open borders

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pages: 482 words: 117,962

Exceptional People: How Migration Shaped Our World and Will Define Our Future by Ian Goldin, Geoffrey Cameron, Meera Balarajan

Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, conceptual framework, creative destruction, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, endogenous growth, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Gini coefficient, global pandemic, global supply chain, guest worker program, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, labour mobility, Lao Tzu, life extension, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, Malacca Straits, mass immigration, microcredit, Nelson Mandela, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, old age dependency ratio, open borders, out of africa, price mechanism, purchasing power parity, Richard Florida, selection bias, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, spice trade, trade route, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, women in the workforce, working-age population

“The Impact of the Recent Migration from Eastern Europe on the UK Economy,” IZA Discussion Paper No. 2615, Institute for the Study of Labor, Berlin. 21. See Steve Vertovec. 2009. Transnationalism. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. 22. From Jefferson's instructions to Virginia delegates to the 1774 Continental Congress. Cited in Alan Dowty. 1989. Closed Borders: The Contemporary Assault on Freedom of Movement. London: Yale University Press, p. 47. 23. Michael Walzer. 1983. Spheres of Justice. New York: Basic Books, p. 61. 24. Ibid.: 61. 25. Joseph H. Carens. 1987. “Aliens and Citizens: The Case for Open Borders,” The Review of Politics 49(2): 251–273, pp. 265–270. 26. Joseph H. Carens. 2009. “The Case for Amnesty,” Boston Review, May/June 2009. 27. Seyla Benhabib. 2005. “Borders, Boundaries, and Citizenship,” PS: Political Science and Politics 38: 673–677. 28. This point is raised in Carens, 1987: 267. 29.

Furthermore, as many developed countries are facing shrinking workforces and aging populations, they are increasingly unable to afford closing their borders. Open Borders Alternatively, what if a country unilaterally opened its borders to the free flow of people? What if anyone from anywhere could move to, say, the United Kingdom to live and work? Such a scenario may seem to be unrealistic, but it was the status quo (albeit with notable exceptions) during much of the nineteenth-century period of globalization, as we discussed in chapter 2. The free movement of people was seen to be a logical corollary of liberalizing trade and finance and of throwing off the shackles of feudalism. The prevailing rationales for free movement and open borders were ethical—that people had the right to move—and economic—that the movement of people responded to similar economic forces (namely, supply and demand) as the movement of goods and capital.

As Jewish displacement from Europe became increasingly severe in the mid-1930s, the number of refugees arriving in Palestine rose to 200,000 between 1933 and 1936.43 The systematic murder, persecution, and displacement associated with Hitler's Third Reich in Germany would increasingly propel Europe's Jews toward Palestine—despite restrictions by the British Mandate government—and ultimately pave the way for the creation of the state of Israel, accompanied by the forced displacement of the Palestinian people. THE INTERWAR PERIOD: ECONOMIC DECLINE AND REGULATED MIGRATION Following World War I, the Treaty conference at Versailles involved negotiation over the creeping exclusions that signaled the end of open borders. Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the British Empire all insisted on their right to limit migration (often on the basis of race). Despite Japanese, Chinese, and Indian demands for the free movement of labor, the new League of Nations did not include any institutional support for international migration.44 Efforts advanced through the League to liberalize or abolish the new passport system were ultimately unsuccessful.45 Government opposition meant that the International Labour Organization stayed away from the issue of migration, and the efforts of the International Federation of Trade Unions to create an International Office on Migration failed.46 Instead, within a climate of nationalism and economic stagnation, states reserved their right to increasingly regulate migration and impose restrictions on the rights of foreigners within their borders.


pages: 308 words: 99,298

Brexit, No Exit: Why in the End Britain Won't Leave Europe by Denis MacShane

3D printing, banking crisis, battle of ideas, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, centre right, Corn Laws, deindustrialization, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, Etonian, European colonialism, first-past-the-post, fixed income, Gini coefficient, greed is good, illegal immigration, James Dyson, labour mobility, liberal capitalism, low cost airline, low cost carrier, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Mont Pelerin Society, negative equity, Neil Kinnock, new economy, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, open borders, open economy, price stability, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, reshoring, road to serfdom, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, Thales and the olive presses, trade liberalization, transaction costs, women in the workforce

As Martin Schulz, the president of the European Parliament, who was chosen as the Social Democratic Party candidate to run against Angela Merkel in the contest to be chancellor of Germany, wrote in an article on the day of his visit to see the Prime Minister and Mayor of London there is a clear ‘majority in the European Parliament for insisting that the fundamental freedoms are inseparable, i.e. no freedom of movement for goods, capital and services, without free movement of persons. I refuse to imagine a Europe where lorries and hedge funds are free to cross borders but citizens cannot. I cannot accept any hierarchy between these four freedoms.’ Until judges intervened, Brexit Minister David Davis had made clear that parliament and the electorate would not be informed about the UK’s negotiations – a return to the secret conclaves of Eurocrats behind closed doors that Eurosceptics always denounced.

In 2017 the EU celebrated the sixtieth anniversary of the founding Treaty of Rome (1957). Compared to many European states, the EU is a toddler, barely out of nappies. While the EU is young, Europe is getting older and has stopped having babies. Thanks to its open borders to immigration from Asia, Britain is one of the few EU nations with a growing population. But even in Britain the share of the active employed population has fallen below the inactive population (those without work, the young, retired people and others) and the UK needs more healthy, young, tax-paying workers if it is to survive, let alone thrive. Elsewhere Europe is ceasing to reproduce itself and one reason for maintaining free movement of workers is to have enough younger low-pay workers to look after ageing Europeans who are in need of care from younger people to wash, clean and feed them. The figures are alarming.

There was a community of 250,000 Poles in the UK dating from after 1945 and Ryanair and EasyJet were operating several flights a day between the UK and Polish and other A8 member states by 2004. The UK economy was based on low-paid, taxpayer-subsidised employment, with employers encouraged to hire the cheapest possible labour. The biggest employer of EU citizens is the NHS. But state employers are exempt from freedom of movement obligations. Britain could do much more to train British citizens for jobs and introduce other measures of internal labour market control without violating freedom of movement rules, as other EU countries or Switzerland have done. I pointed out that Ireland had 180,000 Polish workers – 4 per cent of the Irish population, compared to 1.7 per cent of the UK population that was Polish. There were no attacks on Polish workers by Irish politicians or the Irish press. Similarly, there are 1.1 million Romanian citizens in Spain but there are no attacks by rightwing Spanish politicians or the press about the presence of so many Romanians.


pages: 273 words: 83,802

Hostile Environment: How Immigrants Became Scapegoats by Maya Goodfellow

Boris Johnson, British Empire, call centre, collective bargaining, colonial rule, creative destruction, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, European colonialism, falling living standards, G4S, housing crisis, illegal immigration, low skilled workers, mass immigration, megacity, moral panic, open borders, race to the bottom, Right to Buy, Scientific racism, Winter of Discontent, working poor

It’s not migrants who are the problem, it’s the much broader exploitative economy which should be and so often is in Corbyn’s line of fire.11 Part of the problem has been how Labour has attempted to manoeuvre through Brexit negotiations. Agreeing to end freedom of movement – the only freedom they proposed abandoning of the four that make up the single market – meant they failed to take the lead on anti-immigration politics that undergirded the EU referendum.12 It’s not that free movement in Europe should be protected while non-EU migrants continue to navigate processes that have for decades been exclusionary, racialised and unfair. The focus should be on levelling up non-EU migrant rights, not bringing their European counterparts into an already unjust system. Even if only implicitly, committing to ending freedom of movement feeds anti-immigration politics. Some Labour members have told me they would rather the immigration question was kicked into the long grass because they believe taking it on would torpedo the party’s chances of winning an election.

Farage helped to popularise the party’s agenda by turning every political issue into a debate about migrants or the EU, often with a heavy focus on the former. He repeatedly pointed out that free movement – one of the ‘four freedoms’ of the EU’s single market – was ruinous for the country. Free movement of workers had been around since the EU’s precursor, the EEC, was set up. In the 1990s, free movement was guaranteed for everyone, although with specific caveats, such as the rule allowing EU nationals to stay in the country for three months, any longer than this was conditional on their being in work, having the prospect of a job or otherwise having ‘enough’ money to live in the UK without employment. It was then formalised in the Maastricht Treaty, which created the EU and the concept of European citizenship. Free movement had become a central part of the immigration debate over the New Labour years and remained so during the entire time Ed Miliband was leader, with a particular focus on people from certain countries in Eastern Europe.

In 2007, Home Secretary John Reid, who was known for taking an overtly tough stance on immigration, showed that he had few qualms about pitting people against each other. He claimed that it was ‘an underlying reality that we have not been tough enough in policing access to such services as council housing, legal aid or NHS care’.58 The year before, with public discourse increasingly focused on European freedom of movement, he had announced that the British labour market would be closed to Romanians and Bulgarians when their countries joined the EU in January 2007. That same year, the government extended the length of time immigrants had to wait to become eligible for residency from four to five years and the year before that they abolished a scheme that let non-EU graduate doctors work in training posts without a permit; to get one would mean proving there was no British or EU graduates who could fill the post.59 There was a human cost to these policies.


pages: 382 words: 100,127

The Road to Somewhere: The Populist Revolt and the Future of Politics by David Goodhart

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, assortative mating, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, borderless world, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, carbon footprint, central bank independence, centre right, coherent worldview, corporate governance, credit crunch, deglobalization, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, Etonian, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, first-past-the-post, gender pay gap, gig economy, glass ceiling, global supply chain, global village, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, job satisfaction, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, market friction, mass immigration, mittelstand, Neil Kinnock, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, North Sea oil, obamacare, old-boy network, open borders, Peter Singer: altruism, post-industrial society, post-materialism, postnationalism / post nation state, race to the bottom, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, selection bias, shareholder value, Skype, Sloane Ranger, stem cell, Thomas L Friedman, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, ultimatum game, upwardly mobile, wages for housework, white flight, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, World Values Survey

Thanks to low fertility and high emigration (courtesy of freedom of movement) the Estonian population, 1.5 million in 1993, is predicted by the UN to be below 1 million in fifty years. And Bulgaria, 8.9 million in 1988, and 7.4 million today, is predicted to fall to 3.5 million by the end of the century.24 Freedom of movement at moderate levels, like immigration itself, is a benefit both to the movers and the country they move to. But the Anywhere economists and politicians who have dominated the EU debate gave little thought to the scale of the movement nor to the fact that, like much immigration, movement between EU countries tends to be economically regressive: those in the bottom part of society in richer EU countries who are least likely to take advantage of free movement themselves are also the ones who are most likely to be disadvantaged by the extra labour market competition and disturbed by sudden changes to neighbourhoods.

But the Anywhere economists and politicians who have dominated the EU debate gave little thought to the scale of the movement nor to the fact that, like much immigration, movement between EU countries tends to be economically regressive: those in the bottom part of society in richer EU countries who are least likely to take advantage of free movement themselves are also the ones who are most likely to be disadvantaged by the extra labour market competition and disturbed by sudden changes to neighbourhoods. The relatively small, and qualified, benefits of free movement have been bought at a very high price in terms of the popularity of the European project especially in the heavily receiving countries such as Britain. But there is no reason why some of the benefits could not persist with a better designed and more controlled form of movement. (Visa-free travel and some special terms for labour migration are likely to be on offer to EU citizens as part of the Brexit deal.) It is often said that the principle of free movement is inviolable but freedom of movement has not always been as free as it is now. It has been substantially widened and extended by the European Court of Justice over recent decades.

The shock of 2004 in Britain when a few thousand people were expected from the new member states in the east and then more than 1 million came over the next few years—with British politicians impotent to do anything about it—was probably the biggest single factor behind the Brexit vote. Freedom of movement is the most controversial of the ‘four freedoms’ of goods, services, capital and people, and is the one that is least compatible with a normal nation state. A single market in goods and services and, with some reservations, capital, is compatible with multiple nations trading with each other. Freedom of movement of people takes the relationship to a different level. British reservations are, to a somewhat lesser degree, shared by many of the richer northern European countries like Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark and Sweden—yet freedom of movement in these countries also underpins a vision of a borderless Europe, with citizens mixing freely as Europeans, that has a favourable echo especially among young people.


pages: 158 words: 45,927

Brexit: What the Hell Happens Now?: The Facts About Britain's Bitter Divorce From Europe 2016 by Ian Dunt

Boris Johnson, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, energy security, low skilled workers, non-tariff barriers, open borders, Silicon Valley, UNCLOS, UNCLOS

Angela Merkel told the German parliament: ‘If you wish to have free access to the single market then you have to accept the fundamental European rights.’ Standing next to May outside the Élysée Palace, the French President Francois Hollande said: ‘There cannot be freedom of movement of goods, free movement of capital, free movement of services if there isn’t a free movement of people.’ When Boris Johnson joked that he was ‘pro having my cake and pro eating it’, Donald Tusk replied: ‘To all who believe in it, I propose a simple experiment. Buy a cake, eat it, and see if it is still there on the plate.’ The message is clear: no movement on free movement. It is a European red line. But possibly there is more wriggle room there than the EU is making out. Brussels is bound to hold a firm line on free movement, especially in advance of negotiations. But ultimately the EU is good at making deals. As an organisation, its instinct is to sit down for very long and very boring talks and end up with a compromise that no-one is particularly happy about but everyone can live with.

Take that 20%-40% support away and Leave would not have won. Add it to the Remain vote and you have no mandate to end the free movement of people. So even here, in the one measure which is treated as unarguable, there is no clear mandate. But regardless of its objective legitimacy, the immigration mandate was the most common interpretation of the Brexit vote. It was accepted by most MPs in the main parties (although not by Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour leadership team) and enthusiastically embraced by anti-immigration tabloids. It has become received wisdom that something must be done about freedom of movement. It is a non-negotiable ‘red line’. The consequence is that Britain either has to convince its EU partners to reform the rules on freedom of movement or leave the single market. It is arguably the biggest decision Britain has made since the end of the Second World War.

It was clear from well before the vote that the key question was what took precedence: controlling free movement, or staying in the single market? It was almost impossible to ascertain where the Brexit ministers stood on this choice, or even that they recognised that it was a choice. Johnson published a Telegraph column days after the vote which bore no connection to the way the EU operated. ‘British people will still be able to go and work in the EU,’ he wrote. ‘To live; to travel; to study; to buy homes and to settle down.’ He was describing freedom of movement. This would then imply we were staying in the single market. In his next Telegraph column, Johnson promised the precise opposite. Britain would end freedom of movement and strike a free trade deal with the EU – both of which could only possibly happen once we left the single market.


pages: 256 words: 75,139

Divided: Why We're Living in an Age of Walls by Tim Marshall

affirmative action, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, cryptocurrency, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, end world poverty, facts on the ground, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, open borders, openstreetmap, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, the built environment, trade route, unpaid internship, urban planning

So although the poverty rate is decreasing, as the population increases there are likely to be more people trapped in poverty overall, with little hope of or opportunity to change their circumstances. A number of richer countries will continue to erect walls to help stem the flow of migrants. Some people argue, however, that we should simply dispense not just with walls, but with borders themselves – and allow completely free movement, so that any person can go anywhere on the planet they wish. In a 2017 Foreign Affairs essay, Nathan Smith, Assistant Professor of Economics at Fresno Pacific University’s School of Business, described this ‘open borders’ idea as: a regime of nearly complete freedom of migration worldwide, with rare exceptions for preventing terrorism or the spread of contagious disease . . . Ending migration controls in this way would increase liberty, reduce global poverty, and accelerate economic growth. But more fundamentally, it would challenge the right of governments to regulate migration on the arbitrary grounds of sovereignty . . .

Behind the fences were cleared ‘killing zones’, allowing a clear line of fire in case anyone was brave – or foolish – enough to try to cross the border. After a clanking, stop-start, four-hour journey, we rolled into Berlin and towards the symbol of the greatest ideological divide of the twentieth century. This was a city wall like no other – built not to repel invaders, but to keep people in. These days most Europeans take the idea of freedom of movement for granted. But it was not so long ago that travel across the continent was severely restricted. During the Cold War, to cross borders in Western Europe you had to have a passport, but it was a routine act. Crossing the Iron Curtain into Eastern Europe, on the other hand, required a passport, paperwork and security checks, and was done in the knowledge that your every movement would be monitored.

Now, however, the Euro is struggling and is hardly an enticement for EU applicants; and there have been financial winners and losers. Greece, for example, suffers horrendous levels of youth unemployment, due partially to economic policies forced upon it by Berlin and Brussels. The EU has also faced the challenge of uniting East and West Europe, after expanding in 2004 to allow in several of the eastern states. Freedom of movement is one of the ideals of the EU, giving Europeans the right to live, work and travel throughout the member countries. It was intended both to enable growth across Europe and to encourage integration among the European populations. It is an ideal many have embraced, travelling around the continent in a way that wouldn’t have been possible just a few decades ago, especially to places previously hidden behind the Iron Curtain.


pages: 356 words: 112,271

Brexit and Ireland: The Dangers, the Opportunities, and the Inside Story of the Irish Response by Tony Connelly

air freight, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, call centre, centre right, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, knowledge economy, LNG terminal, low skilled workers, non-tariff barriers, open borders, personalized medicine, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, éminence grise

The text the sherpas had agreed on the Sunday was only slightly tweaked during the meeting of the 27, with one exception. Chancellor Merkel made it clear in the room that there should be a specific line regarding the four freedoms – free movement of goods, services, capital and people – included in the final communiqué. If Britain wanted access to the single market, they would have to accept all four freedoms – including free movement of EU workers, a clear red line for Brexiteers. ‘Nobody stood up and said, “No, we don’t support the four freedoms,” ’ says one senior Irish official. According to one source, later appointed as one of the EU’s senior negotiators, there was no wobbling on the Irish side at the summit. ‘The freedom of movement line was agreed by Kenny, and repeated in his press conference afterwards. This was very significant. It wasn’t [Slovak Prime Minister Robert] Fico or [former Polish President Jarosław] Kaczyński saying it.

Irish officials admit, though, that the impact of Brexit on who is, or is not, allowed into Ireland will be devilishly complicated. Ireland will effectively have to operate two parallel freedom-of-movement regimes – the European Union system and the Common Travel Area. One scenario posed by an Irish diplomat in the weeks immediately following the referendum was as follows: post-Brexit, Britain has ended free movement of people from the EU. A Bulgarian travels to Britain on a tourist visa, but then starts working on a fruit farm. The Bulgarian is caught by British immigration officials and then deported. What if that Bulgarian then flies to Dublin, asserting his EU free-movement rights? Will Ireland be entitled to deport him because he is on a British watch list? Or, if not, will he be able to cross the land border and re-enter Britain that way?

Briefing documents supplied by the embassy to the audience spelled out the deep interdependency of the British and Irish economies, and the potential impact of a British withdrawal on the Northern peace process. Around the time of Kenny’s CBI speech, Cameron wrote to his EU counterparts about the possibility of reducing EU migration to the UK. There was immediate resistance, not just from the German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, but also from Cameron’s own officials, who knew that blocking EU citizens from living and working in the UK breached the EU’s fundamental rules on freedom of movement. ‘Cameron didn’t go as far in his demands on migration as he would have wished,’ recalls a senior Irish diplomat closely involved in the negotiations. ‘It didn’t help him later on.’ As 2015 drew to a close, EU officials were assessing which member states were more sympathetic to London’s position, even drawing up a league table of British-friendly member states in order to assess how the negotiations might go.


Refuge: Transforming a Broken Refugee System by Alexander Betts, Paul Collier

Alvin Roth, anti-communist, centre right, charter city, corporate social responsibility, Donald Trump, failed state, Filter Bubble, global supply chain, informal economy, Kibera, mass immigration, megacity, mobile money, Mohammed Bouazizi, mutually assured destruction, open borders, Peace of Westphalia, peer-to-peer, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, rising living standards, risk/return, school choice, special economic zone, structural adjustment programs, trade route, urban planning, zero-sum game

If the underlying purpose of the refugee regime is a duty of rescue and a pathway to autonomy, then the collective challenge should be how we can effectively and efficiently provide those rights to all refugees, rather than a different (and inapt) set of rights for an arbitrarily privileged few. The right to seek asylum is not the same thing as an absolute right to freedom of movement. Although it has become popular among advocacy organizations and within the liberal filter bubble to see being a refugee as necessarily conferring an unimpeded right to travel, this is neither ethically nor legally credible. Aside from going down a general ‘open borders’ route, the only refugee-specific argument one could use to justify an exceptional, absolute right to migrate is that because refugees have generally had such a difficult time we might wish to just let them have a ‘free pass’ in terms of migration. But this ignores that the salient need of a refugee qua refugee is protection and a pathway to autonomy; not migration per se.

Sergi Pardos-Prado, ‘How Can Mainstream Parties Prevent Niche Party Success? Center-Right Parties and the Immigration Issue’, The Journal of Politics, 77/2 (2015): 352–67. Brian Barry, ‘The Quest for Consistency: A Sceptical View’, in B. Barry and R. Goodin (eds.), Free Movement: Ethical Issues in the Transnational Migration of People and of Money (Hemel Hempstead, 1992: Harvester Wheatsheaf). See Paul Collier, World Development (on AIDS) (2017). Peter Singer and Renata Singer, ‘The Ethics of Refugee Policy’, in Mark Gibney (ed.), Open Borders? Closed Societies? The Ethical and Political Issues (Westport, 1988: Greenwood Press). Ruben Atoyan et al., ‘Emigration and Its Economic Impact on Eastern Europe’, IMF Staff Discussion Note, July 2016, https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/sdn/2016/sdn1607.pdf.

The international community provided seemingly indefinite humanitarian assistance, which was inevitably inadequate. A funding model based on a short-term emergency response is being used to pay for permanent needs. Dadaab is illustrative of so-called protracted refugee situations, in which refugees have been in exile for at least five years, and are often denied access to the right to work or to freedom of movement. Today, 54 per cent of the world’s 21.3 million refugees are in such situations. UNHCR is responsible for refugees in thirty-two separate protracted refugee situations around the world, with an average length of exile of twenty-six years. Twenty-three of these have lasted more than two decades. In principle, refugees should have timely access to ‘durable solutions’: a pathway towards permanent reintegration into the state system.


pages: 193 words: 48,066

The European Union by John Pinder, Simon Usherwood

Berlin Wall, BRICs, central bank independence, centre right, collective bargaining, Doha Development Round, eurozone crisis, failed state, illegal immigration, labour market flexibility, mass immigration, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, new economy, non-tariff barriers, open borders, price stability, trade liberalization, zero-sum game

While conditions in the Union are, in a general sense, notably free, secure, and just when compared with almost all other parts of the world, the words are used in the treaty in a more specific sense: freedom refers to free movement across internal borders; security, to protection against cross-border crime; and justice, mainly to judicial cooperation in civil as well as criminal matters. It still remains to be seen whether it was wise to appropriate words that have such wide and noble significance for such particular ends. The answer may depend on how far and how soon they are achieved. As regards freedom of movement, almost all the Schengen acquis has already been transferred into the Union. Thus the right of people to move freely throughout Schengenland is guaranteed by the institutions, though some member states have had to restore border checks temporarily in order to deal with influxes from other member states of non-EU nationals with false visas.

Thus the right of people to move freely throughout Schengenland is guaranteed by the institutions, though some member states have had to restore border checks temporarily in order to deal with influxes from other member states of non-EU nationals with false visas. The external border controls are not yet satisfactory. Nor is the common policy on immigration and asylum complete. Nor will there be freedom of movement without border checks throughout the Union while Britain, Denmark, and Ireland retain their controls. Determined to keep its border controls, Britain opted out of the Amsterdam Treaty’s provisions on freedom of movement; and Ireland, enjoying open frontiers with the UK, had to do the same. But both have the right to opt into specific measures, provided the other governments agree unanimously in each case. The British government has said it intends eventually to participate fully in the Schengen acquis, apart from the aspects relating to border controls, while Denmark, which had signed up to the Schengen Agreements, has opted out of their transfer into the Union.

Its institutions were strengthened in a number of ways, including more scope for qualified majority voting in the Council. The role of the European Parliament was enhanced through a ‘co-decision’ procedure that required its approval as well as that of the Council for laws in a number of fields; and it secured the right to approve—or not—the appointment of each new Commission. Two new ‘pillars’ were set up alongside the Community: one for a ‘common foreign and security policy’; the other, relating to freedom of movement and internal security, for what was called ‘cooperation in justice and home affairs’—renamed in the Amsterdam Treaty as ‘police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters’. The basis for both was intergovernmental, though they were related to the Community institutions. The whole unwieldy structure was named the European Union, with the first, central, Community pillar as well as the other two.


pages: 691 words: 203,236

Whiteshift: Populism, Immigration and the Future of White Majorities by Eric Kaufmann

4chan, affirmative action, Amazon Mechanical Turk, anti-communist, anti-globalists, augmented reality, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, Chelsea Manning, cognitive dissonance, complexity theory, corporate governance, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, deindustrialization, demographic transition, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, en.wikipedia.org, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Haight Ashbury, illegal immigration, immigration reform, imperial preference, income inequality, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, liberal capitalism, longitudinal study, Lyft, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral panic, Nate Silver, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, open borders, phenotype, postnationalism / post nation state, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Silicon Valley, statistical model, Steven Pinker, the built environment, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, transcontinental railway, twin studies, uber lyft, upwardly mobile, urban sprawl, Washington Consensus, white flight, working-age population, World Values Survey, young professional

In absolute terms, the non-European origin population more than doubled in size, from 3 to 8 million.40 This was partly due to higher rates of natural increase among the British minorities – South Asians more so than Afro-Caribbeans – but also because in the 2000s non-European immigration matched or exceeded European inflows. In 2016, for instance, net migration from the EU was running at 189,000 compared to 196,000 from outside Europe. Despite criticism of the EU’s freedom-of-movement provisions, which gave East Europeans the right to live and work in Britain, the quieter increase in non-Europeans through immigration and natural increase arguably had a larger impact on majority perceptions. A 2017 YouGov–LSE (London School of Economics) survey of 3,600 people I was involved in showed that, despite Brexit, the average Briton was prepared to accept an annual inflow of 76,000 from the EU but just 61,000 from Asia, Africa and the Middle East.41 Other surveys found a near-majority of Britons in favour of banning immigration from Muslim countries.42 THE RISE OF THE BNP Politically, the first beneficiary of rising disquiet over immigration was the British National Party (BNP).

With over 100,000 people entering Europe each month, the issue gained prominence even as Cameron kept Britain’s doors largely closed to refugees. But Cameron couldn’t reduce the number of legal immigrants: in late 2015, the Office for National Statistics (ONS) announced net migration had reached a record 336,000. One of the Prime Minister’s manifesto promises was to renegotiate the terms of Britain’s membership of the EU to gain better control of immigration. He hoped to persuade Brussels to offer Britain concessions on freedom of movement, one of the ‘four freedoms’ Brussels viewed as fundamental to EU membership. He didn’t succeed. In February, Cameron returned from Brussels having secured a package of changes that included Britain gaining an opt-out of the symbolic ‘ever closer union’ clause and winning a qualified right to restrict benefits to new EU immigrants for a four-year period. Though Cameron tried to sell the deal as a success, most Eurosceptics viewed it as a failure.

Percentage of foreign-born, by country, Europe, 2002 Source: Eurostat 2002. Refugee inflows began to rise in the 1980s, first from the wars in the former Yugoslavia, then from conflict hotspots like Iraq, Afghanistan and Somalia. In 2004, the European Union expanded to include eight relatively poor Eastern European countries, mainly Central European and Baltic states. In 2007, two more, Romania and Bulgaria, joined. With freedom of movement inside the EU, this resulted in an increase in the number of residents from the ten accession countries residing in Western Europe: from 1 million in 1997 to nearly 5 million by 2009.29 Residents were concentrated in the more prosperous countries, with over a million moving to Britain alone. The newcomers aroused fewer concerns than non-Europeans in most Western nations, but arguably contributed to a perception of majority decline and runaway diversity.


pages: 190 words: 56,531

Where We Are: The State of Britain Now by Roger Scruton

bitcoin, blockchain, business cycle, Corn Laws, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, Fellow of the Royal Society, fixed income, garden city movement, George Akerlof, housing crisis, invention of the printing press, invisible hand, Khartoum Gordon, mass immigration, Naomi Klein, New Journalism, old-boy network, open borders, payday loans, Peace of Westphalia, sceptred isle, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, web of trust

The philosopher Leszek Kołakowski once half humorously summarized the differences among legal cultures as follows: in England everything is permitted unless it is forbidden; in Germany everything is forbidden unless it is permitted; in France everything is permitted, even if it is forbidden; and in Russia everything is forbidden, even if it is permitted.9 The differences here are real, and part of what has made membership of the European Union so difficult for us. Precisely because law is the property of the citizen and not of the state, we interpret law strictly and apply it to the letter. Freedom of movement, therefore, really means freedom of movement. In France, Belgium and Germany freedom of movement is nominally permitted under the treaties; but everything is done to avoid the law, by imposing conditions on employment and residence designed to protect the local labour market from incoming competition. This last point touches on a vital distinction, between states that do and those that don’t issue identity cards to their citizens. In most member states of the European Union identity cards are required as a proof of residence, and residence is not granted automatically but often after searching enquiries into income and employment.

And the more the signatories, the harder it is to change, however vital the need to do so. It is this that added zest to the Brexit vote which, while largely a protest against undemocratic forms of government, was also in part a protest against the provisions in the treaties that have radically changed the aspect of many of our towns and cities – the clauses permitting freedom of movement of all people within the European Union. I commented in Chapter Two on the effect of the ‘freedom of movement’ provisions, as creatively interpreted by the European Court of Justice following the Maastricht Treaty. These provisions have inevitably resulted in British people in working-class communities competing with foreigners for housing, jobs and healthcare, and sending their children to schools where English is the second language. The important fact is not whether they are right or wrong to resent this, but whether – if they do resent it – the law can take account of what they feel.

Education, imagination and skills will endow people with this ‘anywhere’ character, whereas those who lack such advantages will be more tenacious of the habits that they know. In Britain, where a half of adolescents attend university, and university generally involves a move away from home, the young increasingly acquire an ‘anywhere’ identity: hence their shift to the left in recent elections. The European Union, with its commitment to freedom of movement and its hostility to the ‘nationalist’ sentiments of ordinary people, is likewise an ‘anywhere’ project, which confers benefits on the mobile and costs on the settled communities that must make room for them. But both kinds of person can in the course of time develop attachments. Oikophilia is the common property of all who wish to settle down, and the anywheres will, in time, give in to it.


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Behind the Berlin Wall: East Germany and the Frontiers of Power by Patrick Major

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, falling living standards, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, mittelstand, open borders, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, post-materialism, refrigerator car, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Sinatra Doctrine

In monopolistic systems, however, ‘management’—in this case the communist state—would have less interest in recuperation, especially where a limited outlet existed. We might reasonably ask whether, with the open border, East German communists were indeed happy to see the back of troublemakers. The availability of West Germany as a dumping ground may have encouraged the Stalinist excesses of the 1950s. Equally plausibly, the open frontier before 1961 may have acted as a safety valve for popular discontent and a brake on authoritarianism. This is an important ambiguity and one to which I shall return, although there is no clear answer to this paradox. Freedom of movement has, nevertheless, generally been seen to increase the room for manoeuvre of those left behind and to encourage reform. Conversely, ⁴⁴ Frederick Jackson Turner, ‘The Significance of the Frontier in American History’, in id., The Frontier in American History (New York: Henry Holt, 1920), 1–38. ⁴⁵ Albert O.

From 1919 Soviet travel abroad required police permission, and during the 1920s a stringent border regime operated under secret police control.¹² Border violators faced up to three years’ imprisonment, or treason charges if heading for capitalist states. In 1932 the USSR even introduced an internal passport system. It was little surprise, therefore, when in 1948 Russia voted against freedom of movement as an automatic human right under the United Nations’ convention.¹³ Nor was the United States immune from temptations to control citizens’ movements, albeit more selectively, for instance in the Internal Security Act of 1950. But it was East Germany that attacked freedom of movement most systematically. The 1963 UN special report on emigration singled out the ‘Chinese wall’ in Berlin as the worst offender in modern-day history: ‘whereas Governments once erected walls to keep foreigners from entering a country, today walls are built—both figuratively and literally—to keep nationals hemmed in’.¹⁴ Indeed, the GDR’s 1968 constitution abolished Article 10’s previous right of emigration, guaranteeing freedom of travel only ‘within the state territory’.¹⁵ The Berlin Wall had become the wall of walls, a reductio ad absurdam of the modern state’s obsessive desire to regulate its interior.

See also Patrick Wright, Iron Curtain: From Stage to Cold War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 34–50. ⁶ Isabel Kershner, Barrier: The Seam of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006); Ray Dolphin, The West Bank Wall: Unmaking Palestine (London: Pluto, 2006). ⁷ Plato, The Laws, trans. Trevor J. Saunders (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1970), 500–1. ⁸ Alan Dowty, Closed Borders: The Contemporary Assault on Freedom of Movement (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1987), 9. Introduction 3 for gatekeepers. The dying Roman Empire tried to tackle it by tying peasants to the land by serfdom. Later, in the age of mercantilism and absolutism, as the New World threatened to drain the Old, states further regulated subjects’ movements, legislating against the emigration of skilled artisans. By the late eighteenth century passports were obligatory to enter European countries, and by 1914 to leave them too.⁹ Yet Enlightenment theorists such as Carl Ferdinand Hommel warned ‘ against having to make a prison of the state . . .


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After Europe by Ivan Krastev

affirmative action, bank run, Berlin Wall, central bank independence, clean water, conceptual framework, creative destruction, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, illegal immigration, job automation, mass immigration, moral panic, open borders, post-work, postnationalism / post nation state, Silicon Valley, Slavoj Žižek, too big to fail, Wolfgang Streeck, World Values Survey, Y Combinator

The Migration of Arguments and Votes A decade ago, the Hungarian philosopher and former dissident Gaspar Miklos Tamas observed that the Enlightenment, in which the idea of the European Union is intellectually rooted, demands universal citizenship.12 But universal citizenship requires one of two things to happen: people either enjoy absolute freedom of movement in search of jobs and higher standards of living or the huge economic and political disparities among countries will need to disappear, allowing people to enjoy their universal rights equally in every place. But neither of these is going to happen soon, if ever. (In 2014, The Economist estimated on the basis of IMF data that emerging economies might have to wait for three centuries in order to catch up to living standards in the West.) The world today is populated by many failed or failing states in which nobody wants to live and work; moreover, Europe has neither the capacity nor the willingness to allow open borders. The migration crisis confronts liberalism with a contradiction that is central to its philosophy.

The insistence of political theorists such as Stephen Holmes that rights have costs, and that divorcing the capacity of the state from the ability of the regime to make rights real, has been ignored.19 But in the course of the refugee crisis, the debate on refugees and migrants has been transformed from a discussion of rights and economics into a security discourse. Governments and publics alike argue that their moral responsibility can’t be divorced from their capacity to help and from the risks that newcomers present to their societies. The perverse effect of this turn of the argument is that Europeans have started to question what they formerly embraced. Open borders are no longer a sign of freedom but are now a symbol of insecurity. As Kelly Grennhill observed, Europeans have been shocked to learn that since 1951 when the Refugee Convention came into force, there have been at least 75 attempts globally by state and non-state actors to use displaced people as political weapons. Their objectives have been political, military, and economic, ranging from the provision of financial aid to full-scale invasion and assistance in effecting regime change.

Eastern Europe’s Compassion Deficit “I find it difficult to comprehend,” German president Joachim Gauck once confessed, “how nations whose citizens were once politically oppressed and who experienced solidarity can withdraw their solidarity for the oppressed from other places.”26 Why is it that central Europeans have become so estranged from the fundamental values that underpin the European Union and show so little solidarity with the sufferings of others? The scandal of eastern European behavior as viewed from the West is not in the readiness to build fences to keep out refugees but the claim that “we do not owe anything to these people.” Migration is also a divisive issue in the West, with each terrorist attack increasing the share of Germans unhappy with Chancellor Merkel’s open borders policy. But while in Germany almost 10 percent of the population took part in various volunteer initiatives aimed at assisting asylum seekers, the public in Eastern Europe (aside from a relatively small number of die-hard liberals) remains largely unmoved by the plight of the refugees. That’s why leaders there have lambasted Brussels’s decision to redistribute refugees among EU member states.


The New Class War: Saving Democracy From the Metropolitan Elite by Michael Lind

affirmative action, anti-communist, basic income, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, collective bargaining, commoditize, corporate governance, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, future of work, global supply chain, guest worker program, Haight Ashbury, illegal immigration, immigration reform, invisible hand, knowledge economy, liberal world order, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, means of production, moral panic, Nate Silver, new economy, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, purchasing power parity, Ralph Nader, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, union organizing, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, WikiLeaks, Wolfgang Streeck, working poor

Globalization is incompatible with social democracy in Europe or with New Deal liberalism in the United States.”33 The national economy should serve the national working-class majority, and the global economy should serve national economies. Every democratic nation-state should tailor both its immigration policy and its trade policy to promote the interests of the members of its working-class majority, native-born and foreign-born alike. In the era that succeeds neoliberalism, the “four freedoms” of neoliberalism—freedom of movement for people, goods, services, and capital—should be replaced by the “four regulations.” Epilogue TECHNOCRATIC NEOLIBERALISM HAS BEEN the governing philosophy of the Western democracies since the late twentieth century. But it is not the natural or inevitable ideology of the managerial elite. On the contrary, modern managerial elites in different countries and in different eras have governed on the basis of various ideologies—democratic pluralism in New Deal America and postwar Western Europe, neoliberalism in the West from Reagan and Thatcher to Obama and Macron, National Socialism in Hitler’s Germany, Marxism-Leninism in the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China.

Because “modern America is a welfare state” and “low-skill immigrants don’t pay enough taxes to cover the cost of the benefits they receive,” Krugman observes that the “political threat that low-skill immigration poses to the welfare state is more serious” than its other consequences.17 The new open-borders left might reply that unlimited immigration would not be a problem if all workers in a country were unionized, including immigrants who joined unions on arrival. In addition, the open-borders left could speculate that voters who were not racist or otherwise bigoted against particular groups of immigrants for noneconomic reasons would not begrudge the use of the welfare system by wave after wave of poor people from other nations. Perhaps the open-borders left is correct. But shouldn’t such a radical proposition be tested first in one or two countries, before other democratic nations take a chance on it? Let a small democratic nation-state known for the antiracist attitudes of its population, its high levels of unionization and its generous welfare state adopt an open borders policy, allowing anyone on the planet to move there and immediately use welfare benefits on the same terms as citizens, without having previously paid into the system through taxes and with no waiting period for eligibility.

Let a small democratic nation-state known for the antiracist attitudes of its population, its high levels of unionization and its generous welfare state adopt an open borders policy, allowing anyone on the planet to move there and immediately use welfare benefits on the same terms as citizens, without having previously paid into the system through taxes and with no waiting period for eligibility. After a generation or two, the results of the experiment of a highly unionized welfare state with an open borders immigration policy can be examined—assuming, of course, that the experiment does not quickly trigger an anti-immigration revolt that brings demagogic populists to power and the experiment in open-borders leftism to a swift and unpleasant stop. * * * — IF A NEW democratic pluralism were to bring the new class war to an end with a new class peace based on cross-class power sharing, then a chief goal of immigration policy would be to strengthen the bargaining power of national workers with employers.


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Revolting!: How the Establishment Are Undermining Democracy and What They're Afraid Of by Mick Hume

anti-communist, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, central bank independence, colonial rule, David Brooks, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, non-tariff barriers, Occupy movement, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Slavoj Žižek, the scientific method, We are the 99%, World Values Survey

Those like the Hungarian government who object to this Euro-imposition can then be condemned as racists and neo-fascists. Once upon a time, the aim of liberal supporters of more open borders was to defend the human aspiration for freedom of movement and social mobility. By contrast in EU circles today borders are seen as problems, not because they control the movement of people but because they are under the control of a nation state. Juncker and Co don’t celebrate migration because of any liberal conception of open borders being good for people. They do so because they believe national sovereignty is a bad thing that allows a people too much say in what happens in their nation. It is disdain for popular sovereignty and democracy, rather than support for migrants, that drives them to call for open borders within the EU (whilst fighting to defend its external borders to the last drowned non-European migrant).

That 1644 clash between the forces of the King and Parliament was a decisive battle in the English revolution. We might say that, regardless of how anybody voted in the EU referendum, which side you take now in the battle over the future of democracy is a defining political issue of our time. Open borders, closed minds One issue that somehow still sustains the nonsensical notion of the EU as a progressive, open-minded body is that of migration. The notion that being pro-EU meant being for open borders, while voting Leave meant hating refugees, was one of the main myths peddled by liberal Remainers during and after the UK referendum. This idea was underlined shortly after the Brexit vote, when EC president Jean-Claude Juncker declared that ‘borders are the worst invention ever made by politicians’ and called on Europe to support migrants.

If not, how many million racists do they think there really were among Brexit voters? The only thing running wild here was not a racist mob but the dark imaginations of political elitists. The belief that voting to Remain was an anti-racist decision while Leavers must have been anti-immigrant reveals more about the one-eyed view of the anti-Brexit lobby. What do they imagine is so staunchly pro-migrant about the EU? If the European Union is such an open-borders institution as its officials insist, why are so many migrants barred from entering it drowning in the Mediterranean Sea? Immigration was an important factor for many Leave voters, though hardly the obsession it has been made out to be; a post-referendum ComRes poll found that 34 per cent said immigration was their main concern, with 53 per cent instead prioritising the ‘ability of Britain to make its own laws’.45 Most of those concerned about immigration, however, did not see the issue in the crudely racist, send-’em-back style of the 1970s.


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Immigration worldwide: policies, practices, and trends by Uma Anand Segal, Doreen Elliott, Nazneen S. Mayadas

affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, borderless world, British Empire, Celtic Tiger, centre right, conceptual framework, credit crunch, demographic transition, deskilling, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, full employment, global village, guest worker program, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, informal economy, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, labour mobility, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, minimum wage unemployment, moral panic, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, open borders, phenotype, South China Sea, structural adjustment programs, trade route, transaction costs, upwardly mobile, urban planning, women in the workforce

Closing Thoughts In his defense of the welfare state, Titmuss (1958), sometimes called the ‘‘Father of Social Policy,’’ asked ‘‘should the costs of social progress be allowed to lie where they fall?’’ We may very well ask a similar question on a global scale in relation to human migration: should the privileges and economic advantages of the industrialized nations be available only by accident of birth? It may be argued further that the wealth of the Western world has been achieved through continuing exploitation of the resources of developing countries. Should there be open borders and freedom of movement on a global scale in the twenty-first century or will the rich nations become fortresses? The latter is not inconceivable: some already advocate building a new Berlin type wall on the Southwestern border of the United States. Would liberalizing immigration controls create a global redistribution of wealth? The way forward is yet by no means clear. However, the principles of the GCIM are a step toward that direction.

Because of the tendency for economic migrants from Zimbabwe to temporarily and repeatedly cross the long border with Botswana to engage in petty trade or make purchases, many economic migrants resist classification as refugees since this would likely mean limitations on the freedom of movement. The difference in treatment between Burundian refugees in Tanzania fleeing violence or political persecution at home and a properly documented migrant with a visa, passport, or residency permit is respect for the displaced person’s freedom of movement. Refugees are obligated to live in refugee camps in which their freedom of movement is heavily restricted, while documented migrants can move about the country freely for the duration of their visa (Joint Commission for Refugees of the Burundi and Tanzania Episcopal Conference, 2008: 55). 433 Current Controversies in African Refugee Policy Refugee flows are inevitably tied to illicit trade in arms and other contraband, as well as to the spread of disease.

Another case of deportation order by the Court happened when the Court sentenced an Afghan national to imprisonment for the period he had spent in jail after he had been arrested by the Border Security 118 Nations with Large Immigrant Populations Force for entering the country without any valid document notwithstanding his plea that he had entered the country to save his life, and then ordered his deportation back to Afghanistan (unreported, State v Akhtar Muhammad, AF/ 6433, CJM, Amritsar, Punjab, 1997). Could the refugees have freedom of movement? A Sri Lankan who had been granted refugee status and was staying in Chennai was arrested in Delhi for being unable to produce any valid travel document, and detained under relevant provisions of the FA. The Court observed that refugee status did not entitle a person to move about freely, held him guilty, and sentenced him to 6 months of rigorous imprisonment (Unreported, State v Hudson Vilvaraj, FIR No 583/97, MM, Delhi, 1998).


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Three Years in Hell: The Brexit Chronicles by Fintan O'Toole

airport security, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, blockchain, Bob Geldof, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, cognitive dissonance, congestion charging, deindustrialization, deliberate practice, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, Downton Abbey, Etonian, eurozone crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, full employment, income inequality, l'esprit de l'escalier, labour mobility, late capitalism, open borders, Slavoj Žižek, South China Sea, technoutopianism, zero-sum game

A good example is Theresa May speaking about the Irish border on 21 June 2016, just two days before the referendum: ‘Just think about it. If we are out of the European Union with tariffs on exporting goods into the EU, there’d have to be something to recognise that, between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. And if you pulled out of the EU and came out of free movement, then how could you have a situation where there was an open border with a country that was in the EU and has access to free movement?’ So she knew full well that a Brexit that involved leaving the customs union would create a hard border. And then, as prime minister, she insisted on the opposite: that a hard Brexit was perfectly compatible with no return of a hard border. She unknew what she had known. Crass self-delusion is when you start with an ideological premise that you believe to be true even though it isn’t and then draw apparently reasonable conclusions from it.

So how, then, will Britain deal with the huge array of difficult questions that will arise if the Brexit show somehow stays on the road? For there can be no illusion that if only May can pull off the near-impossible trick of getting a withdrawal deal through parliament in January, all the rest of the way will be clear. Consider the issue that, for May herself, is the single defining purpose of Brexit: control of immigration. She believes – and Jeremy Corbyn is in uncomfortable agreement with her on this – that ending freedom of movement is what Leave voters most desire and that if it is delivered, all the pain of Brexit will be justified. So where is the British government’s post-Brexit immigration policy? On 17 October 2017, the then home secretary, Amber Rudd, told the home affairs committee at Westminster: ‘We have our White Paper coming out on immigration by the end of the year [i.e. 2017].’ On 28 March 2018, Rudd told the same committee: ‘We have decided to wait until the migration advisory committee reports in its entirety in September this year to go forward with the policy and the White Paper after that.’

She was largely responsible for the Windrush scandal in which elderly Caribbean migrants who had made long lives in Britain were harassed and in some cases deported. It was under May’s Home Office regime that the disastrous doctrine of reducing annual net migration to the ‘tens of thousands’ was promulgated. It should not be forgotten that this unattainable goal was a big factor in Brexit – it created a false narrative that immigration could be slashed and the only reason it was rising was because of freedom of movement in the EU. It also created the sense among voters that everything was out of control. May did not actually support Brexit but in this regard she did much to create the conditions for it. Just as importantly, when she became prime minister she prioritised immigration over everything else. It was the deepest crimson of all her red lines and it shaped the withdrawal agreement more than any other factor.


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The Berlin Wall: A World Divided, 1961-1989 by Frederick Taylor

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, German hyperinflation, Kickstarter, land reform, mass immigration, mutually assured destruction, oil shock, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine, the market place, young professional, éminence grise

For Berliners, the drastic power-political surgery of 13 August 1961 was, of course, an especially tragic and painful experience. It was also a devastatingly intimate one. Familiar streets, parks, even individual buildings, were turned into perilous human traps, in which the squirming, helpless captives were often the westerners’ own friends and relatives. West Berliners were forced to stand by and watch—often literally—as their fellow citizens in the East, seeking to exercise a freedom of movement that most of us take for granted, risked their safety, their liberty, and in some cases their lives, to cross the Wall in search of economic and political rights that were not available to them on their own side. Some of those imprisoned by the Wall managed to escape. Many died in the attempt. Many more were arrested, tried, and served long jail sentences, often under harsh conditions. I hope that those who live in more fortunate communities elsewhere in the world will summon up the imagination to conceive what it might have been like for Berliners to have such a barbarous fracture inflicted on their city, their neighborhoods, and their deeply rooted relationships.

However, from now until 1990, Berlin was divided, both politically and administratively. For three years the Allied Control Commission, based there, was supposed to have been the ruling body for the whole country, pending a peace treaty with a reunited Germany. The ACC was now a dead letter. And within a year there would be two German states. Even now, with that decisive development still to come and relative freedom of movement remaining between Eastern and Western sectors, there was no longer any point in pretending that Berlin was still the capital of Germany. It wasn’t even one city any more, though it wasn’t yet clearly two. BLOOD 5 ‘DISSOLVE THE PEOPLE AND ELECT ANOTHER’ FEW DRAWN-OUT HISTORICAL events or processes came to their ends on the conveniently precise dates cited in the history books. The Berlin Blockade was no exception.

Further purges in the SED were accompanied by a campaign against the churches. In the past two or three years, the number of people in Eastern Germany who decided to leave everything behind and head westward had increased dramatically. In 1947, around 165,000 people had been detained for ‘illegal’ crossing of the zone border in Thuringia alone, though many of these did not intend to leave, but were merely exercising a casual freedom of movement that before 1945 was taken for granted.10 Three years later, permanent resettlement had become the aim of many ‘illegal’ border-crossers. In 1950, 197,788 headed for the West. The following year saw a slight drop to 165,648. The number of those who chose exile in 1952, including those who left after the border was fortified, increased again to 182,393. Unlike Poles, Bulgarians, or Czechs, when East Germans crossed the border they did not leave their culture behind.


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Exodus: How Migration Is Changing Our World by Paul Collier

Ayatollah Khomeini, Boris Johnson, charter city, Edward Glaeser, experimental economics, first-past-the-post, full employment, game design, George Akerlof, global village, guest worker program, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, mass immigration, moral hazard, open borders, risk/return, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, Steven Pinker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transaction costs, University of East Anglia, white flight, zero-sum game

There is a clear moral obligation to help very poor people who live in other countries, and allowing some of them to move to rich societies is one way of helping. Yet the obligation to help the poor cannot imply a generalized obligation to permit free movement of people across borders. Indeed, the people who believe that poor people should be free to move to rich countries would likely be the first to oppose the right of rich people to move to poor countries: that has uncomfortable echoes of colonialism. Arguing that because people are poor they have a right of migration confuses two issues that are better kept distinct: the obligation of the rich to help the poor, and the rights of freedom of movement between countries. We don’t need to assert the latter to endorse the former. There are many ways of fulfilling our obligation to help the poor: if a society decides not to open its doors to migrants from poor countries, it might opt for more generous treatment of poor societies in other domains of policy.

The Nordic countries have achieved among the highest living standards on earth: not just high private incomes, but social equity and well-functioning public services. The contribution of patriotism and a sense of common identity cannot be quantified, but is surely there. While the responsibility to the poor and fear of nationalism may both have contributed to confusion over whether societies should have the right to restrict immigration, by far the most potent spillover to support for freedom of movement between countries as a natural right comes from opposition to racism. Given the histories of racism in both Europe and America it is both unsurprising and fully warranted that opposition to racism is so impassioned. Most migrants from poor countries are racially distinct from the indigenous populations of rich host countries, and so opposition to immigration skates precariously close to racism.

Suppose, entirely hypothetically, that mass immigration led to the exodus of most of the indigenous population, but that the remainder intermarried with immigrants and their joint descendants ended up better off. Knowing this ex ante, the indigenous population might reasonably determine that mass immigration was not in its interest. Whether it would then be legitimate for this perceived self-interest to translate into restrictions on entry would depend upon whether freedom of movement is a global right. A related argument is that all indigenous populations are themselves mongrels, the result of previous waves of immigration. The extent to which this is the case varies considerably between societies. It is most obviously the case in the countries of nineteenth-century immigration: North America and Australasia. Since Britain is an island, it is evident that all indigenous people are at some point descendants of immigrants, but until the mid-twentieth century the population had been remarkably stable.


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Reaching for Utopia: Making Sense of an Age of Upheaval by Jason Cowley

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, coherent worldview, Corn Laws, corporate governance, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deindustrialization, deskilling, Donald Trump, Etonian, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, illegal immigration, liberal world order, Neil Kinnock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Right to Buy, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, University of East Anglia

The paradox of ultra-liberal globalisation and EU federalism is that these have resulted in what Corbyn describes as a ‘retreat into local identity agendas’ and in the emergence of ‘strong separatist movements in Spain and France to a lesser extent’. As for the Scottish National Party, it offers a form of what he calls ‘identity nationalism’. Is the SNP a party of nativists? ‘To some extent. They are also very broad. And like all national movements, become very contradictory.’ Even after the vote for Brexit, Corbyn supports freedom of movement within the EU and strongly favours immigration. He is a cultural liberal but an economic protectionist. You might say that he is left-liberal on culture and left-liberal on the economy. He favours open borders, at least within Europe, but less open and much more tightly regulated markets. I asked him about the failures more generally of liberalism and of the post-liberal turn, but he didn’t quite understand what I meant. He is simply baffled by the reaction of some on the left against what the American writer and academic Mark Lilla has called ‘identity liberalism’.

She chooses the outcome she wants and works backwards from there in an attempt to achieve it. Her aides say that she is anything but indecisive, but she is deliberative: from the beginning, she understood that the referendum result was a mandate not merely to leave the EU but to reshape the economy and society. And she knew what she wanted from Brexit and that it would require Britain leaving the single market and ending freedom of movement. May has a nuanced sense of the British national interest and accepts that she can’t simply have a narrow, trade-based, mercantilist approach to foreign policy. Values also matter, as her campaign against modern slavery demonstrated. In Philadelphia, she appealed directly to the better instincts of the Republican Party because, although she won’t say so, she understands how erratic and unpredictable the Trump White House has become as it turns towards authoritarianism.

‘Enoch was, er, a brilliant man,’ he said, with unusual hesitancy, ‘but somehow the words he used, the analogy he chose, destroyed the debate [on immigration] for a quarter of a century. It made it impossible even to talk about it.’ Farage sensed an opportunity to reopen the debate with the enlargement of the EU in 2004, when ten new countries joined, eight of which had been part of the former communist Eastern Bloc. Of the existing member states in 2004, only the United Kingdom, Sweden and Ireland had not imposed ‘transitional controls’ restricting the freedom of movement of migrants from the new accession states, a fateful decision as it turned out. The New Labour government forecast that only thirteen thousand migrants would arrive from Poland and other eastern European countries; in the event, more than a million came to live and work in Britain as annual net migration, year after year, rose inexorably. If – as Isaiah Berlin wrote in a celebrated essay in 1953 – the fox knows many things but the hedgehog knows one big thing, Farage is a hedgehog.


Basic Income: A Radical Proposal for a Free Society and a Sane Economy by Philippe van Parijs, Yannick Vanderborght

"Robert Solow", Airbnb, Albert Einstein, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, centre right, collective bargaining, cryptocurrency, David Graeber, declining real wages, diversified portfolio, Edward Snowden, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, full employment, future of work, George Akerlof, illegal immigration, income per capita, informal economy, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Kickstarter, Marshall McLuhan, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, open borders, Paul Samuelson, pension reform, precariat, price mechanism, profit motive, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, road to serfdom, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, selection bias, sharing economy, sovereign wealth fund, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, Tobin tax, universal basic income, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor

But Â�whether or not the current level of migration is deemed optimal from the standpoint of economic efficiency, it puts strong poÂ�litiÂ�cal pressure on the freedom of movement, as witnessed not only by the Brexit vote but also by converging opinion surveys in other countries. The freedom-Â�unfriendly response now advocated by many consists of restoring or rethickening the internal borders of the EuÂ�roÂ�pean Union. But Â�there is also a freedom-Â�friendly response, which consists of enabling, say, Romanian or Bulgarian families to remain more easily close to their roots thanks to an EU-Â�wide transfer system. Even in the far more homogeneous context of large nation–Â�states, where internal migration tends to be less problematic, part of the argument for nationwide reÂ�distribution has been its function as demographic stabilizer. 33 If the Schengen agreement and the intra-Â�European freedom of movement are to survive poÂ�litiÂ�cally, turning the EuÂ�roÂ�pean Union into a transfer Â�union is indispensable. 231 BASIC INCOME Third, a transfer Â�union is needed to secure the viability of the euro.

Jobcenter Leipzig) does allow some indirect discrimination on grounds of national citizenship. According to this ruling, each member state must “have the possibility of refusing to grant social benefits to ecoÂ�nomÂ�ically inactive Union citizens who exercise their right to freedom of movement solely in order to obtain another Member State’s social assistance although they do not have sufficient resources to claim a right of residence” (Court of Justice of the EuÂ�roÂ�pean Union, press release 146/14). If the condition “solely in order to” is presumed not to be met whenever ecoÂ� nomÂ�ically inactive Union citizens are exercising their right to freedom of movement by Â�returning to the member state of which they are citizens, this ruling can be interpreted as allowing member states to grant more social rights to some of their own citizens than to similarly situated citizens of other member states. 317 NO TES TO PAGES 223–227 22.

In addition to this broader usefulness it may claim, Â�there are four good reasons for developing reÂ�distribution across the borders of EuÂ�rope’s member states—Â�four good reasons, that is, for turning the EuÂ�roÂ�pean Union into a transfer Â�union. The first reason has to do with the very survival of the so-Â�called EuÂ�roÂ�pean social model. A transfer Â�union is needed to address the challenge of selective immigration and emigration in a region of the world in which it is particu230 Vi able i n the G lo bal Era? M ulti -L evel Basi c Income larly intense, owing to the fourfold freedom of movement—of capital, goods, serÂ�vices, and Â�people—Â�enshrined in the EuÂ�roÂ�pean Treaties. Â�Under the pressure of this intra-Â�European mobility, EuÂ�roÂ�pean member states are increasingly forced to lift their competitiveness above all other concerns and are therefore less and less able to orÂ�gaÂ�nize at the national level the genuine reÂ�distribution required by social justice. Genuine reÂ�distribution at the level of the EuÂ�roÂ�pean Union would not escape the pressure stemming from globalization, but it would not be subjected to the far greater pressure weighing on its member states immersed in the EuÂ�roÂ�pean single market.


pages: 177 words: 50,167

The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics by John B. Judis

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, mass immigration, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent

In its founding, the EU also adopted a principle of freedom of movement for people and businesses (“freedom of establishment”) among its member nations. That reflected a desire to establish a common identity among the nations that had been at war with each other. But it also reflected business priorities. As the EU expanded eastward, European businesses in the West liked the idea of being able to import lower-wage labor from the East for restaurants, hotels, and construction without having to file papers. And businesses in the higher-wage West were now free to move their factories to the lower-wage East, as many began to do. Labor unions grumbled at the freedom of establishment, while the rightwing populists took aim at the policy of open borders, which had the effect of undermining member countries’ efforts to control immigration and asylum-seeking.

The Past and Future of Populism Donald Trump’s campaign in the United States, the rightwing populist parties in Europe, and even the left-center Five Star Movement have repeatedly been likened to the fascists of the 1920s. Former Labor Secretary Robert Reich titles a column, “Donald Trump: American Fascist.” “Yes, Donald Trump is a fascist,” Jamil Smith declares in The New Republic. German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble described the National Front as “not a right-wing party but . . . a fascist, extremist party.” Dutch philosopher Rob Rieman accused Geert Wilders’s Freedom Party of being a “fascist movement.” The British Spectator described Beppe Grillo as “Italy’s New Mussolini.” Examples abound. The term “fascism” is like the term “populism.” It is hard to pick out a collection of characteristics that exclusively define a fascist movement or party. The Nazi Party scapegoated an out group—the Jews. Mussolini’s fascist party did not initially single out an ethnicity or nationality.

Labor unions grumbled at the freedom of establishment, while the rightwing populists took aim at the policy of open borders, which had the effect of undermining member countries’ efforts to control immigration and asylum-seeking. Open borders meant, for instance, that legal or illegal immigrants or asylum seekers from North Africa could migrate from France or Italy to the Netherlands or Denmark. During the debate in Denmark in 1998 over the ratification of the Treaty of Amsterdam, which affirmed the EU’s acceptance of open borders, the “no” vote ran a campaign headlined, “Welcome to 40 million Poles.” But the EU’s administration was insulated from these protests. The EU’s economic and immigration policies were chosen and reviewed by the member countries, but in such a way that the average citizen had little input into them. Of the EU’s principal institutions, only one, the European Parliament, was elected directly—and it only had the power to approve or disapprove proposals and budgets submitted by the European Commission, whose members were appointed by the leaderships of the member states.


Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism by Pippa Norris, Ronald Inglehart

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Cass Sunstein, centre right, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, declining real wages, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, job automation, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, land reform, liberal world order, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, obamacare, open borders, open economy, post-industrial society, post-materialism, precariat, purchasing power parity, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, statistical model, stem cell, War on Poverty, white flight, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, working-age population, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

Mainstream parties in this group, include many Christian Dem­ ocrat, Social Democrat, Conservative, Liberal, and Green Parties, sharing a liberal consensus concerning the value of cooperation and engagement in international affairs, generally supporting multilateral institutions of global governance, cooperation, development assistance, and humanitarian engagement, and the benefits of open borders for the free movement of capital, trade, goods, and labor. On the cultural dimension, Libertarian-­ Pluralist parties endorse socially liberal policy positions, reflecting the expansion of personal freedoms and individual rights on moral issues, tolerance of pluralistic diversity, supported by liberal democratic institutions and norms of governance. Parties in this quadrant differ from each other primarily on the traditional left–right cleavage over the importance of free markets versus state management of the economy and thus policy positions toward issues of redistribution, taxation, regulation, and social justice, as well as the role and size of the public sector and welfare states.

Responding to Cultural Anxieties But insofar as the authoritarian reaction is motivated by a cultural backlash against growing ethnic diversity in multicultural Western societies, however, it requires another set of policy responses responding to issues such as Islamophobia, Euroscepticism, xenophobia, racial resentment, and fears from terrorist incidents. These are complex issues and the most obvious political response concerns immigration policies. European Union rules guarantee freedom of movement for EU citizens across national borders. But a number of governments have refused to follow these rules, in part due to electoral threats from authoritarian-populist rivals.41 For example, in reaction to the Wilders’ PVV, the Netherlands has toughened its immigration policies in recent years, making family reunification more difficult, criminalizing illegal residence, and moving to stricter curbs on dual nationality.

As Chapter 4 demonstrates, in the US, younger generations hold attitudes that are far more liberal than their elders on a wide range of contemporary social issues – from opinions about the role of women and men to the scope of government, religiosity, homosexuality, race, drugs, guns, and pornography.6 Similar generation gaps on moral and social issues are evident in Britain.7 In the 2016 Brexit referendum, for example, age and education divided the UK public more than social class.8 The Brexit result in 2016 reflects the views of older voters who feared the cultural threat of open borders and migration from Europe.9 Inter-generational differences arise from the historical experiences of given birth cohorts which anchor their attitudes and values. The composition of society is gradually transformed through long-­term processes of population replacement; each day marks the exit of some older citizens and the entry of new ones. As Figure 2.2 shows, in 2002 the Interwar and Baby Boomer generations constituted almost two-­thirds of the European electorate.


pages: 385 words: 111,807

A Pelican Introduction Economics: A User's Guide by Ha-Joon Chang

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, Berlin Wall, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, discovery of the americas, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, experimental economics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, global value chain, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, Gunnar Myrdal, Haber-Bosch Process, happiness index / gross national happiness, high net worth, income inequality, income per capita, information asymmetry, intangible asset, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, inventory management, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, liberation theology, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, market clearing, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Nelson Mandela, Northern Rock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, post-industrial society, precariat, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, Scramble for Africa, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, sovereign wealth fund, spinning jenny, structural adjustment programs, The Great Moderation, The Market for Lemons, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, transaction costs, transfer pricing, trickle-down economics, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, working-age population, World Values Survey

Moreover, through what Nolan calls the ‘cascade effect’, even many of the supplier industries have become concentrated. For example, the global aircraft engine industry is now dominated by three firms (Rolls-Royce, Pratt & Whitney and Fairfield, a GE (General Electric) subsidiary). Immigration and Remittances Open borders – except for people? Free-market economists wax lyrical about the benefits of open borders. They argue that open borders have allowed companies to source the cheapest things from across the globe and offer the best deals to consumers. Open borders, they point out, have increased competition among producers (of material goods and services), forcing them to cut their costs and/or improve their technologies. Any restriction on the cross-border movement of any potential object of economic transaction – goods, services, capital, you name it – would be harmful, they say.

In 1995, the Uruguay Round of the GATT talks was concluded, resulting in the expansion of the GATT into the WTO (World Trade Organization). The WTO covers many more areas (e.g., intellectual property rights, such as patents and trademarks, and trade in services) and has more sanctioning power than the GATT did. Economic integration progressed further in the EU, with the completion of the ‘Single Market’ project (with the so-called ‘four freedoms of movement’ – of goods, services, people and money) in 1993 and with the 1995 accession of Sweden, Finland and Austria.* The combined result was the creation of an international trading system that was much more geared towards freer (although not entirely free) trade. Also the idea of globalization emerged as the defining concept of the time. International economic integration of course had been going on since the sixteenth century, but according to the new globalization narrative, this process has reached an entirely new stage.

Any restriction on the cross-border movement of any potential object of economic transaction – goods, services, capital, you name it – would be harmful, they say. But there is an economic transaction that they don’t talk about in the same way – immigration, or cross-border movement of people. There are very few free-market economists who advocate free immigration in the way they advocate free trade.27 Many free-market economists do not even seem to realize that they are being inconsistent when they advocate free movement of everything except for people. Others seem to instinctively keep away from the topic, deep down knowing that free immigration would be economically unfeasible and politically unacceptable. Immigration reveals the political and the ethical nature of markets What makes immigration – namely, the cross-border movement of people as providers of labour services – different from cross-border movements of other things (goods, financial services or capital) is that labour services cannot be imported without bringing their providers physically into the country as well.


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Fall Out: A Year of Political Mayhem by Tim Shipman

banking crisis, Beeching cuts, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, centre right, Clapham omnibus, Corn Laws, corporate governance, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, drone strike, Etonian, eurozone crisis, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, iterative process, John Bercow, Kickstarter, kremlinology, land value tax, mutually assured destruction, Neil Kinnock, new economy, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, open borders, quantitative easing, Ronald Reagan, Snapchat, working poor

Schneider argued, ‘You don’t always get to choose when you’re being looked at, but when you’re being looked at you need to get cut-through. People are talking about a relaunch – let’s play into it.’ At first it looked as if this might be the same mess as previous announcements. On the evening of 9 January, a week before Theresa May’s Lancaster House speech, Milne’s team briefed extracts from a speech the following morning in which Corbyn, who had always been a passionate defender of open borders, would say, ‘Labour is not wedded to freedom of movement for EU citizens as a point of principle.’ This created a raft of headlines about Corbyn taking a much tougher line on immigration, which spooked the leader. The speech was tweaked to clarify that Labour wanted to prioritise market access rather than a cap on numbers. ‘It looked like a U-turn and like Jeremy was backtracking from what we’d briefed,’ an aide recalled.

Johnson compared the customs union to the Zollverein, the nineteenth-century arrangement which broke down tariff barriers between German states while maintaining tariffs with the outside world. He wanted Britain to ‘come out of the Zollverein’ as it related to the rest of the world, but retain free movement of goods between the UK and the rest of the zone. The foreign secretary was unable to keep his views private. On a trip to Prague on 15 November he told a Czech newspaper, ‘Probably, we will need to leave the customs union.’ He also dismissed the notion that freedom of movement was a founding principle of the EU, with customary relish, as ‘bollocks’. May was not amused. Her official spokeswoman Helen Bower told journalists, ‘The foreign secretary reflected the government’s position which is that a decision hasn’t been taken.’ On his return, Johnson was summoned to Downing Street for a ‘meeting without coffee’ with May and Timothy.

Showing an uncharacteristic flair for making news, he told the Today programme on 28 July that ‘many things will look similar’ in Britain’s relationship with the EU during the transition, with free movement, access to the single market and an inability to strike separate trade deals remaining in place. ‘People have talked about a year, two years, maybe three years,’ he said. Even Hammond acknowledged that the transition would have to end before the 2022 general election, but his move was seen by the Brexiteers as a provocation. Hammond’s claim that there was ‘broad acceptance’ of his views in cabinet was swiftly disproved. Two days later, Liam Fox told the Sunday Times that cabinet had not agreed that freedom of movement would continue for three years and that such a move would ‘not keep faith’ with the referendum result: ‘I have not been involved in any discussions on that.’


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The Haves and the Have-Nots: A Brief and Idiosyncratic History of Global Inequality by Branko Milanovic

Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, colonial rule, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, Deng Xiaoping, endogenous growth, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, full employment, Gini coefficient, high net worth, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, Joseph Schumpeter, means of production, open borders, Pareto efficiency, plutocrats, Plutocrats, purchasing power parity, Simon Kuznets, very high income, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game

The ruling thus did away with all limits on the number of foreigners that hailed from other EU member countries. Moreover, it precipitated the relaxation of the rules on soccer players from non-EU countries (mostly from Latin America and Africa), as league after league relaxed or abandoned the limits altogether. Thus, the situation described in the opening paragraph came to be: an unfettered capitalism with full freedom of movement of labor (players and coaches) and capital. The latter is reflected in several famous club acquisitions: Italy’s Prime Minister and media tycoon Silvio Berlusconi’s ownership of top Italian club AC Milan, Russian oligarch Roman Abramovich’s purchase of London Chelsea, former Thai prime minister Thanksin Shriniwatra’s investment in Manchester City (subsequently bought out by a conglomerate of rich Arab investors), American billionaires George Gillet and Tom Hicks’s acquisition of Liverpool FC, Indian steel magnate Lakshmi Mittel’s purchase of the Bulgarian Levski Club—the list could go on and on.

In a recent World Bank study, people from seven countries were asked whether they would move to another country (permanently, temporarily, or “just to try it out”) if it were legally possible.3 A whopping 62 percent of Albanians expressed interest in moving permanently or temporarily out of their country; for Romanians, the percentages were 79 percent for males and 69 percent for females; for Bangladeshi, 73 percent for males and 47 percent for females. In this small sample, we see that countries that have done economically poorly would, if free migration were allowed, remain perhaps without half or more of their populations. With fully open borders, we would witness enormous migration flows that would almost empty out some parts of the globe. There is little doubt that a large share of the African population, particularly the youth, would inundate West Europe, the part of the world that is colloquially known in some Congolese languages as “the heaven.” But migration is a two-way affair. It is not only that poor people want to move to rich countries; there must be enough jobs that wait for them there.

To be sure, the differences between African countries and those European nations that were successfully integrated into the Union are huge. Yet some form of advanced political and economic partnership between the EU and sub-Saharan Africa could be envisaged, were it not for the so obvious “enlargement fatigue” evinced by the European Union, lack of vision among its leaders, and fundamental doubts among Europeans about their own ability to face and prosper in a globalized world that would embrace free movement of not only capital and goods but people as well (see Vignettes 2.4 and 2.5). Thus, Africa will have to prosper or fail by its own devices—which, were the former to happen, would be a good thing, since one’s own generated success is probably more difficult to overturn. However, proponents of the view that Africa is set back by aid and too much ostensible concern of outsiders, and would be better off if left alone, must acknowledge the fact that the successes of West Europe, East Asia, and South Europe were grounded in the political willingness of other countries to help them develop. 5 In the former two cases, it was U.S. encouragement of open trade and the emphasis on economic recovery that was to serve as a bulwark against communism that helped countries like Japan and South Korea, as well as West Europe, to become rich.6 In the latter case (South Europe, and very likely East Europe, too) it was the integration into the rich club of the EU.


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Berlin 1961: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Most Dangerous Place on Earth by Frederick Kempe

Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, index card, Kitchen Debate, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, Ronald Reagan, trade liberalization, traveling salesman, zero-sum game

“The truth of the matter is, I think, the Russians have the power to close it in any case,” said Fulbright. “Next week, if they chose to close their borders, they could, without violating any treaty. I don’t understand why the East Germans don’t close their border because I think they have a right to close it.” Fulbright’s interpretation of the treaty was wrong, and he corrected himself in a statement to the Senate on August 4, saying that freedom of movement across Berlin was guaranteed by postwar agreements and that his TV interview had given “an unfortunate and erroneous impression.” That said, Kennedy never repudiated him, and McGeorge Bundy reported favorably to the president on Fulbright’s TV appearance by writing about “a variety of comment from Bonn and Berlin, including reference to the helpful impact of Senator Fulbright’s remarks.” The truth was that West Germans despaired at the comments, while East Germans were delighted at Fulbright’s suggestion.

East German tanks posed another sort of difficulty, because their deployment was prohibited in East Berlin under the four-power agreements. Under orders to ascertain the tanks’ origin, Pike and his driver Sam McCart climbed into an Army sedan and weaved through the barricades and down a side street well past the tanks, where they parked and then walked back. It was part of the surreal nature of the showdown that both sides continued to respect military freedom of movement at the border, so Pike could drive through without impediment. Pike was surprised at the tanks’ illogical two-three-two formation, which made it impossible for the rear tanks to fire upon the enemy. Beyond that, they also were making themselves easy targets. Pike walked up to the rear tank and saw nothing to help his investigation: “no Russians, no East Germans, no one.” So he climbed onto the tank and down into the driver’s compartment.

To avoid possible police inspections on public transport, he rode his bicycle for four hours through the night to the home of his wife’s sister in East Berlin near a border crossing on a bridge over the Teltow Canal. She offered to conceal him, but after a short conversation Brandt decided to make his way west before the border posts had his description or police began checking the homes of his relatives the next morning. The odds were good that Brandt would be spared any identity check, along with the tens of thousands of others who safely crossed the open border each day for work, shopping, and social visits. After she heard the next day from her sister about her husband’s decision, Brandt’s wife decided to flee as well, along with her son. With their farm lost and her husband likely to be already safely in the West, it was an easy decision. Her sister, with whom she shared a resemblance, provided her with identity papers with which she could travel.


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Transcending the Cold War: Summits, Statecraft, and the Dissolution of Bipolarity in Europe, 1970–1990 by Kristina Spohr, David Reynolds

anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, computer age, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Kickstarter, Kitchen Debate, liberal capitalism, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Nixon shock, oil shock, open borders, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shared worldview, Thomas L Friedman, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

The Helsinki conference of July 1975 (chapter 4) involved no fewer than thirty-five countries, with America and Russia playing only a limited role; it was also the culmination of intricate lower-level diplomacy over the previous three years. Nevertheless, Helsinki built on the personal summitry of the early 1970s, in particular confirming the borders of 1945 and thus the position of the Soviet Union in Eastern Europe. Hence the elation in Moscow. But the Helsinki accords presaged change as well as stabilization: the Western states insisted on provisions that promoted human rights and freedom of movement. And in the years to come, these human features of the Helsinki Final Act would help to erode the Soviet bloc. By the end of the 1970s, however, competition was again more evident than cooperation, generating renewed international instability. The triangularity espoused by Nixon and Kissinger had failed to provide a secure foundation for a multipolar world: Washington and Beijing did not establish full diplomatic relations until 1979 and by then China and Russia were engaged in a proxy war in Indochina.

The purpose of the CSCE, in his view, was to strengthen the communist economic model, not to dismantle it. Although trade should have been the most tractable subject at the CSCE, here, too, work ground to a halt in early 1975. The most violent arguments in Geneva erupted over the West’s proposals on societal openness and military transparency, which targeted the mechanisms of communist control. The first issue was freedom of information and freer movement of people (Basket III). NATO countries sought to promote wider access to Western books and newspapers, an end to the jamming of radio broadcasts, and the elimination of barriers to travel and emigration. In the best-case scenario, if the communists cooperated, these steps would loosen the regimes’ grip on their societies. In the worst case, if they refused to cooperate, the debate would focus international attention on the regimes’ mistreatment of their citizens.

The Final Act remained, in a certain sense, an empty document, whose substantive meaning would have to be defined by future actions and choices on the international stage. Ford’s remarks manifested not only the paradoxes inherent within the Final Act but also the tensions that had from the outset bedevilled US policy towards the CSCE. The initial draft of the president’s speech, prepared by the State Department, was cautious, even deferential when it came to Soviet bugbears like freedom of movement and human rights. Unwilling to acquiesce in a Soviet concept of détente and concerned about ‘how his words would sound at home’, Ford decided to take a tougher rhetorical stand. He asked his counsellor and speechwriter Robert Hartmann to devise an alternative to the State Department’s ‘diplomatic gobbledygook’.90 Hartman did so, with considerable presidential input. The revised address paid obeisance to ‘non-intervention, sovereign equality…territorial integrity, [and] inviolability of borders’, but Ford enveloped these commitments within a transformative vision of détente.


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Roller-Coaster: Europe, 1950-2017 by Ian Kershaw

airport security, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, centre right, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, Exxon Valdez, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, illegal immigration, income inequality, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, labour market flexibility, land reform, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, liberation theology, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, precariat, price stability, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, reserve currency, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine, The Chicago School, trade liberalization, union organizing, upwardly mobile, washing machines reduced drudgery, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, young professional

‘Immigration’ also included rising numbers of young people both from within and – three-quarters of them – from outside the European Union coming to the United Kingdom to study. A minority of them, mainly non-EU nationals, remained after completing their studies, generally offering much-needed skills and expertise. There was a crucial difference between the categories of migrants from within and outside the European Union: freedom of movement meant that no limitation was possible on the number of migrants coming from the EU. Migrants from those countries comprised on average just under a half of total net immigration (which over subsequent years would come close to averaging more than 300,000 people a year). That made migration from the European Union, within the wider framework of increasing opposition to immigration, a particularly sensitive political issue.

But to most British voters the outcome, in February 2016, of his discussions with the leaders of the other twenty-seven member states was distinctly underwhelming. People quickly saw through Cameron’s claims that the negotiations had brought ‘substantial change’ to the terms of Britain’s membership, particularly on the critical issue of immigration. The European Union had adamantly upheld its key principle of freedom of movement of individuals. Cameron gained only the concession that access to in-work benefits could be restricted for up to four years and even then only for a seven-year period. That was minimal. The widely read tabloid, the Sun, rendered its verdict on the deal: ‘It stinks’. Three-quarters of members of the House of Commons favoured remaining in the European Union. Cameron threw all his weight behind the ‘Remain’ campaign.

However, the perpetrator of the more recent suicide bombing of the St Petersburg Underground on 3 April 2017, which left fifteen dead and forty-five injured, was a Russian citizen from Kyrgyzstan in Central Asia who did have links with jihadist organizations and was said to have spent time in Syria. Numerous other planned terrorist attacks were foiled by timely police interception or prevented by surveillance from security services. Internet communications were a vital part of the new terrorism, inviting copycat attacks and enabling individuals or groups living in different parts of Europe to coordinate action. The open borders in much of Europe allowed easy transit to venues singled out for attack (and sometimes escape to other countries afterwards). And, whether or not there was actual contact with ISIS or Al-Qaeda, these organizations acted both as a spur to homespun terrorists to carry out attacks and afterwards used them in jihadist circles to advertise their own strength, usually claiming responsibility even where the assailants were acting alone and not under instruction.


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Disaster Capitalism: Making a Killing Out of Catastrophe by Antony Loewenstein

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Chelsea Manning, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate social responsibility, Corrections Corporation of America, Edward Snowden, facts on the ground, failed state, falling living standards, Ferguson, Missouri, financial independence, full employment, G4S, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, housing crisis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, Julian Assange, Kickstarter, mandatory minimum, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, Naomi Klein, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, open borders, private military company, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Satyajit Das, Scramble for Africa, Slavoj Žižek, stem cell, the medium is the message, trade liberalization, WikiLeaks

There had been improvements for women, particularly in some areas of Kabul. While being driven around the city, I saw shops selling all forms of women’s clothing, including Western-style garments, and girls in white hijabs, rather than burqas, walking to school. But, as has regularly been detailed by Human Rights Watch, the vast majority of the country’s women remains mired in repression when it comes to education, birth control, freedom of movement, and justice.60 I had an opportunity to raise some of these issues when I visited a suburb of Kabul that was crowded with Soviet-style concrete apartment blocks. The buildings were enlivened by few colors, except for washing hanging from the windows and children playing around their entrances. I imagined the soulless structures had remained largely unchanged in the decades since the Russians had built them.

Frankly, both Serco and DIBP were overwhelmed, and, much to my personal disappointment, we were unable to implement fully the changes I wanted. I think Serco had some fault here. We should have said no to more, as we couldn’t operate them satisfactorily to our vision. However, as you can imagine, in a commercial company it is difficult to turn down work.” I asked David about his “vision” for the immigration centers. “More recreation and activities,” he said, “less institutionalized buildings, more internal freedom of movement, and recruitment and training of staff with a social-care ethos rather than just security guards.” None of these benefits ever materialized in Australian facilities. In 2013 a Serco source leaked a cache of internal documents to me that detailed massive price-gouging of the federal government by the multinational, extreme rates of self-harm among detained refugees across the country, the non-reporting of mistakes to avoid government abatements, and a work culture designed to ignore the rights of asylum seekers in order to maximize profit.

Barnardo’s come to this with an angle of child protection. Several of the detained women at the center who were spoken to during an inspection said to me it was very helpful to have a place to get used to the fact that they were leaving the UK.” Huppert’s vision for asylum policy was moderate, and he eschewed the racism so common in today’s debate: “We have to have immigration controls—we can’t have an open-borders system. I find the concept of open borders intellectually interesting, but you can’t combine that with a welfare state and free healthcare. You can’t do both.” I asked him about the private sector running refugee facilities, and he argued that his focus was reducing the number of refugees behind bars, rather than obsessing over who managed them: “One of the reasons you get the private sector in is because they at least say they can run it for less money.


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The Border: The Legacy of a Century of Anglo-Irish Politics by Diarmaid Ferriter

Berlin Wall, Boris Johnson, British Empire, open borders, Ronald Reagan, upwardly mobile

The protection of the eel was ‘just one of 142 areas of North–South co-operation that are underpinned by joint obligations to EU regulations and the Belfast Agreement’.22 But the headline-grabbing border issues after Brexit were the high politics and political poker games between Britain and the EU. The European Council identified the ‘unique circumstances on the island of Ireland’ as one of the main issues to be dealt with in Brexit negotiations. Unionists also wanted to have their Brexit cake and to eat it across the border, essentially calling for the status quo in relation to freedom of movement of people, goods and services to be maintained.23 Nigel Dodds insisted the DUP wanted a ‘seamless border’ but also wanted, in facing Brexit, to be no different ‘from other parts of the UK’. This was another nonsense; Northern Ireland has always been treated differently from the rest of the UK. Theresa May continued to insist that no British prime minister could ever agree to the EU’s ‘backstop’ option for Northern Ireland, and to promise there would be no hard Irish border, while also insisting on leaving the EU customs union and avoiding a border in the Irish Sea.

It was also ‘a symbolic moment and made to stand for wider possibilities for reconnection and reconciliation’.21 The Belfast Agreement also alluded to the relevance of joint UK and Irish membership of the EU and with the peace process, EU money was poured into reconciliation ventures in Northern Ireland. In 2000 the EU Commission established a special Northern Ireland task force ‘to examine how Northern Ireland could benefit more from EU policies’, the first time the commission had, in its own words, created ‘a close partnership specifically with one region’ in this way. What also made the EU dimension significant was the importance of open borders to the overall EU project and the perception of the EU as being ‘neutral’ regarding Northern Ireland in a way the UK and Irish governments could not always manage.22 In 2010, EU Commission chief José Manuel Barroso noted EU institutions had contributed more than £2.5 billion to Northern Ireland since 1990, while Northern Ireland’s first minister, the DUP’s Peter Robinson, who succeeded Paisley in 2008, said Northern Ireland would have been a ‘very much worse place … if it hadn’t been for the significant funds that have come from Europe’.23 Europe was also the platform from which a ‘shared history’ for the different communities in Ireland could be remembered and commemorated, one of the most obvious examples being the Irish nationalists and unionists who fought with the British army at the Slaughter of the Somme in 1916.


pages: 391 words: 102,301

Zero-Sum Future: American Power in an Age of Anxiety by Gideon Rachman

Asian financial crisis, bank run, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, borderless world, Bretton Woods, BRICs, capital controls, centre right, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, colonial rule, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, energy security, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, global reserve currency, greed is good, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, laissez-faire capitalism, Live Aid, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, mutually assured destruction, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, offshore financial centre, open borders, open economy, Peace of Westphalia, peak oil, pension reform, plutocrats, Plutocrats, popular capitalism, price stability, RAND corporation, reserve currency, rising living standards, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Sinatra Doctrine, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, The Myth of the Rational Market, Thomas Malthus, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, Winter of Discontent, zero-sum game

Delors arrived in Brussels in January 1985. Within a year he had formed an improbable and short-lived alliance with Margaret Thatcher, which had important long-term consequences. Delors hit upon the idea that the next great project for Europe should be to create a genuine common market by ripping up the rules and regulations that still inhibited cross-border trade across Europe. He would focus on the “four freedoms”—freedom of movement of people, capital, goods, and services. To achieve his goal, Delors needed the backing of the political leaders of the European nations. He could count on the backing of his sponsor, President Mitterrand, and Chancellor Kohl of Germany was already a supporter. It was Margaret Thatcher’s decision to embrace the creation of a true European market that was critical to Delors’s success in pushing through the Single European Act of 1986, which removed many of the remaining barriers to free trade in Europe.

In the United States, the conclusion of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Canada and Mexico led Ross Perot, a third-party presidential candidate in 1992, to predict a “giant sucking sound” of American jobs heading south across the border. On the Republican right, Pat Buchanan took on the internationalism of President George H. W. Bush with a raw nationalism that made a great play of the threat to American jobs. Buchanan complained: “Having declared free trade and open borders to be America’s policy, why are we surprised that corporate executives padlocked their plants in the Rust Belt and moved overseas … firing twenty-dollar an hour Americans and hiring fifty-cent an hour Asians?”5 Both Buchanan and Perot made a major impact on American politics. But neither achieved a decisive breakthrough. Bill Clinton’s victory in the 1992 presidential election ensured that for the next eight years the White House was occupied by a firm believer in the virtues of globalization.

All of her most important policies flowed from her fundamental belief in small government: tax cutting, privatization, deregulation, an assault on inflation, and on trade union power. All were intended to weaken the state and boost private enterprise. One of her very first acts as prime minister was to embrace the judgments and discipline of the market by lifting exchange controls, allowing the free movement of currency in and out of Britain. It was a very bold act that her first chancellor, Geoffrey Howe, likened to walking off a cliff—just to see what happened.8 The Thatcher government’s removal of exchange controls in 1979 was widely emulated around the world and so was crucial to the increase in international capital mobility that underpinned globalization. As the historian Harold James notes, this liberalization of capital flows meant that “economic issues became globalised—in other words, it was ever harder for national authorities to control them.”9 By 1981, three of Thatcher’s signature policies were in place: the abolition of exchange controls, cuts in direct taxation, and moves to curb the power of trade unions.


The Next Great Migration by Sonia Shah

Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, dematerialisation, demographic transition, Donald Trump, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, failed state, Fellow of the Royal Society, hive mind, illegal immigration, immigration reform, index card, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Nelson Mandela, open borders, out of africa, Scientific racism, sensible shoes, Silicon Valley, trade route, urban sprawl

“Heyerdahl’s Kon Tiki Theory and the Denial of the Indigenous Past.” Anthropological Forum 14, no. 2 (2004). Horowitz, Daniel. The Anxieties of Affluence: Critiques of American Consumer Culture, 1939–1979. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2004. Jablonski, Nina G. Living Color: The Biological and Social Meaning of Skin Color. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012. Jones, Reece, ed. Open Borders: In Defense of Free Movement. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2019. Kessler, Rebecca. “The Most Extreme Migration on Earth?” Science, June 7, 2011. Kirkbride, Hilary. “What Are the Public Health Benefits of Screening Migrants for Infectious Diseases?” European Congress of Clinical Microbiology and Infectious Diseases, Amsterdam, April 12, 2016. Koerner, Lisbet. Linnaeus: Nature and Nation. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999.

Ahead of them, to the north and west, lay 1.6 million square miles of the European continent, comprising over two dozen countries that had maintained open borders since 1985. Streams of migrants like Haqyar who landed in the southern border countries such as Greece or Italy continued their journeys north unbothered by border authorities at checkpoints demanding papers, heading into the more prosperous parts of the continent, where they could apply for asylum and find jobs, housing, and social connections. But by the time Haqyar’s family made it over the Mediterranean, the borders had closed. Facing hundreds of thousands of newcomers, the governments of Europe changed their minds18 about their open-borders agreement. By 2016, officials had erected border checkpoints around Austria, Denmark, France, Germany, Norway, and Sweden.

Frey Lindsay, “Opposition to the Global Compact for Migration Is Just Sound and Fury,” Forbes, November 13, 2018; “Portugal Approves Plan to Implement Global Compact on Migration,” Famagusta Gazette, August 2, 2019; Lex Rieffel, “The Global Compact on Migration: Dead on Arrival?” Brookings Institution, December 12, 2018; Edith M. Lederer, “UN General Assembly Endorses Global Migration Accord,” Associated Press, December 19, 2018. The militarized borders that bar human movement Jones, Open Borders; John Washington, “What Would an ‘Open Borders’ World Actually Look Like?” Nation, April 24, 2019. The wall itself exudes death Matthew Suarez, interview by author, March 6, 2018. INDEX Note: page numbers in italics refer to figures. Aegean Sea, migrants crossing, here, here African Americans migration northward, here number brought to United States as slaves, here and white concerns about miscegenation, here and World War I intelligence tests, here African Union, and Great Green Wall, here Agassiz, Louis, here, here albinism and early racial taxonomies, here and early theories of skin color, here alien species advantages of, here breeding with native species, here as common and largely beneficial, here as concept muddied by migration, here damage done by, here displacement of native species, here, here early research on destructiveness of, here efforts to purge, in Hawaii, here, here labeling of climate-driven migrants as, here as percentage of species, here positive effects of, here, here prejudice against, here, here, here, here recent reevaluation of impact of, here synergistic relationship between, here U.S.


pages: 197 words: 49,240

Melting Pot or Civil War?: A Son of Immigrants Makes the Case Against Open Borders by Reihan Salam

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bonfire of the Vanities, charter city, delayed gratification, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, ghettoisation, guest worker program, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, interchangeable parts, job automation, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, mass immigration, megacity, new economy, obamacare, open borders, race to the bottom, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, two tier labour market, upwardly mobile, urban decay, working poor

What could possibly have led him to bring such shame to his family members, and to destroy their prospects of a better life? Surely something so personal and strange as to defy generalization or some specific public policy response. So you’d think my sympathies would be with America’s growing army of open borders activists, who call for ending all deportations and adopting ever more permissive immigration policies. Many of them are Americans like me, with recent immigration in their families, and I understand where they are coming from. But I noticed a contradiction in the arguments I was hearing for more open borders, which led me to part ways with the pro-immigration activists. There is a yawning chasm separating standard-issue immigration enthusiasts, who insist with a straight face that more open immigration policies will have absolutely no negative consequences, and an emerging class of intellectuals I call the bullet-biters: serious, rigorous, thoughtful immigration advocates who recognize that if the United States is going to welcome a far larger number of low-skill immigrants, we Americans will have to transform our welfare state, and we might even have to countenance the creation of a new class of guest workers who would be permanently barred from citizenship.

6 Obama’s expansive language gave succor to open borders romantics—and to the most demagogic voices on the other side of the debate, up to and including the man who succeeded him in the White House. Together, these forces are making it all but impossible to craft a durable immigration compromise. The irony is that Obama had a different and more potent argument at his disposal, namely, that the young people to whom he was offering deportation relief weren’t strangers at all. Because of our decades-long failure to enforce our immigration laws, an arrangement that suited unscrupulous low-wage employers just fine, they had become part of our communities. There was a perfectly good case for doing right by them while also embracing resolute enforcement, a case Obama gestured toward early in his presidency, yet which open borders activists came to angrily reject in its waning days.

There was a perfectly good case for doing right by them while also embracing resolute enforcement, a case Obama gestured toward early in his presidency, yet which open borders activists came to angrily reject in its waning days. The result is that immigration policies championed by liberals and centrists as recently as the 2000s are now routinely denounced as unacceptably extreme. Immigration policy is not about whether to be welcoming or hard-hearted. Short of absolutely open borders, which most advocates of more open borders at least claim to reject, it is about compromise. Like it or not, we need to weigh competing interests and moral goods, and to adjust our approach over time. An immigration policy that might have made sense in years past, when the labor market prospects of low-skill workers were much brighter, and when the number of working-class immigrants struggling to get by was much smaller, has entirely different implications today. In the chapters that follow, I will offer a series of choices that go beyond open or closed.


Building and Dwelling: Ethics for the City by Richard Sennett

Buckminster Fuller, car-free, clean water, cognitive dissonance, complexity theory, creative destruction, dematerialisation, Deng Xiaoping, double helix, Downton Abbey, East Village, en.wikipedia.org, Frank Gehry, ghettoisation, housing crisis, illegal immigration, informal economy, interchangeable parts, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, Mark Zuckerberg, Masdar, mass immigration, means of production, megacity, new economy, Nicholas Carr, Norbert Wiener, open borders, place-making, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Richard Florida, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, smart cities, Smart Cities: Big Data, Civic Hackers, and the Quest for a New Utopia, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the High Line, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, urban planning, urban renewal, Victor Gruen

These planners wrapped themselves in the mantle of biological science, particularly William Harvey’s analysis of blood circulation, which became the model for laying out streets as arteries and veins, and free-flowing traffic as analogous to a healthy circulation in the body. Walking lost its value in this scheme, and the sidewalk became less important than the carriageway, because freedom of movement was equated with speed of movement. This was in one way illogical: in a hurtling carriage you sit immobile, whereas your blood pumps when you use your own two feet. The planners had transferred the biological value of moving freely from the human to the mechanical, yet there was in the ancien régime a good reason for the switch: the immense economic and social gap between people who could afford a carriage and people who could not, and so were forced to walk. The city of fast, free movement was a city for the privileged. What does ‘free movement’ entail? Here there is a distinction between the flâneur who wanders, not quite knowing why or where to go, and the person with a definite goal in mind, like getting from home to work or, in another vein, cruising for sex.

In Mumbai, an internally open street mixes working and dwelling in the same space at the same time – street life as Jane Jacobs celebrated it in New York. 41. In Naples, the presence of outsiders, in the form of tourists, brings life to a previously dead street. Images 38–41 make clear that ‘openness’ can be achieved in a variety of ways. 42. The boundary is a closed edge, as in this extreme case in São Paulo. 43. The river of moving traffic is as impermeable a boundary as a solid wall. 44. The open border at the edge of Borough Market, London. This is a porous space. 45. This edge in Mumbai is both open and closed. The train behind the street is a danger zone which residents of the street fear and keep away from, while the street is multifunctional, full of people, at all hours. 46. Place marking: an arbitrary marker of value made in Medellín by the simple, informal gesture of putting a plant in the opening of a dwelling. 47.


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Let Them In: The Case for Open Borders by Jason L. Riley

affirmative action, business cycle, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, guest worker program, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, open borders, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, school choice, Silicon Valley, trade liberalization, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, zero-sum game

Mitt Romney, Rudy Giuliani, Fred Thompson, and Mike Huckabee are all running as heirs to Reagan Republicanism. Yet they’ve fallen over each other in condemnation of President Bush’s attempts to follow the Gipper’s lead on immigration reform. Makes you wonder. No self-respecting free-market adherent would ever dream of supporting laws that interrupt the free movement of goods and services across borders. But when it comes to laws that hamper the free movement of workers who produce those goods and services, too many conservatives today abandon their classical liberal principles. Adam Smith, J. C. L. Sismondi, David Ricardo, and John Stuart Mill give way to . . . Pat Buchanan. Some of us find this troubling. Among Democrats, there’s been much less restrictionist rhetoric, and not just because the political left tends to favor more liberal immigration policies.

Liberal immigration policies were proof that this country remained a land of opportunity, a nation built on the idea of liberty, not the Blut und Boden European doctrine. Reagan held this view long before he became president, as Lou Cannon, his biographer, has documented. In 1952, when the United States was still under the thumb of highly restrictive immigration quotas enacted in the 1920s, Reagan gave a speech endorsing open borders. In his view, America was “the promised land” for people from “any place in the world.” Reagan said “any person with the courage, with the desire to tear up their roots, to strive for freedom, to attempt and dare to live in a strange land and foreign place, to travel halfway across the world was welcome here.” In a 1977 radio address, Reagan discussed what he called “the illegal alien fuss.

Yes, China has 1.3 billion people today, but Asia’s fertility rate dropped from 2.4 in 1965 to 1.5 in 1995. Over the same period, Latin America’s declined from 2.7 to 1.7, and Europe’s effectively fell to 0. Worldwide, the typical woman had five children in 1950. In 1995 she had three. The number necessary just to replace the current generation is 2.1. America is headed in the same general demographic direction, but thanks to our open-border policies, it will take the United States a lot longer to reach the point where immigrant-averse Europe and Asia already have arrived. Between 1950 and 2000, the median age in the United States rose from thirty to thirty-five and is projected to hit forty by 2050. Over the same hundred-year period, however, Europe’s median age is expected to jump from twenty-nine to forty-eight, and Japan’s, from twenty-two to fifty-three.


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The Other Israel: voices of refusal and dissent by Tom Śegev, Roane Carey, Jonathan Shainin

conceptual framework, facts on the ground, Internet Archive, open borders, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

It may be permanent (as between Israel and the territories) or may be decreed for a particular military or security purpose of undetermined length and severity (as in the siege of Palestinian cities, towns, and villages). The closure in all its forms prevents the development of a coherent Palestinian economy. Discriminatory and often arbitrary systems of work, entrance, and travel permits further restrict freedom of movement both within the country and abroad. In mid-May 2002 the government announced the formal division of the West Bank into eight cantons (Jenin, Nablus, Tulkarm, Qalqilyah, Ramallah, Jericho, Bethlehem, and Hebron), with movement among them allowed only by permits from the Civil Administration. This represents nothing less than the reoccupation of areas A and B, and adds yet another layer of control.

February 22,2002 A TIME OF OCCUPATION Adi Ophir THE WRITINGS ASSEMBLED here are being published during a time of occupation. As a result of the Palestinian armed struggle against the IsraeH occupation, the occupation is now the overt, official state of affairs, and can no longer be denied by anyone. Despite the simulation of a "peace process," despite the doctrinal vagueness, despite the hybrid situations, the mixed areas and the open borders, the conditions are clearer today than they have ever been: Reconciliation between Jews and Palestinians will occur only if and when the occupation ends, in the fullest sense of the word. The occupation is defined according to the borders determined in the cease-fire agreement at the end of the 1948 war. All Jewish setdements established after the war of 1967, including all neighborhoods in and around Jerusalem, stultify^ the ability to end the occupation.


pages: 363 words: 105,039

Sandworm: A New Era of Cyberwar and the Hunt for the Kremlin's Most Dangerous Hackers by Andy Greenberg

air freight, Airbnb, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, blockchain, call centre, clean water, data acquisition, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, global supply chain, hive mind, Julian Assange, Just-in-time delivery, Kickstarter, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, pirate software, pre–internet, profit motive, ransomware, RFID, speech recognition, Steven Levy, Stuxnet, undersea cable, uranium enrichment, Valery Gerasimov, WikiLeaks, zero day

But there was a more fundamental roadblock to a digital Geneva Convention, according to Joshua Corman, who was at the time of Smith’s speech the director of the Cyber Statecraft Initiative at the Atlantic Council: Countries like the United States still think they benefit more from their own ability to wage cyberwar than they would from depriving their enemies of that power. “There’s no appetite to go straight to the Geneva Convention. None,” Corman told me. “The Microsoft thing is dead on arrival, because there’s no way we’re going to give up that freedom of movement.” American officials, Corman explained, still look at the NSA’s superior capabilities and believe that cyberwar favors those with the best offense. What they don’t consider is the degree to which the West has become dependent on the internet and automation—vastly more than adversaries like North Korea or even Russia. “As one of the most connected nations, we’re more dependent and more exposed,” Corman said.

WikiLeaks would trickle out its resulting stash of Clinton campaign kompromat for weeks to come. The revelations included eighty pages of closely guarded speeches Clinton had given to private Wall Street audiences. One included a reference to politicians’ need to have separate “public” and “private” positions, which her critics interpreted as an admission of deception. Another seemed to call for “open borders,” enraging immigration hard-liners. The daily media bombs would keep the campaign off balance through its final days.*1 The Podesta hack also eradicated any last doubts about Fancy Bear’s role: The security firm Secureworks found the link to the fake Gmail site that had tricked Podesta was created with an account on the URL-shortening service Bitly that had also been used to target hundreds of other Fancy Bear victims, from Ukrainian officials to Russia-focused academics and journalists.

Despite DCLeaks’ attempt to appear: Sean Gallagher, “Candid Camera: Dutch Hacked Russians Hacking DNC, Including Security Cameras,” Ars Technica, Jan. 26, 2018, arstechnica.com. This time, in a blatant mockery: Andy Greenberg, “Russian Hackers Get Bolder in Anti-Doping Agency Attack,” Wired, Sept. 14, 2016, www.wired.com. The site, of course: Raphael Satter, “Inside Story: How Russia Hacked the Democrats’ Email,” Associated Press, Nov. 4, 2017, www.apnews.com. Another seemed to call for “open borders”: “HRC Paid Speeches,” email via WikiLeaks, sent Jan. 25, 2016, wikileaks.org, archived at bit.ly/2RRtcNA. The security firm Secureworks found the link: “Threat Group 4127 Targets Hillary Clinton Presidential Campaign,” June 16, 2016, www.secureworks.com, archived at bit.ly/2RecMtu. “I love WikiLeaks!”: Mark Hensch, “Trump: ‘I Love WikiLeaks,’ ” Hill, Oct. 10, 2016, thehill.com. But for the most part, Trump: Andy Greenberg, “A Timeline of Trump’s Strange, Contradictory Statements on Russian Hacking,” Wired, Jan. 4, 2017, www.wired.com.


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Radical Markets: Uprooting Capitalism and Democracy for a Just Society by Eric Posner, E. Weyl

3D printing, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Amazon Mechanical Turk, anti-communist, augmented reality, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, business process, buy and hold, carbon footprint, Cass Sunstein, Clayton Christensen, cloud computing, collective bargaining, commoditize, Corn Laws, corporate governance, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, endowment effect, Erik Brynjolfsson, Ethereum, feminist movement, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, George Akerlof, global supply chain, guest worker program, hydraulic fracturing, Hyperloop, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, index fund, informal economy, information asymmetry, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Jean Tirole, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, labor-force participation, laissez-faire capitalism, Landlord’s Game, liberal capitalism, low skilled workers, Lyft, market bubble, market design, market friction, market fundamentalism, mass immigration, negative equity, Network effects, obamacare, offshore financial centre, open borders, Pareto efficiency, passive investing, patent troll, Paul Samuelson, performance metric, plutocrats, Plutocrats, pre–internet, random walk, randomized controlled trial, Ray Kurzweil, recommendation engine, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, ride hailing / ride sharing, risk tolerance, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Rory Sutherland, Second Machine Age, second-price auction, self-driving car, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, special economic zone, spectrum auction, speech recognition, statistical model, stem cell, telepresence, Thales and the olive presses, Thales of Miletus, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Future of Employment, The Market for Lemons, The Nature of the Firm, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade route, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, urban planning, Vanguard fund, women in the workforce, Zipcar

Before Migration Mattered While the early Radicals passionately advocated free trade, they said little about migration.5 This might seem odd: the logic of free migration and free trade is the same, namely, that the expansion of economic openness generates wealth for nearly everyone. Some of these thinkers also mentioned, in passing, that they supported the free movement of people, not just goods. For example, both Smith and David Ricardo argued for free mobility of workers from the countryside to the city and across occupations, and in an offhand way remarked that the same should apply across borders. They also emphasized the importance of the free movement of ideas. Yet free trade overwhelmingly dominated free migration in their thought. One reason for the emphasis of trade over migration was that in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the gains from trade were far more important than the gains from migration.

He observed that “people of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices” and declared that “law … ought to do nothing to facilitate such assemblies, much less make them necessary.”28 The central theme of the Philosophical Radicals was the struggle against a society dominated by the aristocracy. The Radicals complained that the aristocracy controlled the government, causing it to protect the aristocracy’s monopolies by restricting markets and closing borders to trade. They understood that economic privilege and political privilege were two sides of the same coin and thus fought with equal vigor for competitive democratic elections through the expansion of the franchise and for open borders to international trade. These pioneers won many victories, but they soon came to realize their initial proposals did not go far enough. At the same time as markets for land and labor advanced, industrial capitalism showed a tendency toward new forms of monopoly power over factories, railroads, and natural resources. Expanding the franchise weakened the landed aristocracy, but newly empowered majorities tyrannized minorities of all sorts and capitalists used their resources to corrupt politicians and control the press.

If historical experience is any guide, gains to those who stay in poor countries would be equally dramatic, as most migrants remit a large fraction of their income to the countries they came from.18 In sharp contrast to trade, these gains have transformative potential for global well-being, if they can be harnessed and shared.19 Why Not Just Expand Existing Migration? Some scholars who are aware of these numbers have declared that opening borders is the only morally acceptable response. If countries allowed unlimited immigration, then the poor workers in capital-starved countries would migrate to wealthy countries like the United States, where their wages would be much higher. While the huge surge of migration would reduce the wages of workers in wealthy countries, global well-being would increase enormously. The idea is not as farfetched as it might seem.


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Goliath: Life and Loathing in Greater Israel by Max Blumenthal

airport security, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Boycotts of Israel, centre right, cognitive dissonance, corporate raider, crony capitalism, European colonialism, facts on the ground, ghettoisation, housing crisis, knowledge economy, megacity, moral panic, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, surplus humans, upwardly mobile, urban planning, WikiLeaks, Yom Kippur War, young professional, zero-sum game

By 1951, the expropriated orange groves accounted for 10 percent of Israel’s export earnings, while olive produce from seized Arab land served as the third-largest source of the country’s exports in 1949. With sustained marketing campaigns, the Jaffan orange became one of the most widely identified symbols of Israel in the West—and one of the few that carried no military association. From 1948 to 1966, the remaining Palestinian residents of Jaffa were confined to the ghetto of Ajami under emergency military regulations imposed by the state’s purportedly socialist leadership. Their freedom of movement was severely restricted by guard dogs and barbed wire for the first two years of military rule. “Before Zionism came to us, we didn’t even know what a ghetto was,” remarked Sami Shehadeh, director of the Popular Committee for the Defense of Jaffa’s Homes. Following the imposition of martial law, the new State of Israel sent its army to conduct ruthless hunts for “infiltrators” inside Arab communities.

Now convinced that Al-Ard was possessed with a “poisonous nationalist character,” Israeli minister of defense Moshe Dayan banned the movement altogether. The outlawing of Al-Ard was validated by the Supreme Court, which justified its ruling on the basis of “defensive democracy.” “I did what the people wanted,” boasted Justice Agranat, who delivered the majority decision. As soon as Al-Ard was driven underground, its leaders were arrested, imprisoned, and released only after the imposition of severe restrictions on their freedom of movement. By the 1980s, in the shadow of the transformative trauma of the Land Day massacre, much of the Arab public inside Israel embarked on a process of Palestinianization, replacing the Labor Party’s cast of collaborators with more assertive figures like Nazareth’s new mayor, Toufiq Zayyad, who were determined to act in concert with their brethren who lived under occupation and in refugee camps around the Arab world.

“They are trying to demolish our attitudes as Palestinians and build us up into what they want.” Diyala was raised in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of East Jerusalem, a wealthy area until the Jerusalem Municipality began evicting its Palestinian residents and replacing them with ultra-Orthodox settlers. With her status as a Palestinian resident of Jerusalem, she was granted automatic Jordanian citizenship, entitling her to more freedom of movement than West Bank Palestinians, but few of the rights enjoyed by Jewish Israeli citizens. In order to keep her residency status, she had to abide by the Israeli Interior Ministry’s discriminatory “center of life” policy, which required her to maintain a constant presence within the borders of the Jerusalem municipality. Any Palestinian who left their address in the city for a prolonged period of time to pursue studies at a foreign university, for example, risked losing their permanent residency.


pages: 272 words: 71,487

Getting Better: Why Global Development Is Succeeding--And How We Can Improve the World Even More by Charles Kenny

"Robert Solow", agricultural Revolution, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, clean water, demographic transition, double entry bookkeeping, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, germ theory of disease, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, Indoor air pollution, inventory management, Kickstarter, Milgram experiment, off grid, open borders, purchasing power parity, randomized controlled trial, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, Toyota Production System, trade liberalization, transaction costs, very high income, Washington Consensus, X Prize

Migrants themselves see considerably improved health and education outcomes, and there are spillover effects in terms of quality-of-life impact in their countries of origin.2 Furthermore, from a simple economic perspective, borders that are open to people, like borders that are open to goods, are likely to be good for the countries on the receiving end. At the extreme, it may be that the social dislocation and adjustment costs of a rapid move to fully open borders are high. But most countries are a long way from that risk. Pritchett’s 3 percent solution, especially if focused on immigrants from some of the world’s poorest countries, would have a dramatic impact on development and should be plausible. In the United States, for example, approximately 10 percent of the population is (already) foreign-born without any apparent disintegration in the social or political fabric of the country. And there is a strong moral case for the freer flow of peoples across borders. Again, why should the villager from Achalla be prevented from free movement by lines drawn up by Europeans 150 years ago? Turning to a morally more complex area of international relations, we find that armed force has ended periods of mass murder and returned a semblance of peace to Uganda (removing Idi Amin) and Cambodia (the Khmer Rouge).

The overwhelming majority of people worldwide now live in countries that have signed on to the Declaration of Human Rights. (A comparatively recent event extending global population coverage was the accession of the People’s Republic of China in 1971.) Furthermore, the great majority of the world’s constitutions include lengthy sections regarding the rights of individuals. Take, for example, Zimbabwe’s constitution, which guarantees liberty, freedom of conscience, speech, movement, and assembly, and due and rapid process under law, all while it bans discriminatory laws, undue search, slavery, and forced labor alongside torture and degrading punishment. Of course, the example of Zimbabwe also illustrates how limited the impact of such language can be on behavior. The country’s recent history has seen significant violations of the majority of these rights. Nonetheless, the spread of constitutional guarantees regarding rights suggests that they are far more often abused either extrajudicially or with the connivance of the judiciary rather than that rights frameworks are merely absent from national legal institutions.15 On the side of political rights, universal suffrage and political sovereignty are, in practice, twentieth-century inventions and have spread haltingly in the last one hundred years.


pages: 442 words: 135,006

ZeroZeroZero by Roberto Saviano

Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, call centre, credit crunch, double entry bookkeeping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, illegal immigration, Julian Assange, London Interbank Offered Rate, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, open borders, planetary scale, Ponzi scheme, Ronald Reagan, Skype, Steve Jobs, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks

Natalia is still frightened, sure, but not nearly as much now. When you grow up in certain places, you end up adapting to the reality around you. Doña Lucia realizes that bell jars are pathetically fragile. It’s also true that those early days, when sudden success threatened to upset an adolescent’s precarious balance, are gone. In fact, Natalia’s celebrity was precisely what helped her. A star enjoys less freedom of movement than a normal person. In order to make her life bearable she frequents the same places where, mainly, people learn to pretend not to notice her, to treat her normally. And so, a gray area worms its way into Lucia Gaviria’s vigilance. The gym. Keeping in shape is a professional necessity for Natalia, and besides, she really loves physical activity. For the most part she takes classes for women: aerobics and Latin American dance, activities that take the place of evenings at the disco, which, with all the attention she received, had become too exhausting.

Sandra is a princess, constantly choosing whom to tie herself to so as to rise in power and social standing. With El Tigre she makes a qualitative leap that allows her to negotiate directly with the Colombian suppliers. So Sandra, El Padrino’s niece, becomes la Reina, the Queen. The Queen of the Pacific knows how to exploit clichés. A woman is weak, so there’s no point in threatening her: For the Queen this means freedom of movement. A woman doesn’t know how to negotiate with men: The Queen takes advantage of the cartel emissaries’ embarrassment when faced with a beautiful woman in a low-cut dress. Now they all have to kneel to her, honor her. She coordinates shipments from Colombia from her luxurious headquarters in Guadalajara and launders the earnings, which get bigger every year. All that money is needed to carry out her most ambitious plan: to give women power.

When the Soviet regime collapsed, imports proliferated, prices dropped, and the drugs of the West—cocaine and ecstasy—finally made their way onto the market. At first cocaine use was limited to those Russians who could afford to spend the equivalent of three months’ average salary. There was an invasion of substances that found fertile ground in part because of the breakup of neighboring states: wars, open borders, and an army of illegal immigrants unable to find work in the legal economy. For many of them—as in the rest of the world—drug dealing was the only way to earn a living. But the decisive step came with the opening toward the Western Hemisphere, first the United States and Canada, then Latin America and the Caribbean. That part of the world had a high demand for arms, and Russia a notable supply of Soviet military weapons.


pages: 318 words: 82,452

The End of Policing by Alex S. Vitale

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Broken windows theory, citizen journalism, Columbine, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, equal pay for equal work, Ferguson, Missouri, ghettoisation, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, mandatory minimum, mass immigration, mass incarceration, moral panic, Occupy movement, open borders, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, white flight

The criminalization of homeless people also violates the International Covenant Against Torture and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights,18 which states that all people have a right to housing, that governments have an obligation to put the wellbeing of people above concerns about disorder and aesthetics, and that homelessness exerts a tremendous cost on those subjected to it. Criminalization efforts exacerbate that cost without housing any more people. International human rights law also gives people the right to freedom of movement. Statutes that attempt to restrict homeless people’s access to certain areas through loitering laws and probation conditions that restrict access to certain areas may violate this. Laws that have a discriminatory purpose and outcome in terms of race and property may also violate international treaties as well as the International Declaration of Human Rights. International law also provides some rights to squatters that may make sweeps of longstanding homeless encampments illegal if no alternative housing is provided.

These operations represented the first real effort to close the southern border.12 It involved several new initiatives, including significantly increasing the amount of fencing, immediately deporting immigrants living in the US for a long list of major and minor criminal infractions, creating immigration courts in border areas to facilitate quicker processing and deportation of captured migrants, and creating a massive system for identifying migrants through biometric data collection. The latter two initiatives became the basis for ramping up criminal prosecutions of migrants for crossing the border without authorization. This process intensified after 9/11. Even though President George W. Bush had campaigned on a platform of more open borders, he oversaw additional fencing, increased Border Patrol hiring, and the intensification of the criminalization of migrants. As a result, the policy shifted from what was euphemistically called “catch and release” to one of “capture and hold.” For decades, most migrants caught crossing the border were asked to waive their right to a hearing to challenge their deportation and then quickly returned to Mexico, spending as little time in custody as possible, which was generally advantageous for both the migrant and the US government.


pages: 319 words: 90,965

The End of College: Creating the Future of Learning and the University of Everywhere by Kevin Carey

Albert Einstein, barriers to entry, Bayesian statistics, Berlin Wall, business cycle, business intelligence, carbon-based life, Claude Shannon: information theory, complexity theory, David Heinemeier Hansson, declining real wages, deliberate practice, discrete time, disruptive innovation, double helix, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, Downton Abbey, Drosophila, Firefox, Frank Gehry, Google X / Alphabet X, informal economy, invention of the printing press, inventory management, John Markoff, Khan Academy, Kickstarter, low skilled workers, Lyft, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, meta analysis, meta-analysis, natural language processing, Network effects, open borders, pattern recognition, Peter Thiel, pez dispenser, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Ruby on Rails, Sand Hill Road, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, social web, South of Market, San Francisco, speech recognition, Steve Jobs, technoutopianism, transcontinental railway, uber lyft, Vannevar Bush

It all happened more inadvertently than anyone imagines, a combination of first-mover advantage, just the right sequence of industrialization and globalization, Cold War government spending, the rise of the information economy, and not getting bombed into rubble during World War II. But Real Harvard continued getting richer even as Imaginary Harvard grew larger and weirder and more important, because the hybrid university severely restricts your freedom of movement, and really there was nothing else to do. It’s hard to argue for dramatic change when the fourth Class of ’16 is lining up outside the gates—and there were tens of thousands of young people who hoped they’d be part of that group. That’s the way it was until 2011, when the one university in the best position to challenge Harvard for supremacy decided to take the most important attribute about itself and give it away for free to anyone, anywhere

And the statement had to include various caveats declaring that the person who had just watched all the Stanford lectures and finished all the Stanford problem sets and passed the Stanford exams could not in any way use his or her not-Stanford statement of accomplishment in pursuit of a Stanford degree. Normally, administrators have a lot of leverage in negotiations with faculty. In most academic disciplines, the fabulous university life of the mind can only be led at a university, and Stanford sits at the very top of the ladder of prestige. But here again, Stanford’s fabulously successful postwar policy of open borders between scholarship and commerce proved to be a liability, as did its location in the heart of Silicon Valley. Unlike a professor of comparative literature, Sebastian Thrun had another organization he could work for that was just as wealthy and famous and prestigious in its way: Google. Also unlike a professor of comparative literature, Thrun had money from his various tech-related activities.


pages: 509 words: 153,061

The Gamble: General David Petraeus and the American Military Adventure in Iraq, 2006-2008 by Thomas E. Ricks

amateurs talk tactics, professionals talk logistics, Berlin Wall, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, friendly fire, interchangeable parts, open borders, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, traveling salesman

“We were engaged in a running battle with AQI as they tried to establish holes in the barriers while we tried to keep them intact,” he said. Taking similar measures in al Anbar Province, the Marines found that the steps to limit the mobility of insurgents produced some unexpected side benefits. “The insurgency is like a shark,” a Marine intelligence report stated, “it has to move to survive. Cut off its freedom of movement and its loses its effectiveness.” As the fighters and death squads shifted to new locations, they were forced to communicate, and signals interception enabled the U.S. military to find them, or to eavesdrop on their reports and planning sessions. Trying to escape the new constraints, some insurgents moved out of the cities and into the desert. This in turn made it easier for the Marines to locate them and then order up air strikes.

David Goldich, a smart young Marine in al Anbar Province, recalled simply seeing local guys showing up with weapons and setting up a rudimentary checkpoint on a main road. To a Marine eye, they didn’t look impressive—“unshaven men wearing civilian clothes carrying rusty AK-47s milling about,” he wrote. But he soon concluded that “they are worth their weight in gold. . . . an amazing force multiplier that denied the enemy freedom of movement in a manner we could not.” They spoke the language, they knew the area, and they knew who wasn’t from it. Higher-ups wouldn’t approve giving supplies to the new guards, so Goldich’s unit decided to help them out and scrounged weapons and food for the men and bullet-proof glass and concertina wire for their checkpoints. “What we gave them we stole from base, and probably would have been punished if caught,” he recalled.

Alexander Lemons, the Marine reservist who fought in Basra, thought an even longer time line would be required. “The surge has done incredible things in Iraq but it is not enough,” he wrote after returning home in the summer of 2008. “Change of the sort envisioned by most Americans . . . requires a long-term commitment, for as long as five decades, with enough American forces to assist the unprepared and sometimes lawless security forces while protecting the country’s open borders.” AT THE END OF THE RAINBOW? Nor, at the end of many more years of struggle, is the outcome likely to be something Americans recognize as victory. Instead these additional years of sacrifice promise to be made for markedly limited objectives. A senior intelligence officer in Iraq described the long-term American goal as “a stable Iraq that is unified, at peace with its neighbors, and is able to police its internal affairs, so it isn’t a sanctuary for al Qaeda.


pages: 420 words: 126,194

The Strange Death of Europe: Immigration, Identity, Islam by Douglas Murray

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, borderless world, Boris Johnson, British Empire, centre right, cognitive dissonance, deindustrialization, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, glass ceiling, high net worth, illegal immigration, low skilled workers, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, open borders, post-industrial society, white flight

Governments that were refusing to do the bidding of Merkel and the European Commission were also reflecting the will of their people. A solid two-thirds of Hungarians polled during this period felt that their government was doing the right thing in refusing to agree to quota numbers issued from Brussels or Berlin. And yet one of Hungary’s most famous sons disagreed. The billionaire financier George Soros spent considerable sums of money during 2015 on pressure groups and institutions making the case for open borders and free movement of migrants into and around Europe. As well as a website called ‘Welcome2EU’, his Open Society foundation published millions of leaflets informing migrants of what to do. These informed them of how to get into Europe, what their rights were once there, and what the authorities could and could not do. The group openly advocated ‘resistance against the European border regime’. In October 2015 the Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, criticised Soros publicly as one of a circle of activists who ‘support anything that weakens nation states’.

Partly it is because most branches of European Christianity have lost the confidence to proselytise or even believe in their own message. For the Church of Sweden, the Church of England, the German Lutheran Church and many other branches of European Christianity, the message of the religion has become a form of left-wing politics, diversity action and social welfare projects. Such churches argue for ‘open borders’ yet are circumspect about quoting the texts they once preached as revealed. There is another cause, too. The critical analysis of and scholarship around the roots of Christianity has not yet occurred to the same degree with the roots of Islam. A worldwide campaign of intimidation and murder has been exceptionally successful in holding back that tide. Even today in the West the very few people who work on the origins of the Koran and engage in serious Koranic scholarship – such as Ibn Warraq and Christoph Luxenberg – publish their work under pseudonyms.

Any sensible policy on immigration and integration would have taken into account that although this ship of Europe may occasionally save people in distress from the seas around us, there is a point – when we take too many people on board, take them on too quickly, or take on those with bad intent – at which we will capsize the only vessel that we, the peoples of Europe, have. During the migration crisis it was not only ‘open borders’ activists who believed that bringing the whole world on board was a sensible policy. It was members of the Greek government and of governing parties across Europe. Some believed it as ideology. Others simply could find no reasonable moral way to deny entry to the world’s inhabitants. Others flailed around for an excuse. After the British vote to leave the EU, Daniel Korski, the former deputy director of David Cameron’s Policy Unit, recalled how before the vote Britain’s European counterparts tried to persuade the country to take in more migrants, using the argument – among others – that migrants paid more in taxes than they consumed in public services.


pages: 401 words: 119,043

Checkpoint Charlie by Iain MacGregor

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bob Geldof, British Empire, index card, Kickstarter, Live Aid, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, open borders, Ronald Reagan

Looking at the elongated hut, Haddock then remarked that the unimpressive appearance of the latest MP station, which was installed in 1986, disappointed many visitors. “There was something unfinished, something temporary about it,” he said. “… These impressions, however, were altogether accurate. For the temporariness of the structure reflects the permanence of the determination of free men to uphold the freedom of movement in Berlin.” James Baker and Hurd nodded at these words, while Generals Corbett and Cann looked ahead steadfastly; though they had heard these words practiced days before, the message the words conveyed was both touching and honest. Haddock then turned to the honor guard and other military personnel in the audience. “As representatives of all those who have served here before you—for nearly three decades, day and night, you have served at this crossroad between East and West.

Although his ultimatum created panic over the Allies’ resolution to uphold their access rights to West Berlin, they stood firm. Khrushchev bowed to pressure and repeatedly extended his deadline. As Walter Ulbricht tightened his grip on all facets of the GDR and the standard of living decreased under the economic constraints of a “command economy” through the latter half of the 1950s, so the migration to the West of the best of his workforce rapidly increased, escaping via the safest route—through the open borders of Berlin. The journalist and writer Stefan Heym, a committed antifascist who had relocated back to East Berlin from the USA in 1953, could see the writing on the wall. “The people in the East looked toward the West with longing. They would have liked to have had the same comforts, the same goods, the same chances in life. All they could see was a socialist system, which demanded great sacrifice for their efforts and nothing but promises for a better future.

After much debate with East German guards at the crossing point, where he argued the case of free access as part of the Four Power Agreement, Richards and his driver started touring the Soviet sector. “It was a scene of intense activity and great tension,” he recalled, “with uniformed men everywhere, all heavily armed; everybody seemed to be involved—the Nationale Volksarmee [NVA], the Volkspolizei, the Grenzpolizei, the Betriebskampfgruppen [factory fighting units]; even the Freie Deutsche Jugend [Free German Youth, FDJ] movement were seen to be in command of armored vehicles.” Richards noticed that the vast majority of East Berliners seemed as scared and confused as the civilians in the British Sector. But though he was still unsure of what the actual intention of all this activity meant for West Berlin, he came to the conclusion it didn’t mean an invasion. “Had they wished to do so, they could have rolled straight in at two o’clock that morning.”


pages: 503 words: 126,355

Thirteen Days in September: Carter, Begin, and Sadat at Camp David by Lawrence Wright

Albert Einstein, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Mahatma Gandhi, open borders, rent control, Ronald Reagan, Yom Kippur War

Brash, irrepressible, and gregarious by nature, Weizman was part of the “Mayflower generation” of Israel. His uncle Chaim Weizmann was Israel’s first president.2 Young Ezer grew up in Haifa, a mixed city. His mother spoke fluent Arabic and endeavored to teach it to her children—with imperfect success in his case. His father was a German agronomist who became a forestry officer in the northern part of Palestine. “We were seasoned travelers in a world of open borders, not yet sealed by Arab-Jewish hatred,” Weizman later recalled. His ideal of living in harmony with his Arab neighbors was abruptly shattered in May 1948, when Egypt and other neighboring Arab armies attacked as soon as the State of Israel was declared. “As for the Egyptians, I simply couldn’t grasp what had gotten into them,” he would later write. “What interest could they have in the conflict in Palestine?”

Sadat was somewhat flexible on borders but not on the principle that the West Bank belonged to the Palestinians. Jerusalem. Under the 1947 UN Partition Plan, which created the State of Israel, Jerusalem was envisioned to be an international city that was not under the rule of any other entity. Begin, however, was not willing to budge on anything having to do with Jerusalem. What peace means. In addition to ending the state of war, there should also be trade, open borders and waterways, and an exchange of ambassadors, although Sadat sourly suggested he was reconsidering diplomatic recognition because of Begin’s poor attitude. Refugees. There were approximately 750,000 Palestinians who fled during the war of Israel’s creation in 1948, and another 300,000 or so who became refugees in 1967. Many of them and their descendants were living in refugee camps in neighboring countries, stateless, often in squalid conditions.

Another seemingly small but intractable problem was solved when it was decided to use the term “West Bank” in the American and Egyptian versions of the agreement, and “Judea and Samaria” in the Israeli text. On the question of the Sinai settlements, however, Barak said he could not even discuss it because Begin felt so strongly about the issue. That very day Begin had vowed to Brzezinski, “My right eye will fall out, my right hand will fall off, before I ever agree to the dismantling of a single Jewish settlement.” In that case, Baz said, Egypt would not commit to open borders and full diplomatic recognition. By now night had fallen. The men were discussing the problem of refugees when Baz asserted that Israel could not be a part of deciding which Palestinians could return to the West Bank. Carter set his pen down and stared at Baz. In such moments, Carter doesn’t shout, but his blue eyes blaze and his fury is clearly apparent. He said that he had previously talked to Sadat about this very issue.


pages: 391 words: 123,597

Targeted: The Cambridge Analytica Whistleblower's Inside Story of How Big Data, Trump, and Facebook Broke Democracy and How It Can Happen Again by Brittany Kaiser

Albert Einstein, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Asian financial crisis, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, blockchain, Boris Johnson, Burning Man, call centre, centre right, Chelsea Manning, clean water, cognitive dissonance, crony capitalism, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Etonian, haute couture, illegal immigration, Julian Assange, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, Nelson Mandela, off grid, open borders, Renaissance Technologies, Robert Mercer, rolodex, sentiment analysis, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, Snapchat, statistical model, the High Line, the scientific method, WikiLeaks, young professional

It had the potential to change the face of Europe itself. As the result of something called the Maastricht Treaty, England had been part of the European Union since the late 1990s, but there had long been widespread disagreement over the benefits of an open-bordered and unified Europe and Britain’s participation in it. To what advantage was it for Britain to share a currency and a market with other European nations? The EU was predicated on noble ideas: economic equity across Europe, nondiscrimination, and the shared values of democracy and human rights. It offered freedom of movement without internal borders and the enhancement of solidarity among nations. Indeed, for its commitment to peace and prosperity among its member states, the Swedish Academy had awarded the European Union the Nobel Peace Prize in 2012.6 But more and more Britons had become nativists and separatists.


pages: 316 words: 103,743

The Emperor Far Away: Travels at the Edge of China by David Eimer

back-to-the-land, Berlin Wall, British Empire, car-free, Deng Xiaoping, Fall of the Berlin Wall, illegal immigration, mass immigration, megacity, offshore financial centre, open borders, South China Sea

I didn’t feel angry with her because I knew she did it to earn money for my university education. I just felt sad she’d been away so long.’ Many ethnic Koreans leave China in search of better-paid jobs. At any time, one in ten Chinese Koreans are working overseas, mostly in South Korea but also in Japan. Obtaining a passport is easy for them – another sign of how trusted they are. Yet that freedom of movement is also contributing to their declining population because, inevitably, some of those migrant workers never return to Dongbei. Assimilation with the Han is why Koreans now make up only 40 per cent of Yanbian’s population, down from two-thirds when the prefecture was established. Many Korean schools are shutting down, both because there are fewer children to attend them and due to the fact that the offspring of Han–Korean couples tend to be raised speaking Mandarin and so are sent to Chinese schools.

Compared to Xinjiang and Tibet, where the natives are penned in by either the Wu Jing or the landscape itself, Yunnan’s 4,000-kilometre-long boundary with South-east Asia is a mere line on a map. The largely unsecured borders are demarcated by narrow rivers, or run through rainforest, making moving between Banna, Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam easy. In some places, it is possible to drift across the frontiers without knowing you have done so. While it is impossible for an army even the size of China’s to monitor Yunnan’s frontiers, Banna’s near-open borders are in part due to Beijing’s belief that the minorities here pose no threat to its hegemony. Unlike the Uighurs with their stealthy separatist groups, there is no Dai or Akha nationalist movement. And while the Dalai Lama sits across the border from Tibet, along with tens of thousands of exiles, mobilising international support for the Tibetan cause, no single leader could ever unify Banna’s numerous minorities.


pages: 423 words: 126,375

Baghdad at Sunrise: A Brigade Commander's War in Iraq by Peter R. Mansoor, Donald Kagan, Frederick Kagan

Berlin Wall, central bank independence, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, friendly fire, HESCO bastion, indoor plumbing, land reform, open borders, RAND corporation, Saturday Night Live, zero-sum game

The twenty-brigade combat teams at the disposal of Multi-National Force– Iraq would be used to secure Baghdad’s neighborhoods through a continuous presence, control the adjoining areas around Baghdad to disrupt enemy bases, keep a lid on outlying provinces such as al Anbar and Ninevah, and cooperate Preface xxi with Iraqi security forces to improve their capabilities—which were still developing, but on the whole much improved over the poorly trained and equipped Iraqi Civil Defense Corps of 2004. U.S. and Iraqi forces would erect cement barriers surrounding a dozen major neighborhoods in Baghdad to control access and keep extremists from flowing either into or out of them. Walls would similarly surround major market areas to prevent car and truck bombs from slaughtering innocent civilians. Checkpoints would deny insurgents and terrorists freedom of movement. Baghdad became a city besieged, a tragic but necessary measure if Iraqi political leaders were to gain the time needed to halt the war through political compromise and national reconciliation. Coalition forces in 2004 had vacated their smaller forward operating bases inside Iraq’s cities in favor of large “super bases” on the periphery. The argument ran that our forces were a virus infecting Iraqi society, and our status as liberators would soon turn into a hated occupation should we remain embedded with the Iraqi people.

Without sufficient numbers of police and icdc units, American and coalition military units still carried the burden of securing the Iraqi people, a job for which they lacked numbers, requisite language skills, and cultural awareness. On the anniversary of the invasion of Iraq, the coalition was in danger of losing the war of perceptions. On the night Iron Promise began, a car bomb outside the Jabal Lebanon Hotel in the zone of the 2nd Brigade Combat Team leveled the building, killing seven people and wounding twenty-seven. Freedom of movement for foreigners and reporters was increasingly constrained by the danger of insurgent ambush and kidnapping. The coalition was showing signs of cracks, as the newly elected Spanish Prime Minister, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, had just announced his government’s intention to withdraw all Spanish forces from Iraq in the wake of the Madrid train bombings on March 11 by Islamist terrorists. In the absence of a national consensus on the future, Iraqis increasingly came to view issues through a sectarian and ethnic lens.

When planning assumptions about the postregime environment proved invalid, formations that had been meticulously organized, trained, and equipped for the march through the Republican Guard to Baghdad found themselves in an urban guerrilla conflict for which they were far 108 Bad Karmah less well prepared. Shortage of forces left large swaths of Iraq untouched by a coalition presence and kept open borders through which foreign fighters and terrorists would soon filter. Iraqis poured into the streets to loot and pillage any facility left unguarded, which, given the rapid collapse of the Ba’athist regime, included nearly all government buildings. Not only would the coalition face a lack of civil servants to run a government, but the seat of government itself would require massive rebuilding and refurbishment.


pages: 458 words: 136,405

Protest and Power: The Battle for the Labour Party by David Kogan

Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, Brixton riot, centre right, crowdsourcing, Donald Trump, Etonian, F. W. de Klerk, falling living standards, financial independence, full employment, imperial preference, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, Northern Rock, open borders, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, wealth creators, Winter of Discontent, Yom Kippur War

It included an agreement that £35 to £39 billion would be paid to the EU whilst the UK remained in the Union and resolved issues such as security, citizens’ rights, Cyprus and Gibraltar. The biggest problem was over the Irish border. ‘Best endeavours’ would be used to complete the trade negotiations before July 2020, only eighteen months after March 2019. That was a huge aspiration given the complexity of the potential deal. The Good Friday agreement and an open border with Ireland would still have to be guaranteed irrespective of when a future trade deal was concluded. A backstop was thus included that guaranteed an open border until a further trade agreement was mutually agreed. The government’s argument was that the backstop would never have to be used, as a deal would be reached before the deadline. This required a leap of faith that May’s critics in the DUP and the ERG were not prepared to grant her. The backstop could exist in perpetuity under this agreement.

As it became clear that there would be a referendum, Chessum and a few allies decided that there had to be an independent left campaign to focus on the moral issue of free movement challenging the mainstream narrative. Michael Chessum: The idea started immediately after the 2015 general election when a few people decided that the mainstream Remain campaigns were going to be terrible. David Cameron was going to call a referendum at some point. It wasn’t clear when. We thought we had a couple of years to get our act together. It turned out, no. The referendum was going to happen very quickly indeed. Which put him at odds with the official Remain campaign. If free movement’s your moral issue, who’s got the best record on that? The answer is not the old New Labour establishment. We watched them sell migrants down the river.

Despite this, Starmer made a speech in which he advocated for a deal that retained the benefits of a customs union. There was already muted criticism of Momentum and the Labour leadership for the passivity of the party’s stance. The insurgents of 2015 were now the establishment accused of preventing debate. Michael Chessum: We were one of the big stories of conference, but it was the left going for free movement and the right going for single market and neither quite going for an anti-Brexit position. They were coming from the economics angle. We were coming from the free movement angle. But, of course, it got deprioritized by Momentum. As far as I understand it, that decision was taken pretty poorly in a back room and under heavy pressure from LOTO. The left campaign for a second referendum was increasingly frustrated. As Guardian journalist Zoe Williams said, ‘it was perilous to the soul to throw in with Open Britain’.


pages: 409 words: 112,055

The Fifth Domain: Defending Our Country, Our Companies, and Ourselves in the Age of Cyber Threats by Richard A. Clarke, Robert K. Knake

A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Albert Einstein, Amazon Web Services, autonomous vehicles, barriers to entry, bitcoin, Black Swan, blockchain, borderless world, business cycle, business intelligence, call centre, Cass Sunstein, cloud computing, cognitive bias, commoditize, computer vision, corporate governance, cryptocurrency, data acquisition, DevOps, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Exxon Valdez, global village, immigration reform, Infrastructure as a Service, Internet of things, Jeff Bezos, Julian Assange, Kubernetes, Mark Zuckerberg, Metcalfe’s law, MITM: man-in-the-middle, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, Network effects, open borders, platform as a service, Ponzi scheme, ransomware, Richard Thaler, Sand Hill Road, Schrödinger's Cat, self-driving car, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, smart cities, Snapchat, software as a service, Steven Levy, Stuxnet, technoutopianism, Tim Cook: Apple, undersea cable, WikiLeaks, Y2K, zero day

Using malware that homed in on vulnerabilities in popular blogging platforms, the attackers had gained access to large numbers of accounts on servers at hosting providers, companies such as GoDaddy or HostGator, and then used their powerful processors and high bandwidth to generate and deliver attack traffic to the banks. In order to “block” this traffic, the U.S. government would have had to be sitting in between the attacking computers and the target computers. While blocking the attacks sounds appealing, the reality is that the United States has open borders in cyberspace. No agency of the federal government sits at the internet exchange points, where the undersea cables come up onto land, to inspect each packet of internet traffic. Without such a capability, the U.S. government is simply not positioned to block malicious traffic to protect banks or any other companies. Nor should we want such a system to be built. While China has a Great Firewall, a vast system of traffic inspection and interception deployed at the borders of China’s internet and throughout the country, calling the system a firewall suggests, erroneously, that it has value for cybersecurity when it is in fact a tool for censorship and surveillance.

Instead of waiting for the internet to disintegrate around us, an alternative strategy would be to exclude those nations that do not respect freedom of expression or privacy rights, that engage in disruptive activity, provide safe havens to criminals, and are not responsive to law-enforcement requests for assistance. In turn, those nations who buy into the vision of an open, interoperable, secure, and reliable internet would maintain and extend the benefits of being connected. What might that look like? A real-world corollary is the European Union’s model of open borders within the Schengen zone. The Schengen Accord created a bloc of countries within Europe where people and goods could travel freely without going through customs and immigration control. It’s why you can drive through countries from Germany to Spain without getting your passport stamped along the way. Once you are in the Schengen Area through one country’s border-security apparatus, you can freely access any other country.

Negotiating the Schengen Accord was a monumental undertaking, because control over borders has defined state sovereignty for the last three hundred years. A Schengen Accord for the internet would allow the free flow of data across borders, harmonizing national laws so that all data that can be legally accessed in one country can also be legally accessed in other member states. To allow for that to take place, stronger mechanisms for handling the bad that comes with the good of open borders in cyberspace must be built. A few years back, such an idea would have been hard to implement. Today, as the European Union looks to be on the verge of getting smaller and U.S.–EU cooperation reaches a new low, it looks all but impossible. Yet the problems that it solves for both commerce and criminal response remain. The idea of a Schengen Accord for the internet might just be crazy enough to work.


pages: 587 words: 119,432

The Collapse: The Accidental Opening of the Berlin Wall by Mary Elise Sarotte

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, conceptual framework, Deng Xiaoping, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, hindsight bias, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, urban decay, éminence grise

Gorbachev’s reforms and, 21–22, 178 Horn, Gyula, 24 refugee crisis and, 25, 26–27 Horváth, István, 27 Hotel Merkur (Leipzig), 66 Hubrich, Gotthard, 106–109 Human rights Helsinki Final Act (Helsinki Accords) and, 18, 171 violations in GDR, 13 Hummitzsch, Manfred, 42 on Leipzig ring road march, 77 Leipzig ring road march and, 49 Hungary Austro-Hungarian border breach, 20 (see also under Refugee crisis) border opening in, 27 demolition of fortifications on Austrian border and, 24 East German mass exodus to, Stasi internal summary regarding, 24 escape attempts in, 16 and Gorbachev’s reforms, effect of, 23–25 and 1969 treaty with East Germany limiting freedom of movement, 21, 23–24 refugee crisis in, 21, 24–31 Soviet occupation of, 23 UN Convention on Refugees and, 24 Illing, Jens, 54–55 “Information smugglers”/underground journalistic network/covert courier service, 56–66. See also Foreign journalists International Red Cross, 26 Invaliden Street border crossing, 145, 156, 164. See also Border crossings Investigations/legal proceedings, and crimes/abuse by East German regime, 174–175 Iraq, 179 “Iron Curtain” speech (Churchill), 183 Jäger, Harald, xxiv, 134, 136–138, 137 (photo), 167, 180 and Bornholmer Street border crossing, opening of, 139–140, 145–147 and Bornholmer Street border opening, repeated requests for guidance regarding, 140–141, 143 disobeying of orders by, 141, 144, 146 fate of, after German reunification, 173 “let-off-steam solution” (permanent expulsion from East Germany) and, 144 Neiber’s insult to, 140–141 portrayal of, in docudramas, 173 typical border workday for, 136 Jahn, Roland, xxiv, 56–57, 61–62, 80, 81, 142–143, 180, 181 at Cuckoo’s Egg (bar in West Berlin) to celebrate Berlin Wall opening, 52 news reports and documentaries incriminating East German regime by, 175 Jakeš, Miloš, 99 Jaruzelski, Wojciech, 23, 121 Jena, 175 Jiang Zemin, 178 Johannisthal, 3 Johnson, Daniel, 118–119 Journalists.

., a West German wire service announced that “starting immediately,” GDR residents could exit “directly through all checkpoints between the GDR and the FRG.” At the same moment, ADN, the East German news agency, released the group of four’s text. The staff at ADN apparently felt that if Schabowski could ignore the embargo until 4:00 a.m. on November 10, they could as well. Next, the Associated Press chimed in at 7:05 p.m. with “GDR opens borders.” Television coverage appears to have started as late as 7:17 p.m. The first major evening news show to air after the press conference, broadcast by the West German network ZDF, decided to cover Schabowski only as its sixth item of news. Once it had dispensed with the previous five, ZDF reported that “starting immediately, East German citizens are allowed to exit directly over all border crossings between the GDR and the Federal Republic of Germany.


Hopes and Prospects by Noam Chomsky

"Robert Solow", Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, colonial rule, corporate personhood, Credit Default Swap, cuban missile crisis, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deskilling, en.wikipedia.org, energy security, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Firefox, Howard Zinn, Hyman Minsky, invisible hand, liberation theology, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, Nelson Mandela, new economy, nuremberg principles, one-state solution, open borders, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, uranium enrichment, Washington Consensus

.… Since January 1991, Israel has bureaucratically and logistically merely perfected the split and the separation: not only between Palestinians in the occupied territories and their brothers in Israel, but also between the Palestinian residents of Jerusalem and those in the rest of the territories and between Gazans and West Bankers/Jerusalemites. Jews live in this same piece of land within a superior and separate system of privileges, laws, services, physical infrastructure and freedom of movement.14 The leading academic specialist on Gaza, Harvard scholar Sara Roy, adds that Gaza is an example of a society that has been deliberately reduced to a state of abject destitution, its once productive population transformed into one of aid-dependent paupers.… Gaza’s subjection began long before Israel’s recent war against it [December 2008]. The Israeli occupation—now largely forgotten or denied by the international community—has devastated Gaza’s economy and people, especially since 2006.… After Israel’s December [2008] assault, Gaza’s already compromised conditions have become virtually unlivable.

Our kind of democracy.9 Obama made one further substantive comment: “As part of a lasting cease-fire, Gaza’s border crossings should be open to allow the flow of aid and commerce, with an appropriate monitoring regime.” He did not mention that the U.S.-Israel had rejected much the same agreement after the January 2006 election, and that Israel had never observed similar subsequent agreements on opening borders. Also missing is any reaction to Israel’s announcement that it rejected the cease-fire agreement, so that the prospects for a cease-fire to be established, let alone to be “lasting,” are not auspicious. The reasons were reported prominently and repeatedly in the press: Israel will not allow border crossings with Gaza to open, and will insist that Gazan life be reduced to a bare minimum, unless Gilad Shalit is released.


pages: 312 words: 91,835

Global Inequality: A New Approach for the Age of Globalization by Branko Milanovic

"Robert Solow", Asian financial crisis, assortative mating, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, Black Swan, Branko Milanovic, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, labor-force participation, liberal capitalism, low skilled workers, Martin Wolf, means of production, mittelstand, moral hazard, Nash equilibrium, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, Paul Samuelson, place-making, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post scarcity, post-industrial society, profit motive, purchasing power parity, Ralph Nader, Second Machine Age, seigniorage, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, special economic zone, stakhanovite, trade route, transfer pricing, very high income, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce

As the crudest ways to physically stop migration are becoming more common by the day, we must ask whether this problem can be solved, or at least addressed in a better way than the world is doing now. How to Reconcile Migration with Unwillingness to Open Borders There are four elementary features of migration that must be stated at the outset, each of which involves a tension of some kind. First, there is a tension between the right of citizens to leave their own country and the lack of the right of people to move wherever they see fit. Second, there is a tension between two aspects of globalization: one that encourages free movement of all factors of production, goods, technology, and ideas, and another that severely limits the right of movement of labor. Third, there is a tension between the economic principle of maximization of income, which presupposes the ability of individuals to make free decisions about where and how to use their labor and capital, and the application of that principle within individual nation-states only, not globally.

A policy such as this would bring globalization to the forgotten factor of production, labor, and through migration would lower global poverty and inequality. For this to happen, two changes are essential: (1) the redefinition of citizenship, and (2) multilateralism involving sending and recipient countries. But even if migration were to become more common than it is today, it is still extremely unlikely that the change would be so momentous as to lead to fully open borders and a situation whereby GDP growth rates of poor countries would become unimportant because people could just leave whenever they wanted to. Thus, the growth of poor nations will remain of crucial importance. We turn to this next. 7. Will Economic Growth Still Matter? Economic growth will still matter a great deal in the coming century: it is the most powerful tool for reducing global poverty and inequality (as it is, also, for reducing national poverties).

In this case, residency permits and ultimately citizenships are bought: a person needs to invest a certain amount of money (which may range from a couple of hundred thousand to several million dollars) into a company or real estate. The United States is one of the countries that takes this approach, allowing migrants who invest $1 million in US companies (or $500,000 in companies located in rural or high-unemployment areas) to receive a green card. A number of countries in Europe allow foreigners to reside there, and thus to travel visa-free within the Schengen zone (an area of free movement within most of the European Union), in exchange for a real estate investment. Both such filters, education and money, are supposed to improve the pool of immigrants a country receives, and thus ultimately to contribute to the country’s economic output and enable the maintenance of its welfare state by minimizing the number of migrants who depend on social transfers. From the point of view of individual countries, these are intelligent strategies.


pages: 535 words: 158,863

Superclass: The Global Power Elite and the World They Are Making by David Rothkopf

airport security, anti-communist, asset allocation, Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bob Geldof, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, BRICs, business cycle, carried interest, clean water, corporate governance, creative destruction, crony capitalism, David Brooks, Doha Development Round, Donald Trump, financial innovation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Gini coefficient, global village, high net worth, income inequality, industrial cluster, informal economy, Internet Archive, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, joint-stock company, knowledge economy, liberal capitalism, Live Aid, Long Term Capital Management, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, Marshall McLuhan, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, means of production, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, old-boy network, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, shareholder value, Skype, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, Vilfredo Pareto, Washington Consensus, William Langewiesche

And as you observe them, you will see that the group does not look at all like the planet it dominates. Not only is power concentrated within the hands of a few, but the few themselves are concentrated in a few places in the world, predominantly white, overwhelmingly male. A few thousand very similar people whose hands are on the world’s most important levers of power and influence, closely connected with one another and sharing interests on issues from market regulation to taxation, from freedom of movement to easy access to workers, from who should possess weapons of mass destruction to who should not. Who needs conspiracies, indeed? AGENDA-SETTING Of all the powers the superclass possesses, one of the clearest and most important is the ability to set agendas for the rest of us. These individuals can’t necessarily always make final decisions, they can’t always project force, they can’t always even agree.

To choose one example that was controversial at the time of this book’s writing, private equity firms managed to persuade Congress to treat their “carried interest” in companies as capital gains rather than ordinary income, resulting in a substantial tax break (15 percent instead of up to 45 percent). Many, even a few financial leaders such as Warren Buffett, viewed this as so egregiously inequitable that an opposition movement has formed against it. Because of America’s international reach and power, the revolving door to the financial community is a phenomenon with global consequences. It is no accident that this group is broadly predisposed to policy prescriptions such as open borders, less regulation, and lower taxes. It also favors debt restructurings and bailouts for bad loans, as in the cases of the Brady Plan after the Latin debt crises of the 1980s and U.S. intervention to avert financial catastrophe in Mexico during the Tequila Crisis of late 1994 and 1995. In many respects this is not simply because one group influences another. It is because there is only one group, with its individual members moving from one set of jobs to another.

But if the system favors shorter-term returns, largescale operations, and partners who have influence on the markets, it is also a trend that undercuts longer-term growth needs, hurts smaller countries and economies, and exacerbates the inequitable distribution of money and power in many of those countries worldwide. Joe Stiglitz argued in the same vein, only more starkly, during a conversation one evening at his paper-filled office at Columbia University, “Capital market liberalization—free and unfettered movement of capital across borders—can, in some sense, undermine democracy. Some developing countries have experienced this very strongly: When a Wall Street-oriented party loses the election, the markets become unhappy and start pulling their capital out. And because voters know this, they worry about Wall Street’s reactions. Wall Street votes as much as the people of the country. The interesting thing is that some markets, like Korea, do not need the money from Wall Street because their people have saved enough on their own.


pages: 559 words: 178,279

The Cold War: Stories From the Big Freeze by Bridget Kendall

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Howard Zinn, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mutually assured destruction, open borders, Ronald Reagan, white flight

You had hopes that there could be a change towards more liberalism. The first backlash was the expulsion of [the singer and poet] Wolf Biermann, and the protests against it. And intellectuals, writers, artists who protested against this expulsion were also put under pressure. And in cultural politics, stricter criteria were applied. There was this Riesaer Petition. A doctor called Karl-Heinz Nitschke […] formulated a petition demanding the freedom of movement. He collected signatures among friends and acquaintances in this little town of Riesa. Then he came to East Berlin and wanted to get in contact with correspondents in order to make the petition public, because we had a special function. These Western journalists differed from Western correspondents who were based in Moscow: when you were in Moscow, you just reported for your audience from Moscow, but we did not only report from East Berlin for the viewers and readers in West Germany, but also for the citizens of the GDR.

Over the summer, tens of thousands of East German holiday-makers took advantage of Hungary’s decision to dismantle its border fence with Austria and poured into Western Europe. It was the largest exodus of East Germans westwards since the Berlin Wall went up in 1961, and it set in motion a dramatic chain of events that no one was expecting, not in Moscow nor East Berlin nor indeed in the Western world. When East Germany eventually closed its border with Hungary, East Germans wanting to leave trekked across the open border into Czechoslovakia instead and either slipped into Hungary from there or sought sanctuary in the West German Embassy in Prague. Eventually, the East German government gave its consent for those holed up in the embassy to leave for West Germany in special sealed trains, stripping them of their right to East German citizenship. But then, in early October 1989, it shut off all escape routes out to the West via East European countries.

In this case, an individual made a decision and in some sense even fooled the people who propelled him to power and set the Soviet Union on a course that was deeply unpredictable. It was a process that went much faster and more out of control than Gorbachev could ever have predicted or wanted, but one man is owed an enormous debt. Sergei Aleksashenko There’s a big difference between a planned economy and a market economy. The main difference is the equilibrium for the market-based economic system is based on the free movement of prices. So, if there are some imbalances, prices move, production changes and that allows the system to find equilibrium. In the Soviet system, the equilibrium was based on computational models, calculated by Gosplan [the State Planning Committee], Gossnab [the State Supplies Committee], the Committee on Prices, the Committee on Labour. They decided everything: what is going to be produced, who is going to produce it, the price, the wage, who is supplying to whom, where to build a new company.


pages: 1,145 words: 310,655

1967: Israel, the War, and the Year That Transformed the Middle East by Tom Segev

affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, distributed generation, friendly fire, full employment, ghettoisation, illegal immigration, invisible hand, mass immigration, open borders, Ronald Reagan, Yom Kippur War, young professional

He did so in coordination with Dayan, but did not confine himself to his role as journalist: in keeping with the excessively close relationship between newspaper editors and politicians, he went to Eshkol and tried to persuade him to give up the defense portfolio. *At some point, both White House and Israeli embassy staff contacted former president Dwight Eisenhower to inquire what exactly the United States had committed itself to do, a decade earlier, in order to preserve freedom of movement through the Straits.24 *The White House also reiterated its request that Israel stop applying pressure through its domestic letter-writing campaign. “Of course we are continuing it,” Ambassador Harman reported to Jerusalem.3 *Many years later, Chuvakhin said somewhat critically that he had supported a meeting between Eshkol and Kosygin, and that had it been held, the Six-Day War might have been averted.

In December 1966, Kollek told the Bar-Ilan University student newspaper, Bat-Kol, about other steps the municipal government had taken to further the city’s reunification. Jerusalem’s master plan ensured that when the border was opened there would be a smooth connection with the Old City. Newly built roads, such as the Hebron Road, were being constructed in such a way that they could easily connect to the Old City’s access roads when the time came. “I hope peace will bring about an open border between the two parts of the city. Certainly I do not wish this to occur in a nonpeaceful way,” said Kollek. In April 1967, Kollek dedicated a monument to a convoy that had tried to reach Hadassah Hospital on Mount Scopus two decades earlier. Several dozen people in the convoy, doctors and nurses among them, had been killed when Arabs attacked it. The memorial was built on Hanevi’im Street, not far from the border.

A few days later he conceded, “One can assume they will have an interest in bombing Dimona.” Not all the government ministers believed that a strike on the Dimona reactor would justify all-out war, partly because they felt the world would support Egypt if it destroyed the reactor. The United States did not discount the bombing of the reactor as a possibility. By May 21 there was talk of outright war. According to one minister, Israel Galili, any infringement on the free movement of shipping would mean war, as would an attempt to bomb Dimona. Rabin sounded confident. If Egypt attacked, he said, Israel would deliver “a very severe blow,” although that same day he noted that the results of an air war between the two states would depend on who attacked first.10 The assumption was that whoever struck first and destroyed the enemy’s air force on the ground would win. There were those who surmised that Nasser was acting partly in response to insults directed at him by the Jordanians, who mocked him for not coming to Syria’s aid.


pages: 353 words: 355

The Long Boom: A Vision for the Coming Age of Prosperity by Peter Schwartz, Peter Leyden, Joel Hyatt

American ideology, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, centre right, computer age, crony capitalism, cross-subsidies, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial innovation, hydrogen economy, industrial cluster, informal economy, intangible asset, Just-in-time delivery, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, life extension, market bubble, mass immigration, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, new economy, oil shock, open borders, Productivity paradox, QR code, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, the scientific method, upwardly mobile, Washington Consensus, Y2K

The vision fits the new realities of an emerging Politics of Prosperity, which will be based on the immense wealth being created in this global boom. We can afford to start thinking more expansively, more generously, and more long-term. The vision also places the value of openness at its core. In our highly interdependent global future, the open options will tend to be the best ones: open trade, open borders, open alliances, open access, open code, open minds. This book lays out the open philosophy that should inform many important decisions that lie ahead. The Long Boom shows the open way to go. When the book first came out in hardcover in the fall of 1999, some skeptical reviewers accused us of being overly optimistic. Our view of the future is indeed positive—but no more so than the times warrant.

We interconnected our currencies through the Breton Woods accord, and we devised international institutions that had no precursors: the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the European Economic Community, and, for that matter, the United Nations itself. The net effect was to more closely calibrate the interactions of these national economies. Those twin developments of the second half of the 1940s were the main causes of the economic boom in the United States in the 1950s. Why the United States? It was the first country to adopt the new technologies aggressively, and it had the most open borders, so it could take advantage of the enhanced trade environment. And so the U.S. economy just took off on a tear. To this day, Americans look bac on the 1950s as the economic Golden Age. But that economic boom didn't stop in the United States, and it didn't stop in the 1950s. That same boom spread throughout the Free World in the 1960s. Europe got back on its feet after the war, and Japan also rebuilt.

The corporate software goes through rigorous quality control. The collective software, though, attains a similar rigor through the experiences of many thousands of independent eyeballs poring over it. And you certainly can't beat the price. The collective software is absolutely free. Nobody owns it, or, rather, everybody does. In fact, at first this kind of software was called free software, and the people who created it called themselves the free software movement. But the average layperson's notion of anything "free" is that it is less valuable, somehow inferior, and this software isn't. So over time the names have evolved into open source software and the open source movement. The terms refer to opening up to everyone the source code that is the basis of any software program. Once you can see the source code, which explains exactly how a software program works, you can understand 30 The Lonq BOOM why the program performs as it does—and how to modify or improve it.


pages: 353 words: 81,436

Buying Time: The Delayed Crisis of Democratic Capitalism by Wolfgang Streeck

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, banking crisis, basic income, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collective bargaining, corporate governance, creative destruction, David Graeber, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, financial deregulation, financial repression, fixed income, full employment, Gini coefficient, Growth in a Time of Debt, income inequality, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, means of production, moral hazard, Myron Scholes, Occupy movement, open borders, open economy, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, profit maximization, risk tolerance, shareholder value, too big to fail, union organizing, winner-take-all economy, Wolfgang Streeck

First, Hayek shows that a common economic regime with free movement of people and capital and no customs barriers – a union with a ‘single market’5 – will greatly restrict the range and purchase of each member country’s economic policy. Second, he explains that the kind of political intervention in the market that can no longer be operated at individual state level cannot be transferred to the level of the federation to be replaced there: ‘certain economic powers, which are now generally wielded by the national states, could be exercised neither by the federation nor by the individual states’, implying that ‘there would have to be less government all round if federation is to be practicable’.6 On the first point, Hayek remarks that with free movement of ‘goods, men and money’7 national state intervention in the market – for example, to promote domestic products – would have more far-reaching effects on the federation as a whole than could be tolerated.

Nor would it be possible for member-states to operate their own monetary policy: ‘Indeed, it appears doubtful whether, in a Union with a universal monetary system, independent national central banks would continue to exist; they would probably have to be organized into a sort of Federal Reserve System.’8 Furthermore, competition will ensure that no government can burden its economy with too many regulations: ‘Even such legislation as the restriction of child labour or of working hours becomes difficult to carry out for the individual state.’9 Free movement within the union will also make it difficult for individual states to tax their citizens: high direct taxation will drive people and capital abroad, and the absence of border controls will hinder the indirect taxation of many goods. National business associations and trade unions would be subject to similar constraints: ‘Once frontiers cease to be closed and free movement is secured, all these national organizations, whether trade unions, cartels or professional associations, will lose their monopolistic position and thus, qua national organizations, their power to control the supply of their services or products.’10 But why should it be impossible to replace at international level that which must be given up at national level to maintain the cohesion of the federation?

This would turn them into side payments for the imposition of a Hayekian economic regime, payable to those who can get nothing else out of it. INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE: FROM KEYNES TO HAYEK The historical significance of the transition from a Keynesian to a Hayekian political economy, which has been taking place since the 1970s, becomes clearer if we recall the situation at the beginning of the neoliberal turn. Whereas today, with open borders, formerly sovereign states with independent central banks must pursue a rule-bound economic policy in accordance with the prescriptions of efficiency theory, the Keynesian mixed economy of the postwar decades had at its disposal a wide range of instruments for discretionary government intervention, especially in the distribution of the national product and the life chances of national citizens.


pages: 872 words: 259,208

A History of Modern Britain by Andrew Marr

air freight, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, battle of ideas, Beeching cuts, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bob Geldof, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brixton riot, clean water, collective bargaining, computer age, congestion charging, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Etonian, falling living standards, fear of failure, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial independence, floating exchange rates, full employment, housing crisis, illegal immigration, Kickstarter, liberal capitalism, Live Aid, loadsamoney, market design, mass immigration, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, millennium bug, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, open borders, out of africa, Parkinson's law, Piper Alpha, Red Clydeside, reserve currency, Right to Buy, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, working poor, Yom Kippur War

Just a whiff of the can-do, devil-may-care Wild West spirit was suddenly felt again in the streets of old London. Only in the side streets, however. For most investors the world of controls still applied. Sir Nicholas Goodison, later Chairman of the Stock Exchange in the Thatcher years, looked back on the mood by the late seventies: ‘We still had exchange controls. We had a Labour government intent on controlling everything, and no freedom of capital movement. British people were not allowed to take capital abroad; British institutions weren’t allowed to invest capital abroad except by special Treasury permissions . . . we were an insulated market.’12 It was this world which was swept away on 23 October 1979 when Geoffrey Howe, to general shock, abolished exchange controls. Despite what she later said, Thatcher was wobbly and uncertain about the gamble.

There, West Indian governments expressed outrage at the riot and made it clear that there would be no action by them to restrict migration in order to appease lawless white thugs. Indeed the Commonwealth, whose usefulness has been questioned elsewhere in this history, clearly functioned as a kind of doorstop to maintain immigration. It retained a loose association between Crown, obligation and common citizenship which felt real to politicians of both parties. Pressure to close the open border for Commonwealth citizens hardly increased in the Tory Party after the Notting Hill riots, though extra-parliamentary campaigns, such as the Birmingham Immigration Control Association, did spring up. Of course, given that the violence was directed against immigrants by whites, it would have been grotesquely unfair had the first reaction been to send people home. Labour was wholly against restricting immigration, arguing that it would be ‘disastrous to our status in the Commonweath’.

One study of immigration points out that what was truly remarkable was the passive acceptance by politicians and bureaucrats of Britain’s transformation into a multicultural society: ‘Immigration was restricted a full four years after all measures of the public mood indicated clear hostility to a black presence in Britain, and even then it was only done with hesitation.’44 And when the 1962 Commonwealth Immigrants Act finally passed into law, it was notably liberal, at least by later standards, assuming the arrival of up to 40,000 legal immigrants a year with complete right of entry for their dependants. Even so, it had only gone through after a ferocious parliamentary battle, with the Labour leader Hugh Gaitskell making emotional and passionate attacks on a measure which was still privately opposed by some of the Tory ministers involved. One particularly contentious issue was that the Republic of Ireland was allowed a completely open border with Britain. This may have seemed only practical politics given the huge number of Irish people living and working there already but it offended in two ways. By discriminating in favour of a country which had been neutral in the war with Hitler and declared itself a republic, but against Commonwealth countries which had stood with Britain, it infuriated many British patriots. Second, by giving Irish people a better deal than Indians or West Indians it seemed frankly racialist.


From Peoples into Nations by John Connelly

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, Cass Sunstein, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial independence, German hyperinflation, Gini coefficient, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, joint-stock company, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, liberal capitalism, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, oil shock, old-boy network, open borders, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Peace of Westphalia, profit motive, purchasing power parity, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Chicago School, trade liberalization, Transnistria, union organizing, upwardly mobile, wikimedia commons, women in the workforce

Because Alexander’s son, Peter, was only eleven years old, a regency was established under his Western-educated cousin Prince Paul, a more practical man not dictatorial in temperament and interested in accommodation. He quickly released political prisoners, including opposition politicians, and relaxed police surveillance and censorship. Elections were still rigged, but political parties gained freedom of movement. Once more, they could represent ethnic interests, something that had been a taboo under Alexander. In June 1935, Paul appointed as prime minister the old Radical politician Milan Stojadinović, and his three years in office brought relative calm, continued relaxations of censorship as well as hopeful accommodation with the Croat leader Vladko Maček. Soon Muslim, Slovene, and even Croatian politicians were involved in the government.59 Meanwhile, a tiny Serb fascist movement had emerged under Dimitrije Ljotić, a lawyer from a prominent family, who had made a name for himself as a strike-breaker after World War I and as minister of justice from February to August 1931.

Legislators passed a further law in 1942 (public law XII) calling for expropriating Jewish landholdings, followed by an additional law excluding Jews from the regular army.96 Conservative elites had opposed this anti-Jewish legislation on the floors of both houses of parliament and in caucus. Even if they could not prevent the laws, they mitigated their harshness, and the results fell short of what the Hungarian Nazis desired.97 Against the background of neighboring states, it was unusual that the Hungarian regime did not threaten Jews’ lives. Until 1944, Hungary’s Jews did not have to wear discriminatory insignia, faced no restrictions on freedom of movement or choice of where to live, and did not see their personal property expropriated. The hesitation to go as far as Nazi Germany was due partly to the strong relative role of Jews among the Hungarian middle and professional classes and fears that their sudden absence would prove disruptive. Jews made up 5.1 percent of the population, yet in 1930, they constituted more than half of the country’s physicians (54.5 percent), almost half the lawyers and white-collar employees in mining and industry (49.2 and about 47 percent, respectively), and almost a third of the engineers (30.4 percent).

Compared to the Soviet-dominated states in Eastern Europe, his country appeared liberal, and despite problems—chiefly of economic development—its “model” of worker self-management radiated the hope for freedom, equality, and justice. Yugoslavia’s reputation of being much more liberal than other East European countries survived beyond Tito’s death in 1980. Yugoslavia, alone among socialist states, had opened borders to the West in both directions, permitting millions of its own citizens to work abroad, chiefly in the booming economies of Germany and Austria, and millions of budget-conscious West European tourists to enjoy its seaside and mountain resorts, mostly in Croatia and Slovenia. To help maintain this non-Soviet socialist bastion, the United States injected huge inputs of cash, amounting in the 1950s to $598 million in economic and $588 million in military aid.


pages: 443 words: 112,800

The Third Industrial Revolution: How Lateral Power Is Transforming Energy, the Economy, and the World by Jeremy Rifkin

"Robert Solow", 3D printing, additive manufacturing, Albert Einstein, American ideology, barriers to entry, borderless world, carbon footprint, centre right, collaborative consumption, collaborative economy, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate governance, decarbonisation, distributed generation, en.wikipedia.org, energy security, energy transition, global supply chain, hydrogen economy, income inequality, industrial cluster, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Isaac Newton, job automation, knowledge economy, manufacturing employment, marginal employment, Martin Wolf, Masdar, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, off grid, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, peak oil, Ponzi scheme, post-oil, purchasing power parity, Ray Kurzweil, Ronald Reagan, scientific worldview, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, Skype, smart grid, smart meter, Spread Networks laid a new fibre optics cable between New York and Chicago, supply-chain management, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, urban planning, urban renewal, Yom Kippur War, Zipcar

And only a handful of individuals inside the profession have attempted to redefine economic theory and practice based on the energy laws. The first effort to introduce the laws of thermodynamics into economic theory was made by the Nobel laureate chemist Fredrick Soddy in his 1911 book Matter and Energy. Soddy reminded his economist friends that the laws of thermodynamics “control, in the last resort, the rise or fall of political systems, the freedom or bondage of nations, the movements of commerce and industry, the origin of wealth and poverty, and the general physical welfare of the race.”5 The first economist to take on his profession directly was Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen, the Vanderbilt University professor whose 1971 landmark book, The Entropy Law and the Economic Process, caused a minor ripple at the time, but was quickly dismissed by most of his colleagues.

What the EU experience shows is that when nation-states come together to create a common political community with integrated markets and open borders, commercial and political relations tend to flatten and extend across previous national boundaries, creating a new power configuration that is more nodal and distributed than centralized and top-down. EU governance more resembles a network of nation-states, regions, and municipalities, in which no single force determines the direction of the union, forcing all of the political players to engage in collaborative efforts to reach consensus on common goals. The creation of a continental market and continental governance with open borders also allows regions to bypass their national governments and create their own commercial relationship with other regions, sometimes contiguous to but just across national boundaries, and other times far removed in geography from their home country.

Contiguous cross-border EU regions are increasingly involved in commercial partnerships of all kinds and often enjoy closer commercial ties with each other than each region has with its own national government or more distant countrymen. The Third Industrial Revolution communication/energy paradigm, because of its lateral orientation, flourishes in borderless open spaces. What this means is that as the ASEAN Union becomes more of a reality, open borders will allow contiguous regions to interconnect and jointly build out the five-pillar infrastructure of the TIR, much like Wi-Fi communications spread from neighborhood to neighborhood and quickly developed into vast, interconnected webs that span contiguous landmasses. If China and India, both of whom have signed the Cebu Energy Declaration, would open their borders, thereby allowing neighboring regions to connect and build out shared TIR infrastructure, the spreading network could whittle away at the sovereign power each government previously enjoyed over the generation of energy and distribution of electricity within their borders.


pages: 566 words: 144,072

In the Graveyard of Empires: America's War in Afghanistan by Seth G. Jones

business climate, clean water, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, drone strike, failed state, friendly fire, invisible hand, Khyber Pass, Mikhail Gorbachev, Murray Gell-Mann, open borders, purchasing power parity, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, trade route, zero-sum game

After the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan, the Taliban’s videos became notably better in quality and clarity of message, and its use of the Internet dramatically increased to spread propaganda and recruit potential fighters. The Taliban also published several newspapers and magazines, such as Zamir, Tora Bora, and Sirak. Finally, the Taliban began to relocate much of their financial base to Karachi, Pakistan’s financial and commercial center on the Arabian Sea. Over time, the Taliban began to link up with a number of Pashtun tribes, especially Ghilzais. Special arrangements allowed border tribes freedom of movement between Afghanistan and Pakistan—they were not subjected to any scrutiny and were allowed to cross the border merely on visual recognition or identification. A number of these tribes had lands that had been divided by the Durand Line, such as the Mashwani, Mohmands, Shinwaris, Afridis, Mangals, Wazirs, and Gulbaz. Pashtun military prowess has been renowned since Alexander the Great’s invasion of Pashtun territory in the fourth century BC.

General Boris Gromov, who commanded the Soviet 40th Army, was the last soldier in his column to cross the Amu Darya River.56 A Flamboyant Congressman from Texas Outside support was critical in undermining Afghan governance and defeating the Red Army. We have already seen the role of Pakistan’s ISI in providing tactical and strategic support. The CIA had known for years that the Red Army did “not have enough troops to maintain control in much of the countryside as long as the insurgents have access to strong external support and open borders.”57 The Soviets saw the support flowing across the border from Pakistan, and the United States encouraged it. As it became clear that the Afghan War was hurting the Soviets, the United States began to covertly support the Afghan insurgents. U.S. aid to the mujahideen began at a relatively low level but then increased as the prospect of a Soviet defeat appeared more likely, totaling between $4 billion and $5 billion between 1980 and 1992.58 The CIA had provided about $60 million per year to the Afghan mujahideen between 1981 and 1983, which was matched by assistance from the Saudi government.


pages: 537 words: 158,544

Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order by Parag Khanna

"Robert Solow", Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Bartolomé de las Casas, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, complexity theory, continuation of politics by other means, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, different worldview, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, energy security, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, flex fuel, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, global supply chain, haute couture, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, Islamic Golden Age, Khyber Pass, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, land reform, low cost airline, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, megacity, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Parag Khanna, Pax Mongolica, Pearl River Delta, pirate software, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, Potemkin village, price stability, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, special economic zone, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Thomas L Friedman, trade route, trickle-down economics, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce

The various iterations of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process always saw small, peripheral measures as major victories, leaving aside the big issues of refugee resettlement and the status of Jerusalem, which spoilers on both sides have used to derail the process at the final moments of truth. Zionists used terrorism as a principal tactic to oust the British during the decade prior to Israel’s founding, much as Palestinians do today.7 “We live in a purgatory, always subservient to international bureaucratic masters,” a Palestinian official in East Jerusalem protested, frustrated at the lack of genuine Palestinian self-rule and freedom of movement. After the Hamas victory in the 2006 elections, Israeli security closures forced the parliament to convene by videoconference, a reminder that Israel’s current bantustan model for the Palestinians is unsustainable both economically and politically.8 As in the third world, development is lost when the politics of aid take priority over building indigenous governance. International aid agencies take care of urgent needs but create a bubble economy that disappears once they do (as in Kosovo).

Softening the border region creates an insurance policy against domestic overcrowding. The nineteenth century Taiping Rebellion resulted from such involution, in which the people-to-land ratio became too high. The Qing Dynasty was later besieged as China’s size had not grown to accommodate such a rapidly growing population. Should another set of economic troubles hit the Chinese countryside and periphery, more open borders would allow a migration valve for people to flee to countries like Burma and Laos to begin their lives again and work their way up—reproducing a now ancient pattern of Chinese demographic expansion, spread, and control. See Robert F. Ash, “China’s Regional Economies and the Asian Region,” in Power Shift, ed. Shambaugh, 96–131. 7. In geopolitical terms, the emerging Sinocentric order represents a mix of concepts including hegemony, condominiums, spheres of influence, suzerain systems, and complex interdependence.


pages: 122 words: 38,022

Kill All Normies: Online Culture Wars From 4Chan and Tumblr to Trump and the Alt-Right by Angela Nagle

4chan, A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, affirmative action, anti-communist, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, citizen journalism, crony capitalism, death of newspapers, Donald Trump, feminist movement, game design, Hacker Ethic, hive mind, Julian Assange, Kickstarter, mass immigration, moral panic, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, Occupy movement, open borders, post-industrial society, pre–internet, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, The Wisdom of Crowds, WikiLeaks

Whether his career can survive the incriminating interview in which he defended pederasty remains to be seen, but he played an enormously important role in the culture wars that shaped the period in the years leading up to the election of Trump. So, looking at his statements and speeches on his Dangerous Faggot Tour and Buchannan’s, how much do each of their culture wars really have in common? Buchanan’s book Death of The West has been hugely influential on the paleoconservative ideas that have rivaled those of the pro-market modernizing neocons. He called neoconservatism ‘a globalist, interventionist, open borders ideology.’ Through American Conservative, he and other like-minded anti-establishment conservatives opposed the Iraq War and took many other positions that distinguished them from the internationalist, free market, and pro-interventionist components of the right. Long before Trump’s election Buchanan was talking about the white working class as naturally conservative, opposed globalization and neoliberal trade deals, and pushed for a crack down on immigration.

There is no question but that the embarrassing and toxic online politics represented by this version of the left, which has been so destructive and inhumane, has made the left a laughing stock for a whole new generation. Years of online hate campaigns, purges and smear campaigns against others – including and especially dissident or independent-minded leftists – has caused untold damage. This anti-free speech, anti-free thought, anti-intellectual online movement, which has substituted politics with neuroses, can’t be separated from the real-life scenes millions saw online of college campuses, in which to be on the right was made something exciting, fun and courageous for the first time since… well, possibly ever. When Milo challenged his protesters to argue with him countless times on his tour, he knew that they not only wouldn’t, but also that they couldn’t.

They now have the ability to send thousands of the most obsessed, unhinged and angry people on the Internet after someone if they dare to speak against the president or his prominent alt-light and alt-right fans. Although the mainstream media is still quite anti-Trump, it would be naïve to think this isn’t going to result in a chilling of critical thought and speech in the coming years, as fewer and fewer may have the stomach for it. In February 2017, before the spectacular collapse of his career, Milo had planned to give the closing talk of his tour on the campus of UC Berkley, home of the free-speech movement of the left in 1964. Many have commented on the irony of the Berkeley riots that took place – the historical reversal of the left now censoring the campus to cleanse it of the right – but it is also significant that it was on what was scheduled to be the final night of his tour. It was on this night, at the end of a yearlong tour throughout which the US campus left spectacularly failed to challenge him on the level of ideas, that it chose to riot.


pages: 570 words: 158,139

Overbooked: The Exploding Business of Travel and Tourism by Elizabeth Becker

airport security, Asian financial crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, BRICs, car-free, carbon footprint, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, computer age, corporate governance, Costa Concordia, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, Exxon Valdez, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, global village, happiness index / gross national happiness, haute cuisine, indoor plumbing, Kickstarter, Masdar, Murano, Venice glass, open borders, out of africa, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, statistical model, sustainable-tourism, the market place, union organizing, urban renewal, wage slave, young professional, éminence grise

In 1958 a Pan American 707 flew from New York to Brussels, the first commercial jet flight across the Atlantic without stopping for refueling. A decade later a TWA 707 flew around the world beginning in Los Angeles and flying west after the plane was blessed by three Buddhist monks. Lower fares and bargain flights followed. European countries relaxed passport restrictions and began to see tourism as an important economic engine. “Tourism—Passport to Peace” became the organization’s motto in 1967, capturing its higher purpose to open borders in the promotion of better relations as well as the practical motive of making money. As the U.N. shifted its notion about tourism, the U.N.’s tourism office was moved from The Hague to Geneva, where it was dwarfed among the cluster of U.N. offices and the International Red Cross. The move to Madrid was a step up the bureaucratic ladder even though it meant exile from Geneva, one of the power centers of the U.N.

Cambodia encourages so many tourists to visit its great eleventh-century temple complex at Angkor that the rare temples are sinking because the surrounding water table is being drained by hundreds of new tourist hotels. In Venice, with a native population of less than 60,000, over 20 million tourists descend on the city every year, an onslaught that is pushing the locals out of their homes and emptying the city of essentials like neighborhood greengrocers and bakeries. In the globalized economy—with cheap transportation, the Internet and open borders—travel has become the ultimate twenty-first-century industry, which means these problems are not going away. • • • It is difficult to find issues of travel and tourism debated in public. Historians, political scientists and economists routinely omit tourism from studies about how the world works. Foreign policy journals and experts rarely touch the subject. Normally the media would ask routine questions about whether the right to travel also included the responsibility to respect a country, its environment, people and culture.

The city of Dubai welcomed 8.3 million foreign tourists in 2010, while the huge country of India, home of many of the construction workers, received fewer than 6 million foreign tourists. Tourists visiting Dubai see a modern, forward-looking country with designer hotels and splashy music concerts. They have no idea of the medieval social practices underpinning this twenty-first-century lifestyle. This is “pick and choose” globalization: embracing open-skies airline policies to challenge European supremacy and bring in tourists; selectively opening borders to attract migrant workers while rejecting the other promises of globalization to improve lives with fair employment laws and respect of human rights. This has nothing to do with the cultural differences of an Islamic nation. Tourists are told in advance that the UAE prohibits public displays of affection and all illegal drugs, puts severe restrictions on drinking alcohol and on desecration of their faith.


pages: 287 words: 95,152

The Dawn of Eurasia: On the Trail of the New World Order by Bruno Macaes

active measures, Berlin Wall, British Empire, computer vision, Deng Xiaoping, different worldview, digital map, Donald Trump, energy security, European colonialism, eurozone crisis, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global value chain, illegal immigration, intermodal, iterative process, land reform, liberal world order, Malacca Straits, mass immigration, megacity, open borders, Parag Khanna, savings glut, scientific worldview, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, speech recognition, trade liberalization, trade route, Transnistria, young professional, zero-sum game, éminence grise

He seemed to interpret the question as part of a pattern of imposing harsher moral standards and shackles on the United States than on its rivals and rushed to put them on the same level: ‘We have got a lot of killers. What, do you think our country is so innocent?’ The method is not particularly complicated. Trump goes through the list of liberal tenets and in each case asks whether they are compatible with the continuation of American global primacy. Many of those tenets fail the test in his view: open borders, transparency and openness in foreign policy, an adversarial press and a strong allegiance to international organizations. If this trend continues and American foreign policy comes to embrace a strong concept of national sovereignty, unbound by international rules and institutions, a measure of ideological convergence with Russia and China will have developed. These were some of the main ideological lines emerging from his successful campaign, but during his first few months in the White House Trump pursued them in such an erratic manner that the conviction grew that his presidency would stand for the destruction of the previous order, but not yet the construction of a new one.

The concept is remarkably simple, but this is actually the first time it has been tried. Imagine an area where people can circulate freely and cross state borders without having to show any identification and where trade is free of tariffs and other barriers. The European Union is the perfect example of this vision. Now take two countries like China and Kazakhstan. Surely they are neither willing nor able to create the same kind of area of free movement and exchange. What they can do, however, is carve up a small portion of their border territories and create it on a limited scale. When you enter the International Centre you are still in China. No private cars are allowed inside, but you can move around using taxis, individual golf carts and bigger trolleys. From the lines at the entrance to the golf carts and the feeling of excitement and enjoyment in the air, everything feels like an amusement park.

Rather than the humane and rational system we had perfected, the United Kingdom could now be heading to less desirable political neighbourhoods or, if the new drivers started struggling among themselves, straight into a wall. The Remain side, meanwhile, could not hide its frustration that economic arguments had so little traction over voters, who were clearly swayed by the case against EU rules on free movement of people. But the implicit framing here is that the EU offers the best economic solutions, and doubts about this have kept growing of late. The case for Brexit probably made some considerable inroads among the economically minded voters. There was a growing sense that a change of direction was needed and that the EU is simply not flexible, quick or opportunistic enough to look for the best chance, be it on global trade or on smart regulation, especially in what concerns the digital economy.


EuroTragedy: A Drama in Nine Acts by Ashoka Mody

"Robert Solow", Andrei Shleifer, asset-backed security, availability heuristic, bank run, banking crisis, Basel III, Berlin Wall, book scanning, Bretton Woods, call centre, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, centre right, credit crunch, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, debt deflation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, forward guidance, George Akerlof, German hyperinflation, global supply chain, global value chain, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, income inequality, inflation targeting, Irish property bubble, Isaac Newton, job automation, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Johannes Kepler, Kenneth Rogoff, Kickstarter, liberal capitalism, light touch regulation, liquidity trap, loadsamoney, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, low-wage service sector, Mikhail Gorbachev, mittelstand, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage tax deduction, neoliberal agenda, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, pension reform, premature optimization, price stability, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, Republic of Letters, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, short selling, Silicon Valley, The Great Moderation, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, too big to fail, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, transaction costs, urban renewal, working-age population, Yogi Berra

We will be witness to an economic and political drama played out over nearly half a century. The events will unfold, with the discussions, debates, and decisions reported as they happened. Before the Euro: The Europeans Create a “Falling Forward” Narrative In its origin, the single currency was a French initiative. French President Georges Pompidou called for a summit of European leaders at The Hague in December 1969. The process of opening borders, initiated by the Treaty of Rome in 1957, was well on its way. Stuck in an inertial mindset, Europeans were anxious to achieve more European integration. And, as if it were just a regulatory extension of Europe’s expanding common market, Pompidou proposed a European monetary union. In fact, he said, monetary union must be made a priority. France had suffered the humiliation of frequent devaluations of its currency, the franc.

According to him, public debate on how Europe should be run was, at best, pointless and could even be counterproductive if adversarial politics created undesirable compromises.154 The Monnet method worked for just over forty years, from the Schuman Plan in 1950 to the Maastricht Treaty, which was signed in 1992. The task in those decades was to create European institutions for productive dialogue among nation-​states and to open borders to trade. Most Europeans saw only a blurred connection between their daily lives and decisions made at the European level. Moreover, since the opening of trade borders had created new business opportunities for many, support for Europe remained high. As Irish political scientist Peter Mair explained, European “elites” had enjoyed a “permissive consensus,” a “popular trust,” and, hence, a “deference to their decisions” on European matters.155 But in 1992, the Maastricht Treaty made the single currency a real possibility.

See also Giscard d’Estaing, Valéry; Pompidou, Georges Amsterdam meeting attendance, 114 banking crisis, 195 banking system, 161–162, 163–164, 165 BNP Paribas bank, 195, 196, 196f budgetary offenses of, 144 CAP and, 30 compromise of, 12 defeat/​humiliation in Vietnam, 28 deficit borrowing, 36 deflation prevention, 356 economic deceleration, 142 EDC Treaty rejected by, 28, 75–76 educational opportunities, 401–402 effort at achieving parity with Germany, 8 1870-​2000, GDP, 25f eurozone crisis and, 392 eurozone membership, 121 exchange rate issues, 33, 39, 41 “face-​saving device” request, 113 falling productivity, 168–169 franc/​currency devaluations, 5, 34, 35 Franco-​German venture, 24 Germany’s offer of aid, 402 income/​employment comparison, 340f increased debt burden ratio in, 95–96 inflation rates, 174 irrational exuberance in, 172 leadership push for euro, 12 loans to periphery countries, 13–14 Maastricht Treaty and, 101–105, 102f, 187 macroeconomic policy, 57 Mendès France’s leadership, 28 National Front party, 351, 363 nationalization of banks, 163–164 1968, student uprising/​workers strike, 35 1971 consultations with Germany, 52–55 open violation of the SGP, 150 opposition to EDC, 50 Pompidou’s presidency of, 36 post-​WWII “aging,” 33–34 public debt as percentage of GDP, 394f public opposition to monetary union, 50, 104 push for equality with Germany, 57 quarantine fears, 25 R&D/​GDP ratio (1997), 176f recession in, 37, 106, 111 reduced exports to euro area, 171 referendum on the single currency, 9–10, 101–105 referendum on the European Constitution, 187–189 rejection of European Constitution, 14 resistance to opening borders, 30 shift to eurozone south, 400–408 soaring fiscal deficits in, 87 Socialist Party, 351, 358–359, 403 societal divisions in, 400 Société Générale in, 161 Solbes’s/​Prodi’s blacklisting of, 144, 151 student uprising (1968), 35 tightened monetary policy, 68 trade shares, 171f Treaty of Rome accepted by, 31 Treaty of Rome and, 50 trust in the European Union, 389f 2003-​2008, capital inflows, 175f unemployment rates, 55, 95, 96f, 358–359 vote in favor of single currency, 9 voting rights conflict, 137 World Bank governance data on, 398f youth distress in, 394f, 395 Franco-​German venture (Schuman Plan), 24–26, 44 Frankel, Jeffrey, 356, 360 Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 77 Freddie Mac, 213 Free Democratic Party (FDP) (Germany), 238, 246, 325, 425, 426–427, 435 French-​Belgian Dexia, 215 French National Assembly, 6, 28, 403 index 629 French Planning Commission, 26 Friedman, Milton call for ending Bretton Woods system, 39 call for flexible exchange rates, 40, 414 on economic and political risks of the euro, 116 on macroeconomic policy, 68 on monetary policy, 2, 140 Front National (France), 402, 405, 406 FTSE Italia All-​Share Financial Index, 298f FTSE Italia All-​Share Index, 298f Garton Ash, Timothy, 32 Gauck, Joachim, 335–337 Geertz, Clifford, 170 Geithner, Timothy, 15, 197, 206 comment on Draghi’s statement, 310 criticism on Europe’s dithering, 309 Deauville decision and, 280 opposition to allowing failure of financial institutions, 15, 214, 258 response to Greek crisis, 258 subprime crisis response, 221, 228–229 Geithner-​Trichet doctrine, 214 General Accounting Office (U.S.), 88 Genevard, Annie, 401 Georgiou, Andreas, 413 German Federal Republic (West Germany), 24 German Hypo Real Estate, 215 Germany.


pages: 356 words: 103,944

The Globalization Paradox: Democracy and the Future of the World Economy by Dani Rodrik

affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collective bargaining, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, endogenous growth, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, financial innovation, floating exchange rates, frictionless, frictionless market, full employment, George Akerlof, guest worker program, Hernando de Soto, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, industrial cluster, information asymmetry, joint-stock company, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, liberal capitalism, light touch regulation, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, margin call, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, night-watchman state, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Paul Samuelson, price stability, profit maximization, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, savings glut, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Tobin tax, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, tulip mania, Washington Consensus, World Values Survey

Unencumbered by domestic economic and social obligations, national governments were then free to pursue an agenda that focused exclusively on strict monetary rules. External restraints were even more blatant under mercantilism and imperialism. We cannot properly speak of nation states before the nineteenth century, but the global economic system operated along strict Golden Straitjacket lines. The rules of the game—open borders, protection of the rights of foreign merchants and investors—were enforced by chartered trading companies or imperial powers. There was no possibility of deviating from them. We may be far from the classical gold standard or chartered trading companies today, but the demands of hyperglobalization require a similar crowding out of domestic politics. The signs are familiar: the insulation of economic policy-making bodies (central banks, fiscal authorities, regulators, and so on), the disappearance (or privatization) of social insurance, the push for low corporate taxes, the erosion of the social compact between business and labor, and the replacement of domestic developmental goals with the need to maintain market confidence.

In Asia, European imperialism guaranteed that the rights of foreigners were protected, contracts enforced, disputes adjudicated under European countries’ rules, exporters and investors welcomed, debts repaid, infrastructure investments undertaken, locals pacified, nascent nationalist ambitions thwarted, and so on—neutralizing the long list of transaction costs that could impede international commerce. Recall how the East India Company was superseded by the British Raj when the former proved unable to handle local insurgency, or how the Hudson’s Bay Company’s police powers were handed over to the Dominion of Canada. The British Empire brought law and order to societies that lacked them, argues the Harvard historian Niall Ferguson: “no organization in history has done more to promote the free movement of goods, capital and labor,” he writes, “than the British Empire in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.”13 One does not need to buy into Ferguson’s glowing take on the British Empire to agree with his assertion that imperialism was a tremendously powerful force for economic globalization. A recent statistical study found that two countries that were members of the same empire had twice the volume of trade between them compared to trade with others outside the empire, holding as many things constant as is feasible in this kind of quantitative work.

Treasury, the crisis was a financial panic largely unrelated to economic fundamentals and internal weaknesses.10 Asia was going through the bust stage of a boom-and-bust cycle. Banks had overlent in the run-up to the crisis and now they were overreacting in pulling back. It wasn’t the first time financial markets misbehaved, and it certainly wouldn’t be the last. The IMF’s pursuit of new authority to free up capital movements would eventually be doomed by the scale of the Asian financial crisis and its spillovers (the Russian crisis of 1998 in particular). But the quest reflected a remarkable new consensus among officialdom in advanced countries. Clearly, the case for removing government controls on international financial markets had become widely accepted. And despite the failure to have the amendment ratified, the IMF and the U.S.


pages: 428 words: 126,013

Lost Connections: Uncovering the Real Causes of Depression – and the Unexpected Solutions by Johann Hari

basic income, Berlin Wall, call centre, correlation does not imply causation, Donald Trump, gig economy, income inequality, Jeff Bezos, John Snow's cholera map, Joi Ito, longitudinal study, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Naomi Klein, Occupy movement, open borders, placebo effect, precariat, publication bias, randomized controlled trial, Rat Park, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), the scientific method, The Spirit Level, twin studies, universal basic income, urban planning, zero-sum game

Chapter 22: Reconnection Seven: Restoring the Future In the middle of the 1970s, a group of Canadian government officials chose This account is based on interviewing Evelyn Forget and reading her published papers, especially Evelyn Forget, “The Town with No Poverty: The Health Effects of a Canadian Guaranteed Annual Income Field Experiment,” Canadian Public Policy 37, no. 3 (2011), doi: 10.3138/cpp.37.3.283. I have also drawn on Nick Srnicek and Alex Williams, Inventing the Future: Postcapitalism and a World Without Work (London: Verso, 2015), and Rutger Bregman, Utopia for Realists: The Case for a Universal Basic Income, Open Borders, and a 15-hour Workweek (Netherlands: Correspondent Press, 2016). I have also drawn on these articles: Zi-Ann Lum, “A Canadian City Once Eliminated Poverty and Nearly Everyone Forgot About It,” Huffington Post, January 3, 2017, http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/2014/12/23/mincome-in-dauphin-manitoba_n_6335682.html; Benjamin Shingler, “Money for nothing: Mincome experiment could pay dividends 40 years on,” Aljazeera America, August 26, 2014, http://america.aljazeera.com/articles/2014/8/26/dauphin-canada-cash.html; Stephen J.

., Liberatory Psychiatry: Philosophy, Politics and Mental Health (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 132–4; Blazer et al., “The prevalence and distribution of major depression in a national community sample: the National Comorbidity Survey,” Am Psych Assoc 151, no. 7 (July 1994): 979–986. here are some of the key effects Evelyn discovered Rutger Bregman, Utopia for Realists: The Case for a Universal Basic Income, Open Borders, and a 15-hour Workweek (Netherlands: Correspondent Press, 2016), 63–4. He is the leading European champion of the idea of a universal basic income. https://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2010/07/06/18652754.php, as accessed December 12, 2016. Behavioral problems like ADHD and childhood depression fell by 40 percent E. Jane Costello et al., “Relationships Between Poverty and Psychopathology: A Natural Experiment,” JAMA 290, no. 15 (2003): 2023–2029.

The residents went to the police, and at first they weren’t told anything. Eventually they tracked Tuncai down at the psychiatric unit where he was being held. Thirty of the people from Kotti and Co. descended on it to explain they wanted Tuncai back. When they were told he had to be detained, they said: “That cannot be. Tuncai is not a person who should be [put away]. He needs to be out with us here.” The camp turned itself into a Free Tuncai movement—they put together a petition to get him out, and they kept showing up at the facility, in big groups, to demand to see him, and for him to come home with them. The place was surrounded with barbed wire, and the security to get in was like an airport. They said to the psychiatrists: “We all know him as he is, and we love him.” The psychiatric authorities were baffled. They’d never had a mass protest for a release.


pages: 324 words: 80,217

The Decadent Society: How We Became the Victims of Our Own Success by Ross Douthat

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, AI winter, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, Burning Man, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, charter city, crack epidemic, crowdsourcing, David Graeber, Deng Xiaoping, Donald Trump, East Village, Elon Musk, Flynn Effect, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, ghettoisation, gig economy, Haight Ashbury, helicopter parent, hive mind, Hyperloop, immigration reform, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Islamic Golden Age, Jeff Bezos, Joan Didion, Kevin Kelly, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, life extension, mass immigration, mass incarceration, means of production, megacity, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, multiplanetary species, New Journalism, Nicholas Carr, Norman Mailer, obamacare, Oculus Rift, open borders, out of africa, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, pre–internet, QAnon, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Snapchat, social web, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, technoutopianism, the built environment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, wage slave, women in the workforce, Y2K

The good served by some form of European unity is obvious: friendship and cooperation and peace on a long-warring continent, free commerce among neighbors, easy travel across national borders for tourists, students, and pensioners. But the assumption of the men and women running Europe for the last two generations has been that if some unity is good, then more unity must always be better. If free trade works, then open borders would work better. If cooperation between nations was effective, then supranational government was the natural next step. If the Continent could have a common market, then it should naturally have a common currency as well. And at a certain point, that optimism ceased to be justified, and the Eurocrats found themselves building the infrastructure of sclerosis. The centralization of authority alone—the rise of the Brussels bureaucracy and the clever-dick way that Eurocrats worked around inconvenient national referenda in order to push along political unification—would have been unwise enough.

As a consequence, their dystopias were received differently: Atwood’s book as a major literary figure’s attempt to craft a feminist answer to 1984; James’s novel as a genre writer’s interesting departure, with a political-cultural message that tilted toward Christianity and conservatism. And the books are indeed quite different. In Atwood’s novel, written amid the Reagan-era resurgence of religious conservatism, a near-future United States is taken over by a ruthless theocratic movement that begins rolling back not just third-wave feminism but also women’s rights to property, free movement, literacy—even to a Christian name. The novel’s totalitarian Republic of Gilead is like a feminist fever dream of what religious-right grandees like Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell desired: a society of not just male privilege but also total male domination, with women confined to servile roles or (in the case of the narrator) living as slaves in the households of the regime’s nomenklatura, bearing children for powerful men whose wives are barren, and taking on names (“Offred,” meaning “of Fred”) that make their status as property explicit.


Affluence Without Abundance: The Disappearing World of the Bushmen by James Suzman

access to a mobile phone, agricultural Revolution, back-to-the-land, clean water, discovery of the americas, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, full employment, invention of agriculture, invisible hand, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, means of production, Occupy movement, open borders, out of africa, post-work, quantitative easing, The Chicago School, The Future of Employment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, trickle-down economics, unemployed young men, We are the 99%

Yet they knew that if they could make things work, they would become lords of private estates that often dwarfed those held by aristocrats in the old world. Before the white farmers came, the Omaheke was home to a large and diverse Bushman population. The far east of the region, where groundwater was funneled to the surface through a limestone ridge that pushed up through the desert, was home to the Nharo Bushmen. But most of them lived on the Botswana side of the then open border. To the south were the !Xo, another group whose traditional territories would later be split almost down the middle by the erection of the border fence with Botswana. And in the north and center of the region were the Ju/’hoansi, then the most isolated of the Bushman peoples. Their traditional territories extended several hundred miles northward from what is now Gobabis all the way to the Tsodilo Hills in the northeast.

Nyae Nyae’s southern boundary is marked by a large and furious-looking “veterinary” fence. It runs for several hundred miles in a ruler-straight line from east to west until it slams into the border with Botswana. Its current function is to control the movement of animals and in doing so prevent the transmission of livestock diseases. Its unspoken purpose—when it was erected, at least—was to stop the free movement of people. Marking the boundary between “Bushmanland”—centered on Nyae Nyae—and Hereroland to the south, the fence bisects what was once the territorial heartland of the Nyae Nyae Ju/’hoansi. Today there are thousands of acres of rich grassland and healthy acacia forest on the Nyae Nyae side of the fence. But on the Hereroland side much of the grassland has been replaced by miles of sand and desert scrub punctuated by a few disconsolate trees under which gaunt, dry-uddered cattle whisk flies from their eyes.


pages: 424 words: 115,035

How Will Capitalism End? by Wolfgang Streeck

accounting loophole / creative accounting, Airbnb, basic income, Ben Bernanke: helicopter money, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, Clayton Christensen, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, corporate governance, creative destruction, credit crunch, David Brooks, David Graeber, debt deflation, deglobalization, deindustrialization, disruptive innovation, en.wikipedia.org, eurozone crisis, failed state, financial deregulation, financial innovation, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, Google Glasses, haute cuisine, income inequality, information asymmetry, invisible hand, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, late capitalism, liberal capitalism, market bubble, means of production, moral hazard, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, open borders, pension reform, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, post-industrial society, private sector deleveraging, profit maximization, profit motive, quantitative easing, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, savings glut, secular stagnation, shareholder value, sharing economy, sovereign wealth fund, The Future of Employment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, transaction costs, Uber for X, upwardly mobile, Vilfredo Pareto, winner-take-all economy, Wolfgang Streeck

Those exposed to the very exploitation that workers in ‘the West’ are told has been eradicated by capitalist progress are becoming objects of charity at best, while the consumerist lifestyle of the Western middle-class, and also of large parts of its working class, depends on the low wages and the barbaric working conditions in the ‘developing’ world. At the same time, by buying cheap T-shirts or smartphones, workers in the rich capitalist countries as consumers put pressure on themselves as producers, accelerating the move of production abroad and thereby undermining their own wages, working conditions and employment. Moreover, globalization relocates not only jobs but also workers. Neoliberal ideology supports migration and open borders in the name of personal liberty and human rights, knowing that it provides employers in the receiving countries with an unlimited labour supply, thereby destabilizing protective labour regimes. Ethnic diversity is welcomed, not only by the liberal middle class, but also by employers desiring docile workers that are grateful for being allowed to be where they are, and anxious to avoid deportation for becoming unemployed or engaging in militant activities.

ORIGINATING BATTLES The strategic goals and compromises of European Monetary Union were shaped from the start by these inevitably uneven outcomes; the national economies were thereby forced into selective adaptation. The euro was always a contradictory and conflict-ridden construct. By the late 1980s France and Italy, in particular, were fed up with the hard-currency interest policy of the Bundesbank – which, given the premise of the free movement of capital in a financializing common market, had become the de facto central bank of Europe. They were also irked, the French above all, by the periodic necessity of devaluing their currency vis-à-vis the Deutschmark to maintain their competitiveness; this was felt to be a national humiliation. By replacing the Bundesbank with a European Central Bank, they hoped to regain some of the monetary sovereignty they had ceded to Germany, while also making monetary policy in Europe a little less focused on stability and directed rather more towards political goals, such as full employment.

Their task will be to devise a system flexible enough to do justice to the conditions and constraints governing the development of all societies participating in the world economy, without encouraging rival devaluations, or the competitive production of money or debt, together with the geostrategic contests they foster. Agenda items would include the successor to the dollar as a reserve currency, the empowerment of states and international organizations to set limits to the free movement of capital, regulation of the havoc caused by the shadow banks and the global creation of money and credit, as well as the introduction of fixed but adjustable exchange rates. Such debates could take their cue from the astonishing wealth of ideas about alternative national and supranational monetary regimes produced in the interwar years by such writers as Fisher or Keynes. They would teach us at the very least that money is a constantly developing historical institution that requires continual reshaping, and must be judged as efficient not just in theory but also in its political function.


pages: 446 words: 117,660

Arguing With Zombies: Economics, Politics, and the Fight for a Better Future by Paul Krugman

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, bitcoin, blockchain, Bonfire of the Vanities, business cycle, capital asset pricing model, carbon footprint, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, Climategate, cognitive dissonance, cryptocurrency, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, different worldview, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, employer provided health coverage, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fiat currency, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial repression, frictionless, frictionless market, fudge factor, full employment, Growth in a Time of Debt, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, income inequality, index fund, indoor plumbing, invisible hand, job automation, John Snow's cholera map, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, large denomination, liquidity trap, London Whale, market bubble, market clearing, market fundamentalism, means of production, New Urbanism, obamacare, oil shock, open borders, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price stability, quantitative easing, road to serfdom, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, the map is not the territory, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transaction costs, universal basic income, very high income, working-age population

By the end, the memo was pretty much written in German. Still, the European project was, overall, a huge success story, not just improving the lives of hundreds of millions but showing how terrible legacies from the past could be overcome by people of good will. And then came the euro. As a political symbol, a single European money seemed like a natural next step in the European project. Europe had become a place of peace, open borders, free movement of people, shared standards on everything from the design of traffic signs to consumer safety requirements. Why not make doing business even easier, further enhance the sense of shared identity, by adopting a common currency? Unfortunately, monetary economics is about more than political symbolism. Sharing a currency with your neighbors does indeed have some significant advantages—I wouldn’t want to have to exchange New York dollars for New Jersey dollars every time I crossed the Hudson.

First, in 1952, came the Coal and Steel Community, which integrated French and German heavy industry in a way that would, it was hoped, make future wars almost impossible. Then, in 1959, came the Common Market, which eliminated all tariffs between its members—and also required them to act together on trade policy toward other countries, because you couldn’t have France and Germany charging different tariffs on, say, Canadian wheat. Then came things like harmonization of regulations, free movement of people, joint development aid to lagging regions, and along the way a change in name to the European Union. Not everything about this process was wonderful. The Brussels-based bureaucracy that manages pan-European affairs is even more detached from ordinary people’s lives, even more insular in its outlook, than most national civil services. I used to joke that when talking with Eurocrats you needed subtitles, even if they were speaking fluent English, to understand what they were really saying: an extended, elliptical discourse about “widening versus deepening” actually translated into “We should never have let the Greeks in.”


pages: 322 words: 87,181

Straight Talk on Trade: Ideas for a Sane World Economy by Dani Rodrik

3D printing, airline deregulation, Asian financial crisis, bank run, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, BRICs, business cycle, call centre, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, carried interest, central bank independence, centre right, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, continuous integration, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, endogenous growth, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, failed state, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, financial repression, floating exchange rates, full employment, future of work, George Akerlof, global value chain, income inequality, inflation targeting, information asymmetry, investor state dispute settlement, invisible hand, Jean Tirole, Kenneth Rogoff, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market clearing, market fundamentalism, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral hazard, Nelson Mandela, new economy, offshore financial centre, open borders, open economy, Pareto efficiency, postindustrial economy, price stability, pushing on a string, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, regulatory arbitrage, rent control, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, spectrum auction, Steven Pinker, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, transaction costs, unorthodox policies, Washington Consensus, World Values Survey, zero-sum game, éminence grise

Doesn’t this principle simultaneously allow local self‐rule and a single market, by restricting the competencies of the union only to those that need to be transnationalized? There is nothing wrong with the idea of subsidiarity per se. But the crisis has clarified how narrow the room for national sovereignty really is when we talk about European economic integration. It is no longer a matter of open borders to goods, services, capital, and people. A single currency and unified financial markets also require harmonization of labor‐market rules, banking and financial regulations, bankruptcy procedures, and a good deal of fiscal policy as well. The nation-states of the eurozone may not disappear as a result. But they would become largely empty shells from a political/policy standpoint, requiring compensation through an expansion of a transnational political space.

Build the mechanisms of economic cooperation first, and this will prepare the ground for broader, political institutions. The approach worked fine at first. It enabled economic integration to remain one step ahead of political integration—but not too far ahead. After the 1980s, the EU made a big leap into the darkness. It adopted an ambitious single market agenda that aimed to unify Europe’s economies, whittling away at national policies that hampered the free movement not just of goods but also of services, people, and capital. The euro, which established a single currency among a subset of member states, was the logical extension of this agenda. This was hyperglobalization on a European scale. As we saw at the beginning of this chapter, there were two lines of thought on how this would work out. Many economists and technocrats thought Europe’s governments had become too interventionist and that deep economic integration and a single currency would discipline the overactive state.


pages: 441 words: 113,244

Seasteading: How Floating Nations Will Restore the Environment, Enrich the Poor, Cure the Sick, and Liberate Humanity From Politicians by Joe Quirk, Patri Friedman

3D printing, access to a mobile phone, addicted to oil, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, barriers to entry, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, Burning Man, business climate, business cycle, business process, California gold rush, Celtic Tiger, Charles Lindbergh, clean water, Colonization of Mars, Dean Kamen, Deng Xiaoping, drone strike, Elon Musk, en.wikipedia.org, failed state, financial intermediation, Gini coefficient, happiness index / gross national happiness, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Kickstarter, low skilled workers, Machinery of Freedom by David Friedman, Mark Zuckerberg, megacity, minimum wage unemployment, Network effects, new economy, obamacare, offshore financial centre, open borders, paypal mafia, peak oil, Peter H. Diamandis: Planetary Resources, Peter Thiel, price stability, profit motive, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Shenzhen was a fishing village, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, standardized shipping container, stem cell, trade route, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, undersea cable, young professional

In fact, a conservative reading of the gains in networked efficiency suggests that if less than 5 percent of the populations from poor regions were welcomed to new nations, it would equal the effect of 100 percent of all goods flowing across all borders. “All this suggests,” wrote Clemens, “that the gains from reducing emigration barriers are likely to be enormous, measured in the tens of trillions of dollars.” Clemens concedes that each of the studies he looked at relies on assumptions, and those assumptions vary among the four studies, yet each estimate independently shows that open borders could boost global GDP in the 50 percent to 150 percent range. This would virtually eliminate all poverty on the planet. If these estimates are correct, this means the greatest evil preventing human flourishing is our superstition that people belong to governments they didn’t choose. Let Love Flow Economist Bryan Caplan asks the average middle-class American to imagine visiting Haiti on a humanitarian mission.

This is a comparatively small number of lucky migrants who are able to leave their families and find work in current states. Imagine if the bottom billion were offered better opportunities in blue-green nations competing to attract them. Bryan Caplan continues this theme in an EconLog blog entry called “Sitting on an Ocean of Talent”: Now consider: economists already know how to extract many trillions of dollars of additional value from the global economy. How? Open borders. Under the status quo, most of the world’s workers are stuck in unproductive backwaters. Under free migration, labor would relocate to more productive regions, massively increasing total production. Standard cost-benefit analysis predicts that global GDP would roughly double. In a deep sense, we are sitting on an ocean of talent—most of which tragically goes to waste year after year. According to a Gallup poll released in 2009, 700 million poor and oppressed people want to leave their countries forever and find freedom and prosperity for their children.


pages: 388 words: 125,472

The Establishment: And How They Get Away With It by Owen Jones

anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, battle of ideas, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bonus culture, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, centre right, citizen journalism, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, don't be evil, Edward Snowden, Etonian, eurozone crisis, falling living standards, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, G4S, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, housing crisis, inflation targeting, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), investor state dispute settlement, James Dyson, laissez-faire capitalism, light touch regulation, market fundamentalism, mass immigration, Monroe Doctrine, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, Neil Kinnock, night-watchman state, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, popular capitalism, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, short selling, sovereign wealth fund, stakhanovite, statistical model, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transfer pricing, union organizing, unpaid internship, Washington Consensus, wealth creators, Winter of Discontent

Littlewood explains that this anti-statism underpins his rationale for opposing the smoking ban in public places, an unacceptable example of the state’s infringement on the individual’s right to choose. Littlewood is a former Liberal Democrat head of media and – he emphasizes – not a Conservative. He supports the legalization of ‘all drugs’, would ‘probably abolish the monarchy’, is ‘very sceptical about the nation state’, and is ‘extremely liberal on immigration, probably going for open borders’. He is, essentially, a libertarian. But at the centre of Littlewood’s philosophy is a desire to impose drastic cuts on the state. ‘We produced a big piece of research called “Sharper Axes, Lower Taxes”,’ Littlewood recalls, ‘arguing that the efforts being made by the government were utterly feeble and we needed to broadly cut public expenditure in half.’ Even he admitted it was an ‘out there’ approach.

They would meet to listen to key members of the Tory shadow cabinet, such as Keith Joseph and Geoffrey Howe – soon to become Thatcher’s first Chancellor of the Exchequer. But for all their energy and bravado, the outriders had a job on their hands: ‘There were at that time very few people who thought that free-market ideas and economic incentives could succeed in turning Britain around,’ Pirie would later write. ‘We used to point out that you could then fit most of us into a taxi, and that the entire free-market movement would be wiped out if it crashed.’13 But, few in numbers though they originally were, the outriders’ achievement would nevertheless be seismic. They helped turn what was viewed as the hopelessly wacky and left-field into the new political common sense – something that even they had believed in their more despairing moments was an impossible task. They provided political openings for policies that would later become known as the cornerstones of Thatcherism: privatization, deregulation and slashing taxes on the rich.

These battles were fought because the government feared aspects of the EU represented a threat to Establishment mantras and practices. The battles that the government does not pick with the European Union are equally as revealing. Some components of the EU are just like Britain’s own Establishment – institutionally rigged in favour of private interests. This causes no bother whatsoever to Britain’s political elite. EU treaties enshrine the free movement of capital, declaring that ‘all restrictions on the movement of capital between Member States and between Member States and third countries shall be prohibited’. State aid is generally banned on the grounds of granting advantages over competitors. Privatization is encoded in EU law too. EU Directive 91/440 serves to institutionalize the privatization of the railways, for example. Another Directive imposes the liberalization of postal services.


pages: 780 words: 168,782

Strange Rebels: 1979 and the Birth of the 21st Century by Christian Caryl

anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, financial deregulation, financial independence, friendly fire, full employment, income inequality, industrial robot, Internet Archive, Kickstarter, land reform, land tenure, liberal capitalism, liberation theology, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Mont Pelerin Society, Neil Kinnock, new economy, New Urbanism, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Pearl River Delta, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special economic zone, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, Yom Kippur War

The fact of American support did become a complicating factor for radical Islamists as the Afghan jihad went on; they were forced to rely on “lesser of two evil” arguments to rationalize US participation. But many of them refused to have anything to do with the Americans in the field.) Azzam noted another vital difference between Palestine and Afghanistan. It had to do with geography. The Palestinians confronted an Israeli enemy that had the power to keep their borders tightly closed and to monitor any movements across them. Afghanistan, by contrast, boasted eighteen hundred miles of open borders that were impossible to control, as well as many isolated tribes that resisted manipulation from the outside.2 Afghanistan’s remoteness made it a safe haven for an Islamic state. Azzam may have been influenced in this thinking by leftist theories of guerrilla warfare, which were much in vogue in the 1970s—perhaps even by Mao’s theory of the Communist “base area,” which, once firmly established, could serve as the political and military launching pad for a broader insurrection against the strong points of capitalist society.


Not Working by Blanchflower, David G.

active measures, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, bank run, banking crisis, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, Boris Johnson, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, Clapham omnibus, collective bargaining, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, declining real wages, deindustrialization, Donald Trump, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, George Akerlof, gig economy, Gini coefficient, Growth in a Time of Debt, illegal immigration, income inequality, indoor plumbing, inflation targeting, job satisfaction, John Bercow, Kenneth Rogoff, labor-force participation, liquidationism / Banker’s doctrine / the Treasury view, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, market clearing, Martin Wolf, mass incarceration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral hazard, Nate Silver, negative equity, new economy, Northern Rock, obamacare, oil shock, open borders, Own Your Own Home, p-value, Panamax, pension reform, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, price stability, prisoner's dilemma, quantitative easing, rent control, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, selection bias, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), Silicon Valley, South Sea Bubble, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, universal basic income, University of East Anglia, urban planning, working poor, working-age population, yield curve

A Pew Research poll taken in June 2018 found that immigration in the United States had emerged as the most important problem facing the nation.48 In January 2017 immigration was cited less often as being an important problem facing the nation than health care, the economy, unemployment, race relations, and then president-elect Donald J. Trump. In Las Vegas in June 2018 President Trump said about immigration, “I like the issue for [the] election.” He went on. “Our issue is strong borders, no crime. Their issue is open borders, get MS-13 all over our country. … We need people to come in, but they have to be people that love this country, can love our country, and can really help us to make America great again.”49 Being mean to immigrants has consequences; they leave. Donato Paolo Mancini and Jason Douglas in the Wall Street Journal have reported on an exodus of European workers from the UK, especially in the health-care field.50 They filed an FOI request with the UK’s General Medical Council and obtained data showing the number of specialized doctors with non-UK EU citizenship has reached an eight-year low of 10,487 in 2018, down from a peak of over 12,000 in 2014.

They therefore help reduce the budget deficit. A 2015 analysis looked at the impact of migration on economic growth for twenty-two OECD countries between 1986 and 2006.32 The results showed a positive impact of migrants’ human capital on GDP per capita; in addition, a permanent increase in migration flows has a positive effect on productivity growth. It seems highly likely that Brexit and the end of free movement will result in a large decrease in immigration flows from European Economic Area countries to the UK.33 It also seems that the presence of a larger number of immigrants lowers prices. Immigrant nannies lower the price of childcare. One of the members of the MPC that I was on had a Latvian “ironer” to iron his clothes. Food prices in the UK are lower because of the presence of Poles, and in Los Angeles and in many other U.S. cities lawn services, house-cleaning services, and car washes are less expensive because of the presence of illegal immigrants.

It may not be possible to lift the living standards of Trump supporters back to where they were half a century ago. The UK and France will not be able to restore empire and share the spoils of monopoly power as they did a century ago. There was never going to be lots of money after Brexit to fund the NHS. In June 2018 Prime Minister May once again was talking about using a Brexit dividend to fund the NHS although there is none. No postBrexit paradise. No deal with the EU that doesn’t allow for free movement of capital, services, goods, and people. You can’t eat sovereignty. No repeal of Obamacare. No draining of the swamp. No return of steel or coal jobs. No wall. Dreamland. Your Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid were never safe, and the middle class was never going to get big tax cuts. The lobbyists were always going to ensure the tax cuts mostly went to business and rich donors. There has been no action on guns even after all the school shootings, even when the vast majority of Americans supported such moves.


pages: 934 words: 135,736

The Divided Nation: A History of Germany, 1918-1990 by Mary Fulbrook

Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, centre right, coherent worldview, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, joint-stock company, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, Peace of Westphalia, Sinatra Doctrine, union organizing, unorthodox policies

In this way, a deeper understanding can be gained of the conditions upon which each country's stability was predicated for over forty years, the factors contributing to the ultimate demise of the East German communist state, and the nature of the two rather different Germanies which in 1990 were to embark on a process of unification, with all its attendant tensions and difficulties. Page 221 Nine Diverging Societies As the streams of Trabant and Wartburg cars bumped across the newly opened borders from East to West Germany in the winter of 198990, it was quite clear that there was a considerable disparity between the quality of life of Germans in the two states. East Germans stared amazed at the wealth of consumer goods available in West German shops, and rapidly stocked up on bananas, oranges, and other delights which had been rarities for so long. Conversely, visitors from West to East experienced with less pleasure the bumpy, pot-holed roads, often still cobbled, the crumbling plaster on the unpainted houses, the pall of pollution, belching yellow-grey factory fumes hanging over the sky, and the ubiquitous, dusty smell of brown coal.

Women who had relied on state child care facilities were forced to make new decisions about whether they would be able to continue going out to work. Many men and women had no choice at all: they were simply made redundant. Even the East German tourist trade collapsed, despite the West Germans' new-found interest in exploring a long-ignored part of their 'homeland'. After a brief foray, most found it preferable to make day trips from the comfort of West German tourist facilities close to the now-open border, while, with the change to western hard currency, the former flocks of Hungarian and Czechoslovakian visitors could no longer afford their customary fortnight on the Baltic coast. In such circumstances, the negotiations over the terms of unification were conducted with all the initiative on the West German side. It was exceedingly difficult for East Germans to bargain over the retention of certain social rights when only rapid unification might avert total disaster.


pages: 497 words: 123,778

The People vs. Democracy: Why Our Freedom Is in Danger and How to Save It by Yascha Mounk

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrew Keen, basic income, battle of ideas, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, cognitive bias, conceptual framework, David Brooks, deindustrialization, demographic transition, desegregation, Donald Trump, en.wikipedia.org, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, German hyperinflation, gig economy, Gini coefficient, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, income inequality, invention of the printing press, invention of the steam engine, investor state dispute settlement, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, land value tax, low skilled workers, Lyft, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, mortgage tax deduction, Naomi Klein, new economy, offshore financial centre, open borders, Parag Khanna, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, price stability, ride hailing / ride sharing, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, secular stagnation, sharing economy, Thomas L Friedman, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

The hope that machines might one day do the labor traditionally required of humans, freeing humans for more high-minded pursuits, is of course very old. See Karl Marx, “German Ideology,” in Karl Marx, Early Political Writings, ed. Joseph J. O’Malley (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 132; and Herbert Marcuse, An Essay on Liberation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1969), especially p. 6. For a more recent take in a somewhat similar vein, see Rutger Bregman, Utopia for Realists: The Case for a Universal Basic Income, Open Borders, and a 15-hour Workweek (New York: Little, Brown and Company, 2017). 14. As the 2018 World Inequality Report chronicles, there is a lot of variation in the degree to which different countries have allowed their citizens to share in the growth of the local economy. This, its authors conclude, suggests “the importance of institutional and policy frameworks” in determining outcomes from affluence to inequality.

To create a truly “single market,” the EU has introduced far-reaching limitations on the autonomy of its member states.78 For example, their ability to tax different forms of alcohol at differential rates is limited because of fears that, say, Belgium, which produces a lot of beer, might choose to impose a heavy tax on wine while Italy, which produces a lot of wine, might impose a heavy tax on beer.79 Technical and environmental standards are frequently set by Brussels rather than by national capitals, putting significant powers in the hands of the European Commission.80 And finally, the free movement of people gives European citizens far-reaching rights to access the territory of other member states81—but limits the ability of member states to decide who should get to live in their territory.82 Free trade treaties constitute only a small subset of the international agreements and organizations that now structure the international system. In fact, the United States is a party to so many agreements that the State Department has to prepare a “List of Treaties and Other International Agreements of the United States” as a stand-alone publication—one that runs to some 568 pages.83 Just as free trade deals have real economic benefits, so too many of these treaties help to keep the world secure or make a huge contribution in dealing with global problems like climate change.


pages: 550 words: 124,073

Democracy and Prosperity: Reinventing Capitalism Through a Turbulent Century by Torben Iversen, David Soskice

Andrei Shleifer, assortative mating, augmented reality, barriers to entry, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, central bank independence, centre right, cleantech, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, deindustrialization, deskilling, Donald Trump, first-past-the-post, full employment, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, implied volatility, income inequality, industrial cluster, inflation targeting, invisible hand, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, liberal capitalism, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, means of production, mittelstand, Network effects, New Economic Geography, new economy, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, open borders, open economy, passive investing, precariat, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, RFID, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Silicon Valley, smart cities, speech recognition, The Future of Employment, The Great Moderation, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, too big to fail, trade liberalization, union organizing, urban decay, Washington Consensus, winner-take-all economy, working-age population, World Values Survey, young professional, zero-sum game

STRATEGIC COMPLEMENTARITIES AND INSTITUTIONAL HETEROGENEITY Because of nationally rooted specialization in an integrated world economy, the advanced capitalist democracies are engaged in a game of strategic complementarities. Globalization between them increases the payoffs from the game, as opposed to constraining domestic political choice or suborning democracy of the advanced economies. In Chandlerian companies in a Fordist regime, free trade and freedom of foreign direct investment movement are both important, as they are in knowledge economies. In knowledge economies, as knowledge competences become more decentralized, so knowledge-based MNEs become more like networks of autonomous subsidiaries with complementary knowledge competences. In both cases there is a political incentive to promote globalization across the advanced economies; but it is arguably more important in the contemporary world.

Finally, it helps us understand why advanced democracies, despite generating prosperity and greater income equality than most nonadvanced countries, have not responded to rising inequality since the late 1970s. Closely related is the question why advanced capitalist democracies have given rise to populist political movements that oppose the very elites that grow out of the knowledge economy as well as open borders and the prosperous cities and the live-and-let-live values that they give rise to. But first we highlight some key conceptual distinctions, causal claims, and empirical hypotheses that make up our basic argument. 1.3. Our ACD Framework Approach Our broad thesis is that a relatively simple framework model of advanced capitalist democracies (ACD) evolved over a long period of time, at least over the last century—from roughly the end of the First World War, by which point all the early industrialisers had become democracies.


pages: 829 words: 229,566

This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. The Climate by Naomi Klein

1960s counterculture, activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, big-box store, bilateral investment treaty, British Empire, business climate, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carbon footprint, clean water, Climategate, cognitive dissonance, coherent worldview, colonial rule, Community Supported Agriculture, complexity theory, crony capitalism, decarbonisation, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, different worldview, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, energy security, energy transition, equal pay for equal work, Exxon Valdez, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, financial deregulation, food miles, Food sovereignty, global supply chain, hydraulic fracturing, ice-free Arctic, immigration reform, income per capita, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Internet Archive, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Jones Act, Kickstarter, light touch regulation, market fundamentalism, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, new economy, Nixon shock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, open borders, patent troll, Pearl River Delta, planetary scale, post-oil, profit motive, quantitative easing, race to the bottom, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Rana Plaza, renewable energy transition, Ronald Reagan, smart grid, special economic zone, Stephen Hawking, Stewart Brand, structural adjustment programs, Ted Kaczynski, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, trickle-down economics, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, urban planning, urban sprawl, wages for housework, walkable city, Washington Consensus, Whole Earth Catalog, WikiLeaks

And through conversations with others in the growing climate justice movement, I began to see all kinds of ways that climate change could become a catalyzing force for positive change—how it could be the best argument progressives have ever had to demand the rebuilding and reviving of local economies; to reclaim our democracies from corrosive corporate influence; to block harmful new free trade deals and rewrite old ones; to invest in starving public infrastructure like mass transit and affordable housing; to take back ownership of essential services like energy and water; to remake our sick agricultural system into something much healthier; to open borders to migrants whose displacement is linked to climate impacts; to finally respect Indigenous land rights—all of which would help to end grotesque levels of inequality within our nations and between them. And I started to see signs—new coalitions and fresh arguments—hinting at how, if these various connections were more widely understood, the urgency of the climate crisis could form the basis of a powerful mass movement, one that would weave all these seemingly disparate issues into a coherent narrative about how to protect humanity from the ravages of both a savagely unjust economic system and a destabilized climate system.

That acting collectively for a greater good is not suspect, and that such common projects of mutual aid are responsible for our species’ greatest accomplishments. That greed must be disciplined and tempered by both rule and example. That poverty amidst plenty is unconscionable. It also means defending those parts of our societies that already express these values outside of capitalism, whether it’s an embattled library, a public park, a student movement demanding free university tuition, or an immigrant rights movement fighting for dignity and more open borders. And most of all, it means continually drawing connections among these seemingly disparate struggles—asserting, for instance, that the logic that would cut pensions, food stamps, and health care before increasing taxes on the rich is the same logic that would blast the bedrock of the earth to get the last vapors of gas and the last drops of oil before making the shift to renewable energy. Many are attempting to draw these connections and are expressing these alternative values in myriad ways.

Less than six months later, Goldman Sachs sold its 49 percent stake in the company that is developing the largest of the proposed coal export terminals, the one near Bellingham, Washington, having apparently concluded that window had already closed.33 These victories add up: they have kept uncountable millions of tons of carbon and other greenhouse gases out of the atmosphere. Whether or not climate change has been a primary motivator, the local movements behind them deserve to be recognized as unsung carbon keepers, who, by protecting their beloved forests, mountains, rivers, and coastlines, are helping to protect all of us. Fossil Free: The Divestment Movement Climate activists are under no illusion that shutting down coal plants, blocking tar sands pipelines, and passing fracking bans will be enough to lower emissions as rapidly and deeply as science demands. There are just too many extraction operations already up and running and too many more being pushed simultaneously. And oil multinationals are hyper-mobile—they move wherever they can dig.


pages: 1,327 words: 360,897

Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism by Peter Marshall

agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, anti-globalists, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, David Graeber, different worldview, do-ocracy, feminist movement, garden city movement, hive mind, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, Lao Tzu, liberation theology, Machinery of Freedom by David Friedman, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Naomi Klein, open borders, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post scarcity, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, the market place, union organizing, wage slave, washing machines reduced drudgery

They have no truck with Hegel’s idealist definition of liberty as ‘necessity transfigured’ so that the individual somehow realizes his ‘higher self in obeying the law of the State. On the contrary, anarchists believe that genuine freedom can only be achieved in a society without the State. They therefore embrace the traditional socialist freedoms such as freedom from want and insecurity as well as the liberal freedoms of expression, thought, assembly and movement. When they talk about economic freedom, they mean both the liberal sense of freedom from the economic controls of the State and the socialist sense of freedom from economic hardship. The alleged ‘freedom’ of the few on the other hand to exploit and to command is not a desirable form of freedom since it leads to oppression. They are thus the most coherent and consistent advocates of freedom.

Since his death in 1967, his legacy has not been forgotten and libertarian socialists still exist in Cuba who call for direct democracy and self-management. The early success of the Cuban Revolution in standing up to the United States gave it enormous prestige amongst left-wing movements in Latin America, but its later connection with the Soviet Union and its continued suppression of the freedoms of thought, speech, and movement have tarnished its image amongst the libertarian left in Latin America. Since Latin America remains a largely under-developed continent, still suffering from poverty, political corruption and authoritarian rule, anarchism is likely to have its voice heard in the foreseeable future. In its syndicalist form it continues to appeal to the most progressive urban workers while anarchist communism echoes the ancient aspiration of the poorest peasants to work the land in common without interference from boss or priest.

Clark broke away from Bookchin, refusing to be Engels to his Marx, and came to see him as an incoherent thinker who had lost touch with the anarchist tradition.61 To his version of libertarian municipalism, Clark counterposed a form of ‘ecocommunitarian’ politics inspired by ‘a vision of human communities achieving their fulfillment as an integral part of the larger, self-realizing earth community’.62 But while Clark came to see the inadequacy of Bookchin’s Aristotelian way of thinking, he still continues to work within the tradition of social ecology in order to reinvigorate it and develop it in a more dialectical, spiritual and communal direction. He is also keen to promote a political movement based on small primary communities, including affinity groups, intentional communities and co-operatives, which he sees as playing a potentially significant liberatory role in society. Clearly social ecology is not the special reserve of Bookchin but a fertile land with open borders. While educated in the Enlightenment and the Western humanist tradition, Clark’s interest in Taoism, Zen, Surrealism and Situationism has led him to explore the realm of the magical and the imaginary. Delighting in paradox and verbal wit, he has written under the pseudonym of Max Cafard a Surre(gion)alist Manifesto (2003), which advocates local identity, rehabilitation of the land and bioregionalism while retaining a global outlook.


pages: 1,015 words: 170,908

Empire by Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri

Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, colonial rule, conceptual framework, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global pandemic, global village, Haight Ashbury, informal economy, invisible hand, late capitalism, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, open borders, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, Scramble for Africa, social intelligence, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, urban planning

The claim that regimes ofslavery and servitude are internal to capitalist production and development points toward the intimate relationship between the laboring subjects’ desire to flee the relation- ship ofcommand and capital’s attempts to block the population within fixed territorial boundaries. Yann Moulier Boutang empha- sizes the primacy ofthese lines offlight in the history ofcapitalist development: An anonymous, collective, continuous, and uncontainable force of defection is what has driven the labor market toward freedom. This same force is what has obliged liberalism to produce the apology offree labor, the right to property, and open borders. It has also forced the bourgeois economists to establish models that immobilize labor, discipline it, and disregard the elements ofuninterrupted flight. All ofthis has 124 P A S S A G E S O F S O V E R E I G N T Y functioned to invent and reinvent a thousand forms of slavery. This ineluctable aspect ofaccumulation precedes the question ofthe proletarianization ofthe liberal era. It constructs the bases ofthe modern state.18 The deterritorializing desire ofthe multitude is the motor that drives the entire process ofcapitalist development, and capital must constantly attempt to contain it.

Along with the flight from the so- called Third World there are flows of political refugees and transfers ofintellectual labor power, in addition to the massive movements ofthe agricultural, manufacturing, and service proletariat. The legal and documented movements are dwarfed by clandestine migrations: the borders ofnational sovereignty are sieves, and every attempt at complete regulation runs up against violent pressure. Economists attempt to explain this phenomenon by presenting their equations and models, which even ifthey were complete would not explain that irrepressible desire for free movement. In effect, what pushes from behind is, negatively, desertion from the miserable cultural and material conditions ofimperial reproduction; but positively, what pulls forward is the wealth of desire and the accumulation of expressive and productive capacities that the processes ofglobaliza- tion have determined in the consciousness ofevery individual and social group—and thus a certain hope.


pages: 552 words: 168,518

MacroWikinomics: Rebooting Business and the World by Don Tapscott, Anthony D. Williams

accounting loophole / creative accounting, airport security, Andrew Keen, augmented reality, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Ben Horowitz, bioinformatics, Bretton Woods, business climate, business process, buy and hold, car-free, carbon footprint, Charles Lindbergh, citizen journalism, Clayton Christensen, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, cloud computing, collaborative editing, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, commoditize, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, death of newspapers, demographic transition, disruptive innovation, distributed generation, don't be evil, en.wikipedia.org, energy security, energy transition, Exxon Valdez, failed state, fault tolerance, financial innovation, Galaxy Zoo, game design, global village, Google Earth, Hans Rosling, hive mind, Home mortgage interest deduction, information asymmetry, interchangeable parts, Internet of things, invention of movable type, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Jaron Lanier, jimmy wales, Joseph Schumpeter, Julian Assange, Kevin Kelly, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, Marc Andreessen, Marshall McLuhan, mass immigration, medical bankruptcy, megacity, mortgage tax deduction, Netflix Prize, new economy, Nicholas Carr, oil shock, old-boy network, online collectivism, open borders, open economy, pattern recognition, peer-to-peer lending, personalized medicine, Ray Kurzweil, RFID, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Rubik’s Cube, scientific mainstream, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart grid, smart meter, social graph, social web, software patent, Steve Jobs, text mining, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, transaction costs, transfer pricing, University of East Anglia, urban sprawl, value at risk, WikiLeaks, X Prize, young professional, Zipcar

Soon a global citizens’ movement was rocking cities like Seattle, Washington, D.C., and Genoa as a motley collection of trade unionists, college students, environmentalists, and social justice advocates came out in force to protest meetings of the World Bank and the World Trade Organization, which activists saw as the apostles for a corporate agenda. In reality, multinational companies were just doing what the market demanded: taking advantage of open borders and a new pool of human capital to produce an ever-growing quantity of goods and services at ever-lower prices. In most cases, overseas investments brought jobs, prosperity, and higher standards to communities that had little access to the global economy, even if some companies made missteps along the way. Indeed, many of the grave consequences forecast by activists—for example, that the economic might of global corporations would soon dwarf that of individual nations—proved to be highly alarmist in hindsight.

Your design criteria are as follows: The system must maximize the consumption of fuels and the surface area of the planet—using up as much farmland and other space as possible. Your system should produce the most toxins and use more physical materials (steel, glass, rubber, leather, synthetics) than available alternatives. It must be the system that will result in the largest possible number of deaths and injuries (hint: have free movement vehicles and make every pilot an amateur). It should also be the least predictable system, giving passengers little idea how long a trip home might take, and it should slow down to a crawl, not speed up, the more people use it. Plus you get bonus points for pitting inhabitants against one another and, in extreme cases, causing travelers to fly into an uncontrollable rage. It’s hard to imagine a better solution to these design criteria than an automobile powered by an internal combustion engine.


pages: 357 words: 94,852

No Is Not Enough: Resisting Trump’s Shock Politics and Winning the World We Need by Naomi Klein

Airbnb, basic income, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Brewster Kahle, Celebration, Florida, clean water, collective bargaining, Corrections Corporation of America, desegregation, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, energy transition, financial deregulation, greed is good, high net worth, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, income inequality, Internet Archive, Kickstarter, late capitalism, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral panic, Naomi Klein, Nate Silver, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, open borders, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, private military company, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, sexual politics, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transatlantic slave trade, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, trickle-down economics, Upton Sinclair, urban decay, women in the workforce, working poor

And this movement was no small thing: by July 2001, roughly 300,000 people were on the streets of Genoa during a G8 meeting. Unlike today’s hypernationalist right-wing movements that rail against “globalism,” our movement was proudly international and internationalist, using the novelty of a still-young Internet to organize easily across national borders, online and face to face. Finding common ground in how those deals were increasing inequality and looting the public sphere in all our countries, we called for open borders for people, the liberation of medicines, seeds, and crucial technologies from restrictive patent protections, and far more controls over corporations. At its core, the movement was about deep democracy, from local to global, and it stood in opposition to what we used to call “corporate rule”—a frame more relevant today than ever. Our objection was obviously not to trade; cultures have always traded goods across borders, and always will.


When Cultures Collide: Leading Across Cultures by Richard D. Lewis

Ayatollah Khomeini, British Empire, business climate, business process, colonial exploitation, corporate governance, global village, haute cuisine, hiring and firing, invention of writing, lateral thinking, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Nelson Mandela, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, old-boy network, open borders, profit maximization, profit motive, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, trade route, transaction costs, upwardly mobile, urban sprawl, women in the workforce

They are talkative in the Latin manner; they demonstrate warmth and emotion openly; they are cosmopolitan and travel the world; they are comfortable with Americans and with Westerners in general; they are committed to democratic institutions, including freedom of speech; and they distrust and reject authoritarianism whenever possible. The repressive and corrupt Marcos era was hard on the easygoing Filipinos, not least because the dictator was propped up by the Americans, from whom Filipinos had learned much better attributes. Their enthusiasm for liberty, their will to debate, their commitment to free enterprise and their open borders were all part of the U.S. legacy. With the overthrow of Ferdinand Marcos in 1986, Corazon Aquino introduced political reforms. Her successor, President Fidel Ramos, proved more adept and, though formerly an autocratic figure, he kept the country firmly on the path of reform. He perceived clearly the effect of Western countries on Filipino thought and pointed out that his people could not be governed in the same authoritarian manner as the Japanese, Chinese, Koreans and Singaporeans.

When it comes to restrictive immigration laws, the Finns’ subjective view is that the fragile, delicately balanced national economy must be protected, while semiconsciously their instinct is to protect the purity of their race. Spaniards, born in a country where no one dares trace his or her ancestry further back than 1500, have a reflexive distaste for prohibitive immigration policies that hinder the free movement of Spaniards seeking better wages abroad. Such policies or laws they see as negative, or simply bad. As a second example, a Finn consistently making expensive telephone calls for which she need not pay will ultimately fall victim to her own inherent sense of independence, not least because she is building up a debt to her friend in Finnish Telecom. The Spaniard, on the other hand, would phone Easter Island nightly (if he could get away with it) with great relish and unashamed glee.


pages: 474 words: 120,801

The End of Power: From Boardrooms to Battlefields and Churches to States, Why Being in Charge Isn’t What It Used to Be by Moises Naim

additive manufacturing, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, bilateral investment treaty, business cycle, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, citizen journalism, Clayton Christensen, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, corporate governance, creative destruction, crony capitalism, deskilling, disintermediation, disruptive innovation, don't be evil, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, intangible asset, intermodal, invisible hand, job-hopping, Joseph Schumpeter, Julian Assange, Kickstarter, liberation theology, Martin Wolf, mega-rich, megacity, Naomi Klein, Nate Silver, new economy, Northern Rock, Occupy movement, open borders, open economy, Peace of Westphalia, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price mechanism, price stability, private military company, profit maximization, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steve Jobs, The Nature of the Firm, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, trade route, transaction costs, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

Max, who profiled him for The New Yorker, Carlsen’s success had more to do with his unorthodox and surprising strategies (relying in part on his prodigious memory) than with computer-based training: “Because Carlsen has spent less time than most of his cohort training with computers, he is less prone to play the way they do. He relies more on his own judgment. This makes him tricky for opponents who have relied on software and databases for counsel.”8 The demolition of the power structure of world chess also stems from changes in the global economy, in politics, and in demographic and migratory patterns. Open borders and cheaper travel have given more players the chance to play tournaments anywhere in the world. Higher education standards and the spread of literacy, numeracy, and child healthcare have created a bigger pool of potential Grandmasters. And today, for the first time in history, more people live in cities than in farms—a development that, along with the prolonged period of economic growth enjoyed by many poor countries since the 1990s, has opened new possibilities for millions of families for whom the game of chess was an unaffordable or even unknown luxury.


pages: 579 words: 160,351

Breaking News: The Remaking of Journalism and Why It Matters Now by Alan Rusbridger

accounting loophole / creative accounting, Airbnb, banking crisis, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, centre right, Chelsea Manning, citizen journalism, cross-subsidies, crowdsourcing, David Attenborough, David Brooks, death of newspapers, Donald Trump, Doomsday Book, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, Downton Abbey, Edward Snowden, Etonian, Filter Bubble, forensic accounting, Frank Gehry, future of journalism, G4S, high net worth, invention of movable type, invention of the printing press, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, Julian Assange, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, natural language processing, New Journalism, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, open borders, packet switching, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, pre–internet, ransomware, recommendation engine, Ruby on Rails, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, Skype, Snapchat, social web, Socratic dialogue, sovereign wealth fund, speech recognition, Steve Jobs, The Wisdom of Crowds, Tim Cook: Apple, traveling salesman, upwardly mobile, WikiLeaks

But the truth mattered. The idea that immigrants would reward a society’s compassion by barbarically raping its women could – if true – profoundly shape popular attitudes and political responses to immigration in Sweden and beyond. That was especially true now Donald Trump – and numerous white nationalists and their fellow travellers – were using the country as a prime exhibit of the dangers of open borders. I did my best, as a non-Swedish speaker, to establish some facts. For a start, who was @PeterSweden7? Many of those exploiting the horrific lighter fuel story belonged to far-right extremist groups around the world. @PeterSweden7’s previous tweets gave some clue to his politics: ‘I don’t like fascism, but i think hitler had some good points. I am pretty certain that the holocaust actually never happened.’14 Or another: ‘The globalists (mainly Jews) are ones bringing in the Muslims to europe.

In the US eBay had started in the classified advert business, publishing twice as many ads as 1,500 newspapers by 2001; five times as many by 2003 and 90 times as many three years later. Many newspapers were doing what the Guardian had tried with Workthing (by now deceased) – offering an additional range of services, including CV creation and curation. Just as many newspapers were moving inexorably towards ‘free’ models, so Enders expected inexorable movement towards free-to-advertise models. Scale was the issue. Only by going for reach could you make up for what Enders called the ‘frightening disparity’ between the yields in traditional and online media. It was still difficult to see how you could build a big enough online audience while simultaneously asking them to pay for the privilege. Quite a bit of print would follow that logic – with a mushrooming of give-away titles.


Making Globalization Work by Joseph E. Stiglitz

affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, business process, capital controls, central bank independence, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, currency manipulation / currency intervention, Doha Development Round, Exxon Valdez, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Firefox, full employment, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, Gunnar Myrdal, happiness index / gross national happiness, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, incomplete markets, Indoor air pollution, informal economy, information asymmetry, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), inventory management, invisible hand, John Markoff, Jones Act, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, microcredit, moral hazard, new economy, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, oil rush, open borders, open economy, price stability, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, race to the bottom, reserve currency, rising living standards, risk tolerance, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, statistical model, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, union organizing, Washington Consensus, zero-sum game

This book, however, is mostly about economic globalization, which entails the closer economic integration of the countries of the world through the increased flow of goods and services, capital, and even labor. The great hope of globalization is that it will raise living standards throughout the world: give poor countries access to overseas markets so that they can sell their goods, allow in foreign investment that will make new products at cheaper prices, and open borders so that people can travel abroad to be educated, work, and send home earnings to help their families and fund new businesses. I believe that globalization has the potential to bring enormous benefits to those in both the developing and the developed world. But the evidence is overwhelming that it has failed to live up to this potential. This book will show that the problem is not with globalization itself but in the way globalization has been managed.


pages: 756 words: 228,797

Ayn Rand and the World She Made by Anne C. Heller

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, American ideology, anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, Charles Lindbergh, conceptual framework, greed is good, laissez-faire capitalism, Milgram experiment, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, New Journalism, open borders, price stability, profit motive, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, theory of mind, Thorstein Veblen, transcontinental railway, upwardly mobile, wage slave, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration, young professional

called herself shy: “The Hero in the Soul Manifested in the World.” lectured at the then-famous New York Town Hall Club: “Book Notes,” NYT, May 14, 1936, p. 23; “Ayn Rand to Speak Tuesday,” NYT, May 22, 1936. “two million snow-white [Stalinist] angels”: “Ayn Rand as a Public Speaker,” quoting the New York Journal American from May 1936. In one New York newspaper interview: “Only High Ransom for Passports Opens Border, Says Miss Ayn Rand,” New York American, June 15, 1936. to get an affidavit of support: AR, p. 52; Binswanger, dinner lecture, April 24, 2005. A question arises here, for AR’s Chicago relatives possessed more than enough money to sponsor the whole Rosenbaum family and pay their passage, had AR asked them for help. In fact, some of them never forgave AR for not alerting them to the dire conditions her family faced in St.

“Abortion is a moral right—which should be left to the sole discretion of the woman involved,” she told an audience of fifteen hundred people at the Ford Hall Forum, five years before the Supreme Court decided Roe v. Wade in 1973 and in a state, Massachusetts, in which abortion was then illegal. “An embryo has no rights. Rights do not pertain to a potential, only to an actual being,” she declared. When she opposed popular movements, her reasoning was original and often, in its peculiar way, progressive. She condemned the Free Speech Movement at Berkeley in 1964 as much for its threat and use of force in taking over administration buildings and its attempted subversion of countervailing opinion (that is, free speech) as for its original goal of overturning a prohibition against political organizing on campus. She was always worth hearing. Nathaniel Branden at age eighteen, a few months before Rand met him. Rand and O’Connor, Chatsworth, 1951.


Reaganland: America's Right Turn 1976-1980 by Rick Perlstein

"Robert Solow", 8-hour work day, affirmative action, airline deregulation, Alistair Cooke, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Brewster Kahle, business climate, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, COVID-19, Covid-19, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, currency peg, death of newspapers, defense in depth, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, energy security, equal pay for equal work, facts on the ground, feminist movement, financial deregulation, full employment, global village, Golden Gate Park, illegal immigration, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index card, indoor plumbing, Internet Archive, invisible hand, Julian Assange, Kitchen Debate, kremlinology, land reform, Marshall McLuhan, mass immigration, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Monroe Doctrine, moral panic, mutually assured destruction, New Journalism, oil shock, open borders, Potemkin village, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, traveling salesman, unemployed young men, union organizing, unpaid internship, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, wages for housework, walking around money, War on Poverty, white flight, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, yellow journalism, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

But the ideal as he summarized it was crystalline: a North American continent “in which the peoples and commerce of its three strong countries flow more freely across their present borders than they do today.” Borders more porous not just for money and goods but people was anathema to many conservatives. Reagan thought the opposite way. He’d been pondering the idea since spring, when he dictated a rare letter about policy, tasking advisor Richard Whalen to work on what he referred to as the “open border project.” One component, Whalen’s resulting white paper suggested, could be work permits for Mexicans seeking residency. It quoted a consultant suggesting the Roman ideal of universal citizenship as a model, or Britain’s Commonwealth of Nations. Another said, “The simplicity of the idea, and its generosity, cannot fail to work its way among the poor, the hopeless and among the educated and more affluent.”

a North American accord For background see November 29, 1977, radio commentary “Apples”; Hannaford to Deaver, January 30, 1978, “SUBJECT: Foreign Travel, 1979” (“Combine Canada with Mexico in ‘North American Alliance’ strategy trip, July, 1979”); Reagan to Senator Charles Matthias and supporting draft, February 19, 1979, on Mathias op ed January 15, 1979, “Mending Fences with Mexico” (all DH, Box 4, Folder 8); “A National Survey on Attitudes Toward North American Accord, RRPL, Box 189; Reagan to Lennie Pickard, August 6, 1979, in RALIL, 332 (“I would like to see… an open border between ourselves and Mexico”). For the libertarian resonances of such a proposal see Quinn Slobodian, Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019). dictated a rare letter Reagan to Richard Whalen, RRPL, Box 59. white paper Whalen to Reagan, “Personal and Confidential: North American Free Trade Area,” June 4, 1979, “Memoranda, Whalen, Richard, 1978–1979,” DH, Box 3, Folder 9.