood, honor, Golden Dawn. We will return and the earth will tremble.”
There is an intimidating rhetoric of cultural defensiveness in many inner-city neighborhoods like those of the South Bronx, which sometimes has the power to inhibit any actions that might tend to break down racial borders and to stigmatize the people who propose them as “invasive” or “paternalistic.” There is a kind of mantra that one often hears from local power brokers in neighborhoods like these that the way to “fix” a ghettoized community is, first of all, never to describe it in such terms and, second, to remain there and do everything you can to improve it and promote its reputation. Those who choose to leave are seen as vaguely traitorous, and those who help them leave are often seen as traitorous as well. Sometimes ideology and rhetoric like this can introduce an element of complicated and neurotic inhibition into issues that should be decided by the people they will actually affect.
Unhealthy and self-destructive inclinations are not the “special illnesses” of young men and women who grow up in inner-city neighborhoods. I recall, from my father’s sixty years of practicing psychiatry, that he treated many affluent young people who seemed “hell-bent,” as he put it, “on finding any way they can to ruin their own lives,” and some of them attempted suicide repeatedly. But, for the children of a ghettoized community, the pre-existing context created by the social order cannot be lightly written off by cheap and facile language about “parental failings” or by the rhetoric of “personal responsibility,” which is the last resort of scoundrels in the civic and political arena who will, it seems, go to any length to exculpate America for its sins against our poorest people. The question of exceptionality needs to be dealt with here.
The Trouble With Brunch: Work, Class and the Pursuit of Leisure by Shawn Micallef
big-box store, call centre, cognitive dissonance, David Brooks, deindustrialization, ghettoisation, Jane Jacobs, knowledge worker, Mason jar, McMansion, new economy, post scarcity, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Thorstein Veblen, urban sprawl, World Values Survey
For many ‘white’ North Americans, so-called ethnic cuisine can provide a safe, pseudo-relationship through which one can experience ‘exotic’ cultures without any meaningful, deep interaction with those cultures. How many times have we seen politicians, looking for instant connections to a particular ethnic community, use that community’s restaurants or cultural events as a convenient backdrop? (The cheeky name of the Toronto-based web magazine Ethnic Aisle, which wittily explores ethnicity and race throughout the city and country, alludes to a related ghettoization in grocery stores.) Ternikar grew up in Tampa, Florida, a mid-sized city a little bigger than Windsor, though lacking its industrial base. When she left for graduate school in Chicago, which had and continues to have an extensive brunch scene, she noticed the same difference I did between brunch back home and brunch in her new city. In Tampa and Windsor, brunch was held in hotels and banquet halls, both of which maintained a faded, old-school glamour, big rooms that conjured up images of Friars Club roasts and boozy Dean Martin types.
QI: The Second Book of General Ignorance by Lloyd, John, Mitchinson, John
Ada Lovelace, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, Captain Sullenberger Hudson, clean water, double helix, Etonian, ghettoisation, Isaac Newton, Lao Tzu, Louis Pasteur, Mikhail Gorbachev, Murano, Venice glass, out of africa, the built environment, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, traveling salesman
The results confirmed that a founder group of perhaps a thousand Romani emerged from India in AD 1000 and then spread out in smaller units. This explains the complex pattern of Romani dialects that are found all across Europe. For most of the last thousand years, the ability of the Romani to move and adapt has only been matched by the persecution they have suffered at the hands of the sedentary populations they encountered. Forced into slavery in Eastern Europe, ghettoised in Spain, marked out by head shaving and ear removal in France and England, they have been discriminated against legally and socially in every state they have travelled through. Their painful history culminated in the Nazi regime’s attempt at genocide, known as the Porjamos (‘the devouring’ in Romani). This killed an estimated 1.5 million people between 1935 and 1945. And, as recently as 2008, the Italian government blamed a rise in city crime specifically on Romani migration, describing their presence as a ‘national emergency’.
After Zionism: One State for Israel and Palestine by Antony Loewenstein, Ahmed Moor
They suffered an actual policy of expulsion up to the mid-1950s and were then submitted to a ruthless military rule that made life quite unbearable for many until the abolishment of that rule in 1967.3 The successful Israeli fragmentation of the Palestinian existence caused one huge concern for the Israelis. There were many Palestinian “problems” to deal with and each required a different treatment. Yet, however one reviews the policies towards the various Palestinian existences – as citizens in Israel, as occupied in the West Bank, ghettoised in the Gaza Strip, or exiled as refugees elsewhere – all these policies rest on an ideological infrastructure that can be defined as ethnic cleansing. The military rule over the Palestinians in Israel until 1966 and the spatial policies and comprehensive legal, economic and cultural discrimination ever after are the manifestation of that policy towards the Palestinians in Israel. Not allowing repatriation for the refugees is another; and the actual expulsion, enclavement and Bantustanisation of the Occupied Territories is the third.
Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class by Owen Jones
Asperger Syndrome, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, British Empire, call centre, collapse of Lehman Brothers, credit crunch, deindustrialization, Etonian, facts on the ground, falling living standards, first-past-the-post, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, housing crisis, Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, Occupy movement, pension reform, place-making, Plutocrats, plutocrats, race to the bottom, rising living standards, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Spirit Level, too big to fail, unpaid internship, upwardly mobile, We are the 99%, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce, working-age population
Some commentators took this rhetoric to its logical extreme: right~wing journalist Richard Littlejohn used his Daily Mail column to describe rioters as a 'wolfpack of feral inner-city waifs and strays', calling for them to be clubbed 'like baby seals'. The idea of a 'normal' middle-class majority versus a problematic underclass was ubiquitous in post-riot commentary. According to Conservative Work and Pensions Secretary lain Duncan-Smith, 'Too many people have remained unaware of the true nature of life on some of our estates. This was because we had ghettoised many of these problems, keeping them out of sight of the middle-class majority.' In the febrile atmosphere that followed the riots, the government proposed that rioters living in council homes should be evicted, along with their families: in other words, collective punishment. It 'should be possible to evict them and keep them evicted', Cameron told MPs, and local councils-such as Nottingham, Salford and Westminsterannounced their intention to do precisely that.
Cape Town After Apartheid: Crime and Governance in the Divided City by Tony Roshan Samara
conceptual framework, deglobalization, ghettoisation, global village, illegal immigration, late capitalism, neoliberal agenda, New Urbanism, structural adjustment programs, unemployed young men, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, working poor
An assessment of the NCPS after its first year found that virtually no action has been taken on the two “social pillars” of the strategy, with all the available funding to date already devoted to the reform of the criminal justice system, and to border patrol. . . . [T]he original national priorities have not been tackled with equal vigor—crimes against women and children were subsumed under the national victim empowerment programme. This reflects the traditional ghettoisation of issues affecting women, children, and victims, and indicates a lack of interest in what are probably the most prevalent violent crimes in South Africa.24 The assessment found similar deficiencies in the areas of rehabilitation of offenders and corruption in the criminal justice system. What these 36â•‡ ·â•‡ Security and Development in Postapartheid South Africa developments suggested is that from the start, the ideals of “Ready to Govern” and other early documents were rapidly being overtaken by a more “pragmatic” state relationship to crime.
Glasgow: The Real Mean City by Malcolm Archibald
From at least the 1820s and perhaps particularly in the 1840s, so many Irish people immigrated into Glasgow that it had the second largest expatriate Irish community in the world, with only New York’s being greater. In 1848 1,000 Irish arrived a week. They added to the cultural mix in Glasgow – not always amicably, as religious differences and poor housing combined to create tensions that could explode into violence. Glasgow became nearly ghettoised as different religions, backgrounds and levels of employment drove people into separate areas of the city. These incomers were housed in hastily erected tenements containing houses of one and two rooms, and frequently lacking sanitation. The middle-class speculators minted money by cramming families into these hovels and charging rents that could sometimes only be afforded by sub-letting, leading to unhealthy overcrowding.
City: Urbanism and Its End by Douglas W. Rae
agricultural Revolution, barriers to entry, business climate, City Beautiful movement, complexity theory, desegregation, edge city, ghettoisation, income per capita, informal economy, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, manufacturing employment, New Economic Geography, new economy, New Urbanism, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Saturday Night Live, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the market place, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, Works Progress Administration
Inflation-adjusted percentage of city’s (1954) peak aggregate wage flow to factory operatives declining as black and Hispanic population increases, 1950–2000 for populations, 1954 –97 for wage flow. 259 E N D O F U R B A N I S M ing facts in greater detail later, it is important here to emphasize this brute fact: as industrial opportunity has narrowed, racial minorities have expanded in the course of half a century. Nor are these small movements: a fivefold decline in wage flow coincides with a fivefold increase in the minority percentage of the city’s population. Arwildie Howard (her married name) is now in her early sixties and living with her daughter in the Atlanta suburb of Decatur. Having spent half a century in New Haven—living mostly in the increasingly ghettoized Dixwell area, working mostly in dead-end jobs while caring for her family (which later included several grandchildren), Ardie says she “just got tired.” She had arrived very near the crest of New Haven’s population wave in 1943 but well after the most vibrant years of economic expansion, and just before the era of population decline. With each passing decade of Ardie’s life, opportunity grew thinner for people living in the Dixwell neighborhood, for her children and grandchildren.
European immigrant groups in earlier decades had faced far better economic prospects, far fewer spatial constraints, and far less virulent discrimination than these African-Americans encountered. As Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton write, “For our purposes, a ghetto is a set of neighborhoods that are exclusively inhabited by members of one group, within which virtually all members of that group live. By this definition, no ethnic or racial group in the history of the United States, except one, has ever experienced ghettoization, even briefly. For urban blacks, the ghetto has been the paradigmatic residential configuration for at least eighty years.”51 The intense marginalization of black ghettos is an inescapable element in the end-of-urbanism story. It is a symbolic fact of great significance, causing some suburban drivers to lock their car doors while in or even near such dreaded places. It is a fact of the greatest economic significance, devaluing many centralplace locations in commercial and residential credit markets.
See religious congregations Church Street project, 323 Church Street South, 383 Ciaburri, Joseph, 467 cities capital investment in, 41–42, 54–56, 66 citizens of, 113–15 decentralization of, 16 population patterns in, 12, 63–64, 70 – 71 Barton, Bob, 179–80 Basset, George, 164 Batelli, Enrico, 76 Bean, Ed, 78 Beaver Hills, 268 Bechel Bros., 85 Beecher, Wheeler, 187 Beecher & Sons, 109 Bello, Ralph (Rocky), 308–9, 418 Benson, Lorin, 4 Berg, Christian J., 4 Bigelow Company, 109 Billiau, Oscar G., 4 Black Panther Party, 386–88 blacks displacement of by urban renewal, 340 –41 exclusion of from New Haven politics, 355 –57 ghettoization of, 280 –81 in New Haven, 255–60, 405, 414 in public housing, 279–80, 341 Blake, Henry T., 135 B’nai Jacob, 381 Boardman Trade, 170 Bonefacio, Bea, 251 Booth Prep, 170 Boyd, Anne, 385 Bradley, Lewis, 230 Branford, Conn., 48–49, 50, 64, 375, 403, 443, 473 Braudel, Fernand, 29, 43, 434, 441 Breuer, Marcel, 332 Brewer, C. H., 354 Brewster, Frederick, 328 Brewster, Kingman, 247, 427, 428–29 brokerage houses, 94 Brookside, 279, 383, 384 Brosseau, A.
The Rough Guide to Vienna by Humphreys, Rob
Far more imposing, though, is the Italianate facade of the Dominikanerkirche, further south along Postgasse; the vast interior is an orgy of early Baroque stucco and frescoes, rebuilt in the 1630s following damage in the ﬁrst Turkish siege. 65 Dr-Ignaz-Seipel-Platz and Heiligenkreuzerhof THE INNE RE S TADT | East of Rotenturmstrasse 66 One block west of Postgasse along Bäckerstrasse lies Dr-Ignaz-Seipel-Platz, named after the leader of the Christian Socialists, who became the country’s chancellor in 1922. Son of a cab driver, a trained priest, and, ironically, one-time professor of moral theology, Seipel was one of the city’s most vociferous antiSemites, who openly ﬂirted with re-ghettoizing the Jews. Given the eventual fate of Austria’s Jews, this rather attractive little square might have been better left as Universitäts Platz, since its east side is still taken up by the Alte Universität (Old University), founded by Rudolf IV in 1365, and thus the second oldest (after Prague’s) in the German-speaking world. The current barracks-like building dates from the seventeenth century when, along with many leading educational institutions, it was handed over to the Jesuits.
This situation was exacerbated by the very visible presence of around 25,000 Jewish refugees from Galicia, poverty-stricken pedlars whose Orthodox garb made them all the more conspicuous. At the same time, the much larger assimilated Jewish population, who were prominent in the arts, the media and the SDAP, became the target of vicious anti-Semitism from the Christian Social and Pan-German parties. The cleric Ignaz Seipel, head of the Christian Socials and among the most vociferous anti-Semites, ﬂirted with the idea of re-ghettoizing the Jews. This sort of rhetoric was a permanent feature of the First Republic, which the SDAP consistently failed to tackle head-on. In the municipal elections of May 1919, the Social Democrats won 54 percent of the vote, and Vienna got its ﬁrst Socialist mayor, Jakob Reumann. The party held power in the capital for nearly ﬁfteen years, a period which has gone down in history as Rotes Wien or “Red Vienna” (see p.185).
One Less Car: Bicycling and the Politics of Automobility by Zack Furness, Zachary Mooradian Furness
active transport: walking or cycling, affirmative action, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, back-to-the-land, Build a better mousetrap, Burning Man, car-free, carbon footprint, clean water, colonial rule, conceptual framework, dumpster diving, Enrique Peñalosa, European colonialism, feminist movement, ghettoisation, Golden Gate Park, interchangeable parts, intermodal, Internet Archive, Jane Jacobs, market fundamentalism, means of production, Naomi Klein, New Urbanism, peak oil, place-making, post scarcity, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, sustainable-tourism, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, urban planning, Whole Earth Catalog, Whole Earth Review, working poor, Yom Kippur War
On the basis of self-interest, the roadway users—cyclists and motorists—should be in one corner and the anti-traffic forces—political bicyclists, residentialists, and environmentalists—in the other. . . . assume, until you know otherwise, that those who have initiated contact with you are political bicyclists, and that real cyclists have seen no useful reason to contact government.124 instead of praising cyclists for taking an active role in the political process or working toward a more egalitarian vision of mobility, Forester and his supporters frame government-funded bicycle facilities as restrictive, choosing to champion equality as a reaganite ethos of every man for himself: “Same roads—Same rights—Same rules.”125 Equality, in this sense of sameness, is conceived not as the rectification of a national problem whereby one form of mobility (auto transportation) dominates public thoroughfares, receives a grossly disproportionate amount of government subsidies, and poses undue physical threats to pedestrians, cyclists, the elderly, children, and people of color. rather, it functions as an ideological and political rationale for voluntary cyclists (those who ride out of choice as opposed to low income) to legitimize their participation in an already unequal matrix of public spaces.126 The idea that the street is somehow a space of equality, or neutrality, that one accesses by simply disciplining and ultimately demonstrating one’s cycling skill is a premise that holds true only if one decontextualizes, if not totally ignores, all the relevant socioeconomic, physical, material, and cultural factors that influence—and in most cases dictate—everyday transportation choices. it virtually mirrors the claims of cyclists in the nineteenth century who, by virtue of their socioeconomic and/or racial status, could easily ignore the cultural restraints on public mobility because they were never subject to them in the first place. not coincidentally, it is a group of mainly white, middle- to upper-class men who now reproduce this same ideology with recourse to similar vulgar psychological explanations. The main difference now is the brazen manner in which vC proponents use racially loaded terms like segregationists (bikeway advocates) and ghettoization (being forced into bike lanes) while they promote a paradigm that explicitly, and openly, condemns what they see as “affirmative action” policies.127 One can peruse the archives of the Chain Guard, an online discussion list for vC advocates, to see just how pointedly the issue of bicycle transportation is framed in such terms. One person writes: i despair of responding at length to all the unending preferences for prioritizing the “special needs” of all the presumed incapable bike riders while we continue to ignore the development of informed, intelligent, safe, enjoyable, efficient transportation by driving a bicycle on normal roads with normal training and education easily achieved by almost all of us, while we promote equal rights.128 The lip service given to equal rights is nicely highlighted in later discussion about the formation of Bicycle advisory Committees, which are groups that recommend localized policies for cycling.
See also Bike messengers Urbanism, 54; and urban driving, 48–49 Urban Mass Transportation act (1964), 52 Urban planning, 53; and capitalist ideology, 54 Urban repair Squad, 96 Urban space, 12; and automobility, 50, 83; and bicyclists, 49; and driving, 88; semiotics of, 92–93; and skateboarding, 83 Urban Underground, 62, 245n75 Urry, John, 6, 87 van Bree, Miriam, 57 van Der Tuin, patrick, 97 van Duyn, roel, 55 vans and punk music, 147–148 vant, andré, 18, 25 vehicular cycling (vT) advocacy, 71–72, 74–76; and use of terms segregationists and ghettoization, 73 vehicularists, 72–73 velocipower, 25 vélomobility, 48, 76 vélorution, 13, 47, 170 viera-Gallo, José antonio, 246n97 vietnam, 217 village Bicycle project (vBp), 187–188, 191, 194 visual resistance, 97 voelcker, Jake, 268n117 voeten, Teun, 242n39 volti, rudi, 16 Wachs, Martin, 100 Wald, 168 Wallace, Christopher, 101–102 Ward, Benjamin, 264n65 War production Board (WpD), 120 Washington area Bicyclist association, 63, 68 Watt, Mike, 147, 272n26 Wehr, Kevin, 127 Westfield Manufacturing Company, 262n47 Wheelman (magazine), 23 White privilege: and public events, 101–102; and public mobility, 103 Whole Earth Catalog, 67–68 Wieler, aaron, 154 Wilcher, aaron, 25, 41 Willard, Carla, 21 Willard, Frances, and corset as rhetorical metaphor, 20 Williams, “Fast” Eddie, 165 Williams, lee, 89 Wilson, Owen, 113 Winner, langdon, 192, 218 Wish image, 44 Wolf, Wilhelm, 38 Woman’s rescue league, 20 WOMBaTS (Women’s Mountain Bike and Tea Society), 185 Women: and bicycling, 19–20, 230n39, 282n34; and bike culture, 185–186; as bike mechanics, 184–185; and gender divide and intimidation factor, 181–183 Women’s national Council of the United States, 20 The Worker-Cyclist (newspaper), 34 Worker’s Cycling Federation: Solidarity (arbeiter-radfahrerbund Solidarität), 33–34, 37 Working Bikes, 191, 200 Working Bikes Cooperative, 175 Worksman Cycles, 168 World Bank, 189, 190 World Bicycle relief, 199 World naked Bike ride, 105 World’s Fair (1939), 50 Xtracycle, 154 yohans, yini, 259n18 You, Me and Dupree (film), 112–113 young, iris Marion, 177 youth Bicycle Education network, 171 yukon, 4 yunus, Muhammad, 199–200 Zaire, 196 Zerzan, John, 205 Zo, Eric, 168
Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City by Matthew Desmond
affirmative action, Cass Sunstein, crack epidemic, Credit Default Swap, deindustrialization, desegregation, dumpster diving, ending welfare as we know it, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, housing crisis, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, late fees, New Urbanism, payday loans, price discrimination, profit motive, rent control, statistical model, superstar cities, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, thinkpad, upwardly mobile, working poor, young professional
On social programs designed to combat “social isolation,” see US Department of Housing and Urban Development, Moving to Opportunity for Fair Housing Demonstration Program: Final Impacts Evaluation (Washington, DC: Office of Policy Development and Research, 2011); US Department of Housing and Urban Development, Mixed-Income Housing and the HOME Program (Washington, DC: Office of Policy Development and Research, 2003). For canonical theories about poverty and community life holding that spatial isolation (residential ghettoization) brings about social isolation (network ghettoization), see William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012 ); Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993). For a detailed analysis of neighborhood and network disadvantage, see Matthew Desmond and Weihua An, “Neighborhood and Network Disadvantage Among Urban Renters,” Sociological Science 2 (2015): 329–50. 3.
Fool Me Twice: Fighting the Assault on Science in America by Shawn Lawrence Otto
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anthropic principle, Berlin Wall, Brownian motion, carbon footprint, Cepheid variable, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, cosmological constant, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Dean Kamen, desegregation, double helix, energy security, Exxon Valdez, fudge factor, ghettoisation, Harlow Shapley and Heber Curtis, Harvard Computers: women astronomers, informal economy, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Louis Pasteur, mutually assured destruction, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, shareholder value, sharing economy, smart grid, Solar eclipse in 1919, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, transaction costs, University of East Anglia, War on Poverty, white flight, Winter of Discontent, working poor
This segregation may have worked well in the large, well-staffed newsrooms of the mid-twentieth century, when multiple reporters could cover the same story from different angles, but the policy has since become a problem. Science is now central to most of our major policy challenges. Segregating it has, in effect, taken a large portion of the political discussion off the table. No other major human endeavor is so ghettoized. The religion and ethics beat has long since crossed over into the politics pages, as has the business and economics beat. And of course military and foreign policy have been there all along. This segregation is also unique among Western democracies. In Europe it was the journalists themselves, joined together as the European Union of Science Journalists’ Associations under the leadership of Hanns-J.
They were waxing on about foreign policy and military affairs even though none were generals or diplomats and some had no military or foreign policy experience whatsoever. They offered economic plans even though they had little knowledge of economics. They talked about morality and religion even though they were not pastors or priests. But they refused to debate on science—the issue that is having some of the most profound effects on Americans’ lives. THE GREAT DUMBING DOWN Partly, this ghettoization is due to economics. Facing increased competition from cable TV and a free model for news on the Internet, American news media have been trimming costs. Among the first things to go were investigative and science reporters. A Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy report from 2005—early in the science news crisis—showed that from 1989 to 2005, the number of major newspapers with weekly science sections fell from ninety-five to thirty-four.
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Post-materialism, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent
In a deeper sense, the existence of an immigrant underclass can undermine the public trust on which a welfare state or social democracy needs to be based. Social democracy does not necessarily require ethnic homogeneity. But when ethnic heterogeneity takes the form of an immigrant underclass, then it can make citizens less willing to pay taxes to support social benefits. By the same token, as French sociologist Olivier Roy has warned, the existence in countries like France of a ghettoized underclass can also be a seedbed for political extremism and terrorism. Rightwing populists wrongly look at Islam the religion as the cause of extremism, and advocate the public suppression of Islam, but they at least acknowledge there is a problem with these communities that must be addressed. Populism and Neoliberalism In the United States, Trump’s and Sanders’s assault against the neoliberal consensus significantly shifted the economic debate during the 2016 presidential election.
3D printing, Amazon Web Services, augmented reality, call centre, clockwatching, cloud computing, Firefox, future of work, ghettoisation, Google Chrome, Google Glasses, Google Hangouts, Khan Academy, Kickstarter, Kodak vs Instagram, Lean Startup, Mark Zuckerberg, Network effects, new economy, Occupy movement, place-making, prediction markets, pre–internet, recommendation engine, Richard Florida, risk tolerance, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, social graph, social web, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Thomas L Friedman, Tim Cook: Apple, Tony Hsieh, WikiLeaks
While this is painting with very broad strokes, it comes down to vertical integration versus horizontal integration. When a business claims to be moving in the direction of becoming a more social business, the brands that often fail are the ones that have a social media department within another department (usually marketing and/or communications); their work involves things like campaigns currently in-market or individual initiatives. This, in essence, is the ghettoization of the social business spirit and will ultimately lead to failure. When it’s implemented horizontally (across all departments), you have a top-down and bottom-up seismic shift that becomes a value-based system by which the corporation is governed. In plain English: Everyone has skin in the game. It’s not a campaign, it’s who you are—as a business. It’s a statement to the world that your business is made up of people and your consumers are people too.
But What if We're Wrong? Thinking About the Present as if It Were the Past by Chuck Klosterman
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, British Empire, citizen journalism, cosmological constant, dark matter, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frank Gehry, Gerolamo Cardano, ghettoisation, Howard Zinn, Isaac Newton, non-fiction novel, obamacare, pre–internet, Ralph Nader, Ray Kurzweil, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Stephen Hawking, the medium is the message, the scientific method, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, too big to fail, Y2K
If so, a spiritual person might argue this means dreams are preparing us for something quite important; using the same information, a secular person might argue this means dreams are micro-versions of a massive chemical event that happens only at the very end of life. But either way, such a scenario should drastically alter the significance we place on the content of dreams. Right now, we don’t think the content of dreams matters at all. If we end up being wrong about the psychological consequence of dreaming, it will be the result of our willingness to ghettoize an acute cognitive experience simply because it seems too difficult to realistically study. The problem with studying the subject matter of dreams is straightforward: We can map the brain’s electrical activity, but we can’t see other people’s dreams. The only way we can analyze the content of a dream is to ask the dreamer what she remembers. That makes the entire endeavor too interpretive to qualify as regular science.
The Player of Games by Iain M Banks - Culture 02
The Hole was a set of vast artificial caverns burrowed out of the chalk centuries ago to store natural gas in; the gas had long since run out, the city ran on other forms of energy, and the set of huge, linked caves had been colonised, first by Groasnachek's poor, then (by a slow process of osmosis and displacement, as though - gas or human - nothing ever really changed) by its criminals and outlaws, and finally, though not completely, by its effectively ghettoised aliens and their supporting cast of locals. Gurgeh and Za's car drove into what had once been a massive above-ground gas-storage cylinder; it had become the housing for a pair of spiralling ramps taking cars and other vehicles down into and up out of the Hole. In the centre of the still mostly empty, ringingly echoing cylinder, a cluster of variously sized lifts slid up and down inside ramshackle frameworks of girders, tubing and beams.
Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, Basel III, Ben Bernanke: helicopter money, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, British Empire, capital controls, carbon footprint, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, dark matter, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, disintermediation, energy security, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial repression, floating exchange rates, forensic accounting, forward guidance, full employment, ghettoisation, global rebalancing, global reserve currency, hiring and firing, inflation targeting, Irish property bubble, Just-in-time delivery, labour market flexibility, London Whale, Long Term Capital Management, margin call, market clearing, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, mini-job, mittelstand, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, mutually assured destruction, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, open economy, paradox of thrift, pension reform, price mechanism, price stability, profit motive, quantitative easing, quantitative trading / quantitative ﬁnance, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, reserve currency, reshoring, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, shareholder value, sovereign wealth fund, The Chicago School, the payments system, too big to fail, trade route, transaction costs, two tier labour market, unorthodox policies, uranium enrichment, urban planning, value at risk, working-age population
The MiniJobs and ‘one-euro’ jobs created by the Hartz reforms were providing an escalator down rather than up for large swathes of German citizens. Social mobility was declining. Official measures of poverty reached all-time highs, with one in six Germans now beneath the poverty line. More than one in three children in Berlin relied on a Hartz IV payment. The German dream of ‘prosperity for all’ is fractured, even if there are plenty of jobs. Hartz IV recipients were becoming ghettoised. It’s easy to see why southern Europe may not volunteer for a German blueprint that amounts to ‘Get Paid Less’. Hartz himself told me: ‘The reforms needn’t necessarily be accompanied by wage reductions.’ Does he accept that some of the Hartz reforms have led to more poverty, less social mobility, and declining living standards? ‘Absolutely not. The reforms opened up prospects for all so that no one should arrive at a dead-end situation.
The reason for anti-Semitism, wrote one nineteenth-century Zionist theoretician, was that the Jews, a disembodied people without a land, were “haunting” the nations; anti-Semitism, he concluded, was a fear of ghosts. Give the Jews a state—a flag and postage stamps and marching bands—and they would become concretized, demystified. Normal. Zionism had been the Jews’ last desperate strategy for collective acceptance among the nations. And now that strategy had failed. Zionism had been turned against itself: the very means for freeing the Jews from the ghetto had become the pretext for their renewed ghettoization. Only Gush Emunim had a ready explanation for why this was happening. It was an old Jewish answer, and it first appeared in the Bible: “Lo it is a nation that shall dwell alone and not be reckoned among the nations.” Not that Hanan and Yoel and their friends welcomed Israel’s isolation. But it hardly fazed them. Goyim were acting like goyim; now Jews needed to act like Jews, embrace their unavoidable uniqueness and fulfill their redemptive destiny, the world be damned.
In ancient Israel, he’d noted, prophecy had come from the people of the mountain, aimed at the mercantile people near the sea. But even as the Israelis of the coast were drifting away from their Jewish roots, the Israelis of the mountain were retreating into a self-enclosed provinciality. Religious Zionism had been founded as a mediation between modernity and tradition, but parts of the religious Zionist community were adopting ultra-Orthodox ghettoization. And they were replacing the messy engagement with reality—the essence of the Judaic approach to life—with a purist ideology that bypassed historical process. If the alienation between the mountain and the coast continued, Yoel now taught, Israel would, God forbid, face hurban, destruction. “The body pulls to excessive materialism, and the soul to detached spirituality,” he told a journalist.
Coding Freedom: The Ethics and Aesthetics of Hacking by E. Gabriella Coleman
Benjamin Mako Hill, crowdsourcing, Debian, dumpster diving, en.wikipedia.org, financial independence, ghettoisation, Hacker Ethic, informal economy, Jacob Appelbaum, Jaron Lanier, Jason Scott: textfiles.com, Jean Tirole, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, Louis Pasteur, means of production, Paul Graham, pirate software, popular electronics, RFC: Request For Comment, Richard Stallman, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, slashdot, software patent, software studies, Steve Ballmer, Steven Levy, Ted Nelson, the scientific method, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, web application, web of trust
Equally crucial was that free software production was never easily shackled to a Right versus Left political divide, despite numerous attempts early in its history by its critics to portray it as communist. In an era when identification with Right or Left, conservative or liberal, often functions as a politically paralyzing form of ideological imprisonment, F/OSS has been able to successfully avoid such polarization and thus ghettoization. Even if some hackers write and release free software for political reasons, many developers tend to divorce an official, broadly conceived political stance outside software freedom from their collective laboring (with the exception of free software projects defined primarily by political aspirations). This tight coupling between a particular version of freedom and its instantiation in technology—mediated by licensing within F/OSS—paves the way for certain sociopolitical travels.
The End of Growth by Jeff Rubin
Ayatollah Khomeini, Bakken shale, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, British Empire, call centre, carbon footprint, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, decarbonisation, deglobalization, energy security, eurozone crisis, Exxon Valdez, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fiat currency, flex fuel, full employment, ghettoisation, global supply chain, Hans Island, happiness index / gross national happiness, housing crisis, hydraulic fracturing, illegal immigration, income per capita, Jane Jacobs, labour mobility, McMansion, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, new economy, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, peak oil, Ponzi scheme, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, uranium enrichment, urban planning, urban sprawl, women in the workforce, working poor, Yom Kippur War
A disruption to production in Saudi Arabia, the world’s second-largest oil producer after Russia, would make the loss of Libyan output, or that of any other OPEC producer for that matter, look minor by comparison. Concerns about Saudi Arabia aren’t just theoretical. In neighboring Bahrain, an absolutist monarchy sits tenuously atop a country divided by fundamental religious and economic differences. A Sunni elite minority lives in glass towers in the capital city of Manama, while a politically disenfranchised Shiite working class is ghettoized in suburban slums, shut out from high-paying jobs in government, the military and the private sector. A former British colony, the island kingdom of Bahrain was supposed to be a constitutional monarchy run by an elected parliament. At least, that was the plan when Britain turned over the island to home rule. Instead, in 1975 the monarch, Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa, suspended parliament and imposed an autocratic rule that remains in full force today.
back-to-the-land, balance sheet recession, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, capital controls, centre right, citizen journalism, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, informal economy, land tenure, low skilled workers, means of production, megacity, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, Network effects, New Journalism, Occupy movement, price stability, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rising living standards, short selling, Slavoj Žižek, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, union organizing, We are the 99%, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, young professional
As discussed in Chapter 7, the working class of a modern economy tends to be culturally divided between those exposed to global labour markets and technocratic conditions, and this beleaguered group oriented to traditional values and national economic solutions. Absent any solidarity between the plebeian right and the left intelligentsia, the protests against Putin would continue to be small, repressed and ghettoized. Sergei Udaltsov, the leader of the Left Front, would, in the twelve months before the 2011 election, spend a total of eighty-six days in detention. And for some the price of dissent could be higher still. Ask Alexander Litvinenko. Ask Sergei Magnitsky, the anti-corruption lawyer imprisoned without trial, who died in custody after being denied medical assistance. Ask Anna Politkovskaya. Putin, it seemed, would coast to victory in the 2012 presidential election and the oil and gas money would keep on flowing.
The Hacker Crackdown by Bruce Sterling
Apple II, back-to-the-land, game design, ghettoisation, Haight Ashbury, Howard Rheingold, HyperCard, index card, informal economy, Jaron Lanier, pirate software, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Silicon Valley, Steve Wozniak, Steven Levy, Stewart Brand, the scientific method, Whole Earth Catalog, Whole Earth Review
Contemplating this list is an impressive, almost humbling business. As a cultural artifact, the thing approaches poetry. Underground groups—subcultures—can be distinguished from independent cultures by their habit of referring constantly to the parent society. Undergrounds by their nature constantly must maintain a membrane of differentiation. Funny/distinctive clothes and hair, specialized jargon, specialized ghettoized areas in cities, different hours of rising, working, sleeping.... The digital underground, which specializes in information, relies very heavily on language to distinguish itself. As can be seen from this list, they make heavy use of parody and mockery. It's revealing to see who they choose to mock. First, large corporations. We have the Phortune 500, The Chief Executive Officers, Bellcore, IBM Syndicate, SABRE (a computerized reservation service maintained by airlines).
Aliya and absorption in historical perspective. Sekirah Hodshit 7–8: 22–34 (Hebrew). ——. 1995. The immigrants from the FSU: Segregation and integration. Jerusalem: Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel (Hebrew). ——— . 1999. The mass immigration of the ﬁfties: The failure of the melting-pot policy. Jerusalem: Mossad Bialik (Hebrew). —— and Elazar Leshem. 1995. The Russian intelligentsia in Israel: Between ghettoization and integration. Israeli Aﬀairs 2(1–2): 20–36. Litvak, Yoseph, Avraham Yehoshafat and Nono Magor. 1981. The Jews of Georgia, Bokhara and the Caucasus. Aliya potential for the 1980s. Jerusalem: The Ministry of Immigration Absorption, Section for Planning and Research (mimeographed) (Hebrew). 231 Livneh, Neri. 1999. The Russian revolution: An interview. Ha’aretz Weekend Magazine, May 14.
In the Realm of Hungry Ghosts: Close Encounters With Addiction by Gabor Mate, Peter A. Levine
I’ve had a small taste of it, having been stopped by cops on my Hastings Street rounds—once for jaywalking and once for riding my bicycle on the sidewalk. An officer’s tone shifts instantly from curt and contemptuous to polite when he realizes I’m not a Downtown Eastside resident. How utterly helpless I would feel, I have thought at such times, if I didn’t have a respectable address on my driver’s licence; if I lived in a restricted, ghettoized domain where a uniformed and armed force was the omnipresent power; if I depended on substances the police had to suppress and on activities they were obliged to prosecute; if I couldn’t count on reliable friends and family to advocate for me if ever I got into trouble. I have also witnessed officers treat my clients calmly and with kindness, but I know that’s not the face they always turn toward the addict.
Arrival City by Doug Saunders
agricultural Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, call centre, credit crunch, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, guest worker program, Hernando de Soto, Honoré de Balzac, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, Kibera, land reform, land tenure, low skilled workers, megacity, microcredit, new economy, pensions crisis, place-making, price mechanism, rent control, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban sprawl, white flight, working poor, working-age population
There has long been a tendency to refer to the neighborhoods on the Paris outskirts, and similar neighborhoods across the West, as “immigrant ghettos” or “ethnic enclaves,” and to attribute their failings and eruptions to a perceived racial and ethnic segregation. When you examine them as arrival cities, though, the distinguishing thing about Les Pyramides and its even uglier siblings is not ethnic ghettoization but extreme heterogeneity. The sociologist Loïc Wacquant has built his career on proving that the French banlieues and other “neighbourhoods of relegation” across Europe are not at all segregated in the sense of classic American black ghettos but are, instead, “anti-ghettos,” places that are, in fact, very multi-ethnic—and this, he argues, is precisely the problem: these neighborhoods are places of “advanced marginality” that haven’t been able to form any sort of community at all, ethnic or otherwise.
The American Way of Poverty: How the Other Half Still Lives by Sasha Abramsky
2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, bank run, big-box store, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, housing crisis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, indoor plumbing, job automation, Mark Zuckerberg, Maui Hawaii, microcredit, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, payday loans, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Potemkin village, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration
To do so, I began traveling around the country interviewing and photographing people on the economic margins—Harrington’s “economic underworld”—and the environments in which they lived. As the stories accumulated, three things struck me with particular force. The first is the sheer loneliness of poverty, the fact that profound economic hardship pushes people to the psychological and physical margins of society—isolated from friends and relatives; shunted into dilapidated trailer parks, shanties, or ghettoized public housing; and removed from banks and stores, transit systems and cultural institutions. The poor live on society’s scraps—a few dollars in government assistance or charity, donated food, thrift-store clothes. They can afford neither transport to venture out of their communities nor simple luxuries such as movies or a cup of coffee with friends in a café. They cannot afford to vary the routines of their daily lives.
Smart Cities: Big Data, Civic Hackers, and the Quest for a New Utopia by Anthony M. Townsend
1960s counterculture, 4chan, A Pattern Language, Airbnb, Amazon Web Services, anti-communist, Apple II, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Burning Man, business process, call centre, carbon footprint, charter city, chief data officer, clean water, cleantech, cloud computing, computer age, congestion charging, connected car, crack epidemic, crowdsourcing, DARPA: Urban Challenge, data acquisition, Deng Xiaoping, East Village, Edward Glaeser, game design, garden city movement, Geoffrey West, Santa Fe Institute, George Gilder, ghettoisation, global supply chain, Grace Hopper, Haight Ashbury, Hedy Lamarr / George Antheil, hive mind, Howard Rheingold, interchangeable parts, Internet Archive, Internet of things, Jacquard loom, Jacquard loom, Jane Jacobs, jitney, John Snow's cholera map, Khan Academy, Kibera, knowledge worker, load shedding, M-Pesa, Mark Zuckerberg, megacity, mobile money, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, Norbert Wiener, Occupy movement, openstreetmap, packet switching, patent troll, place-making, planetary scale, popular electronics, RFC: Request For Comment, RFID, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Gordon, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart cities, Smart Cities: Big Data, Civic Hackers, and the Quest for a New Utopia, smart grid, smart meter, social graph, social software, social web, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Stuxnet, supply-chain management, technoutopianism, Ted Kaczynski, telepresence, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, too big to fail, trade route, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, Vannevar Bush, working poor, working-age population, X Prize, Y2K, zero day, Zipcar
“There are indeed relevant studies on urban behavior and urban dynamics,” he wrote, “but to identify these is a large and separate task.” With no formal training in urban planning, based solely on his computer simulation, Forrester recommended the demolition not only of slums but of federally subsidized public housing as well, which the model showed became poverty traps for their inhabitants. While the ghettoization of the poor in housing projects is now widely recognized, it was obvious failures like the disastrous Pruitt-Igoe complex in Saint Louis (which was torn down in the 1970s) and painstaking fieldwork by a generation of social scientists that made the case in the end.55 Urban Dynamics was perhaps the most ambitious effort of that generation of computer-based urban simulations. But it came at the tail end of a decade of failures to apply systems analysis to urban problems.
additive manufacturing, air freight, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, British Empire, car-free, carbon footprint, clean water, congestion charging, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, demographic transition, Fall of the Berlin Wall, food miles, ghettoisation, Isaac Newton, Kibera, megacity, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, out of africa, peak oil, profit motive, race to the bottom, Shenzhen was a fishing village, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, the built environment, urban planning, urban sprawl, women in the workforce
They would revel in the freedom provided by the car to pick and choose their neighbours from across the city. Christopher Alexander, professor of architecture at the University of California, Berkeley, saw neighbourhoods not just as irrelevant, but as ‘military encampments designed to create discipline and rigidity’. The subtext was clear: socialist neighbourhoods bad, capitalist freedom good. But the result of this infatuation was not total freedom, but gridlock, suburban blight, the ghettoization of people without cars, and burgeoning crime and social dislocation in bleak nightmarish urban landscapes. More Clockwork Orange than Broadacre City. Milton Keynes is a British national joke, and Brasilia is surrounded by the favelas it was supposed to replace. As a non-driver, quite at home in London, I despair at the sheer impossibility of getting round many other modern cities without a car.
War Without Mercy: PACIFIC WAR by John Dower
anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, British Empire, colonial rule, European colonialism, ghettoisation, labour mobility, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Scientific racism, South China Sea, Torches of Freedom, transcontinental railway
At times, the issue thus took on an almost surreal dimension, with criticism of the laws in the United States providing ammunition for the Japanese, which in turn provided further ammunition for the critics of the laws. Where the target was so vulnerable, the Japanese scored well. They informed their Asian audiences not only about the exclusion policy itself, but also about the harassment of Chinese at detention centers (where, a Tokyo broadcast to China declared, they were “practically treated like a class apart from the rest of humanity”), the social pressures that forced Chinese into ghettoized “Chinatowns” in the poorer residential areas, and the discrimination that relegated most of them to “the most menial of occupations, despised and mistreated and at best patronizingly tolerated with a contemptuous humor.”28 One congressman referred to this as “drivel” dished out by “chattering monkeys,” another spoke of “the childish fury of this propaganda,” but virtually no one, including President Roosevelt, denied its potential effectiveness.
When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor by William Julius Wilson
affirmative action, citizen journalism, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, declining real wages, deindustrialization, deliberate practice, desegregation, Donald Trump, edge city, ending welfare as we know it, full employment, George Gilder, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, income inequality, informal economy, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, school choice, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration
The trends in western cities were similar to those of the South—declines in the number and proportion of the poor in ghetto census tracts during the 1970s and a substantial increase during the 1980s, including an 80 percent growth in the number of ghetto poverty tracts. 12 The number of such tracts has more than doubled since 1970: Between 1970 and 1990, the prevalence of ghetto tracts increased from 6 percent of the total number of census tracts in the nation’s one hundred largest cities to 13.7 percent of the total (Kasarda 1993b). 13 Paul Jargowsky’s research: Jargowsky (1994). Jargowsky arrived at this figure using a slightly modified measure of ghetto poverty that does not obscure the real degree of ghettoization among blacks who live in census tracts in which a significant proportion of the residents are white. Because of the high level of racial segregation in American cities, most census tracts are nearly all black or all white. However, a growing percentage of tracts include a considerable number of both blacks and whites. Although the poverty rate for a racially mixed census tract represents all the residents of the area, it may obscure the degree of poverty concentration experienced by a particular group.
Imagining India by Nandan Nilekani
affirmative action, BRICs, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, clean water, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, distributed generation, farmers can use mobile phones to check market prices, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, global supply chain, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, informal economy, joint-stock company, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, land reform, LNG terminal, load shedding, Mahatma Gandhi, market fragmentation, Mikhail Gorbachev, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, open economy, pension reform, Potemkin village, price mechanism, race to the bottom, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, smart grid, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, unemployed young men, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population
The result is a certain cynicism, evident in what a prominent politician said to me when I buttonholed him with some policy ideas: “I don’t see much upside in talking to you—you’re neither good for notes [money] nor votes.” During such conversations I have felt very far away from India’s new optimism and its bustling markets. It is not easy to find common ground—between governments, entrepreneurs, the middle class and the poor—when people’s priorities and incentives are set so wide apart. In fact our ideas for the Indian economy have in recent years become more ghettoized than ever. A different view I have been fortunate to have had a unique perch from where to witness these divisions. I am of course an outsider in India’s politics, but the label also applies to me when it comes to Indian business. Having cofounded and worked in Infosys for twenty-six years, I can call myself an Indian entrepreneur. But as an information technology (IT) company, Infosys always faced challenges different from the rest of the Indian industry.
affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, distributed generation, friendly fire, full employment, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, invisible hand, open borders, Ronald Reagan, Yom Kippur War, young professional
Toward the end of 1966, Eshkol had again invited Chuvakhin to tour the north, and the ambassador once again refused.20 Israel denied the Soviet claims. “Instead of warning the aggressor, they warn the victim,” Eshkol complained. To the assertion that Israel was aligned with “the imperialists” he responded almost with insult: “Israel the liberator, which freed its people from the generations-long bonds of exile and ghettoization; Israel, a victim of pogroms all over the world, that now returns to its homeland after thousands of years; Israel, the first to rid itself of a foreign power when it realized that this power could not fulfill its hopes— we are being driven by imperialism?” But at the end of December 1966, Shlomo Argov at the Israeli embassy in London raised a question that had troubled him for some time: was it possible that Israel was unwittingly becoming a pawn of foreign oil companies?
air freight, Albert Einstein, California gold rush, cognitive dissonance, desegregation, double entry bookkeeping, family office, feminist movement, full employment, ghettoisation, Indoor air pollution, medical malpractice, Mikhail Gorbachev, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, The Chicago School, the scientific method, Torches of Freedom, trade route, transaction costs, traveling salesman, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty
At restaurants, even when obeying the separate seating rules, they hid their cigarettes under the table and waved away the smoke to avoid the dirty looks of smoke-sensitive patrons. And at offices and plants, those desperate for a cigarette were disappearing into hallways, stairwells, and rest rooms, hovering outside building entrances, even hunching against outside walls to avoid the raw elements, and if allowed to indulge in a ghettoized quadrant within the cafeteria, some gulped down two or three cigarettes’ worth of smoke within the time normally allotted for one. The Wall Street Journal reported that some executives were finding their path to career advancement impeded by their smoking affliction, which their superiors inclined to view as a symptom of deficient self-control or weak character. But at all levels, smokers sensed the growing animosity.
The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined by Steven Pinker
1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Alan Turing: On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem, Albert Einstein, availability heuristic, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, British Empire, Broken windows theory, California gold rush, Cass Sunstein, citation needed, clean water, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, Columbine, computer age, conceptual framework, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, crack epidemic, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, delayed gratification, demographic transition, desegregation, Doomsday Clock, Douglas Hofstadter, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, experimental subject, facts on the ground, failed state, first-past-the-post, Flynn Effect, food miles, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, fudge factor, full employment, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, global village, Henri Poincaré, impulse control, income inequality, informal economy, invention of the printing press, Isaac Newton, lake wobegon effect, libertarian paternalism, loss aversion, Marshall McLuhan, McMansion, means of production, mental accounting, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, open economy, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Singer: altruism, QWERTY keyboard, race to the bottom, Ralph Waldo Emerson, random walk, Republic of Letters, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, security theater, Skype, Slavoj Žižek, South China Sea, statistical model, stem cell, Steven Levy, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, Turing machine, ultimatum game, uranium enrichment, V2 rocket, Walter Mischel, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce
A second mechanism of moral disengagement is gradualism. People can slide into barbarities a baby step at a time that they would never undertake in a single plunge, because at no point does it feel like they are doing anything terribly different from the current norm.290 An infamous historical example is the Nazis’ euthanizing of the handicapped and mentally retarded and their disenfranchisement, harassment, ghettoization, and deportation of the Jews, which culminated in the events referred to by the ultimate euphemism, the Final Solution. Another example is the phasing of decisions in the conduct of war. Material assistance to an ally can morph into military advisors and then into escalating numbers of soldiers, particularly in a war of attrition. The bombing of factories can shade into the bombing of factories near neighborhoods, which can shade into the bombing of neighborhoods.