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One More Thing: Stories and Other Stories by B. J. Novak
(Applause) President Mandela, you took one of the most unjust nations on earth and made it what it is today: one of the most violent nations on earth. (Laughter) I’m not saying life is cheap in Africa, but when they make movies over there? They use blood as fake ketchup. (Laughter) And the stars really came out for you, President Mandela. Nobel Peace Prize winner F. W. de Klerk is here, everybody. Of course the “F. W.” stands for “Fucking Who?” (Laughter, de Klerk nods politely) F. W. de Klerk is the man who co-orchestrated the transition from apartheid rule to an era of democracy. Dr. de Klerk, you’ve somehow accomplished the impossible: you’ve made more black men happy than Lisa Lampanelli. Lisa Lampanelli stands and makes an obscene gesture toward Archbishop Desmond Tutu. She receives a standing ovation. JEFFREY ROSS: But we’re not here to talk about Lisa Lampanelli’s enormous vagina.
The Comedy Central Roast of Nelson Mandela The following is a transcript of excerpts from the unaired 2012 special The Comedy Central Roast of Nelson Mandela. There is currently no broadcast date for this special. ANNOUNCER: Welcome to the Comedy Central Roast of Nelson Mandela! With Jeffrey Ross! Lisa Lampanelli! Archbishop Desmond Tutu! Archbishop Don “Magic” Juan! Winnie Mandela! Sisqo! Anthony Jeselnik! Pauly D! Former South African prime minister F. W. de Klerk! Sarah Silverman! A special appearance by His Holiness the Dalai Lama! And Gilbert Gottfried! And now, ladies and gentlemen, the “Roastmaster General” himself, JEFFREY ROSS! Jeffrey Ross enters dressed as Honey Boo Boo Child. He turns slowly to reveal his costume. He receives a standing ovation. JEFFREY ROSS: What an honor to be here roasting President Nelson Mandela. (Applause) President Mandela, you’re a good sport, thank you for agreeing to be here.
JEFFREY ROSS: And now, ladies and gentlemen, a man whose name I never pronounce correctly because he doesn’t deserve my respect, Anthony Jeselnik. ANTHONY JESELNIK: Thank you. Poor Jeff Ross—too ugly to come dressed as Honey Boo Boo Child, too fat to come dressed as her mother. (Laughter; Mandela smiles politely) President Mandela, I read that the reason you and your best friend left your small hometown for Johannesburg at age sixteen was to avoid an arranged marriage. (Mandela nods) So with all due respect to F. W. de Klerk: shouldn’t you be sharing your Nobel Peace Prize with this chick who was so hideous that she caused you to jump on a train for a thousand miles to avoid banging her? (Applause) But President Mandela isn’t the only Nobel laureate here—Archbishop Desmond Tutu is here. Yeah. Yeah. (Applause) Archbishop Tutu, in 2007 you convened a group with President Mandela, Kofi Annan, and others so that you could contribute your wisdom and leadership to tackling the world’s toughest problems.
The end of history and the last man by Francis Fukuyama
affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, centre right, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, Isaac Newton, Joseph Schumpeter, kremlinology, labour mobility, land reform, long peace, Mikhail Gorbachev, nuclear winter, open economy, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Socratic dialogue, strikebreaker, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, zero-sum game
With the passing of much of the old g u a r d in the ruling G u o m i n d a n g party, there has been growing participation by other sectors of Taiwanese society in the Nation alist Parliament, including many native Taiwanese. A n d finally, the authoritarian g o v e r n m e n t of B u r m a has been rocked by prodemocracy ferment. In February 1 9 9 0 , the A f r i k a n e r - d o m i n a t e d government of The Weakness of Strong States I 15 F. W . de Klerk in South Africa announced the freeing of Nelson Mandela and the unbanning of the A f r i c a n National Congress and the South African Communist party. He thereby inaugurated a period of negotiations on a transition to p o w e r sharing between blacks and whites, and eventual majority rule. In retrospect, we have had difficulty perceiving the depths of the crisis in which dictatorships f o u n d themselves d u e to a mis taken belief in the ability of authoritarian systems to p e r p e t u a t e themselves, o r m o r e broadly, in the viability of strong states.
Such an effort at social engineering was both monumental in its ambition and, in retrospect, monumentally foolish in its ultimate aim: by 1 9 8 1 , almost eighteen million blacks were arrested u n d e r the so-called "pass-laws" for the crime of wanting to live near their 18 The Weakness of Strong States I 21 places of employment. T h e impossibility of defying the laws of m o d e r n economics had, by the late 1 9 8 0 s , led to a revolution in A f r i k a n e r thinking that caused F. W . de Klerk, well b e f o r e he became state president, to assert that "the economy d e m a n d s the permanent presence o f millions o f blacks in u r b a n areas" and that "it does not help to bluff ourselves about t h i s . " T h e apartheid system's loss of legitimacy among whites was thus ultimately based on its ineffectiveness, and has led to an acceptance on the part of a majority of A f r i k a n e r s of a new system of p o w e r sharing with blacks. 19 20 While recognizing the real differences that exist between these cases, there was a remarkable consistency in the democratic tran sitions in S o u t h e r n Europe, Latin America, and South Africa.
Between 1 9 4 8 and 1 9 8 8 they u n d e r w e n t a dramatic transformation into an u r ban, educated, and increasingly e n t r e p r e n e u r i a l white-collar so c i e t y . With that education came contact with the political n o r m s and trends of the outside world, f r o m which they could not isolate themselves. T h e liberalization of South A f r i c a n society had al ready started in the late 1 9 7 0 s with the re-legalization o f black trade unions and the relaxation of censorship laws. By the time of F. W. de Klerk's opening to the A f r i c a n National Congress in February 1 9 9 0 , the g o v e r n m e n t was in many ways simply follow ing the opinion of its white electorate, now little different in ed ucational and occupational achievement f r o m its counterparts in Europe and America. T h e Soviet Union as well has been undergoing a comparable social transformation, though at a slower pace than the countries of Asia.
Atomic Obsession: Nuclear Alarmism From Hiroshima to Al-Qaeda by John Mueller
airport security, Albert Einstein, Black Swan, Cass Sunstein, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Doomsday Clock, energy security, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, long peace, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, nuclear winter, oil shock, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, side project, uranium enrichment, William Langewiesche, Yom Kippur War
Accordingly, there was no great pressure from the military to divert its budget in this manner, and it was not even involved in the decision. A major driving force appears to have been the personal preferences of Defense Minister, and later President, P. W. Botha, who was reportedly singularly fixated on obtaining nuclear weapons. It became something of a pet project for him.18 His successor, F. W. de Klerk, set about dismantling the project shortly after taking office in September 1989. By that time, Soviet connections to South Africa’s northern neighbors had been much scaled back, and the cold war was in the process of evaporating. However, de Klerk had never had enthusiasm for what he called a “massive spending programme,” and the changing security environment, concludes analyst Peter Liberman, “was at best a permissive condition for dismantling.”19 In addition to his hostility to a costly and seemingly pointless weapons program, de Klerk was substantially motivated by a desire to lead his country, shunned and sanctioned by most countries for its racial apartheid policy, back into the world.
Costs: Liberman 2001, 55; Reiss 1995, 15, 30; Reiss notes, however, that the program “siphoned off many of the country’s most talented scientists and engineers,” and this must be factored in when assessing the costs of the program (43n117). Danger remote: Liberman 2001, 58. Unthinkable: Reiss 1995, 29. Military: Liberman 2001, 66–67. Fixated: from a “well-placed” source, Liberman 2001, 64. Pet project: according to F. W. de Klerk: Liberman 2001, 72–73. 19. Soviet connections: Liberman 2001, 74–75; Reiss 1995, 20–21. de Klerk: Liberman 2001, 74; see also Reiss 1995, 19. Permissive condition: Liberman 2001, 75. 20. Large role: Reiss 1995, 28. Sensitivity, consistent with Solingen: Liberman 2001, 83–84. 21. Reiss 1995, 32. 22. Asked at an open forum at the 1992 meetings of the Midwest Political Science Association, “What would happen if Ukraine were to give up nuclear weapons?”
The Rich and the Rest of Us by Tavis Smiley
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, back-to-the-land, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Buckminster Fuller, Corrections Corporation of America, Credit Default Swap, death of newspapers, deindustrialization, ending welfare as we know it, F. W. de Klerk, fixed income, full employment, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, income inequality, job automation, liberation theology, Mahatma Gandhi, mass incarceration, mega-rich, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, traffic fines, trickle-down economics, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, women in the workforce, working poor
Keller traveled internationally and testified before Congress to raise awareness and advocate for the blind and handicapped. It took the victory of one oppressed man to inspire the multitude and dismantle the oppressive apartheid system in South Africa. After 27 years in prison on charges of treason, Nelson Mandela emerged, resolve unbroken, as a symbol of resistance that inspired Black South Africans and the world. In 1990, South African president F. W. de Klerk ordered the release of Mandela. Still fiercely active at the age of 72, Mandela led negotiations with the minority government that resulted in the end of apartheid and the beginning of a multiracial government. In 1994, Mandela was elected South Africa’s president in the country’s first free election. Keller’s and Mandela’s stories prove that, yes, one unbound imagination, one individual, can become the inspiration for millions, as Orman said.
Albert Einstein, anti-communist, clean water, cosmic abundance, dark matter, demographic transition, Exxon Valdez, F. W. de Klerk, germ theory of disease, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of agriculture, invention of radio, invention of the telegraph, invention of the telephone, Isaac Newton, Mikhail Gorbachev, pattern recognition, planetary scale, prisoner's dilemma, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, stem cell, the scientific method, Thomas Malthus, zero-sum game
Examples: Your sister-in-law ignores your snub and invites you over for Christmas dinner; should you accept? Shattering a four-year-long worldwide voluntary moratorium, China resumes nuclear weapons testing; should we? How much should we give to charity? Serbian soldiers systematically rape Bosnian women; should Bosnian soldiers systematically rape Serbian women? After centuries of oppression, the Nationalist Party leader F. W de Klerk makes overtures to the African National Congress; should Nelson Mandela and the ANC have reciprocated? A coworker makes you look bad in front of the boss; should you try to get even? Should we cheat on our income tax returns? If we can get away with it? If an oil company supports a symphony orchestra or sponsors a refined TV drama, ought we to ignore its pollution of the environment? Should we be kind to aged relatives, even if they drive us nuts?
affirmative action, anti-communist, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Boycotts of Israel, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, central bank independence, Chelsea Manning, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, drone strike, Edward Snowden, energy security, energy transition, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, experimental subject, F. W. de Klerk, facts on the ground, failed state, financial innovation, Food sovereignty, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, future of journalism, high net worth, invisible hand, Julian Assange, liberal world order, Mikhail Gorbachev, millennium bug, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monroe Doctrine, Naomi Klein, Northern Rock, Philip Mirowski, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, statistical model, structural adjustment programs, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, uranium enrichment, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game, éminence grise
A subsequent secret cable discussing a November 1989 meeting between the ANC’s International Department director, Thabo Mbeki, and Assistant Secretary Warren Clark highlights the differences between the US and the ANC [1989STATE368870_a]. In a contentious meeting, Mbeki made it clear that the ANC did not consider Buthelezi a “credible black leader,” partly because of his refusal to denounce attacks on ANC activists in Natal province. Mbeki also refused to give credit to the South African president at the time, F. W. de Klerk, for ongoing reforms including the release of political prisoners. Mbeki argued that de Klerk was responding to local and international pressure. Clark made it clear that the US would not accept language that designated the ANC as the sole representative of the South African people. He also insisted that language referring to sanctions was “unacceptable,” despite the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act that had become law in 1986.
The growing unrest and clamor for change are reflected in a March 1990 cable, for instance, that transcribes a speech delivered in Durban by the US ambassador, which vividly reflects the contentious relations between the African nationalists led by Mandela and the Bush administration. The ambassador emphasized that the US continued to oppose apartheid but vowed that the US would reject any settlement that was not acceptable to all parties [90CAPETOWN623_a]. The ambassador noted that President Bush had invited both F. W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela to the White House. He took time to praise de Klerk for releasing political prisoners, and called on US allies in Europe to support the South African prime minister. The speech underscores the Bush administration’s tilt toward the white-minority regime. The ambassador clearly signaled the Bush administration’s ambivalence about the US sanctions mandated by the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986 and 1988.
agricultural Revolution, airport security, Anton Chekhov, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial exploitation, complexity theory, computer age, crony capitalism, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, Eratosthenes, European colonialism, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global village, illegal immigration, Internet Archive, John Snow's cholera map, Khyber Pass, manufacturing employment, megacity, Mercator projection, out of africa, RAND corporation, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, special economic zone, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, UNCLOS, UNCLOS
This is not over—AIDS is only the latest manifestation of just one of them—and it has reached the point where what benefits much of the rest of the world can actually hurt Africa's chances to catch up. Shortly after the remarkable transition to democratic government in South Africa, I happened to be in Australia where I heard President Mandela's Afrikaner partner in this remarkable process, F. W. de Klerk, present an address, unreported in the American media, in which he argued that what the world needed was an Indian Ocean version of the Pacific Rim phenomenon: an Indian Ocean Rim anchored by South Africa, Australia, Thailand, and Western India that would transform the economic geography of the Southern Hemisphere and "carry Africa into the twenty-first century." But in all of Africa, only South Africa and possibly southern Mozambique might see some benefit from that vision.
Capitalism 4.0: The Birth of a New Economy in the Aftermath of Crisis by Anatole Kaletsky
bank run, banking crisis, Benoit Mandelbrot, Berlin Wall, Black Swan, bonus culture, Bretton Woods, BRICs, Carmen Reinhart, cognitive dissonance, collapse of Lehman Brothers, Corn Laws, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, credit crunch, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, Deng Xiaoping, Edward Glaeser, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, experimental economics, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Financial Instability Hypothesis, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Akerlof, global rebalancing, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, laissez-faire capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, mandelbrot fractal, market design, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage debt, new economy, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, oil shock, paradox of thrift, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, peak oil, pets.com, Ponzi scheme, post-industrial society, price stability, profit maximization, profit motive, quantitative easing, Ralph Waldo Emerson, random walk, rent-seeking, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, short selling, South Sea Bubble, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, statistical model, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, The inhabitant of London could order by telephone, sipping his morning tea in bed, the various products of the whole earth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, too big to fail, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game
Because economics is driven by both secular trends and cyclical patterns, we need to start by looking at both sets of forces separately and then consider how they interact. Only in this way can we properly understand why recent events happened and where they may lead. CHAPTER FOUR Annus Mirabilis Why did I free Nelson Mandela in February 1990? Because of the Berlin Wall. Once Communism collapsed in 1989, I felt sure that the ANC would abandon its revolutionary aspirations. This meant we had a chance to negotiate a peaceful end to Apartheid.1 —F.W. de Klerk, president of South Africa, 1989-94 You ask me why India broke out of the Hindu rate of growth in 1991. It is quite simple really. When we saw what happened to the Soviet Union in 1989, we realized that our reliance on central planning had been an historic mistake. The only alternative was to liberalize the economy. We started to do that in 1991.2 —Jaswant Singh, foreign minister and finance minister of India, 2004-06 IN SEPTEMBER 2006, at the Annual Meeting of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) in Singapore, the IMF’s chief economist, Ranghuram Rajan, presented probably the most optimistic World Economic Outlook in this august institution’s sixty-year history.3 Unaware that the first tremors of the 2007-09 crisis were about to shake the world economy just six months later, in February 2007, he began his presentation with a self-deprecating joke: “I have been told to smile more often.
No Such Thing as Society by Andy McSmith
anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bob Geldof, British Empire, Brixton riot, call centre, cuban missile crisis, Etonian, F. W. de Klerk, Farzad Bazoft, feminist movement, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, full employment, glass ceiling, God and Mammon, greed is good, illegal immigration, index card, John Bercow, liberal capitalism, light touch regulation, Live Aid, loadsamoney, long peace, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mortgage debt, mutually assured destruction, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, old-boy network, popular capitalism, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, Rubik’s Cube, Sloane Ranger, South Sea Bubble, spread of share-ownership, strikebreaker, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban decay, Winter of Discontent, young professional
Though she had once been keen enough to see British athletes boycott the Moscow Olympics, she resolutely refused to see a case for sanctions against white-dominated South Africa. ‘Sanctions only work by causing unemployment and starvation and misery,’3 was her fixed view. She did, however, see a need for apartheid to reform itself, and when at last South Africa had a reforming political leader in President F.W. de Klerk, she hailed him as the new Gorbachev. The great symbolic event of February 1990 was the release of Nelson Mandela after more than twenty-seven years in prison, which did not mean that the apartheid system had been dismantled, but was a sign that the end was near. Thatcher had scheduled a press conference on the steps of Downing Street to mark Mandela’s release, but was so shocked to learn that as he emerged from prison he said that the ANC should not disarm while apartheid continued to exist that she cancelled her appearance.4 She wrote to President George Bush Sr and other world leaders suggesting that the ban on new investment in South Africa be lifted without delay.
Airbus A320, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, BRICs, British Empire, central bank independence, clean water, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, Gini coefficient, Livingstone, I presume, McMansion, megacity, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open economy, purchasing power parity, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, structural adjustment programs, trade route, transfer pricing, upwardly mobile, urban planning, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game
His relationship with De Beers soon soured, and he took a job at Rio Tinto, working on a copper mine close to the Kruger National Park, where the racial division was even more apparent. ‘I was working on the mine, in production, and I was really exposed to how things are,’ Moloi remembers. By 1990 mass protests and international sanctions had brought the apartheid regime to the verge of collapse. F. W. de Klerk released Nelson Mandela and lifted the ban on the African National Congress. The party set up working groups to prepare itself for government, and Moloi joined the one on science and technology. By 1993 the leading lights of the ANC’s economics team had identified the usefulness of a man who knew the mining business from the inside. Moloi was brought onto the party’s economic planning team as it made ready to face the sky-high expectations of black South Africans, many of whom believed that their imminent liberation would bring swift deliverance from poverty.
The Great Surge: The Ascent of the Developing World by Steven Radelet
Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, business climate, business process, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, colonial rule, creative destruction, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doha Development Round, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, income inequality, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invention of the steam engine, James Watt: steam engine, John Snow's cholera map, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, land reform, low skilled workers, M-Pesa, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, off grid, oil shock, out of africa, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, Robert Gordon, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, South China Sea, special economic zone, Steven Pinker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade route, women in the workforce, working poor
On December 29 Czechoslovakia elected Václav Havel as its new president. Poland elected Lech Wałesa as president in November 1990. Hungary elected a new parliament and sent a hundred thousand Soviet troops home. Within two years, new governments swept into power in Bulgaria, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine, and several other countries. The effects went well beyond Eastern Europe. In South Africa, within days of the fall of the Wall, President F. W. de Klerk called together his cabinet to discuss legalizing the African National Congress Party and freeing Nelson Mandela. They did so twelve weeks later. When Mobutu Sese Seko—one of Africa’s most ruthless dictators—watched television coverage of Ceauşescu’s execution, he reportedly concluded that his own regime was in trouble. He soon announced steps toward “democratization.” Augusto Pinochet, who had grabbed power in Chile in a US-supported 1973 coup d’état against the Socialist-Marxist leadership of Salvador Allende, was forced to relinquish power to a new elected government in December 1989.
anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Haight Ashbury, Kitchen Debate, kremlinology, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, old-boy network, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Saturday Night Live, Sinatra Doctrine, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra
The Oslo committee cited his “leading role” in the “dramatic changes [which] have taken place in the relationship between East and West. Confrontation has been replaced by negotiations. Old European nations have regained their freedom. The arms race is slowing down.” The prize went to Gorbachev alone. The committee never mentioned Ronald Reagan. Previously, the committee had recognized joint contributions, such as Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho for negotiating the end of the Vietnam War (though that turned out poorly) and F. W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela for undertaking a peaceful transition in South Africa (which turned out well). Clearly the end of the Cold War and the termination of Communist rule across Europe—both of which Reagan helped hasten—are grand, historic achievements worthy of a Nobel Prize. Freeing 415 million men, women, and children from totalitarian Communist rule will not dissipate soon, or ever. Winning awards is wonderful, but having someone to bring those awards home to is even more wonderful.