open borders

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pages: 482 words: 117,962

Exceptional People: How Migration Shaped Our World and Will Define Our Future by Ian Goldin, Geoffrey Cameron, Meera Balarajan

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Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, conceptual framework, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, guest worker program, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, labour mobility, Lao Tzu, life extension, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, Malacca Straits, microcredit, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, open borders, out of africa, price mechanism, purchasing power parity, Richard Florida, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, spice trade, trade route, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, women in the workforce, working-age population

“The Impact of the Recent Migration from Eastern Europe on the UK Economy,” IZA Discussion Paper No. 2615, Institute for the Study of Labor, Berlin. 21. See Steve Vertovec. 2009. Transnationalism. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. 22. From Jefferson's instructions to Virginia delegates to the 1774 Continental Congress. Cited in Alan Dowty. 1989. Closed Borders: The Contemporary Assault on Freedom of Movement. London: Yale University Press, p. 47. 23. Michael Walzer. 1983. Spheres of Justice. New York: Basic Books, p. 61. 24. Ibid.: 61. 25. Joseph H. Carens. 1987. “Aliens and Citizens: The Case for Open Borders,” The Review of Politics 49(2): 251–273, pp. 265–270. 26. Joseph H. Carens. 2009. “The Case for Amnesty,” Boston Review, May/June 2009. 27. Seyla Benhabib. 2005. “Borders, Boundaries, and Citizenship,” PS: Political Science and Politics 38: 673–677. 28. This point is raised in Carens, 1987: 267. 29.

Furthermore, as many developed countries are facing shrinking workforces and aging populations, they are increasingly unable to afford closing their borders. Open Borders Alternatively, what if a country unilaterally opened its borders to the free flow of people? What if anyone from anywhere could move to, say, the United Kingdom to live and work? Such a scenario may seem to be unrealistic, but it was the status quo (albeit with notable exceptions) during much of the nineteenth-century period of globalization, as we discussed in chapter 2. The free movement of people was seen to be a logical corollary of liberalizing trade and finance and of throwing off the shackles of feudalism. The prevailing rationales for free movement and open borders were ethical—that people had the right to move—and economic—that the movement of people responded to similar economic forces (namely, supply and demand) as the movement of goods and capital.

As Jewish displacement from Europe became increasingly severe in the mid-1930s, the number of refugees arriving in Palestine rose to 200,000 between 1933 and 1936.43 The systematic murder, persecution, and displacement associated with Hitler's Third Reich in Germany would increasingly propel Europe's Jews toward Palestine—despite restrictions by the British Mandate government—and ultimately pave the way for the creation of the state of Israel, accompanied by the forced displacement of the Palestinian people. THE INTERWAR PERIOD: ECONOMIC DECLINE AND REGULATED MIGRATION Following World War I, the Treaty conference at Versailles involved negotiation over the creeping exclusions that signaled the end of open borders. Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the British Empire all insisted on their right to limit migration (often on the basis of race). Despite Japanese, Chinese, and Indian demands for the free movement of labor, the new League of Nations did not include any institutional support for international migration.44 Efforts advanced through the League to liberalize or abolish the new passport system were ultimately unsuccessful.45 Government opposition meant that the International Labour Organization stayed away from the issue of migration, and the efforts of the International Federation of Trade Unions to create an International Office on Migration failed.46 Instead, within a climate of nationalism and economic stagnation, states reserved their right to increasingly regulate migration and impose restrictions on the rights of foreigners within their borders.

 

pages: 669 words: 150,886

Behind the Berlin Wall: East Germany and the Frontiers of Power by Patrick Major

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anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, falling living standards, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, mittelstand, open borders, Post-materialism, post-materialism, refrigerator car, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Sinatra Doctrine

In monopolistic systems, however, ‘management’—in this case the communist state—would have less interest in recuperation, especially where a limited outlet existed. We might reasonably ask whether, with the open border, East German communists were indeed happy to see the back of troublemakers. The availability of West Germany as a dumping ground may have encouraged the Stalinist excesses of the 1950s. Equally plausibly, the open frontier before 1961 may have acted as a safety valve for popular discontent and a brake on authoritarianism. This is an important ambiguity and one to which I shall return, although there is no clear answer to this paradox. Freedom of movement has, nevertheless, generally been seen to increase the room for manoeuvre of those left behind and to encourage reform. Conversely, ⁴⁴ Frederick Jackson Turner, ‘The Significance of the Frontier in American History’, in id., The Frontier in American History (New York: Henry Holt, 1920), 1–38. ⁴⁵ Albert O.

From 1919 Soviet travel abroad required police permission, and during the 1920s a stringent border regime operated under secret police control.¹² Border violators faced up to three years’ imprisonment, or treason charges if heading for capitalist states. In 1932 the USSR even introduced an internal passport system. It was little surprise, therefore, when in 1948 Russia voted against freedom of movement as an automatic human right under the United Nations’ convention.¹³ Nor was the United States immune from temptations to control citizens’ movements, albeit more selectively, for instance in the Internal Security Act of 1950. But it was East Germany that attacked freedom of movement most systematically. The 1963 UN special report on emigration singled out the ‘Chinese wall’ in Berlin as the worst offender in modern-day history: ‘whereas Governments once erected walls to keep foreigners from entering a country, today walls are built—both figuratively and literally—to keep nationals hemmed in’.¹⁴ Indeed, the GDR’s 1968 constitution abolished Article 10’s previous right of emigration, guaranteeing freedom of travel only ‘within the state territory’.¹⁵ The Berlin Wall had become the wall of walls, a reductio ad absurdam of the modern state’s obsessive desire to regulate its interior.

See also Patrick Wright, Iron Curtain: From Stage to Cold War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 34–50. ⁶ Isabel Kershner, Barrier: The Seam of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006); Ray Dolphin, The West Bank Wall: Unmaking Palestine (London: Pluto, 2006). ⁷ Plato, The Laws, trans. Trevor J. Saunders (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1970), 500–1. ⁸ Alan Dowty, Closed Borders: The Contemporary Assault on Freedom of Movement (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1987), 9. Introduction 3 for gatekeepers. The dying Roman Empire tried to tackle it by tying peasants to the land by serfdom. Later, in the age of mercantilism and absolutism, as the New World threatened to drain the Old, states further regulated subjects’ movements, legislating against the emigration of skilled artisans. By the late eighteenth century passports were obligatory to enter European countries, and by 1914 to leave them too.⁹ Yet Enlightenment theorists such as Carl Ferdinand Hommel warned ‘ against having to make a prison of the state . . .

 

pages: 492 words: 70,082

Immigration worldwide: policies, practices, and trends by Uma Anand Segal, Doreen Elliott, Nazneen S. Mayadas

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, borderless world, British Empire, Celtic Tiger, centre right, conceptual framework, credit crunch, demographic transition, deskilling, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, full employment, global village, guest worker program, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, informal economy, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, low skilled workers, minimum wage unemployment, New Urbanism, open borders, phenotype, South China Sea, structural adjustment programs, trade route, transaction costs, upwardly mobile, urban planning, women in the workforce

Closing Thoughts In his defense of the welfare state, Titmuss (1958), sometimes called the ‘‘Father of Social Policy,’’ asked ‘‘should the costs of social progress be allowed to lie where they fall?’’ We may very well ask a similar question on a global scale in relation to human migration: should the privileges and economic advantages of the industrialized nations be available only by accident of birth? It may be argued further that the wealth of the Western world has been achieved through continuing exploitation of the resources of developing countries. Should there be open borders and freedom of movement on a global scale in the twenty-first century or will the rich nations become fortresses? The latter is not inconceivable: some already advocate building a new Berlin type wall on the Southwestern border of the United States. Would liberalizing immigration controls create a global redistribution of wealth? The way forward is yet by no means clear. However, the principles of the GCIM are a step toward that direction.

Because of the tendency for economic migrants from Zimbabwe to temporarily and repeatedly cross the long border with Botswana to engage in petty trade or make purchases, many economic migrants resist classification as refugees since this would likely mean limitations on the freedom of movement. The difference in treatment between Burundian refugees in Tanzania fleeing violence or political persecution at home and a properly documented migrant with a visa, passport, or residency permit is respect for the displaced person’s freedom of movement. Refugees are obligated to live in refugee camps in which their freedom of movement is heavily restricted, while documented migrants can move about the country freely for the duration of their visa (Joint Commission for Refugees of the Burundi and Tanzania Episcopal Conference, 2008: 55). 433 Current Controversies in African Refugee Policy Refugee flows are inevitably tied to illicit trade in arms and other contraband, as well as to the spread of disease.

Another case of deportation order by the Court happened when the Court sentenced an Afghan national to imprisonment for the period he had spent in jail after he had been arrested by the Border Security 118 Nations with Large Immigrant Populations Force for entering the country without any valid document notwithstanding his plea that he had entered the country to save his life, and then ordered his deportation back to Afghanistan (unreported, State v Akhtar Muhammad, AF/ 6433, CJM, Amritsar, Punjab, 1997). Could the refugees have freedom of movement? A Sri Lankan who had been granted refugee status and was staying in Chennai was arrested in Delhi for being unable to produce any valid travel document, and detained under relevant provisions of the FA. The Court observed that refugee status did not entitle a person to move about freely, held him guilty, and sentenced him to 6 months of rigorous imprisonment (Unreported, State v Hudson Vilvaraj, FIR No 583/97, MM, Delhi, 1998).

 

pages: 564 words: 182,946

The Berlin Wall: A World Divided, 1961-1989 by Frederick Taylor

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anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, German hyperinflation, land reform, mutually assured destruction, oil shock, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine, the market place, young professional, éminence grise

For Berliners, the drastic power-political surgery of 13 August 1961 was, of course, an especially tragic and painful experience. It was also a devastatingly intimate one. Familiar streets, parks, even individual buildings, were turned into perilous human traps, in which the squirming, helpless captives were often the westerners’ own friends and relatives. West Berliners were forced to stand by and watch—often literally—as their fellow citizens in the East, seeking to exercise a freedom of movement that most of us take for granted, risked their safety, their liberty, and in some cases their lives, to cross the Wall in search of economic and political rights that were not available to them on their own side. Some of those imprisoned by the Wall managed to escape. Many died in the attempt. Many more were arrested, tried, and served long jail sentences, often under harsh conditions. I hope that those who live in more fortunate communities elsewhere in the world will summon up the imagination to conceive what it might have been like for Berliners to have such a barbarous fracture inflicted on their city, their neighborhoods, and their deeply rooted relationships.

However, from now until 1990, Berlin was divided, both politically and administratively. For three years the Allied Control Commission, based there, was supposed to have been the ruling body for the whole country, pending a peace treaty with a reunited Germany. The ACC was now a dead letter. And within a year there would be two German states. Even now, with that decisive development still to come and relative freedom of movement remaining between Eastern and Western sectors, there was no longer any point in pretending that Berlin was still the capital of Germany. It wasn’t even one city any more, though it wasn’t yet clearly two. BLOOD 5 ‘DISSOLVE THE PEOPLE AND ELECT ANOTHER’ FEW DRAWN-OUT HISTORICAL events or processes came to their ends on the conveniently precise dates cited in the history books. The Berlin Blockade was no exception.

Further purges in the SED were accompanied by a campaign against the churches. In the past two or three years, the number of people in Eastern Germany who decided to leave everything behind and head westward had increased dramatically. In 1947, around 165,000 people had been detained for ‘illegal’ crossing of the zone border in Thuringia alone, though many of these did not intend to leave, but were merely exercising a casual freedom of movement that before 1945 was taken for granted.10 Three years later, permanent resettlement had become the aim of many ‘illegal’ border-crossers. In 1950, 197,788 headed for the West. The following year saw a slight drop to 165,648. The number of those who chose exile in 1952, including those who left after the border was fortified, increased again to 182,393. Unlike Poles, Bulgarians, or Czechs, when East Germans crossed the border they did not leave their culture behind.

 

pages: 177 words: 50,167

The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics by John B. Judis

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Post-materialism, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent

In its founding, the EU also adopted a principle of freedom of movement for people and businesses (“freedom of establishment”) among its member nations. That reflected a desire to establish a common identity among the nations that had been at war with each other. But it also reflected business priorities. As the EU expanded eastward, European businesses in the West liked the idea of being able to import lower-wage labor from the East for restaurants, hotels, and construction without having to file papers. And businesses in the higher-wage West were now free to move their factories to the lower-wage East, as many began to do. Labor unions grumbled at the freedom of establishment, while the rightwing populists took aim at the policy of open borders, which had the effect of undermining member countries’ efforts to control immigration and asylum-seeking.

The Past and Future of Populism Donald Trump’s campaign in the United States, the rightwing populist parties in Europe, and even the left-center Five Star Movement have repeatedly been likened to the fascists of the 1920s. Former Labor Secretary Robert Reich titles a column, “Donald Trump: American Fascist.” “Yes, Donald Trump is a fascist,” Jamil Smith declares in The New Republic. German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble described the National Front as “not a right-wing party but . . . a fascist, extremist party.” Dutch philosopher Rob Rieman accused Geert Wilders’s Freedom Party of being a “fascist movement.” The British Spectator described Beppe Grillo as “Italy’s New Mussolini.” Examples abound. The term “fascism” is like the term “populism.” It is hard to pick out a collection of characteristics that exclusively define a fascist movement or party. The Nazi Party scapegoated an out group—the Jews. Mussolini’s fascist party did not initially single out an ethnicity or nationality.

Labor unions grumbled at the freedom of establishment, while the rightwing populists took aim at the policy of open borders, which had the effect of undermining member countries’ efforts to control immigration and asylum-seeking. Open borders meant, for instance, that legal or illegal immigrants or asylum seekers from North Africa could migrate from France or Italy to the Netherlands or Denmark. During the debate in Denmark in 1998 over the ratification of the Treaty of Amsterdam, which affirmed the EU’s acceptance of open borders, the “no” vote ran a campaign headlined, “Welcome to 40 million Poles.” But the EU’s administration was insulated from these protests. The EU’s economic and immigration policies were chosen and reviewed by the member countries, but in such a way that the average citizen had little input into them. Of the EU’s principal institutions, only one, the European Parliament, was elected directly—and it only had the power to approve or disapprove proposals and budgets submitted by the European Commission, whose members were appointed by the leaderships of the member states.

 

pages: 385 words: 111,807

A Pelican Introduction Economics: A User's Guide by Ha-Joon Chang

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Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, Berlin Wall, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, discovery of the americas, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, experimental economics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, global value chain, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, Haber-Bosch Process, happiness index / gross national happiness, high net worth, income inequality, income per capita, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, inventory management, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, market clearing, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Northern Rock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, post-industrial society, precariat, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, Scramble for Africa, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, sovereign wealth fund, spinning jenny, structural adjustment programs, The Great Moderation, The Market for Lemons, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, transaction costs, transfer pricing, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, working-age population, World Values Survey

Moreover, through what Nolan calls the ‘cascade effect’, even many of the supplier industries have become concentrated. For example, the global aircraft engine industry is now dominated by three firms (Rolls-Royce, Pratt & Whitney and Fairfield, a GE (General Electric) subsidiary). Immigration and Remittances Open borders – except for people? Free-market economists wax lyrical about the benefits of open borders. They argue that open borders have allowed companies to source the cheapest things from across the globe and offer the best deals to consumers. Open borders, they point out, have increased competition among producers (of material goods and services), forcing them to cut their costs and/or improve their technologies. Any restriction on the cross-border movement of any potential object of economic transaction – goods, services, capital, you name it – would be harmful, they say.

In 1995, the Uruguay Round of the GATT talks was concluded, resulting in the expansion of the GATT into the WTO (World Trade Organization). The WTO covers many more areas (e.g., intellectual property rights, such as patents and trademarks, and trade in services) and has more sanctioning power than the GATT did. Economic integration progressed further in the EU, with the completion of the ‘Single Market’ project (with the so-called ‘four freedoms of movement’ – of goods, services, people and money) in 1993 and with the 1995 accession of Sweden, Finland and Austria.* The combined result was the creation of an international trading system that was much more geared towards freer (although not entirely free) trade. Also the idea of globalization emerged as the defining concept of the time. International economic integration of course had been going on since the sixteenth century, but according to the new globalization narrative, this process has reached an entirely new stage.

Any restriction on the cross-border movement of any potential object of economic transaction – goods, services, capital, you name it – would be harmful, they say. But there is an economic transaction that they don’t talk about in the same way – immigration, or cross-border movement of people. There are very few free-market economists who advocate free immigration in the way they advocate free trade.27 Many free-market economists do not even seem to realize that they are being inconsistent when they advocate free movement of everything except for people. Others seem to instinctively keep away from the topic, deep down knowing that free immigration would be economically unfeasible and politically unacceptable. Immigration reveals the political and the ethical nature of markets What makes immigration – namely, the cross-border movement of people as providers of labour services – different from cross-border movements of other things (goods, financial services or capital) is that labour services cannot be imported without bringing their providers physically into the country as well.

 

The Haves and the Have-Nots by Branko Milanovic

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Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, colonial rule, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, Deng Xiaoping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, full employment, Gini coefficient, high net worth, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, Joseph Schumpeter, means of production, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, purchasing power parity, Simon Kuznets, very high income, Washington Consensus

The ruling thus did away with all limits on the number of foreigners that hailed from other EU member countries. Moreover, it precipitated the relaxation of the rules on soccer players from non-EU countries (mostly from Latin America and Africa), as league after league relaxed or abandoned the limits altogether. Thus, the situation described in the opening paragraph came to be: an unfettered capitalism with full freedom of movement of labor (players and coaches) and capital. The latter is reflected in several famous club acquisitions: Italy’s Prime Minister and media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi’s ownership of top Italian club AC Milan, Russian oligarch Roman Abramovich’s purchase of London Chelsea, former Thai prime minister Thanksin Shriniwatra’s investment in Manchester City (subsequently bought out by a conglomerate of rich Arab investors), American billionaires George Gillet and Tom Hicks’s acquisition of Liverpool FC, Indian steel magnate Lakshmi Mittel’s purchase of the Bulgarian Levski Club—the list could go on and on.

In a recent World Bank study, people from seven countries were asked whether they would move to another country (permanently, temporarily, or “just to try it out”) if it were legally possible.3 A whopping 62 percent of Albanians expressed interest in moving permanently or temporarily out of their country; for Romanians, the percentages were 79 percent for males and 69 percent for females; for Bangladeshi, 73 percent for males and 47 percent for females. In this small sample, we see that countries that have done economically poorly would, if free migration were allowed, remain perhaps without half or more of their populations. With fully open borders, we would witness enormous migration flows that would almost empty out some parts of the globe. There is little doubt that a large share of the African population, particularly the youth, would inundate West Europe, the part of the world that is colloquially known in some Congolese languages as “the heaven.” But migration is a two-way affair. It is not only that poor people want to move to rich countries; there must be enough jobs that wait for them there.

To be sure, the differences between African countries and those European nations that were successfully integrated into the Union are huge. Yet some form of advanced political and economic partnership between the EU and sub-Saharan Africa could be envisaged, were it not for the so obvious “enlargement fatigue” evinced by the European Union, lack of vision among its leaders, and fundamental doubts among Europeans about their own ability to face and prosper in a globalized world that would embrace free movement of not only capital and goods but people as well (see Vignettes 2.4 and 2.5). Thus, Africa will have to prosper or fail by its own devices—which, were the former to happen, would be a good thing, since one’s own generated success is probably more difficult to overturn. However, proponents of the view that Africa is set back by aid and too much ostensible concern of outsiders, and would be better off if left alone, must acknowledge the fact that the successes of West Europe, East Asia, and South Europe were grounded in the political willingness of other countries to help them develop. 5 In the former two cases, it was U.S. encouragement of open trade and the emphasis on economic recovery that was to serve as a bulwark against communism that helped countries like Japan and South Korea, as well as West Europe, to become rich.6 In the latter case (South Europe, and very likely East Europe, too) it was the integration into the rich club of the EU.

 

pages: 762 words: 206,865

Berlin 1961: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Most Dangerous Place on Earth by Frederick Kempe

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Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, index card, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, Ronald Reagan, trade liberalization, traveling salesman

“The truth of the matter is, I think, the Russians have the power to close it in any case,” said Fulbright. “Next week, if they chose to close their borders, they could, without violating any treaty. I don’t understand why the East Germans don’t close their border because I think they have a right to close it.” Fulbright’s interpretation of the treaty was wrong, and he corrected himself in a statement to the Senate on August 4, saying that freedom of movement across Berlin was guaranteed by postwar agreements and that his TV interview had given “an unfortunate and erroneous impression.” That said, Kennedy never repudiated him, and McGeorge Bundy reported favorably to the president on Fulbright’s TV appearance by writing about “a variety of comment from Bonn and Berlin, including reference to the helpful impact of Senator Fulbright’s remarks.” The truth was that West Germans despaired at the comments, while East Germans were delighted at Fulbright’s suggestion.

East German tanks posed another sort of difficulty, because their deployment was prohibited in East Berlin under the four-power agreements. Under orders to ascertain the tanks’ origin, Pike and his driver Sam McCart climbed into an Army sedan and weaved through the barricades and down a side street well past the tanks, where they parked and then walked back. It was part of the surreal nature of the showdown that both sides continued to respect military freedom of movement at the border, so Pike could drive through without impediment. Pike was surprised at the tanks’ illogical two-three-two formation, which made it impossible for the rear tanks to fire upon the enemy. Beyond that, they also were making themselves easy targets. Pike walked up to the rear tank and saw nothing to help his investigation: “no Russians, no East Germans, no one.” So he climbed onto the tank and down into the driver’s compartment.

To avoid possible police inspections on public transport, he rode his bicycle for four hours through the night to the home of his wife’s sister in East Berlin near a border crossing on a bridge over the Teltow Canal. She offered to conceal him, but after a short conversation Brandt decided to make his way west before the border posts had his description or police began checking the homes of his relatives the next morning. The odds were good that Brandt would be spared any identity check, along with the tens of thousands of others who safely crossed the open border each day for work, shopping, and social visits. After she heard the next day from her sister about her husband’s decision, Brandt’s wife decided to flee as well, along with her son. With their farm lost and her husband likely to be already safely in the West, it was an easy decision. Her sister, with whom she shared a resemblance, provided her with identity papers with which she could travel.

 

pages: 464 words: 121,983

Disaster Capitalism: Making a Killing Out of Catastrophe by Antony Loewenstein

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Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Chelsea Manning, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, Edward Snowden, facts on the ground, failed state, falling living standards, Ferguson, Missouri, financial independence, full employment, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, housing crisis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, Julian Assange, market fundamentalism, Naomi Klein, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, open borders, private military company, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Slavoj Žižek, stem cell, the medium is the message, trade liberalization, WikiLeaks

There had been improvements for women, particularly in some areas of Kabul. While being driven around the city, I saw shops selling all forms of women’s clothing, including Western-style garments, and girls in white hijabs, rather than burqas, walking to school. But, as has regularly been detailed by Human Rights Watch, the vast majority of the country’s women remains mired in repression when it comes to education, birth control, freedom of movement, and justice.60 I had an opportunity to raise some of these issues when I visited a suburb of Kabul that was crowded with Soviet-style concrete apartment blocks. The buildings were enlivened by few colors, except for washing hanging from the windows and children playing around their entrances. I imagined the soulless structures had remained largely unchanged in the decades since the Russians had built them.

Frankly, both Serco and DIBP were overwhelmed, and, much to my personal disappointment, we were unable to implement fully the changes I wanted. I think Serco had some fault here. We should have said no to more, as we couldn’t operate them satisfactorily to our vision. However, as you can imagine, in a commercial company it is difficult to turn down work.” I asked David about his “vision” for the immigration centers. “More recreation and activities,” he said, “less institutionalized buildings, more internal freedom of movement, and recruitment and training of staff with a social-care ethos rather than just security guards.” None of these benefits ever materialized in Australian facilities. In 2013 a Serco source leaked a cache of internal documents to me that detailed massive price-gouging of the federal government by the multinational, extreme rates of self-harm among detained refugees across the country, the non-reporting of mistakes to avoid government abatements, and a work culture designed to ignore the rights of asylum seekers in order to maximize profit.

Barnardo’s come to this with an angle of child protection. Several of the detained women at the center who were spoken to during an inspection said to me it was very helpful to have a place to get used to the fact that they were leaving the UK.” Huppert’s vision for asylum policy was moderate, and he eschewed the racism so common in today’s debate: “We have to have immigration controls—we can’t have an open-borders system. I find the concept of open borders intellectually interesting, but you can’t combine that with a welfare state and free healthcare. You can’t do both.” I asked him about the private sector running refugee facilities, and he argued that his focus was reducing the number of refugees behind bars, rather than obsessing over who managed them: “One of the reasons you get the private sector in is because they at least say they can run it for less money.

 

pages: 196 words: 53,627

Let Them In: The Case for Open Borders by Jason L. Riley

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affirmative action, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, guest worker program, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, lump of labour, open borders, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, school choice, Silicon Valley, trade liberalization, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population

Mitt Romney, Rudy Giuliani, Fred Thompson, and Mike Huckabee are all running as heirs to Reagan Republicanism. Yet they’ve fallen over each other in condemnation of President Bush’s attempts to follow the Gipper’s lead on immigration reform. Makes you wonder. No self-respecting free-market adherent would ever dream of supporting laws that interrupt the free movement of goods and services across borders. But when it comes to laws that hamper the free movement of workers who produce those goods and services, too many conservatives today abandon their classical liberal principles. Adam Smith, J. C. L. Sismondi, David Ricardo, and John Stuart Mill give way to . . . Pat Buchanan. Some of us find this troubling. Among Democrats, there’s been much less restrictionist rhetoric, and not just because the political left tends to favor more liberal immigration policies.

Liberal immigration policies were proof that this country remained a land of opportunity, a nation built on the idea of liberty, not the Blut und Boden European doctrine. Reagan held this view long before he became president, as Lou Cannon, his biographer, has documented. In 1952, when the United States was still under the thumb of highly restrictive immigration quotas enacted in the 1920s, Reagan gave a speech endorsing open borders. In his view, America was “the promised land” for people from “any place in the world.” Reagan said “any person with the courage, with the desire to tear up their roots, to strive for freedom, to attempt and dare to live in a strange land and foreign place, to travel halfway across the world was welcome here.” In a 1977 radio address, Reagan discussed what he called “the illegal alien fuss.

Yes, China has 1.3 billion people today, but Asia’s fertility rate dropped from 2.4 in 1965 to 1.5 in 1995. Over the same period, Latin America’s declined from 2.7 to 1.7, and Europe’s effectively fell to 0. Worldwide, the typical woman had five children in 1950. In 1995 she had three. The number necessary just to replace the current generation is 2.1. America is headed in the same general demographic direction, but thanks to our open-border policies, it will take the United States a lot longer to reach the point where immigrant-averse Europe and Asia already have arrived. Between 1950 and 2000, the median age in the United States rose from thirty to thirty-five and is projected to hit forty by 2050. Over the same hundred-year period, however, Europe’s median age is expected to jump from twenty-nine to forty-eight, and Japan’s, from twenty-two to fifty-three.

 

pages: 391 words: 102,301

Zero-Sum Future: American Power in an Age of Anxiety by Gideon Rachman

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Asian financial crisis, bank run, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, borderless world, Bretton Woods, BRICs, capital controls, centre right, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, colonial rule, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, energy security, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, global reserve currency, greed is good, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, laissez-faire capitalism, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, offshore financial centre, open borders, open economy, Peace of Westphalia, peak oil, pension reform, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price stability, RAND corporation, reserve currency, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Sinatra Doctrine, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, The Myth of the Rational Market, Thomas Malthus, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent

Delors arrived in Brussels in January 1985. Within a year he had formed an improbable and short-lived alliance with Margaret Thatcher, which had important long-term consequences. Delors hit upon the idea that the next great project for Europe should be to create a genuine common market by ripping up the rules and regulations that still inhibited cross-border trade across Europe. He would focus on the “four freedoms”—freedom of movement of people, capital, goods, and services. To achieve his goal, Delors needed the backing of the political leaders of the European nations. He could count on the backing of his sponsor, President Mitterrand, and Chancellor Kohl of Germany was already a supporter. It was Margaret Thatcher’s decision to embrace the creation of a true European market that was critical to Delors’s success in pushing through the Single European Act of 1986, which removed many of the remaining barriers to free trade in Europe.

In the United States, the conclusion of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Canada and Mexico led Ross Perot, a third-party presidential candidate in 1992, to predict a “giant sucking sound” of American jobs heading south across the border. On the Republican right, Pat Buchanan took on the internationalism of President George H. W. Bush with a raw nationalism that made a great play of the threat to American jobs. Buchanan complained: “Having declared free trade and open borders to be America’s policy, why are we surprised that corporate executives padlocked their plants in the Rust Belt and moved overseas … firing twenty-dollar an hour Americans and hiring fifty-cent an hour Asians?”5 Both Buchanan and Perot made a major impact on American politics. But neither achieved a decisive breakthrough. Bill Clinton’s victory in the 1992 presidential election ensured that for the next eight years the White House was occupied by a firm believer in the virtues of globalization.

All of her most important policies flowed from her fundamental belief in small government: tax cutting, privatization, deregulation, an assault on inflation, and on trade union power. All were intended to weaken the state and boost private enterprise. One of her very first acts as prime minister was to embrace the judgments and discipline of the market by lifting exchange controls, allowing the free movement of currency in and out of Britain. It was a very bold act that her first chancellor, Geoffrey Howe, likened to walking off a cliff—just to see what happened.8 The Thatcher government’s removal of exchange controls in 1979 was widely emulated around the world and so was crucial to the increase in international capital mobility that underpinned globalization. As the historian Harold James notes, this liberalization of capital flows meant that “economic issues became globalised—in other words, it was ever harder for national authorities to control them.”9 By 1981, three of Thatcher’s signature policies were in place: the abolition of exchange controls, cuts in direct taxation, and moves to curb the power of trade unions.

 

pages: 221 words: 67,240

The Other Israel: voices of refusal and dissent by Tom Śegev, Roane Carey, Jonathan Shainin

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conceptual framework, facts on the ground, Internet Archive, open borders, Yom Kippur War

It may be permanent (as between Israel and the territories) or may be decreed for a particular military or security purpose of undetermined length and severity (as in the siege of Palestinian cities, towns, and villages). The closure in all its forms prevents the development of a coherent Palestinian economy. Discriminatory and often arbitrary systems of work, entrance, and travel permits further restrict freedom of movement both within the country and abroad. In mid-May 2002 the government announced the formal division of the West Bank into eight cantons (Jenin, Nablus, Tulkarm, Qalqilyah, Ramallah, Jericho, Bethlehem, and Hebron), with movement among them allowed only by permits from the Civil Administration. This represents nothing less than the reoccupation of areas A and B, and adds yet another layer of control.

February 22,2002 A TIME OF OCCUPATION Adi Ophir THE WRITINGS ASSEMBLED here are being published during a time of occupation. As a result of the Palestinian armed struggle against the IsraeH occupation, the occupation is now the overt, official state of affairs, and can no longer be denied by anyone. Despite the simulation of a "peace process," despite the doctrinal vagueness, despite the hybrid situations, the mixed areas and the open borders, the conditions are clearer today than they have ever been: Reconciliation between Jews and Palestinians will occur only if and when the occupation ends, in the fullest sense of the word. The occupation is defined according to the borders determined in the cease-fire agreement at the end of the 1948 war. All Jewish setdements established after the war of 1967, including all neighborhoods in and around Jerusalem, stultify^ the ability to end the occupation.

 

pages: 509 words: 153,061

The Gamble: General David Petraeus and the American Military Adventure in Iraq, 2006-2008 by Thomas E. Ricks

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amateurs talk tactics, professionals talk logistics, Berlin Wall, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, friendly fire, interchangeable parts, open borders, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, traveling salesman

“We were engaged in a running battle with AQI as they tried to establish holes in the barriers while we tried to keep them intact,” he said. Taking similar measures in al Anbar Province, the Marines found that the steps to limit the mobility of insurgents produced some unexpected side benefits. “The insurgency is like a shark,” a Marine intelligence report stated, “it has to move to survive. Cut off its freedom of movement and its loses its effectiveness.” As the fighters and death squads shifted to new locations, they were forced to communicate, and signals interception enabled the U.S. military to find them, or to eavesdrop on their reports and planning sessions. Trying to escape the new constraints, some insurgents moved out of the cities and into the desert. This in turn made it easier for the Marines to locate them and then order up air strikes.

David Goldich, a smart young Marine in al Anbar Province, recalled simply seeing local guys showing up with weapons and setting up a rudimentary checkpoint on a main road. To a Marine eye, they didn’t look impressive—“unshaven men wearing civilian clothes carrying rusty AK-47s milling about,” he wrote. But he soon concluded that “they are worth their weight in gold. . . . an amazing force multiplier that denied the enemy freedom of movement in a manner we could not.” They spoke the language, they knew the area, and they knew who wasn’t from it. Higher-ups wouldn’t approve giving supplies to the new guards, so Goldich’s unit decided to help them out and scrounged weapons and food for the men and bullet-proof glass and concertina wire for their checkpoints. “What we gave them we stole from base, and probably would have been punished if caught,” he recalled.

Alexander Lemons, the Marine reservist who fought in Basra, thought an even longer time line would be required. “The surge has done incredible things in Iraq but it is not enough,” he wrote after returning home in the summer of 2008. “Change of the sort envisioned by most Americans . . . requires a long-term commitment, for as long as five decades, with enough American forces to assist the unprepared and sometimes lawless security forces while protecting the country’s open borders.” AT THE END OF THE RAINBOW? Nor, at the end of many more years of struggle, is the outcome likely to be something Americans recognize as victory. Instead these additional years of sacrifice promise to be made for markedly limited objectives. A senior intelligence officer in Iraq described the long-term American goal as “a stable Iraq that is unified, at peace with its neighbors, and is able to police its internal affairs, so it isn’t a sanctuary for al Qaeda.

 

pages: 442 words: 135,006

ZeroZeroZero by Roberto Saviano

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Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, call centre, credit crunch, double entry bookkeeping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, illegal immigration, Julian Assange, London Interbank Offered Rate, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, open borders, planetary scale, Ponzi scheme, Ronald Reagan, Skype, Steve Jobs, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks

Natalia is still frightened, sure, but not nearly as much now. When you grow up in certain places, you end up adapting to the reality around you. Doña Lucia realizes that bell jars are pathetically fragile. It’s also true that those early days, when sudden success threatened to upset an adolescent’s precarious balance, are gone. In fact, Natalia’s celebrity was precisely what helped her. A star enjoys less freedom of movement than a normal person. In order to make her life bearable she frequents the same places where, mainly, people learn to pretend not to notice her, to treat her normally. And so, a gray area worms its way into Lucia Gaviria’s vigilance. The gym. Keeping in shape is a professional necessity for Natalia, and besides, she really loves physical activity. For the most part she takes classes for women: aerobics and Latin American dance, activities that take the place of evenings at the disco, which, with all the attention she received, had become too exhausting.

Sandra is a princess, constantly choosing whom to tie herself to so as to rise in power and social standing. With El Tigre she makes a qualitative leap that allows her to negotiate directly with the Colombian suppliers. So Sandra, El Padrino’s niece, becomes la Reina, the Queen. The Queen of the Pacific knows how to exploit clichés. A woman is weak, so there’s no point in threatening her: For the Queen this means freedom of movement. A woman doesn’t know how to negotiate with men: The Queen takes advantage of the cartel emissaries’ embarrassment when faced with a beautiful woman in a low-cut dress. Now they all have to kneel to her, honor her. She coordinates shipments from Colombia from her luxurious headquarters in Guadalajara and launders the earnings, which get bigger every year. All that money is needed to carry out her most ambitious plan: to give women power.

When the Soviet regime collapsed, imports proliferated, prices dropped, and the drugs of the West—cocaine and ecstasy—finally made their way onto the market. At first cocaine use was limited to those Russians who could afford to spend the equivalent of three months’ average salary. There was an invasion of substances that found fertile ground in part because of the breakup of neighboring states: wars, open borders, and an army of illegal immigrants unable to find work in the legal economy. For many of them—as in the rest of the world—drug dealing was the only way to earn a living. But the decisive step came with the opening toward the Western Hemisphere, first the United States and Canada, then Latin America and the Caribbean. That part of the world had a high demand for arms, and Russia a notable supply of Soviet military weapons.

 

pages: 319 words: 90,965

The End of College: Creating the Future of Learning and the University of Everywhere by Kevin Carey

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Albert Einstein, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, business intelligence, carbon-based life, Claude Shannon: information theory, complexity theory, declining real wages, deliberate practice, discrete time, double helix, Douglas Engelbart, Downton Abbey, Drosophila, Firefox, Frank Gehry, Google X / Alphabet X, informal economy, invention of the printing press, inventory management, Khan Academy, Kickstarter, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, meta analysis, meta-analysis, natural language processing, Network effects, open borders, pattern recognition, Peter Thiel, pez dispenser, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Sand Hill Road, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, social web, South of Market, San Francisco, speech recognition, Steve Jobs, technoutopianism, transcontinental railway, Vannevar Bush

It all happened more inadvertently than anyone imagines, a combination of first-mover advantage, just the right sequence of industrialization and globalization, Cold War government spending, the rise of the information economy, and not getting bombed into rubble during World War II. But Real Harvard continued getting richer even as Imaginary Harvard grew larger and weirder and more important, because the hybrid university severely restricts your freedom of movement, and really there was nothing else to do. It’s hard to argue for dramatic change when the fourth Class of ’16 is lining up outside the gates—and there were tens of thousands of young people who hoped they’d be part of that group. That’s the way it was until 2011, when the one university in the best position to challenge Harvard for supremacy decided to take the most important attribute about itself and give it away for free to anyone, anywhere

And the statement had to include various caveats declaring that the person who had just watched all the Stanford lectures and finished all the Stanford problem sets and passed the Stanford exams could not in any way use his or her not-Stanford statement of accomplishment in pursuit of a Stanford degree. Normally, administrators have a lot of leverage in negotiations with faculty. In most academic disciplines, the fabulous university life of the mind can only be led at a university, and Stanford sits at the very top of the ladder of prestige. But here again, Stanford’s fabulously successful postwar policy of open borders between scholarship and commerce proved to be a liability, as did its location in the heart of Silicon Valley. Unlike a professor of comparative literature, Sebastian Thrun had another organization he could work for that was just as wealthy and famous and prestigious in its way: Google. Also unlike a professor of comparative literature, Thrun had money from his various tech-related activities.

 

pages: 316 words: 103,743

The Emperor Far Away: Travels at the Edge of China by David Eimer

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back-to-the-land, Berlin Wall, British Empire, car-free, Deng Xiaoping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, illegal immigration, megacity, offshore financial centre, open borders, South China Sea

I didn’t feel angry with her because I knew she did it to earn money for my university education. I just felt sad she’d been away so long.’ Many ethnic Koreans leave China in search of better-paid jobs. At any time, one in ten Chinese Koreans are working overseas, mostly in South Korea but also in Japan. Obtaining a passport is easy for them – another sign of how trusted they are. Yet that freedom of movement is also contributing to their declining population because, inevitably, some of those migrant workers never return to Dongbei. Assimilation with the Han is why Koreans now make up only 40 per cent of Yanbian’s population, down from two-thirds when the prefecture was established. Many Korean schools are shutting down, both because there are fewer children to attend them and due to the fact that the offspring of Han–Korean couples tend to be raised speaking Mandarin and so are sent to Chinese schools.

Compared to Xinjiang and Tibet, where the natives are penned in by either the Wu Jing or the landscape itself, Yunnan’s 4,000-kilometre-long boundary with South-east Asia is a mere line on a map. The largely unsecured borders are demarcated by narrow rivers, or run through rainforest, making moving between Banna, Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam easy. In some places, it is possible to drift across the frontiers without knowing you have done so. While it is impossible for an army even the size of China’s to monitor Yunnan’s frontiers, Banna’s near-open borders are in part due to Beijing’s belief that the minorities here pose no threat to its hegemony. Unlike the Uighurs with their stealthy separatist groups, there is no Dai or Akha nationalist movement. And while the Dalai Lama sits across the border from Tibet, along with tens of thousands of exiles, mobilising international support for the Tibetan cause, no single leader could ever unify Banna’s numerous minorities.

 

pages: 353 words: 81,436

Buying Time: The Delayed Crisis of Democratic Capitalism by Wolfgang Streeck

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banking crisis, Bretton Woods, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collective bargaining, corporate governance, David Graeber, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, financial deregulation, financial repression, full employment, Gini coefficient, Growth in a Time of Debt, income inequality, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, late capitalism, means of production, moral hazard, Occupy movement, open borders, open economy, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, profit maximization, risk tolerance, shareholder value, too big to fail, union organizing, winner-take-all economy, Wolfgang Streeck

First, Hayek shows that a common economic regime with free movement of people and capital and no customs barriers – a union with a ‘single market’5 – will greatly restrict the range and purchase of each member country’s economic policy. Second, he explains that the kind of political intervention in the market that can no longer be operated at individual state level cannot be transferred to the level of the federation to be replaced there: ‘certain economic powers, which are now generally wielded by the national states, could be exercised neither by the federation nor by the individual states’, implying that ‘there would have to be less government all round if federation is to be practicable’.6 On the first point, Hayek remarks that with free movement of ‘goods, men and money’7 national state intervention in the market – for example, to promote domestic products – would have more far-reaching effects on the federation as a whole than could be tolerated.

Nor would it be possible for member-states to operate their own monetary policy: ‘Indeed, it appears doubtful whether, in a Union with a universal monetary system, independent national central banks would continue to exist; they would probably have to be organized into a sort of Federal Reserve System.’8 Furthermore, competition will ensure that no government can burden its economy with too many regulations: ‘Even such legislation as the restriction of child labour or of working hours becomes difficult to carry out for the individual state.’9 Free movement within the union will also make it difficult for individual states to tax their citizens: high direct taxation will drive people and capital abroad, and the absence of border controls will hinder the indirect taxation of many goods. National business associations and trade unions would be subject to similar constraints: ‘Once frontiers cease to be closed and free movement is secured, all these national organizations, whether trade unions, cartels or professional associations, will lose their monopolistic position and thus, qua national organizations, their power to control the supply of their services or products.’10 But why should it be impossible to replace at international level that which must be given up at national level to maintain the cohesion of the federation?

This would turn them into side payments for the imposition of a Hayekian economic regime, payable to those who can get nothing else out of it. INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE: FROM KEYNES TO HAYEK The historical significance of the transition from a Keynesian to a Hayekian political economy, which has been taking place since the 1970s, becomes clearer if we recall the situation at the beginning of the neoliberal turn. Whereas today, with open borders, formerly sovereign states with independent central banks must pursue a rule-bound economic policy in accordance with the prescriptions of efficiency theory, the Keynesian mixed economy of the postwar decades had at its disposal a wide range of instruments for discretionary government intervention, especially in the distribution of the national product and the life chances of national citizens.

 

pages: 1,145 words: 310,655

1967: Israel, the War, and the Year That Transformed the Middle East by Tom Segev

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, distributed generation, friendly fire, full employment, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, invisible hand, open borders, Ronald Reagan, Yom Kippur War, young professional

He did so in coordination with Dayan, but did not confine himself to his role as journalist: in keeping with the excessively close relationship between newspaper editors and politicians, he went to Eshkol and tried to persuade him to give up the defense portfolio. *At some point, both White House and Israeli embassy staff contacted former president Dwight Eisenhower to inquire what exactly the United States had committed itself to do, a decade earlier, in order to preserve freedom of movement through the Straits.24 *The White House also reiterated its request that Israel stop applying pressure through its domestic letter-writing campaign. “Of course we are continuing it,” Ambassador Harman reported to Jerusalem.3 *Many years later, Chuvakhin said somewhat critically that he had supported a meeting between Eshkol and Kosygin, and that had it been held, the Six-Day War might have been averted.

In December 1966, Kollek told the Bar-Ilan University student newspaper, Bat-Kol, about other steps the municipal government had taken to further the city’s reunification. Jerusalem’s master plan ensured that when the border was opened there would be a smooth connection with the Old City. Newly built roads, such as the Hebron Road, were being constructed in such a way that they could easily connect to the Old City’s access roads when the time came. “I hope peace will bring about an open border between the two parts of the city. Certainly I do not wish this to occur in a nonpeaceful way,” said Kollek. In April 1967, Kollek dedicated a monument to a convoy that had tried to reach Hadassah Hospital on Mount Scopus two decades earlier. Several dozen people in the convoy, doctors and nurses among them, had been killed when Arabs attacked it. The memorial was built on Hanevi’im Street, not far from the border.

A few days later he conceded, “One can assume they will have an interest in bombing Dimona.” Not all the government ministers believed that a strike on the Dimona reactor would justify all-out war, partly because they felt the world would support Egypt if it destroyed the reactor. The United States did not discount the bombing of the reactor as a possibility. By May 21 there was talk of outright war. According to one minister, Israel Galili, any infringement on the free movement of shipping would mean war, as would an attempt to bomb Dimona. Rabin sounded confident. If Egypt attacked, he said, Israel would deliver “a very severe blow,” although that same day he noted that the results of an air war between the two states would depend on who attacked first.10 The assumption was that whoever struck first and destroyed the enemy’s air force on the ground would win. There were those who surmised that Nasser was acting partly in response to insults directed at him by the Jordanians, who mocked him for not coming to Syria’s aid.

 

pages: 570 words: 158,139

Overbooked: The Exploding Business of Travel and Tourism by Elizabeth Becker

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airport security, Asian financial crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, BRICs, car-free, carbon footprint, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, computer age, corporate governance, Costa Concordia, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, Exxon Valdez, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, global village, happiness index / gross national happiness, haute cuisine, indoor plumbing, Masdar, Murano, Venice glass, open borders, out of africa, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, statistical model, sustainable-tourism, the market place, union organizing, urban renewal, wage slave, young professional, éminence grise

In 1958 a Pan American 707 flew from New York to Brussels, the first commercial jet flight across the Atlantic without stopping for refueling. A decade later a TWA 707 flew around the world beginning in Los Angeles and flying west after the plane was blessed by three Buddhist monks. Lower fares and bargain flights followed. European countries relaxed passport restrictions and began to see tourism as an important economic engine. “Tourism—Passport to Peace” became the organization’s motto in 1967, capturing its higher purpose to open borders in the promotion of better relations as well as the practical motive of making money. As the U.N. shifted its notion about tourism, the U.N.’s tourism office was moved from The Hague to Geneva, where it was dwarfed among the cluster of U.N. offices and the International Red Cross. The move to Madrid was a step up the bureaucratic ladder even though it meant exile from Geneva, one of the power centers of the U.N.

Cambodia encourages so many tourists to visit its great eleventh-century temple complex at Angkor that the rare temples are sinking because the surrounding water table is being drained by hundreds of new tourist hotels. In Venice, with a native population of less than 60,000, over 20 million tourists descend on the city every year, an onslaught that is pushing the locals out of their homes and emptying the city of essentials like neighborhood greengrocers and bakeries. In the globalized economy—with cheap transportation, the Internet and open borders—travel has become the ultimate twenty-first-century industry, which means these problems are not going away. • • • It is difficult to find issues of travel and tourism debated in public. Historians, political scientists and economists routinely omit tourism from studies about how the world works. Foreign policy journals and experts rarely touch the subject. Normally the media would ask routine questions about whether the right to travel also included the responsibility to respect a country, its environment, people and culture.

The city of Dubai welcomed 8.3 million foreign tourists in 2010, while the huge country of India, home of many of the construction workers, received fewer than 6 million foreign tourists. Tourists visiting Dubai see a modern, forward-looking country with designer hotels and splashy music concerts. They have no idea of the medieval social practices underpinning this twenty-first-century lifestyle. This is “pick and choose” globalization: embracing open-skies airline policies to challenge European supremacy and bring in tourists; selectively opening borders to attract migrant workers while rejecting the other promises of globalization to improve lives with fair employment laws and respect of human rights. This has nothing to do with the cultural differences of an Islamic nation. Tourists are told in advance that the UAE prohibits public displays of affection and all illegal drugs, puts severe restrictions on drinking alcohol and on desecration of their faith.

 

pages: 566 words: 144,072

In the Graveyard of Empires: America's War in Afghanistan by Seth G. Jones

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business climate, clean water, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, failed state, friendly fire, invisible hand, Khyber Pass, Mikhail Gorbachev, Murray Gell-Mann, open borders, purchasing power parity, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, trade route

After the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, the Taliban’s videos became notably better in quality and clarity of message, and its use of the Internet dramatically increased to spread propaganda and recruit potential fighters. The Taliban also published several newspapers and magazines, such as Zamir, Tora Bora, and Sirak. Finally, the Taliban began to relocate much of their financial base to Karachi, Pakistan’s financial and commercial center on the Arabian Sea. Over time, the Taliban began to link up with a number of Pashtun tribes, especially Ghilzais. Special arrangements allowed border tribes freedom of movement between Afghanistan and Pakistan—they were not subjected to any scrutiny and were allowed to cross the border merely on visual recognition or identification. A number of these tribes had lands that had been divided by the Durand Line, such as the Mashwani, Mohmands, Shinwaris, Afridis, Mangals, Wazirs, and Gulbaz. Pashtun military prowess has been renowned since Alexander the Great’s invasion of Pashtun territory in the fourth century BC.

General Boris Gromov, who commanded the Soviet 40th Army, was the last soldier in his column to cross the Amu Darya River.56 A Flamboyant Congressman from Texas Outside support was critical in undermining Afghan governance and defeating the Red Army. We have already seen the role of Pakistan’s ISI in providing tactical and strategic support. The CIA had known for years that the Red Army did “not have enough troops to maintain control in much of the countryside as long as the insurgents have access to strong external support and open borders.”57 The Soviets saw the support flowing across the border from Pakistan, and the United States encouraged it. As it became clear that the Afghan War was hurting the Soviets, the United States began to covertly support the Afghan insurgents. U.S. aid to the mujahideen began at a relatively low level but then increased as the prospect of a Soviet defeat appeared more likely, totaling between $4 billion and $5 billion between 1980 and 1992.58 The CIA had provided about $60 million per year to the Afghan mujahideen between 1981 and 1983, which was matched by assistance from the Saudi government.

 

Hopes and Prospects by Noam Chomsky

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Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, colonial rule, corporate personhood, Credit Default Swap, cuban missile crisis, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deskilling, en.wikipedia.org, energy security, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Firefox, Howard Zinn, Hyman Minsky, invisible hand, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, new economy, nuremberg principles, open borders, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, uranium enrichment, Washington Consensus

.… Since January 1991, Israel has bureaucratically and logistically merely perfected the split and the separation: not only between Palestinians in the occupied territories and their brothers in Israel, but also between the Palestinian residents of Jerusalem and those in the rest of the territories and between Gazans and West Bankers/Jerusalemites. Jews live in this same piece of land within a superior and separate system of privileges, laws, services, physical infrastructure and freedom of movement.14 The leading academic specialist on Gaza, Harvard scholar Sara Roy, adds that Gaza is an example of a society that has been deliberately reduced to a state of abject destitution, its once productive population transformed into one of aid-dependent paupers.… Gaza’s subjection began long before Israel’s recent war against it [December 2008]. The Israeli occupation—now largely forgotten or denied by the international community—has devastated Gaza’s economy and people, especially since 2006.… After Israel’s December [2008] assault, Gaza’s already compromised conditions have become virtually unlivable.

Our kind of democracy.9 Obama made one further substantive comment: “As part of a lasting cease-fire, Gaza’s border crossings should be open to allow the flow of aid and commerce, with an appropriate monitoring regime.” He did not mention that the U.S.-Israel had rejected much the same agreement after the January 2006 election, and that Israel had never observed similar subsequent agreements on opening borders. Also missing is any reaction to Israel’s announcement that it rejected the cease-fire agreement, so that the prospects for a cease-fire to be established, let alone to be “lasting,” are not auspicious. The reasons were reported prominently and repeatedly in the press: Israel will not allow border crossings with Gaza to open, and will insist that Gazan life be reduced to a bare minimum, unless Gilad Shalit is released.

 

pages: 537 words: 158,544

Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order by Parag Khanna

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Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Bartolomé de las Casas, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, complexity theory, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, energy security, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, flex fuel, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, global supply chain, haute couture, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, Islamic Golden Age, Khyber Pass, knowledge economy, land reform, low skilled workers, means of production, megacity, Monroe Doctrine, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Pax Mongolica, pirate software, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, Potemkin village, price stability, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, special economic zone, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Thomas L Friedman, trade route, trickle-down economics, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce

The various iterations of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process always saw small, peripheral measures as major victories, leaving aside the big issues of refugee resettlement and the status of Jerusalem, which spoilers on both sides have used to derail the process at the final moments of truth. Zionists used terrorism as a principal tactic to oust the British during the decade prior to Israel’s founding, much as Palestinians do today.7 “We live in a purgatory, always subservient to international bureaucratic masters,” a Palestinian official in East Jerusalem protested, frustrated at the lack of genuine Palestinian self-rule and freedom of movement. After the Hamas victory in the 2006 elections, Israeli security closures forced the parliament to convene by videoconference, a reminder that Israel’s current bantustan model for the Palestinians is unsustainable both economically and politically.8 As in the third world, development is lost when the politics of aid take priority over building indigenous governance. International aid agencies take care of urgent needs but create a bubble economy that disappears once they do (as in Kosovo).

Softening the border region creates an insurance policy against domestic overcrowding. The nineteenth century Taiping Rebellion resulted from such involution, in which the people-to-land ratio became too high. The Qing Dynasty was later besieged as China’s size had not grown to accommodate such a rapidly growing population. Should another set of economic troubles hit the Chinese countryside and periphery, more open borders would allow a migration valve for people to flee to countries like Burma and Laos to begin their lives again and work their way up—reproducing a now ancient pattern of Chinese demographic expansion, spread, and control. See Robert F. Ash, “China’s Regional Economies and the Asian Region,” in Power Shift, ed. Shambaugh, 96–131. 7. In geopolitical terms, the emerging Sinocentric order represents a mix of concepts including hegemony, condominiums, spheres of influence, suzerain systems, and complex interdependence.

 

pages: 423 words: 126,375

Baghdad at Sunrise: A Brigade Commander's War in Iraq by Peter R. Mansoor, Donald Kagan, Frederick Kagan

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Berlin Wall, central bank independence, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, friendly fire, HESCO bastion, indoor plumbing, land reform, open borders, RAND corporation, Saturday Night Live

The twenty-brigade combat teams at the disposal of Multi-National Force– Iraq would be used to secure Baghdad’s neighborhoods through a continuous presence, control the adjoining areas around Baghdad to disrupt enemy bases, keep a lid on outlying provinces such as al Anbar and Ninevah, and cooperate Preface xxi with Iraqi security forces to improve their capabilities—which were still developing, but on the whole much improved over the poorly trained and equipped Iraqi Civil Defense Corps of 2004. U.S. and Iraqi forces would erect cement barriers surrounding a dozen major neighborhoods in Baghdad to control access and keep extremists from flowing either into or out of them. Walls would similarly surround major market areas to prevent car and truck bombs from slaughtering innocent civilians. Checkpoints would deny insurgents and terrorists freedom of movement. Baghdad became a city besieged, a tragic but necessary measure if Iraqi political leaders were to gain the time needed to halt the war through political compromise and national reconciliation. Coalition forces in 2004 had vacated their smaller forward operating bases inside Iraq’s cities in favor of large “super bases” on the periphery. The argument ran that our forces were a virus infecting Iraqi society, and our status as liberators would soon turn into a hated occupation should we remain embedded with the Iraqi people.

Without sufficient numbers of police and icdc units, American and coalition military units still carried the burden of securing the Iraqi people, a job for which they lacked numbers, requisite language skills, and cultural awareness. On the anniversary of the invasion of Iraq, the coalition was in danger of losing the war of perceptions. On the night Iron Promise began, a car bomb outside the Jabal Lebanon Hotel in the zone of the 2nd Brigade Combat Team leveled the building, killing seven people and wounding twenty-seven. Freedom of movement for foreigners and reporters was increasingly constrained by the danger of insurgent ambush and kidnapping. The coalition was showing signs of cracks, as the newly elected Spanish Prime Minister, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, had just announced his government’s intention to withdraw all Spanish forces from Iraq in the wake of the Madrid train bombings on March 11 by Islamist terrorists. In the absence of a national consensus on the future, Iraqis increasingly came to view issues through a sectarian and ethnic lens.

When planning assumptions about the postregime environment proved invalid, formations that had been meticulously organized, trained, and equipped for the march through the Republican Guard to Baghdad found themselves in an urban guerrilla conflict for which they were far 108 Bad Karmah less well prepared. Shortage of forces left large swaths of Iraq untouched by a coalition presence and kept open borders through which foreign fighters and terrorists would soon filter. Iraqis poured into the streets to loot and pillage any facility left unguarded, which, given the rapid collapse of the Ba’athist regime, included nearly all government buildings. Not only would the coalition face a lack of civil servants to run a government, but the seat of government itself would require massive rebuilding and refurbishment.

 

pages: 443 words: 112,800

The Third Industrial Revolution: How Lateral Power Is Transforming Energy, the Economy, and the World by Jeremy Rifkin

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3D printing, additive manufacturing, Albert Einstein, barriers to entry, borderless world, carbon footprint, centre right, collaborative consumption, collaborative economy, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate governance, decarbonisation, distributed generation, en.wikipedia.org, energy security, energy transition, global supply chain, hydrogen economy, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, job automation, knowledge economy, manufacturing employment, marginal employment, Martin Wolf, Masdar, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, peak oil, Ponzi scheme, post-oil, purchasing power parity, Ray Kurzweil, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Skype, smart grid, smart meter, Spread Networks laid a new fibre optics cable between New York and Chicago, supply-chain management, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, urban planning, urban renewal, Yom Kippur War, Zipcar

And only a handful of individuals inside the profession have attempted to redefine economic theory and practice based on the energy laws. The first effort to introduce the laws of thermodynamics into economic theory was made by the Nobel laureate chemist Fredrick Soddy in his 1911 book Matter and Energy. Soddy reminded his economist friends that the laws of thermodynamics “control, in the last resort, the rise or fall of political systems, the freedom or bondage of nations, the movements of commerce and industry, the origin of wealth and poverty, and the general physical welfare of the race.”5 The first economist to take on his profession directly was Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen, the Vanderbilt University professor whose 1971 landmark book, The Entropy Law and the Economic Process, caused a minor ripple at the time, but was quickly dismissed by most of his colleagues.

What the EU experience shows is that when nation-states come together to create a common political community with integrated markets and open borders, commercial and political relations tend to flatten and extend across previous national boundaries, creating a new power configuration that is more nodal and distributed than centralized and top-down. EU governance more resembles a network of nation-states, regions, and municipalities, in which no single force determines the direction of the union, forcing all of the political players to engage in collaborative efforts to reach consensus on common goals. The creation of a continental market and continental governance with open borders also allows regions to bypass their national governments and create their own commercial relationship with other regions, sometimes contiguous to but just across national boundaries, and other times far removed in geography from their home country.

Contiguous cross-border EU regions are increasingly involved in commercial partnerships of all kinds and often enjoy closer commercial ties with each other than each region has with its own national government or more distant countrymen. The Third Industrial Revolution communication/energy paradigm, because of its lateral orientation, flourishes in borderless open spaces. What this means is that as the ASEAN Union becomes more of a reality, open borders will allow contiguous regions to interconnect and jointly build out the five-pillar infrastructure of the TIR, much like Wi-Fi communications spread from neighborhood to neighborhood and quickly developed into vast, interconnected webs that span contiguous landmasses. If China and India, both of whom have signed the Cebu Energy Declaration, would open their borders, thereby allowing neighboring regions to connect and build out shared TIR infrastructure, the spreading network could whittle away at the sovereign power each government previously enjoyed over the generation of energy and distribution of electricity within their borders.

 

pages: 356 words: 103,944

The Globalization Paradox: Democracy and the Future of the World Economy by Dani Rodrik

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collective bargaining, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, financial innovation, floating exchange rates, frictionless, frictionless market, full employment, George Akerlof, guest worker program, Hernando de Soto, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, joint-stock company, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, land reform, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, margin call, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, night-watchman state, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, open economy, price stability, profit maximization, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, savings glut, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Tobin tax, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, tulip mania, Washington Consensus, World Values Survey

Unencumbered by domestic economic and social obligations, national governments were then free to pursue an agenda that focused exclusively on strict monetary rules. External restraints were even more blatant under mercantilism and imperialism. We cannot properly speak of nation states before the nineteenth century, but the global economic system operated along strict Golden Straitjacket lines. The rules of the game—open borders, protection of the rights of foreign merchants and investors—were enforced by chartered trading companies or imperial powers. There was no possibility of deviating from them. We may be far from the classical gold standard or chartered trading companies today, but the demands of hyperglobalization require a similar crowding out of domestic politics. The signs are familiar: the insulation of economic policy-making bodies (central banks, fiscal authorities, regulators, and so on), the disappearance (or privatization) of social insurance, the push for low corporate taxes, the erosion of the social compact between business and labor, and the replacement of domestic developmental goals with the need to maintain market confidence.

In Asia, European imperialism guaranteed that the rights of foreigners were protected, contracts enforced, disputes adjudicated under European countries’ rules, exporters and investors welcomed, debts repaid, infrastructure investments undertaken, locals pacified, nascent nationalist ambitions thwarted, and so on—neutralizing the long list of transaction costs that could impede international commerce. Recall how the East India Company was superseded by the British Raj when the former proved unable to handle local insurgency, or how the Hudson’s Bay Company’s police powers were handed over to the Dominion of Canada. The British Empire brought law and order to societies that lacked them, argues the Harvard historian Niall Ferguson: “no organization in history has done more to promote the free movement of goods, capital and labor,” he writes, “than the British Empire in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.”13 One does not need to buy into Ferguson’s glowing take on the British Empire to agree with his assertion that imperialism was a tremendously powerful force for economic globalization. A recent statistical study found that two countries that were members of the same empire had twice the volume of trade between them compared to trade with others outside the empire, holding as many things constant as is feasible in this kind of quantitative work.

Treasury, the crisis was a financial panic largely unrelated to economic fundamentals and internal weaknesses.10 Asia was going through the bust stage of a boom-and-bust cycle. Banks had overlent in the run-up to the crisis and now they were overreacting in pulling back. It wasn’t the first time financial markets misbehaved, and it certainly wouldn’t be the last. The IMF’s pursuit of new authority to free up capital movements would eventually be doomed by the scale of the Asian financial crisis and its spillovers (the Russian crisis of 1998 in particular). But the quest reflected a remarkable new consensus among officialdom in advanced countries. Clearly, the case for removing government controls on international financial markets had become widely accepted. And despite the failure to have the amendment ratified, the IMF and the U.S.

 

pages: 424 words: 115,035

How Will Capitalism End? by Wolfgang Streeck

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, Airbnb, Ben Bernanke: helicopter money, Bretton Woods, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, Clayton Christensen, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, corporate governance, credit crunch, David Brooks, David Graeber, debt deflation, deglobalization, deindustrialization, en.wikipedia.org, eurozone crisis, failed state, financial deregulation, financial innovation, first-past-the-post, full employment, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, Google Glasses, haute cuisine, income inequality, invisible hand, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, late capitalism, market bubble, means of production, moral hazard, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, open borders, pension reform, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, post-industrial society, private sector deleveraging, profit maximization, profit motive, quantitative easing, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, savings glut, secular stagnation, shareholder value, sharing economy, sovereign wealth fund, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, transaction costs, Uber for X, upwardly mobile, winner-take-all economy, Wolfgang Streeck

Those exposed to the very exploitation that workers in ‘the West’ are told has been eradicated by capitalist progress are becoming objects of charity at best, while the consumerist lifestyle of the Western middle-class, and also of large parts of its working class, depends on the low wages and the barbaric working conditions in the ‘developing’ world. At the same time, by buying cheap T-shirts or smartphones, workers in the rich capitalist countries as consumers put pressure on themselves as producers, accelerating the move of production abroad and thereby undermining their own wages, working conditions and employment. Moreover, globalization relocates not only jobs but also workers. Neoliberal ideology supports migration and open borders in the name of personal liberty and human rights, knowing that it provides employers in the receiving countries with an unlimited labour supply, thereby destabilizing protective labour regimes. Ethnic diversity is welcomed, not only by the liberal middle class, but also by employers desiring docile workers that are grateful for being allowed to be where they are, and anxious to avoid deportation for becoming unemployed or engaging in militant activities.

ORIGINATING BATTLES The strategic goals and compromises of European Monetary Union were shaped from the start by these inevitably uneven outcomes; the national economies were thereby forced into selective adaptation. The euro was always a contradictory and conflict-ridden construct. By the late 1980s France and Italy, in particular, were fed up with the hard-currency interest policy of the Bundesbank – which, given the premise of the free movement of capital in a financializing common market, had become the de facto central bank of Europe. They were also irked, the French above all, by the periodic necessity of devaluing their currency vis-à-vis the Deutschmark to maintain their competitiveness; this was felt to be a national humiliation. By replacing the Bundesbank with a European Central Bank, they hoped to regain some of the monetary sovereignty they had ceded to Germany, while also making monetary policy in Europe a little less focused on stability and directed rather more towards political goals, such as full employment.

Their task will be to devise a system flexible enough to do justice to the conditions and constraints governing the development of all societies participating in the world economy, without encouraging rival devaluations, or the competitive production of money or debt, together with the geostrategic contests they foster. Agenda items would include the successor to the dollar as a reserve currency, the empowerment of states and international organizations to set limits to the free movement of capital, regulation of the havoc caused by the shadow banks and the global creation of money and credit, as well as the introduction of fixed but adjustable exchange rates. Such debates could take their cue from the astonishing wealth of ideas about alternative national and supranational monetary regimes produced in the interwar years by such writers as Fisher or Keynes. They would teach us at the very least that money is a constantly developing historical institution that requires continual reshaping, and must be judged as efficient not just in theory but also in its political function.

 

pages: 934 words: 135,736

The Divided Nation: A History of Germany, 1918-1990 by Mary Fulbrook

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Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, centre right, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, full employment, joint-stock company, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, Peace of Westphalia, Sinatra Doctrine, union organizing, unorthodox policies

In this way, a deeper understanding can be gained of the conditions upon which each country's stability was predicated for over forty years, the factors contributing to the ultimate demise of the East German communist state, and the nature of the two rather different Germanies which in 1990 were to embark on a process of unification, with all its attendant tensions and difficulties. Page 221 Nine Diverging Societies As the streams of Trabant and Wartburg cars bumped across the newly opened borders from East to West Germany in the winter of 198990, it was quite clear that there was a considerable disparity between the quality of life of Germans in the two states. East Germans stared amazed at the wealth of consumer goods available in West German shops, and rapidly stocked up on bananas, oranges, and other delights which had been rarities for so long. Conversely, visitors from West to East experienced with less pleasure the bumpy, pot-holed roads, often still cobbled, the crumbling plaster on the unpainted houses, the pall of pollution, belching yellow-grey factory fumes hanging over the sky, and the ubiquitous, dusty smell of brown coal.

Women who had relied on state child care facilities were forced to make new decisions about whether they would be able to continue going out to work. Many men and women had no choice at all: they were simply made redundant. Even the East German tourist trade collapsed, despite the West Germans' new-found interest in exploring a long-ignored part of their 'homeland'. After a brief foray, most found it preferable to make day trips from the comfort of West German tourist facilities close to the now-open border, while, with the change to western hard currency, the former flocks of Hungarian and Czechoslovakian visitors could no longer afford their customary fortnight on the Baltic coast. In such circumstances, the negotiations over the terms of unification were conducted with all the initiative on the West German side. It was exceedingly difficult for East Germans to bargain over the retention of certain social rights when only rapid unification might avert total disaster.

 

pages: 388 words: 125,472

The Establishment: And How They Get Away With It by Owen Jones

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anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, battle of ideas, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bonus culture, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, citizen journalism, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, don't be evil, Edward Snowden, Etonian, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, housing crisis, inflation targeting, investor state dispute settlement, James Dyson, laissez-faire capitalism, market fundamentalism, Monroe Doctrine, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, night-watchman state, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, short selling, sovereign wealth fund, stakhanovite, statistical model, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transfer pricing, union organizing, unpaid internship, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent

Littlewood explains that this anti-statism underpins his rationale for opposing the smoking ban in public places, an unacceptable example of the state’s infringement on the individual’s right to choose. Littlewood is a former Liberal Democrat head of media and – he emphasizes – not a Conservative. He supports the legalization of ‘all drugs’, would ‘probably abolish the monarchy’, is ‘very sceptical about the nation state’, and is ‘extremely liberal on immigration, probably going for open borders’. He is, essentially, a libertarian. But at the centre of Littlewood’s philosophy is a desire to impose drastic cuts on the state. ‘We produced a big piece of research called “Sharper Axes, Lower Taxes”,’ Littlewood recalls, ‘arguing that the efforts being made by the government were utterly feeble and we needed to broadly cut public expenditure in half.’ Even he admitted it was an ‘out there’ approach.

They would meet to listen to key members of the Tory shadow cabinet, such as Keith Joseph and Geoffrey Howe – soon to become Thatcher’s first Chancellor of the Exchequer. But for all their energy and bravado, the outriders had a job on their hands: ‘There were at that time very few people who thought that free-market ideas and economic incentives could succeed in turning Britain around,’ Pirie would later write. ‘We used to point out that you could then fit most of us into a taxi, and that the entire free-market movement would be wiped out if it crashed.’13 But, few in numbers though they originally were, the outriders’ achievement would nevertheless be seismic. They helped turn what was viewed as the hopelessly wacky and left-field into the new political common sense – something that even they had believed in their more despairing moments was an impossible task. They provided political openings for policies that would later become known as the cornerstones of Thatcherism: privatization, deregulation and slashing taxes on the rich.

These battles were fought because the government feared aspects of the EU represented a threat to Establishment mantras and practices. The battles that the government does not pick with the European Union are equally as revealing. Some components of the EU are just like Britain’s own Establishment – institutionally rigged in favour of private interests. This causes no bother whatsoever to Britain’s political elite. EU treaties enshrine the free movement of capital, declaring that ‘all restrictions on the movement of capital between Member States and between Member States and third countries shall be prohibited’. State aid is generally banned on the grounds of granting advantages over competitors. Privatization is encoded in EU law too. EU Directive 91/440 serves to institutionalize the privatization of the railways, for example. Another Directive imposes the liberalization of postal services.

 

pages: 829 words: 229,566

This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. The Climate by Naomi Klein

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1960s counterculture, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, big-box store, bilateral investment treaty, British Empire, business climate, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carbon footprint, clean water, Climategate, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, Community Supported Agriculture, complexity theory, crony capitalism, decarbonisation, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, energy security, energy transition, equal pay for equal work, Exxon Valdez, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, financial deregulation, food miles, Food sovereignty, global supply chain, hydraulic fracturing, ice-free Arctic, immigration reform, income per capita, Internet Archive, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, market fundamentalism, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, new economy, Nixon shock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, open borders, patent troll, planetary scale, post-oil, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Rana Plaza, Ronald Reagan, smart grid, special economic zone, Stephen Hawking, Stewart Brand, structural adjustment programs, Ted Kaczynski, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, trickle-down economics, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, urban planning, urban sprawl, wages for housework, walkable city, Washington Consensus, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks

And through conversations with others in the growing climate justice movement, I began to see all kinds of ways that climate change could become a catalyzing force for positive change—how it could be the best argument progressives have ever had to demand the rebuilding and reviving of local economies; to reclaim our democracies from corrosive corporate influence; to block harmful new free trade deals and rewrite old ones; to invest in starving public infrastructure like mass transit and affordable housing; to take back ownership of essential services like energy and water; to remake our sick agricultural system into something much healthier; to open borders to migrants whose displacement is linked to climate impacts; to finally respect Indigenous land rights—all of which would help to end grotesque levels of inequality within our nations and between them. And I started to see signs—new coalitions and fresh arguments—hinting at how, if these various connections were more widely understood, the urgency of the climate crisis could form the basis of a powerful mass movement, one that would weave all these seemingly disparate issues into a coherent narrative about how to protect humanity from the ravages of both a savagely unjust economic system and a destabilized climate system.

That acting collectively for a greater good is not suspect, and that such common projects of mutual aid are responsible for our species’ greatest accomplishments. That greed must be disciplined and tempered by both rule and example. That poverty amidst plenty is unconscionable. It also means defending those parts of our societies that already express these values outside of capitalism, whether it’s an embattled library, a public park, a student movement demanding free university tuition, or an immigrant rights movement fighting for dignity and more open borders. And most of all, it means continually drawing connections among these seemingly disparate struggles—asserting, for instance, that the logic that would cut pensions, food stamps, and health care before increasing taxes on the rich is the same logic that would blast the bedrock of the earth to get the last vapors of gas and the last drops of oil before making the shift to renewable energy. Many are attempting to draw these connections and are expressing these alternative values in myriad ways.

Less than six months later, Goldman Sachs sold its 49 percent stake in the company that is developing the largest of the proposed coal export terminals, the one near Bellingham, Washington, having apparently concluded that window had already closed.33 These victories add up: they have kept uncountable millions of tons of carbon and other greenhouse gases out of the atmosphere. Whether or not climate change has been a primary motivator, the local movements behind them deserve to be recognized as unsung carbon keepers, who, by protecting their beloved forests, mountains, rivers, and coastlines, are helping to protect all of us. Fossil Free: The Divestment Movement Climate activists are under no illusion that shutting down coal plants, blocking tar sands pipelines, and passing fracking bans will be enough to lower emissions as rapidly and deeply as science demands. There are just too many extraction operations already up and running and too many more being pushed simultaneously. And oil multinationals are hyper-mobile—they move wherever they can dig.

 

pages: 780 words: 168,782

Strange Rebels: 1979 and the Birth of the 21st Century by Christian Caryl

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, financial deregulation, financial independence, friendly fire, full employment, income inequality, industrial robot, Internet Archive, land reform, land tenure, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Mont Pelerin Society, new economy, New Urbanism, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price stability, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special economic zone, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, Yom Kippur War

The fact of American support did become a complicating factor for radical Islamists as the Afghan jihad went on; they were forced to rely on “lesser of two evil” arguments to rationalize US participation. But many of them refused to have anything to do with the Americans in the field.) Azzam noted another vital difference between Palestine and Afghanistan. It had to do with geography. The Palestinians confronted an Israeli enemy that had the power to keep their borders tightly closed and to monitor any movements across them. Afghanistan, by contrast, boasted eighteen hundred miles of open borders that were impossible to control, as well as many isolated tribes that resisted manipulation from the outside.2 Afghanistan’s remoteness made it a safe haven for an Islamic state. Azzam may have been influenced in this thinking by leftist theories of guerrilla warfare, which were much in vogue in the 1970s—perhaps even by Mao’s theory of the Communist “base area,” which, once firmly established, could serve as the political and military launching pad for a broader insurrection against the strong points of capitalist society.

 

pages: 1,327 words: 360,897

Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism by Peter Marshall

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agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, David Graeber, feminist movement, garden city movement, hive mind, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, Lao Tzu, Machinery of Freedom by David Friedman, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Naomi Klein, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, post scarcity, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, the market place, union organizing, wage slave, washing machines reduced drudgery

They have no truck with Hegel’s idealist definition of liberty as ‘necessity transfigured’ so that the individual somehow realizes his ‘higher self in obeying the law of the State. On the contrary, anarchists believe that genuine freedom can only be achieved in a society without the State. They therefore embrace the traditional socialist freedoms such as freedom from want and insecurity as well as the liberal freedoms of expression, thought, assembly and movement. When they talk about economic freedom, they mean both the liberal sense of freedom from the economic controls of the State and the socialist sense of freedom from economic hardship. The alleged ‘freedom’ of the few on the other hand to exploit and to command is not a desirable form of freedom since it leads to oppression. They are thus the most coherent and consistent advocates of freedom.

Since his death in 1967, his legacy has not been forgotten and libertarian socialists still exist in Cuba who call for direct democracy and self-management. The early success of the Cuban Revolution in standing up to the United States gave it enormous prestige amongst left-wing movements in Latin America, but its later connection with the Soviet Union and its continued suppression of the freedoms of thought, speech, and movement have tarnished its image amongst the libertarian left in Latin America. Since Latin America remains a largely under-developed continent, still suffering from poverty, political corruption and authoritarian rule, anarchism is likely to have its voice heard in the foreseeable future. In its syndicalist form it continues to appeal to the most progressive urban workers while anarchist communism echoes the ancient aspiration of the poorest peasants to work the land in common without interference from boss or priest.

Clark broke away from Bookchin, refusing to be Engels to his Marx, and came to see him as an incoherent thinker who had lost touch with the anarchist tradition.61 To his version of libertarian municipalism, Clark counterposed a form of ‘ecocommunitarian’ politics inspired by ‘a vision of human communities achieving their fulfillment as an integral part of the larger, self-realizing earth community’.62 But while Clark came to see the inadequacy of Bookchin’s Aristotelian way of thinking, he still continues to work within the tradition of social ecology in order to reinvigorate it and develop it in a more dialectical, spiritual and communal direction. He is also keen to promote a political movement based on small primary communities, including affinity groups, intentional communities and co-operatives, which he sees as playing a potentially significant liberatory role in society. Clearly social ecology is not the special reserve of Bookchin but a fertile land with open borders. While educated in the Enlightenment and the Western humanist tradition, Clark’s interest in Taoism, Zen, Surrealism and Situationism has led him to explore the realm of the magical and the imaginary. Delighting in paradox and verbal wit, he has written under the pseudonym of Max Cafard a Surre(gion)alist Manifesto (2003), which advocates local identity, rehabilitation of the land and bioregionalism while retaining a global outlook.

 

The End of Power: From Boardrooms to Battlefields and Churches to States, Why Being in Charge Isn’t What It Used to Be by Moises Naim

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additive manufacturing, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, bilateral investment treaty, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, citizen journalism, Clayton Christensen, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, corporate governance, crony capitalism, deskilling, disintermediation, don't be evil, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, intermodal, invisible hand, job-hopping, Joseph Schumpeter, Julian Assange, Kickstarter, Martin Wolf, megacity, Naomi Klein, Nate Silver, new economy, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, open borders, open economy, Peace of Westphalia, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price mechanism, price stability, private military company, profit maximization, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steve Jobs, The Nature of the Firm, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, trade route, transaction costs, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey

Max, who profiled him for The New Yorker , Carlsen’s success had more to do with his unorthodox and surprising strategies (relying in part on his prodigious memory) than with computer-based training: “Because Carlsen has spent less time than most of his cohort training with computers, he is less prone to play the way they do. He relies more on his own judgment. This makes him tricky for opponents who have relied on software and databases for counsel.”8 The demolition of the power structure of world chess also stems from changes in the global economy, in politics, and in demographic and migratory patterns. Open borders and cheaper travel have given more players the chance to play tournaments anywhere in the world. Higher education standards and the spread of literacy, numeracy, and child healthcare have created a bigger pool of potential Grandmasters. And today, for the first time in history, more people live in cities than in farms—a development that, along with the prolonged period of economic growth enjoyed by many poor countries since the 1990s, has opened new possibilities for millions of families for whom the game of chess was an unaffordable or even unknown luxury.

 

pages: 494 words: 28,046

Empire by Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri

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Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, discovery of the americas, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global village, Haight Ashbury, informal economy, invention of the printing press, invisible hand, labour mobility, late capitalism, low skilled workers, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, New Urbanism, open borders, Peace of Westphalia, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, Scramble for Africa, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, urban planning, William of Occam

The claim that regimes of slavery and servitude are internal to capitalist production and development points toward the intimate relationship between the laboring subjects’ desire to flee the relationship of command and capital’s attempts to block the population within fixed territorial boundaries. Yann Moulier Boutang emphasizes the primacy of these lines of flight in the history of capitalist development: An anonymous, collective, continuous, and uncontainable force of defection is what has driven the labor market toward freedom. This same force is what has obliged liberalism to produce the apology of free labor, the right to property, and open borders. It has also forced the bourgeois economists to establish models that immobilize labor, discipline it, and disregard the elements of uninterrupted flight. All of this has 123 124 PASSAGES OF SOVEREIGNTY functioned to invent and reinvent a thousand forms of slavery. This ineluctable aspect of accumulation precedes the question of the proletarianization of the liberal era. It constructs the bases of the modern state.18 The deterritorializing desire of the multitude is the motor that drives the entire process of capitalist development, and capital must constantly attempt to contain it.

Along with the flight from the socalled Third World there are flows of political refugees and transfers of intellectual labor power, in addition to the massive movements of the agricultural, manufacturing, and service proletariat. The legal and documented movements are dwarfed by clandestine migrations: the borders of national sovereignty are sieves, and every attempt at complete regulation runs up against violent pressure. Economists attempt to explain this phenomenon by presenting their equations and models, which even if they were complete would not explain that irrepressible desire for free movement. In effect, what pushes from behind is, negatively, desertion from the miserable cultural and material conditions of imperial reproduction; but positively, what pulls forward is the wealth of desire and the accumulation of expressive and productive capacities that the processes of globalization have determined in the consciousness of every individual and social group—and thus a certain hope.

 

pages: 552 words: 168,518

MacroWikinomics: Rebooting Business and the World by Don Tapscott, Anthony D. Williams

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, airport security, Andrew Keen, augmented reality, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, bioinformatics, Bretton Woods, business climate, business process, car-free, carbon footprint, citizen journalism, Clayton Christensen, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, cloud computing, collaborative editing, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, crowdsourcing, death of newspapers, demographic transition, distributed generation, don't be evil, en.wikipedia.org, energy security, energy transition, Exxon Valdez, failed state, fault tolerance, financial innovation, Galaxy Zoo, game design, global village, Google Earth, Hans Rosling, hive mind, Home mortgage interest deduction, interchangeable parts, Internet of things, invention of movable type, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Jaron Lanier, jimmy wales, Joseph Schumpeter, Julian Assange, Kevin Kelly, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, Marshall McLuhan, medical bankruptcy, megacity, mortgage tax deduction, Netflix Prize, new economy, Nicholas Carr, oil shock, online collectivism, open borders, open economy, pattern recognition, peer-to-peer lending, personalized medicine, Ray Kurzweil, RFID, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, scientific mainstream, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart grid, smart meter, social graph, social web, software patent, Steve Jobs, text mining, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, transaction costs, transfer pricing, University of East Anglia, urban sprawl, value at risk, WikiLeaks, X Prize, young professional, Zipcar

Soon a global citizens’ movement was rocking cities like Seattle, Washington, D.C., and Genoa as a motley collection of trade unionists, college students, environmentalists, and social justice advocates came out in force to protest meetings of the World Bank and the World Trade Organization, which activists saw as the apostles for a corporate agenda. In reality, multinational companies were just doing what the market demanded: taking advantage of open borders and a new pool of human capital to produce an ever-growing quantity of goods and services at ever-lower prices. In most cases, overseas investments brought jobs, prosperity, and higher standards to communities that had little access to the global economy, even if some companies made missteps along the way. Indeed, many of the grave consequences forecast by activists—for example, that the economic might of global corporations would soon dwarf that of individual nations—proved to be highly alarmist in hindsight.

Your design criteria are as follows: The system must maximize the consumption of fuels and the surface area of the planet—using up as much farmland and other space as possible. Your system should produce the most toxins and use more physical materials (steel, glass, rubber, leather, synthetics) than available alternatives. It must be the system that will result in the largest possible number of deaths and injuries (hint: have free movement vehicles and make every pilot an amateur). It should also be the least predictable system, giving passengers little idea how long a trip home might take, and it should slow down to a crawl, not speed up, the more people use it. Plus you get bonus points for pitting inhabitants against one another and, in extreme cases, causing travelers to fly into an uncontrollable rage. It’s hard to imagine a better solution to these design criteria than an automobile powered by an internal combustion engine.

 

When Cultures Collide: Leading Across Cultures by Richard D. Lewis

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Ayatollah Khomeini, British Empire, business climate, business process, colonial exploitation, corporate governance, global village, haute cuisine, hiring and firing, invention of writing, Mahatma Gandhi, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, open borders, profit maximization, profit motive, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, trade route, transaction costs, upwardly mobile, urban sprawl, women in the workforce

They are talkative in the Latin manner; they demonstrate warmth and emotion openly; they are cosmopolitan and travel the world; they are comfortable with Americans and with Westerners in general; they are committed to democratic institutions, including freedom of speech; and they distrust and reject authoritarianism whenever possible. The repressive and corrupt Marcos era was hard on the easygoing Filipinos, not least because the dictator was propped up by the Americans, from whom Filipinos had learned much better attributes. Their enthusiasm for liberty, their will to debate, their commitment to free enterprise and their open borders were all part of the U.S. legacy. With the overthrow of Ferdinand Marcos in 1986, Corazon Aquino introduced political reforms. Her successor, President Fidel Ramos, proved more adept and, though formerly an autocratic figure, he kept the country firmly on the path of reform. He perceived clearly the effect of Western countries on Filipino thought and pointed out that his people could not be governed in the same authoritarian manner as the Japanese, Chinese, Koreans and Singaporeans.

When it comes to restrictive immigration laws, the Finns’ subjective view is that the fragile, delicately balanced national economy must be protected, while semiconsciously their instinct is to protect the purity of their race. Spaniards, born in a country where no one dares trace his or her ancestry further back than 1500, have a reflexive distaste for prohibitive immigration policies that hinder the free movement of Spaniards seeking better wages abroad. Such policies or laws they see as negative, or simply bad. As a second example, a Finn consistently making expensive telephone calls for which she need not pay will ultimately fall victim to her own inherent sense of independence, not least because she is building up a debt to her friend in Finnish Telecom. The Spaniard, on the other hand, would phone Easter Island nightly (if he could get away with it) with great relish and unashamed glee.

 

Making Globalization Work by Joseph E. Stiglitz

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affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, business process, capital controls, central bank independence, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Doha Development Round, Exxon Valdez, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Firefox, full employment, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, happiness index / gross national happiness, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, incomplete markets, Indoor air pollution, informal economy, inventory management, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, microcredit, moral hazard, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, oil rush, open borders, open economy, price stability, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, race to the bottom, reserve currency, rising living standards, risk tolerance, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, statistical model, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, union organizing, Washington Consensus

This book, however, is mostly about economic globalization, which entails the closer economic integration of the countries of the world through the increased flow of goods and services, capital, and even labor. The great hope of globalization is that it will raise living standards throughout the world: give poor countries access to overseas markets so that they can sell their goods, allow in foreign investment that will make new products at cheaper prices, and open borders so that people can travel abroad to be educated, work, and send home earnings to help their families and fund new businesses. I believe that globalization has the potential to bring enormous benefits to those in both the developing and the developed world. But the evidence is overwhelming that it has failed to live up to this potential. This book will show that the problem is not with globalization itself but in the way globalization has been managed.

 

pages: 756 words: 228,797

Ayn Rand and the World She Made by Anne C. Heller

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, conceptual framework, greed is good, laissez-faire capitalism, Milgram experiment, Mont Pelerin Society, New Journalism, open borders, price stability, profit motive, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, theory of mind, Thorstein Veblen, transcontinental railway, upwardly mobile, wage slave, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration, young professional

called herself shy: “The Hero in the Soul Manifested in the World.” lectured at the then-famous New York Town Hall Club: “Book Notes,” NYT, May 14, 1936, p. 23; “Ayn Rand to Speak Tuesday,” NYT, May 22, 1936. “two million snow-white [Stalinist] angels”: “Ayn Rand as a Public Speaker,” quoting the New York Journal American from May 1936. In one New York newspaper interview: “Only High Ransom for Passports Opens Border, Says Miss Ayn Rand,” New York American, June 15, 1936. to get an affidavit of support: AR, p. 52; Binswanger, dinner lecture, April 24, 2005. A question arises here, for AR’s Chicago relatives possessed more than enough money to sponsor the whole Rosenbaum family and pay their passage, had AR asked them for help. In fact, some of them never forgave AR for not alerting them to the dire conditions her family faced in St.

“Abortion is a moral right—which should be left to the sole discretion of the woman involved,” she told an audience of fifteen hundred people at the Ford Hall Forum, five years before the Supreme Court decided Roe v. Wade in 1973 and in a state, Massachusetts, in which abortion was then illegal. “An embryo has no rights. Rights do not pertain to a potential, only to an actual being,” she declared. When she opposed popular movements, her reasoning was original and often, in its peculiar way, progressive. She condemned the Free Speech Movement at Berkeley in 1964 as much for its threat and use of force in taking over administration buildings and its attempted subversion of countervailing opinion (that is, free speech) as for its original goal of overturning a prohibition against political organizing on campus. She was always worth hearing. Nathaniel Branden at age eighteen, a few months before Rand met him. Rand and O’Connor, Chatsworth, 1951.