land reform

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pages: 868 words: 147,152

How Asia Works by Joe Studwell

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In January 1986, a month before Marcos fled, in an act of desperation the government began handing out thousands of land reform ‘Emancipation Patents’ – titles to plots of land – to farmers who had not even completed the land reform application process. Just as when the United States formed the JCRR to support land reform in Nationalist China in the winter of 1948–9, or when Washington finally backed land reform in South Vietnam under Nguyen Van Thieu in 1969, it was far, far too late. By one calculation, the cumulative achievement of land reform in the Philippines between 1900 and 1986 was the redistribution of 315,000 hectares, or about 4 per cent of the cultivated area.62 The revolution that wasn’t If Ferdy failed land reformers, his successor Cory Aquino – brought to power by ‘people power’ – did little better. To be fair, she was the wife of an assassinated political leader (Ninoy, shot by Marcos’s agents at Manila airport in 1983) and more used to making small talk with her husband’s guests than dealing with the snake-pit of Philippine politics.

It was during the early rise of the NPA that Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law, in September 1972. He repeatedly justified military rule on the basis that authoritarian government was the only means by which land reform could be achieved. In a speech on the first anniversary of martial law in which he talked about his promise of a ‘New Society’ (Chiang Kai-shek had promised the Chinese something similar in the 1930s with his New Life Movement), Marcos opined: ‘Land reform is the only gauge for the success or failure of the New Society … If land reform fails, there is no New Society.’ As with Chiang in China, there was very little land reform and there was no new society. The land reform that Marcos did pursue remained limited to corn and rice land, involved a high, 7-hectare retention limit, and was largely targeted at property belonging to his political enemies.61 By the time of Marcos’s fall in 1986, he had achieved less than a quarter of his own, very limited targets.

(Chosen is an old name for Korea.) 44. Putzel, A Captive Land, p. 80, highlights this point. 45. John P. Powelson and Richard Stock, The Peasant Betrayed: Agriculture and Land Reform in the Third World (Washington DC: Cato Institute, 1990), p. 179. 46. See Anthony Y. C. Koo, The Role of Land Reform in Economic Development (New York: Praeger, 1968), p. 8. 47. Koo, The Role of Land Reform in Economic Development, p. 44. 48. Koo, The Role of Land Reform in Economic Development, p. 38. There were 195,000 separate transactions under land to the tiller in Taiwan. See ‘Table 12: The Rise of Ownership – Taiwan Before and After Land Reform’. 49. Kuo, Ranis and Fei, The Taiwan Success Story, p. 53. 50. Kuo, Ranis and Fei, The Taiwan Success Story, chapter 5. Data from various income surveys in Taiwan are consolidated in a table on p. 45.

The Washington Connection and Third World Fascism by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, business climate, colonial rule, declining real wages, deliberate practice, European colonialism, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, income inequality, income per capita, land reform, land tenure, new economy, RAND corporation, strikebreaker, union organizing

Bernard Fall was taken in by Chi, and Frances FitzGerald in her influential Fire in the Lake followed Fall in giving a “conservative estimate” that “some fifty thousand people of all economic stations were killed” in the course of the land reform.167 Because of their reputations as opponents of the war, Fall and FitzGerald played an especially important role in the perpetration of a myth that still flourishes in its third decade of life.168 On the basis of an analysis of official figures and credible documents, plus an estimate made by the Diem government itself in 1959, Porter concluded that a realistic range of executions taking place during the land reform would be between 800 and 2500.169 The North Vietnamese land reform has been subjected to a more recent and exhaustive study by Edwin E. Moise.170 To Porter’s “negative” argument, based largely on his demonstration that “the documentary evidence for the bloodbath theory seems to have been a fabrication almost in its entirety,” Moise adds “some positive evidence”: namely, he points out that Saigon propaganda contained little about land reform until Saigon had learned from international press agency dispatches in 1956 of the North Vietnamese discussions of errors and failures.

Moise.170 To Porter’s “negative” argument, based largely on his demonstration that “the documentary evidence for the bloodbath theory seems to have been a fabrication almost in its entirety,” Moise adds “some positive evidence”: namely, he points out that Saigon propaganda contained little about land reform until Saigon had learned from international press agency dispatches in 1956 of the North Vietnamese discussions of errors and failures. Even Hoang Van Chi, in 1955 interviews, did not make any accusations about atrocities; “It was only in later years that his memories began to alter,” that is after the United States and the Saigon regime learned about the land reform problems from the discussion in the Hanoi press, which, Moise writes, was “extremely informative” and “sometimes extraordinarily candid in discussing errors and failures.” After a detailed discussion of sources, Moise concludes that “allowing for these uncertainties, it seems reasonable to estimate that the total number of people executed during the land reform was probably in the vicinity of 5,000, and almost certainly between 3,000 and 15,000, and that the slaughter of tens of thousands of innocent victims, often described in anti-Communist propaganda, never took place.”

By 1973 foreign interests controlled 59% of the capital invested in forestry, 96% in mining, 35% in industry, 47% in hotels and tourism, and 33% in agriculture and fisheries.26 The lifting of restrictions on imports and encouragement of foreign investment also led to substantial denationalization in sectors traditionally dominated by local enterprise—batik, textiles, beverages, foodstuffs, and cigarettes—a process hastened by the lack of capital access of local entrepreneurs in a system of privileged credit and restrictive credit policies.27 New agricultural technologies, the monopolization of rural credit by large individual and corporate farmers, and the rise in price of agricultural land also resulted in massive dispossession of peasants and a greater redundancy of agricultural laborers, a fall in agricultural wage rates, widespread hunger, and a widening gap between village rich and poor. Anderson notes that ...in the wake of the destruction of the PKI, the modest land-reform and crop-sharing legislation of the Sukarno years had become a dead letter. Much of the land redistributed in the early 1960s had reverted to its earlier owners by the early 1970s. Although the law provided for 50-50 shares in the crop between tenant and landlord, in many areas the actual ratio ran as high as 70-30 or even 80-20 in the landlords’ favor. It was only too easy to brand any attempts to enforce the land-reform and sharecropping statutes as “communist”. With the memory of the massacres of 1965-66—which took place largely in the villages—still only too vivid, few poor farmers dared to try to organize to defend their legal rights.28 Foreign capital has had to pay a steep price for the privilege of entry and in “protection money” demanded by the generals.


pages: 934 words: 232,651

Iron Curtain: The Crushing of Eastern Europe, 1945-1956 by Anne Applebaum

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, Internet Archive, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, land reform, language of flowers, means of production, New Urbanism, Potemkin village, price mechanism, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Slavoj Žižek, stakhanovite, strikebreaker, union organizing, urban planning

The Silesians were homesick and wanted to go back to their own farms.3 Because there were many similarly ambivalent situations, communist party membership in the countryside did not rise as rapidly as expected.4 Land reform was greeted with even greater suspicion in Poland, where “collectivization” carried particularly negative connotations. In the eastern part of the country, many people had family and friends across the border in Soviet Ukraine, whose peasants had experienced first land reform, then collectivization, then famine. So strong was their fear of this scenario that many Polish peasants opposed partial land redistribution—even knowing they might personally benefit—on the grounds that the reform might be a prelude to the collectivization of all land (which in many places it proved to be). Even as a theoretical idea, land reform had never been as popular in Poland as elsewhere. A few attempts at land reform in the 1920s and 1930s had foundered in part because the larger estates were generally well managed, and many reformers thought that small farms were less productive.5 Most of the country’s very largest estates had in any case been in eastern Poland, which was now part of the Soviet Union.

In Poland, both communists and noncommunists expected the slogan “land reform” to be popular, which is why the communists had included it in the referendum, though they hardly uttered the taboo word “collectivization” at all. Far from heralding profound economic change, the first land reforms were a naked bid for support from the poorer peasantry, as they had been in the USSR, where the Bolshevik Revolution’s first slogan had been “Peace, Land, and Bread!” From the moment they arrived, Red Army troops vigorously tried to enforce the same policy, confiscating land from richer owners and redistributing it to poorer peasants.1 But in Eastern Europe, this simple formula did not have the impact that Soviet officers expected or that their communist colleagues hoped. Although it would eventually affect everybody, land reform in Germany initially focused on the large estates owned by the Junkers, the former Prussian aristocrats.

“We haven’t got such a situation,” Gomułka replied.8 Land reform had a greater chance of being popular in Hungary, where the rural economy was still very nearly feudal. About 0.1 percent of all landowners still controlled some 30 percent of all Hungarian agricultural land in 1939, many of them living in ancient castles on vast latifundia. At the same time most peasant farms were tiny and most peasant farmers very poor. Populist land reformers had been thick on the ground in interwar Hungary, although they usually opposed Soviet-style collectivization and called for the creation of private cooperatives to replace the vast aristocratic estates.9 After the war, most Hungarian politicians had reached an uneasy consensus about the necessity of land reform, but they had come to no agreement about scale or timing.

The Chomsky Reader by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, British Empire, business climate, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, interchangeable parts, land reform, land tenure, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, theory of mind, Thomas L Friedman, union organizing, War on Poverty, éminence grise

“The Army is in control, according to Gómez, and the US is giving military aid to a ‘killer government.’ ” Gómez, who comes from a landowning family and is quite critical of the civilians who resigned from the junta in January 1980 after a major outbreak of state terror, has had various things to say, in interviews and press conferences, about the land reform program for which he was a top adviser. He states that while the land reform program has seized large amounts of land from wealthy families, it “has distributed plots only to a relatively few peasants.” The greatest success of the Salvadoran institute in charge of land reform (ISTA), of which he was a deputy, was in investigating the military: “We found huge amounts of corruption.” “We were finding that ISTA was buying land already in government hands. They were buying land nobody wanted as a favor to rich friends. All of this piles up a debt that has to be paid by the peasants.”

Key Salvadoran officials regard its major component (Decree 207, the Land to the Tiller program) as a “misguided and U.S. imposed initiative” (in their own words). The land reform program “aggravates the most serious agrarian problems of El Salvador,” the report concludes. The authors also observe that the regions affected by Decree 207 “coincide almost identically with the areas of greatest repression against peasants by government security forces.” Other reports strongly support their conclusion that the land reform had the effect of providing hard-line military with “the context in which they could pursue a counterinsurgency war,” in the style already indicated. The major repression against the peasantry was launched under the state of siege announced along with the land reform program. As noted, the Reagan administration basically pursued and extended the Carter program of support for repression and massacre in El Salvador, while attempting to exploit the tragedy, in the manner of earlier years, for the purposes of their domestic programs of militarization and alms for the wealthy.

He also observes, with reason, that what is happening now in El Salvador is Matanza, Part II, a replay of the vast slaughter of peasants in 1932 when privilege had once before been seriously threatened by the poor, that time without our assistance, hence without the need to invoke the “Soviet drive for world domination.” Something else that we are supposed to believe is that the land reform is marching from strength to strength in accordance with the plans of the “reformist junta,” undermining the appeal of the guerrillas, as reported by Edward Schumacher in the Times while the army was massacring fleeing peasants at the Lempa River (see above, p. 342). One way to assess the success of the land reform would be to ask the opinion of the director of the agrarian reform program, José Rodolfo Viera. That possibility is excluded, however, because he was assassinated by right-wing elements on January 4, 1981. One can, however, inquire of his “former top assistant,” Leonel Gómez, who “fled El Salvador after Mr.


pages: 379 words: 114,807

The Land Grabbers: The New Fight Over Who Owns the Earth by Fred Pearce

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But, after the Second World War, rumblings of discontent and demands for land reform grew across Uncle Sam’s backyard. In Guatemala, a reformist president, Jacobo Arbenz decided to take on the landed elite, including United Fruit. His reforms began by expropriating 150,000 acres of unused land that the company held along the Atlantic coast. Zemurray was having none of it. United Fruit lobbied against Arbenz, particularly in the United States, where it branded him a Communist fifth columnist. The lobbying was so successful that this time the company didn’t need to hire mercenaries. Instead, in 1954, in one of the more notorious cold war episodes, the CIA sponsored a coup to get rid of Arbenz. And, no doubt coincidentally, to stifle land reforms. One of the coup’s chief architects was Howard Hunt, later famous for his involvement in both the abortive Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961 and the Watergate scandal under Richard Nixon.

But they regarded themselves as completing that war by taking over land still occupied by whites. The chaotic and often violent land reform—much of which was ruled illegal by the country’s supreme court—was played out in graphic detail on TV a decade ago. Many of the outcomes have been disastrous. Many of the new settlers had neither the know-how nor the means to maintain productivity on the land. Agricultural output from large farms collapsed. There followed an economic crisis, growing poverty, and hunger. But, says Ian Scoones of the Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex in England, it was not all bad. Scoones and a team of Zimbabwean colleagues have pieced together what happened in the southeast of the country, Masvingo province, in the decade after the reforms. The resulting book, Zimbabwe’s Land Reforms: Myths and Realities, is a remarkable piece of sustained on-the-ground research, conducted under often difficult conditions.

One of the coup’s chief architects was Howard Hunt, later famous for his involvement in both the abortive Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba in 1961 and the Watergate scandal under Richard Nixon. There followed four decades of civil war, during which Guatemala nurtured state terror, right-wing death squads, and what amounted to genocide against Mayan indigenous groups. A U.S.-brokered peace finally broke out in 1996. The peace accords promised land reforms. But the entrenched power of the major landowners has ensured that the reforms have never happened. Less than 2 percent of the population still own 70 percent of the land—bad even by Latin American standards. The world of Keith and Zemurray persists. Today, Guatemala’s fast-growing population of 16 million, half of it Mayan, is mostly penned onto ever smaller plots of land in the southern highlands, while agribusiness dominates the fertile northern lowlands.


pages: 851 words: 247,711

The Atlantic and Its Enemies: A History of the Cold War by Norman Stone

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Kennedy, as part of a campaign to limit the appeal of Castro, promoted an ‘Alliance for Progress’, with grants of money for ‘structural reforms’ in Latin America, and the Chilean Christian Democrats promoted land reform, though they did so prudently: carried out too quickly it could damage production. There was a problem for Chile, in that half of the population lived in the central valleys, not in the immense areas to north and south: vast estates on endless tracts of valueless land hardly made any difference, one way or the other, and some of them worked efficiently enough. They would have worked more efficiently, as experience was to show, had Chilean produce been freely bought and sold in the richer markets. But these protected their own agriculture: no-one knew Chilean wines until much later. Over the pace of land reform, the Christian Democrats split three ways, and their alliance with the Right disintegrated, which was the background to the election of Allende.

He sent weaponry to the Republicans when they seemed likely to collapse, and stopped deliveries when they were winning. He also used Catalan nationalism, which the POUM opposed. It was a cunningly played game, and had lessons for the men and women who emerged from the Party schools to take over central Europe. That sophistication was not needed in the Balkans, where there was not much between lord and peasant. There, the choreography was simple, brutal, and short: terrorize any opposition, offer land reform and grant property to new Party members. They were easy enough to recruit: disgruntled peasants (the village bad-hats) and the local minorities, including gypsies. In Romania some of the Hungarian minority were mobilized, and there were always Jews, though not of course the religious Jews, who suffered as much persecution as did other religious. However, even with religion, there were hatreds that could be exploited.

All along there had been friction in the German capital. Almost as soon as they occupied the city, the Russians had flown in old German Communists from Moscow, with an idea of controlling their zone through apparently democratic methods. To start with, the Communists announced that they would co-operate with other anti-Fascist parties and not insist on a full-scale Communist programme. They would, for instance, have a land reform, but one designed to break up the estates of the ‘reactionaries’ and grant land to small farmers (who were expected, as in Poland or the Czech lands, then to support the Communists). But elections did not go their way - hardly surprisingly, since at the time the Red Army had acquired a terrible reputation for looting and raping, and a quarter of the industrial installations of the zone were being dismantled.


pages: 288 words: 16,556

Finance and the Good Society by Robert J. Shiller

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Bush; he popularized the term in his 2004 reelection campaign. It is an expression of the desirability of the democratization of finance. But the idea goes back much further in history than that. Land Reform In centuries past, when agriculture constituted the bulk of national product, policies to disperse ownership of capital were concentrated on land. Land reforms that encouraged (or forced) landlords to give up their holdings and that distributed farmland took their impetus from the French Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century, which transferred ownership of land from the ancien régime to individual family farms.4 Following this example, there were numerous land reforms in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in Albania, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, China, Colombia, Croatia, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Egypt, El Salvador, Estonia, Ethiopia, Finland, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Hungary, India, Iran, Ireland, Japan, Kenya, Lithuania, Mexico, Namibia, Nicaragua, Peru, the Philippines, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, South Africa, South Korea, Syria, Taiwan, Venezuela, Vietnam, and Zimbabwe.

Land reforms that encouraged (or forced) landlords to give up their holdings and that distributed farmland took their impetus from the French Revolution at the end of the eighteenth century, which transferred ownership of land from the ancien régime to individual family farms.4 Following this example, there were numerous land reforms in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in Albania, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, China, Colombia, Croatia, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Egypt, El Salvador, Estonia, Ethiopia, Finland, Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Hungary, India, Iran, Ireland, Japan, Kenya, Lithuania, Mexico, Namibia, Nicaragua, Peru, the Philippines, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, South Africa, South Korea, Syria, Taiwan, Venezuela, Vietnam, and Zimbabwe. These land reforms, while sometimes imposed harshly, did usually represent real social progress, and they helped economic growth. For example, the South Korean postwar economic growth miracle has been attributed to that country’s land reform and the resulting lessening of income inequality after the Japanese occupiers were expelled with the end of World War II. The South Korean Agricultural Land Reform Amendment Act (ALRAA) of 1950 speci ed that anyone could own agricultural land but only if he or she actually farmed it, set at three hectares the maximum amount of agricultural land that any one individual could own, and prohibited tenancy arrangements and landrenting.

The landlords’ position in Korean society was growing untenable because they were generally viewed as having been complicit with the Japanese occupiers, and many even began to fear for their personal safety. The end result was that wealth was extracted from the South Korean landlords (in a more peaceful way than in China or North Korea after the communist revolutions there) to lower inequality, e ect a modernization of Korean society, and launch that country’s economic miracle.5 The United States has a long and unusual history of land reform since it had available vast undeveloped public lands. Andrew Johnson, Horace Greeley, and others argued that ownership of one’s own farm was healthy for democracy. Their e orts led to the passage of the Homestead Act of 1862, which divided up public lands and sold small farms to individual families. The act was passed during the U.S. Civil War, after southern votes representing the plantation system had been removed from Congress.

Killing Hope: Us Military and Cia Interventions Since World War 2 by William Blum

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anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bolshevik threat, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, deindustrialization, kremlinology, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, nuremberg principles, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, trickle-down economics, union organizing

"With half the wealth of the nation 'up for grabs', demoralization was rapid."24 While the Russians did a thorough house-cleaning of Koreans in the North who had collaborated with the Japanese, the American military government in the South allowed many collaborators, and at first even the Japanese themselves, to retain positions of administration and authority, much to the consternation of those Koreans who had fought against the Japanese occupation of their country. To some extent, these people may have been retained in office because they were the most experienced at keeping the country running. Another reason has been suggested: to prevent the Korean People's Republic from assuming a measure of power.25 And while the North soon implemented widespread and effective land reform and at least formal equality for women, the Rhee regime remained hostile to these ideals. Two years later, it enacted a land reform measure, but this applied only to former Japanese property. A 1949 law to covet other holdings was not enforced at all, and the abuse of land tenants continued in both old and new forms.26 Public resentment against the US/Rhee administration was aroused because of these policies as well as because of the suppression of the KPR and some very questionable elections.

They failed to do so, thus revealing where the basis of their criticism lay.12 The party formed by the Communists, the Guatemalan Labor Party, held four seats in Congress, the smallest component of Arbenz's ruling coalition which commanded a total of 51 seats in the 1953-54 legislature.13 Communists held several important sub-cabinet posts but none was ever appointed to the cabinet. In addition, there were Communists employed in the bureaucracy, particularly in the administration of land reform.14 Lacking anything of substance they could accuse the Guatemalan left of, Washington officials were reduced to condemnation by semantics. Thus, communists, unlike normal human beings, did not take jobs in the government—they "infiltrated" the government. Communists did not support a particular program—they "exploited" it. Communists did not back Arbenz—they "used" him. Moreover, communists "controlled" the labor movement and land reform—but what type of person is it who devotes himself in an under-developed country to furthering the welfare of workers and peasants? None other than the type that Washington calls "communist".

Amongst American policy makers, there were those who came to the routine conclusion that the Huks were thus no more than a tool of the International Communist Conspiracy, to be opposed as all such groups were to be opposed. Others in Washington and Manila, whose reflexes were less knee-jerk, but mote cynical, recognized that the Huk movement, if its growing influence was not checked, would lead to sweeping reforms of Philippine society. The centerpiece of the Huk political program was land reform, a crying need in this largely agricultural society. (On occasion, US officials would pay lip-service to the concept, but during SO years of American occupation, nothing of the sort had been carried out.) The other side of the Huk coin was industrialization, which the United States had long thwarted in order to provide American industries with a veritable playground in the Philippines. From the Huks' point of view, such changes were but prologue to raising the islanders from their state of backwardness, from illiteracy, grinding poverty, and the diseases of poverty like tuberculosis and beri-beri.


pages: 332 words: 89,668

Two Nations, Indivisible: A History of Inequality in America: A History of Inequality in America by Jamie Bronstein

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Corruption of morals in the mass of cultivators is a phenomenon of which no age nor nation has furnished an example.”68 Farmers could always depend on the soil to support themselves and their families without slavish dependence on wages. Mentally surveying the North American continent, and familiar with the farming capabilities of the average eighteenth-century family, Jefferson expected that the United States would have little to worry about in this regard for thousands of generations.69 Jefferson even drafted legislation to grant each Virginia resident 75 acres of free land upon marriage.70 The working-class land reformers described in Chapter 2 quoted Jefferson avidly; they loved his notion of “the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God.”71 But ironically, Jefferson’s agrarianism did not really imply equality. To make his worldview at all consistent, Jefferson had to exclude people of African heritage from “the mass of mankind.”

A “free homestead” is perfectly consistent with the Jeffersonian vision of small independent producers, but it requires (obviously unjust) redistribution from Native Americans who own the land to landless workers, and a massive government “welfare” program to implement.67 James Huston has divided antebellum American political economists into “free traders,” who thought abundant free land could create equal opportunity without government intervention, and protectionists, who called for government intervention like protective tariffs. The movement to obtain free land for actual settlers sits uncomfortably in the space in between. The land reformers called for large-scale government intervention in order to distribute the land. Then, the land would provide enough independence so that homesteaders could resist government control.68 The long history of squatting in the American West also shows that individuals eagerly asserted claims to resources. Settlers moved onto land past the surveyed boundary of the states and asserted moral claims by tilling the soil and building shelters.

Organizations like the Knights of Labor and the Populist movement exerted ideological pressure for social change and greater equality of condition, but they were fragmented by racial and ethnic tensions. RECONSTRUCTION The new inequality of the late nineteenth century converged on the United States from several different directions, one of which was the handling of the postwar southern economy. The Civil War left approximately 4 million enslaved African Americans nominally free but able to make very few social or economic choices. As the American land reformers had predicted, freed African Americans equated independence with landownership, and during the Civil War, the Union experimented with redistributing Confederate land to freed slaves. Radical Republicans in Congress proposed a program of dividing confiscated Confederate lands from 70,000 rebel leaders into small farms. Each family would receive up to 40 acres of land and seed money from the federal government.


pages: 780 words: 168,782

Strange Rebels: 1979 and the Birth of the 21st Century by Christian Caryl

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, financial deregulation, financial independence, friendly fire, full employment, income inequality, industrial robot, Internet Archive, land reform, land tenure, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Mont Pelerin Society, new economy, New Urbanism, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price stability, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special economic zone, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, Yom Kippur War

The shah had already announced the first stage of a national land reform—the early stages of the White Revolution—and the clerics were worried that the measure could threaten the financial independence of the religious endowments that owned large amounts of land around the country. The shah’s plans to introduce a Soviet-style “Literacy Corps” also instilled anxiety in the clerics, who wondered whether this was a covert secularization measure designed to undercut the traditionally dominant role of religious scholars as village teachers.11 In reaction to the storm of protest, the prime minister ultimately rescinded the local councils law—at least for the time being. But land reform went ahead. In January 1963 the shah put land reform and five other measures on the ballot in a nationwide referendum.

What particularly inflamed the locals was the newcomers’ insistence that women should take part in the courses, in classrooms that mingled both sexes. Mobs drove the arrogant outsiders away. In some cases the do-gooders then returned with escorts of government troops, and literacy classes then proceeded at bayonet point. The land-reform program similarly ignored the complex skeins of social relations that bound Afghans together in the countryside in a million site-specific ways. Given its extreme topography, hybrid civilizations, and ethnic and social pluralism, Afghanistan has never been a country about which useful generalizations can be made. But this is precisely what the land reform of 1978 entailed. It attempted to impose a one-size-fits-all template on a messy array of situations. It is true that Afghan landlords acted as exploiters—but they were also important organizational centers of society who played religious or social roles as well as economic ones.

Thousands of their activists vanished behind bars, and the party never quite regained its former strength. The White Revolution represented the other major component of the shah’s response to the communist challenge. Having crushed their organization, he would now selectively steal their ideas. On paper, at least, the shah’s program sounded as though it had been lifted from a Marxist-Leninist manifesto: sweeping land reform, state-sponsored literacy campaigns, nationalization of forests, the awarding of company shares to the workers. In practice, of course, many of these positive-sounding measures were undermined by corruption, nepotism, and bad planning—in other words, by the very nature of the regime they were supposed to be changing for the better. Yet the White Revolution, fueled by rising oil revenues, did succeed on many fronts.


pages: 1,509 words: 416,377

Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader: North Korea and the Kim Dynasty by Bradley K. Martin

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anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, failed state, four colour theorem, illegal immigration, informal economy, kremlinology, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Potemkin village, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, special economic zone, stakhanovite, UNCLOS, upwardly mobile, uranium enrichment, women in the workforce

Some of the violence came perilously close to Kim. Four days before the land reform decree of March 5, 1946, a would-be assassin threw a grenade at the platform where Kim, with other North Korean officials and Soviet officers, watched a celebration of the anniversary of 1919’s March 1 uprising. A Russian security guard who caught the grenade was seriously injured. A few days later, assassins struck the home of Kim’s relative and former teacher, Methodist pastor Kang Ryang-uk, chief secretary of the provisional government. Kang’s son and daughter and a visiting cleric died in the attack. Soon, however, the authorities captured most of the conspirators and put down other rebellious Northerners.42 Mean-while, a great many disgruntled citizens voted with their feet. Land reform and nationalization of industry drove away a very large percentage of wealthy and educated people who resented the communist program and who could have been expected to put up further resistance if they had stayed.

According to an official biography, “none of the poets and composers assembled there had thought of this until he pointed it out.”56 At celebrations staged all across the country, Kim received direct, personal credit and thanks for the land reform.57 A letter supposedly written by villagers in North Hamgyong Province praised him for liberating the country from the Japanese and then, without even stopping to rest, solving the country’s land problems. “Give us whatever are your orders without hesitation,” the villagers said. “We will never fail to achieve what you order us to do.” Stories the regime disseminated included one about a visit to a village, at the time of land reform, when Kim peeled hot, boiled potatoes and offered one to an old man. “Old Pak Jang-ban, given the first potato, held it in his hands, sobbing, and bo-wed his white-haired head deeply.

“There is evidence that people in the North genuinely feared that they might be hit” with atomic weapons, they write—and “anyone who has seen pictures of the North as it was in the winter of 1950–51 and the destruction of Hungnam (or Inchon), with temperatures falling to minus forty degrees centigrade, with food stocks burned, animals slaughtered and entire villages razed to the ground, might reconsider why people moved.”84 Halliday and Cumings also say that no “important” Workers’ Party officials defected to the South.85 The South had already passed the legislation for a land reform of its own before the invasion. Redistribution, limiting any family to three chongbo or about 7.5 acres, was supposed to take place after the 1950 autumn rice harvest. Once he regained control of the South, Rhee sought to postpone the reform, but he ended up carrying it out. Halliday and Cumings believe that the Northern occupiers’ brief land-reform effort, whatever its shortcomings, had been enough of a success to pressure the Rhee regime into going ahead despite the objections of the landlord class.86 Still, one key to the intensity of Southern anti-communism in succeeding years no doubt is the fact that Southerners with obvious leanings toward the North had either gone north or died.


pages: 91 words: 26,009

Capitalism: A Ghost Story by Arundhati Roy

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Bretton Woods, corporate governance, feminist movement, Frank Gehry, ghettoisation, Howard Zinn, informal economy, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, megacity, microcredit, neoliberal agenda, Occupy movement, RAND corporation, reserve currency, special economic zone, spectrum auction, stem cell, The Chicago School, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks

As always, local people are promised that their displacement from their land and the expropriation of everything they ever had is actually part of employment generation. But by now we know that the connection between GDP growth and jobs is a myth. After twenty years of “growth,” 60 percent of India’s workforce is self-employed, and 90 percent of India’s labor force works in the unorganized sector.11 Post-Independence, right up to the 1980s, people’s movements, ranging from the Naxalites to Jayaprakash Narayan’s Sampoorna Kranti, were fighting for land reforms, for the redistribution of land from feudal landlords to landless peasants. Today any talk of redistribution of land or wealth would be considered not just undemocratic but lunatic. Even the most militant movements have been reduced to a fight to hold on to what little land people still have. The millions of landless people, the majority of them Dalits and Adivasis, driven from their villages, living in slums and shanty colonies in small towns and megacities, do not figure even in the radical discourse.

The ANC soon turned on the more radical organizations like Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness movement and more or less eliminated it. When Nelson Mandela took over as South Africa’s first Black president, he was canonized as a living saint, not just because he is a freedom fighter who spent twenty-seven years in prison but also because he deferred completely to the Washington Consensus. Socialism disappeared from the ANC’s agenda. South Africa’s great “peaceful transition,” so praised and lauded, meant no land reforms, no demands for reparation, no nationalization of South Africa’s mines. Instead there was privatization and structural adjustment. Mandela gave South Africa’s highest civilian award—the Order of Good Hope—to his old friend and supporter General Suharto, the killer of communists in Indonesia. Today in South Africa, a clutch of Mercedes-driving former radicals and trade unionists rule the country.

Sakthivel and Pinaki Joddar, “Unorganised Sector Workforce in India: Trends, Patterns and Social Security Coverage,” Economic and Political Weekly, May 27, 2006, 2107–14. 12. “India Approves Increase in Royalties on Mineral Mining,” Wall Street Journal, August 12, 2009, http://online.wsj.com/article/ SB125006823591525437.html. 13. From a 2009 Ministry of Rural Development report titled “State Agrarian Relations and Unfinished Task of Land Reforms,” commissioned by the Government of India: “The new approach came about with the Salwa Judum. . . . [Its] first financiers . . were Tata and the Essar. . . . 640 villages as per official statistics were laid bare, burnt to the ground and emptied with the force of the gun and the blessings of the state. 350,000 tribals, half the total population of Dantewada district are displaced, their womenfolk raped, their daughters killed, and their youth maimed.

Turning the Tide by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, British Empire, collective bargaining, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, failed state, feminist movement, Howard Zinn, land reform, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

When Arévalo’s term ended in 1951, “the political rift between [the US and Guatemala] was almost complete.” As he left the presidency, Arévalo, recalling his belief in the noble words of President Roosevelt, commented sadly that “Roosevelt lost the war. The real winner was Hitler.”178 The US soon moved to prove the accuracy of these words. Arévalo’s successor, Jacobo Arbenz, attempted to carry Arévalo’s reforms forward, including a successful land reform that led to a rise in exports and a favorable balance of payments by 1954. The land reform not only increased productivity, but “also provided campesinos with their own food, even cash from sales, while involving them in the political system for the first time in 400 years.” But this was not to be. Arbenz attempted to expropriate unused lands held by the United Fruit Company and to hand them over to landless peasants, offering compensation based on the company’s fraudulent tax valuation.

Martínez maintained his rule until1944 with bloody repression and corruption while openly siding with European and Japanese fascism through the 1930s—and, in limited ways, introducing some social reforms in the style of his fascist models. Thus a government housing program constructed 3000 houses from 1932 to 1942 while the population of San Salvador alone increased by 80,000, and 0.25% of the population received land (including squatters, required to pay for the land on which they lived or be expelled) in a land reform program. There was little support for the 1944 coup attempt by labor, the peasantry or the urban poor, who had been traumatized by the Matanza.2 All of this was during the peak years of the Good Neighbor policy, which was to replace the earlier rampant US military interventionism. Its exalted rhetoric concealed something rather different. The lessons taught once again by these events have been learned and relearned throughout Central America, and not only there, for many years.

“José Napoleón Duarte, however, joined the junta and, in December 1980, became its president—exercising little influence but providing the armed forces, which were slaughtering Salvadoran civilians by the tens of thousands in 1980 and 1981, with an effective public relations spokesman,” the role he has continued to play since, to mounting applause in the US as the slaughter seemed to be achieving some results.40 By early 1980, the stage was set for outright war against the population. The Archbishop was assassinated in March; the war against the peasantry began in full force in May with major massacres, under the guise of “land reform”; the university was destroyed in June; the leadership of the political opposition was murdered in November; the independent media were terrorized and eliminated; and in general the popular organizations were crushed with large-scale killings and torture (accompanied by the silence of the US press). The threat of democracy was aborted, so that soon it became possible to contemplate “elections.”


pages: 230 words: 62,294

The Coffee Book: Anatomy of an Industry From Crop to the Last Drop by Gregory Dicum, Nina Luttinger

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California gold rush, clean water, corporate social responsibility, cuban missile crisis, Edward Lloyd's coffeehouse, European colonialism, Honoré de Balzac, illegal immigration, land reform, land tenure, open economy, price stability, Ray Oldenburg, The Great Good Place

All the grand notions of “fair wages, higher living standards, and better working conditions” are nothing more than words when black workers on Portuguese-owned plantations in Angola work with guns at their backs. None of these words will be realized until there is massive land reform throughout the producing countries, but the United States, the most influential importing Member of the ICO, has done its utmost in the past to prevent any such land reform from taking place in Latin America. The large landowners of Africa and Latin America who try to block land reform programmes irrespective of their radical or mildly reformist nature are precisely the owners of the large coffee plantations.11 If the ICA served to prolong the golden moment when huge producers and huge roasters stood shoulder-to-shoulder in the warm glow of virtuous anticommunist prosperity, by the 1980s this ossified arrangement was showing new strains as the world order fundamentally changed around it.

In those countries that endured colonialism, traditional indigenous land-tenure systems were supplanted by top-down structures that gave land rights to the government or to rich, often absentee—and often foreign—landlords. This state of affairs means that small farmers must pay for the use of their own land or be shut out from working their land entirely and serving instead as laborers for others. Land reform has been a recurrent goal of development and workers’ groups throughout the tropics, but the vested interests in these nations are unafraid to enforce their primacy by physically repressive means. Indeed, land inequity has been at the heart of many of the world’s modern conflicts. In one of the most egregious of many such coffee-related conflicts, during the 1932 uprising in El Salvador—a time when 90 percent of the nation’s economy rested on coffee—exploited laborers rose up against the coffee barons and their military henchmen, only to be brutally suppressed.


pages: 934 words: 135,736

The Divided Nation: A History of Germany, 1918-1990 by Mary Fulbrook

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Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, centre right, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, full employment, joint-stock company, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, Peace of Westphalia, Sinatra Doctrine, union organizing, unorthodox policies

As Grosser has pointed out, this transformed Berlin overnight from being perceived as a bastion of Nazism and Prussian militarism to being the symbolic last outpost of freedom and democracy in the western sense, to be protected at all costs. 22 The end of the airlift which amounted to 277,000 flights came when the political division of Germany was effectively accomplished, as will be seen below. It is notable that, in contrast to the Soviet zone, there were no radical transformations in economic structure in the western zones of occupation. In the case of land reform, the argument could be made that there were in any event few large estates to be divided in the west. The Soviets had in their zone the main areas of the Junker estates. Nevertheless, what land reform there might have been in the west was deflected, partly by the representations of interested German land-owners, partly because of lack of clarity and forcefulness in Allied policy-making in this area. In some areas, there were moves for a serious restructuring of the German economy moves which were often met with considerable German resistance, and which did not always achieve lasting changes.

Important, too, were the practical problems of implementation, the unintended effects, and the other considerations which arose to alter the subsequent course of denazification. In no zone did denazification present a simple, clear, consistent story. In the Soviet zone, given the primarily structural and socio-economic interpretation of Nazism which prevailed, major efforts were devoted to the radical transformation of social and economic organization. Apart from the land reform which served to abolish the Junker class, the resources of certain Nazi industrialists were expropriated, and there were reforms of industry and finance which had not merely reparations as their aim. The Soviets were concerned also to oust individual Nazis from important positions. They carried out purges not only in the political and administrative spheres, but also in the teaching profession and the judiciary.

There are many possible relevant aspects, including such topics as the importance of regionalism; here, we shall consider only two: class and religion. There was a radical divergence in the class structure of the two Germanies in a variety of respects, as we have seen above. In relation to East German political culture, of key importance was the early abolition of the old Prussian Junker class, with the Soviet land reform of 1945, and of capitalist industrialists and financiers. While differences of status and privilege were still noticeable in East Germany-based usually on political criteria one consequence of a general levelling of class structure was the development of what has been classified as a predominantly petty bourgeois (kleinbürgerlich) class culture. (As Gaus calls it, the 'society of the small man'.)


pages: 740 words: 217,139

The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution by Francis Fukuyama

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Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, California gold rush, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, conceptual framework, correlation does not imply causation, currency manipulation / currency intervention, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, double entry bookkeeping, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, Hernando de Soto, hiring and firing, invention of agriculture, invention of the printing press, Khyber Pass, labour market flexibility, land reform, land tenure, means of production, offshore financial centre, out of africa, Peace of Westphalia, principal–agent problem, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Scramble for Africa, spice trade, Stephen Hawking, Steven Pinker, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transaction costs, Washington Consensus

., a proposal was put forward to limit estates to three thousand mou (a unit of land of approximately 0.165 acre). The proposal died because of opposition by large landowners. Wang Mang, the court official who usurped the throne from the Liu family and brought the Former Han to a close, also tried to implement land reform by nationalizing large estates. But he too faced tremendous opposition and eventually exhausted himself dealing with a peasant uprising known as Red Eyebrows (for the color they painted their brows).9 The failure of Wang Mang’s land reform enabled the patrimonial aristocracy to extend its holdings and consolidate its power when the Later Han was restored. Owners of large estates succeeded in controlling hundreds or thousands of retainers, tenants, and kinsmen; they often commanded private armies as well. They secured tax exemptions for themselves and their dependents, reducing the empire’s tax base and rural population available for corvée labor and military conscription.

They established standing armies that were capable of enforcing rules throughout a defined territory; they created bureaucracies to collect taxes and administer laws; they mandated uniform weights and measures; and they created public infrastructure in the form of roads, canals, and irrigation systems. One state in particular, the kingdom of Qin, embarked on a remarkable modernizing project whose direct target was the kinship-based, patrimonial social order of the early Zhou. It democratized the army by bypassing the warrior aristocrats and directly conscripting masses of peasants, it engaged in large-scale land reform by dispossessing patrimonial landowners and giving land directly to peasant families, and it promoted social mobility by undermining the power and prestige of the hereditary nobility. As “democratic” as these reforms sound, their only purpose was to increase the power of the Qin state and thus create a remorseless dictatorship. The strength of these modern political institutions allowed Qin to defeat all of the other contending states and unify China.

Every one of the institutional innovations undertaken in China during the Eastern Zhou can be linked directly to the requirements of war. The expansion of military service to the general male population, the rise of first a military and then a civilian permanent bureaucracy, the decline of patrimonial officeholders and their replacement by newcomers chosen on the basis of merit, population registration, land reform and the reshuffling of property rights away from patrimonial elites, the growth of better communications and infrastructure, the imposition of a new, impersonal hierarchy of administrative offices, and uniform weights and measures all had their origins in military requirements. While war was not the only engine of state formation in China, it certainly was the major force behind the growth of the first modern states in China.


pages: 363 words: 107,817

Modernising Money: Why Our Monetary System Is Broken and How It Can Be Fixed by Andrew Jackson (economist), Ben Dyson (economist)

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bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, Basel III, Bretton Woods, call centre, capital controls, cashless society, central bank independence, credit crunch, David Graeber, debt deflation, double entry bookkeeping, eurozone crisis, financial innovation, Financial Instability Hypothesis, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, Hyman Minsky, inflation targeting, informal economy, land reform, London Interbank Offered Rate, market bubble, market clearing, Martin Wolf, means of production, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Northern Rock, price stability, profit motive, quantitative easing, Real Time Gross Settlement, regulatory arbitrage, risk-adjusted returns, seigniorage, shareholder value, short selling, South Sea Bubble, The Great Moderation, the payments system, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, total factor productivity, unorthodox policies

Combined with the increase in spending, the government’s budget came under severe pressure. This was exacerbated in 2001 when the government defaulted on the servicing of its loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In response, the IMF refused to make any concessions (such as refinancing or loan forgiveness) to punish the government for its policies, most significantly the land reform measures. With reduced food production due to the land reforms, the government had to buy food from abroad to try to prevent mass starvation. But, because of the default on the IMF loan, Zimbabwe’s creditworthiness was effectively ruined, making it impossible to get loans elsewhere. As a result, the Zimbabwe government started to issue its own national currency and used the money to buy U.S. dollars on the foreign-exchange market.

The memo predicted that going forward with farmland seizures would result in a pullout of foreign investment, defaults on farm bank loans, and a massive decline in agricultural production.” 4. Although there is no reliable data displaying the financial costs of land reform, economists have estimated the aggregated agricultural industry’s output falling from 4.3 million tons in 2000 (worth, at today’s prices US$3.35 billion) to just 1.4 million tons in 2009 (worth some US$1 billion), a decline of more than two thirds in overall volume and value. Smallholder farmers’ production suffered similar losses, with output decreasing some 73 percent in the same period. 5. In response both the opposition and the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) took legal action. Although initially approved by the Supreme Court, which challenged the legality of the land reform programme, the Chief Justice Antony Gubbay was subsequently threatened with physical violence and forced to resign.

Zimbabwe’s president, Robert Mugabe, and other members of the leading party ZANU-PF, have been eager to blame the continuous years of drought and the targeted sanctions of Western countries as the main reasons for the economic decay. Yet these claims are easily refuted - sanctions on top government officials only came into effect in 2002. Empirical research questions the claim that drought is to blame: “The historically close relationship between rainfall and GDP growth ended in 2000 – the first years after the land reforms.” (Coltart, 2008, p. 10) So what were the real reasons for Zimbabwe’s decline? In the mid 90s, about 4,500 white families owned most of the commercial farms, employing 350,000 black workers and often providing financial support for local infrastructure, hospitals and schools. Simultaneously about 8,500 black farmers ran small-scale commercial farms that were able to access credit from Zimbabwean banks and vitally contributed to the agricultural production (Richardson, 2005).

Crisis and Dollarization in Ecuador: Stability, Growth, and Social Equity by Paul Ely Beckerman, Andrés Solimano

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banking crisis, banks create money, barriers to entry, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, carried interest, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, currency peg, declining real wages, disintermediation, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, Gini coefficient, income inequality, income per capita, labor-force participation, land reform, London Interbank Offered Rate, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, offshore financial centre, open economy, pension reform, price stability, rent-seeking, school vouchers, seigniorage, trade liberalization, women in the workforce

Ecuador’s agrarian structure was fundamentally altered by the land reforms of the 1960s and 1970s, with important implications for gender-specific property rights and agricultural production. In the case of the Sierra, prior to the enactment of the Agrarian Reform Law of 1964, land and labor relations were dominated by the huasipungo system, in which large, privately owned farms retained semi-tied labor to engage in generally low-technology crop and livestock production. Under the 1964 law, huasipungueros who had occupied the same plot for at least 10 years became entitled to ownership, and haciendas larger than 800 hectares (plus 1,000 hectares of pasture) were subject to expropriation. Land was adjudicated to household heads only, and although gender-disaggregated data on land reform beneficiaries do not exist, it is clear that the vast majority who received land—in both individual (parcela) and collective (comuna/cooperativa) forms—were men. 35.

In 1960 Velasco was elected to his fourth term as president, promising to confront the economic downturn. Declining government revenue made it impossible for him to make good on his electoral promises, however, and he was forced to resign just over halfway through his term. Soon afterwards the military took power themselves, announcing that this time they intended to retain power long enough to carry out modernizing reforms. In 1964 this government enacted a land reform that significantly changed land tenancy in the Sierra, although it preserved commercial holdings in the Costa. Persisting low commodity-export prices, however, made it no less difficult for the military government to manage the economy and the fiscal accounts effectively. Unable to agree on a policy program to confront the economic malaise, and increasingly unpopular because of political repression, the military decided to step down in 1966.

Gender patterns of land ownership in Ecuador vary by region, with land ownership being much more egalitarian in the Sierra than in the Costa (see table 5.6). In the case of the former, despite an initial male bias in land distribution, evidence suggests that traditional forms of equal male and female inheritance—especially among the indigenous Quichuaspeaking population—have begun to equalize ownership of land-reform properties, which are now being passed on to a second generation (Doss 1996).34 A detailed study of Cantón Salcedo in the northern Sierra found that women were as likely as men to own land, either via inheritance or purchase. Moreover, men’s and women’s parcels were roughly equal in size (about two hectares on average) and deeds of purchase were generally jointly registered in the names of both husband and wife (Doss 1996).

Nation-Building: Beyond Afghanistan and Iraq by Francis Fukuyama

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Berlin Wall, business climate, colonial rule, conceptual framework, en.wikipedia.org, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, informal economy, land reform, microcredit, open economy, unemployed young men

The impressive triumph of Mao’s adherents in winning over China’s peasant population spurred India and other countries across Asia and beyond to tackle the development of rural areas as well as the urban centers more noisily pressing on government. Governments unaccustomed to solicitous concerns for distant “little people” found themselves barraged with proposals for land reform and other benefits for peasants. By the 1950s, governments were trying to reverse long-held habits and were seeking international help from the Ford Foundation and others to improve the lives of their villagers. During the 1950s, the Ford Foundation attempted to engage broadly with several of the ambitions for rural development of Near Eastern governments, including land reforms. Ford was substantially involved in efforts by the Iranian government at rural development from 1953, which lasted in varying forms until the foundation left Iran in 1964. But by 1958, community development in India was in serious trouble.

Certainly, in this country, there is remarkable evidence that we continue to be ready to undertake brave ventures to bring democracy—and its necessary condition, hope for prosperity—to distant and troubled places. Whatever the declared mistrust of nation-building and the common pessimism that we do not know how to do it, we find our government committed to formidable ventures in it. An example of this tendency can be seen in as sober a body as a study group from the Council on Foreign Relations, which has recently espoused the radicalism of land reform in the Andes.18 This vocation to universal progress, if one may so describe it, is not new. I have been reminded by the new Library of America collection of John Greenleaf Whittier’s poetry that the hopeful, egalitarian vision that drove us after World War II was alive in this country in 1866, when he published his Snowbound. Whittier foresaw how seemingly “careless boys”: Shall Freedom’s young apostles be, Shall every lingering wrong assail; The cruel lie of caste refute, Old forms remould, and substitute For Slavery’s lash, and freeman’s will, For blind routine, wide-handed skill; A school-house plant on every hill, Stretching in radiate nerve-lines thence The quick wires of intelligence; Till North and South together brought Shall own the same electric thought.

Even when laborers organized strikes, they were largely targeted at the Japanese bureaucracy, not SCAP. Nevertheless, SCAP constantly disappointed some Japanese constituencies. The resignation of the prime minister’s cabinet in protesting the freeing of leftist political dissidents exemplifies such a disappointment. Labor unrest following the American “reverse course” on labor policy is a similar example from the polar • 79 • • Minxin Pei, Samia Amin, and Seth Garz opposite constituency. Land reform, military purges, industrial decentralization, and other reform efforts marginalized some groups, and the gloss with which history paints such reforms should not misconstrue the reality that the Japanese political process was highly contentious. For all the effort expended by SCAP in choreographing Japan’s revolution from above, economic instability threatened to undercut social and political achievements.

On Power and Ideology by Chomsky, Noam

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, cuban missile crisis, feminist movement, imperial preference, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Stanislav Petrov, union organizing

The early successes of the Sandinistas quite rightly caused fear, indeed virtual hysteria among U.S. elites, as we see from the fact that the government can declare a “national emergency” in the face of this grave threat to the existence of the United States without evoking ridicule, indeed, with the expressed support of respectable opinion. If peasants starving to death in Honduras can look across the borders and see health clinics, land reform, literacy programs, improvement in subsistence agriculture and the like in a country no better endowed than their own, the rot may spread; and it may spread still farther, perhaps even to the United States, where the many people suffering from malnutrition or the homeless in the streets in the world’s richest country may begin to ask some questions. It is necessary to destroy the rotten apple before the rot spreads through the barrel.

President Carter therefore sent the military aid with a message to Congress saying that it was intended “to strengthen the army’s key role in reforms”—a phrase that would have made Orwell gasp. The consequences were exactly as the Archbishop had predicted. In March, Archbishop Romero was assassinated, as the death squads went into action. A State of Siege was instituted, renewed monthly since, and in May the war against the peasantry was launched in full force under the guise of land reform. Peasants were the main victims of the Carter-Duarte war in 1980—not surprisingly, since “the masses were with the guerrillas” when this exercise began, Duarte later conceded. The first major atrocity was the Río Sumpul massacre, when 600 fleeing peasants were slaughtered in a joint operation of the Salvadoran and Honduran armies. Eyewitnesses described how babies were thrown into the air for target practice, children decapitated, women tortured and drowned.

The latter point is nowhere mentioned, reflecting a general tendency to dismiss atrocities in our domains as defects of little significance. As for the first point, apart from an oblique reference by Abraham Brumberg (former director of the State Department journal Problems of Communism, who has given nuanced and, in my view, quite plausible assessments of the Sandinista government elsewhere), there is only one phrase referring to the Sandinista programs in the areas of health, literacy, land reform and development: by Tad Sculz (NYT, March 16), in the course of a denunciation of the “generally appalling leadership” in this “repressive society” and “its failures.” These programs are crucial to understanding the U.S. attack against Nicaragua, as we have seen; correspondingly, no mention of the basic reasons for the U.S. war was permitted in these opinion columns. Exactly the same is true of editorial opinion.

Masters of Mankind by Noam Chomsky

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, failed state, income inequality, land reform, Martin Wolf, means of production, nuremberg principles, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit maximization, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Silicon Valley, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, union organizing, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

One certainly hopes so, but the advance euphoria seems questionable: The new high-yielding varieties, developed partly by Ford- and Rockefeller-financed organizations, require scientific management, two to three times the cash inputs previously needed, and extensive water control. . . . [If self-sufficiency is reached], the market price of the commodity will drop considerably in the Philippines. This means that only the most efficient farming units will lie with the large, mechanized, tenantless, agro-business farms. This technological fact, coupled with a loophole in the Land Reform Code that allows a landlord to throw his tenants off the land and retain it himself if he farms the area, might destroy whatever attempts are made at land reform in the Philippines. . . . [President Marcos] is very much aware of a little-publicized report issued in 1965, which clearly proves the feudal, and therefore explosive, nature of Philippine rural society. The report reveals that only eighteen years ago, less than half of 1 percent of the population owned 42 percent of the agricultural land.

In 1958, nearly 50 percent of the farmers were tenants and an additional 20 percent of the farmers were tenants and an additional 20 percent were farm laborers. Thus 70 percent of those employed in agriculture were landless. . . . In 1903, the tenancy rate for the entire country was 18 percent excluding farm laborers. By 1948 this figure had climbed to 37 percent. In 1961, it was over 50 percent. There is no evidence that this trend has at all changed in the last eight years. It may even be outpacing the minuscule efforts at land reform. . . . Will the Congress in Manila, composed of the very same rural banking elite, ever vote the necessary funds to finance the Agricultural Credit Administration, the Land Bank and Cooperatives?44 The report may have gone on to indicate that this situation is, largely, a consequence of American colonial policy, and it also might have ventured a prediction as to the fate of those driven off the land under “rationalization” in a country that has been described as an American vegetable garden.


pages: 489 words: 111,305

How the World Works by Noam Chomsky, Arthur Naiman, David Barsamian

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, capital controls, clean water, corporate governance, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, glass ceiling, Howard Zinn, income inequality, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, labour market flexibility, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, transfer pricing, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor

The government was proceeding “to mobilize the hitherto politically inert peasantry” while undermining the power of large landholders. Furthermore, the 1944 revolution had aroused “a strong national movement to free Guatemala from the military dictatorship, social backwardness, and ‘economic colonialism’ which had been the pattern of the past,” and “inspired the loyalty and conformed to the self-interest of most politically conscious Guatemalans.” Things became still worse after a successful land reform began to threaten “stability” in neighboring countries where suffering people did not fail to take notice. In short, the situation was pretty awful. So the CIA carried out a successful coup. Guatemala was turned into the slaughterhouse it remains today, with regular US intervention whenever things threaten to get out of line. By the late 1970s, atrocities were again mounting beyond the terrible norm, eliciting verbal protests.

Madison feared that a growing part of the population, suffering from the serious inequities of the society, would “secretly sigh for a more equal distribution of [life’s] blessings.” If they had democratic power, there’d be a danger they’d do something more than sigh. He discussed this quite explicitly at the Constitutional Convention, expressing his concern that the poor majority would use its power to bring about what we would now call land reform. So he designed a system that made sure democracy couldn’t function. He placed power in the hands of the “more capable set of men,” those who hold “the wealth of the nation.” Other citizens were to be marginalized and factionalized in various ways, which have taken a variety of forms over the years: fractured political constituencies, barriers against unified working-class action and cooperation, exploitation of ethnic and racial conflicts, etc.

The composition of the committee was interesting. It was strikingly obvious that caste and tribal distinctions (tribal are usually worse) have been pretty much overcome. The governing committee was half women, one of them tribal. The guy who was more or less in charge of the committee was a peasant who had a little piece of land. Some of the people who spoke up were landless laborers who’d been given small plots. They had an extensive land reform program and the literacy level has gone up. We went to a school that had a library of maybe thirty books, of which they were very proud. Simple tube wells have been designed (with government support) that can be sunk by a group of families. Women, who’ve been trained to install and maintain them, seemed to be in charge. They took a tube well out for us and put it back in—also with lots of obvious pride.


pages: 564 words: 153,720

Uncommon Grounds: The History of Coffee and How It Transformed Our World by Mark Pendergrast

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business climate, Edward Lloyd's coffeehouse, Honoré de Balzac, land reform, microcredit, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, open economy, out of africa, profit motive, Ray Oldenburg, Ronald Reagan, The Great Good Place, trade route, transcontinental railway, traveling salesman, women in the workforce

The United Fruit Company was the hardest-hit foreign corporation, since much of its potential banana land lay fallow.85 Its land also had been undervalued to avoid taxation, so that the company was forced to sell land far below its fair market value. In 1954 land-hungry peasants began to occupy coffee plantations illegally, with some Guatemalan Communists encouraging them. “The land reform program has practically been taken over by communist agitators who exhort peasants to ‘invade’ private property,” the Tea & Coffee Trade Journal reported. “Owners have no recourse and objections only bring threats of fines and imprisonment on the grounds that they are ‘hindering the land reform program.’” The writer concluded that “if the present trend continues, the days of large privately owned and operated coffee Fincas are numbered.” As a private lawyer, the new Secretary of State John Foster Dulles had represented the United Fruit Company.

Issues of economic inequities, forced labor, racism—and coffee—played a major role in the independence movement in countries such as Kenya, Uganda, the Ivory Coast, Angola, and the Belgian Congo. In Kenya, native laborers first sabotaged crop harvests, but in 1952 many coffee workers joined other disenchanted Africans in what came to be called the Mau Mau Rebellion, which resulted in government suppression. By the end of 1954, detention camps and prisons held 150,000 people. At the same time, however, the British instituted land reforms and opened more coffee cultivation to African producers. By 1954 some 15,000 Kenyan natives grew coffee on tiny plots, totaling only 5,000 acres. Over the next few years Africans would come to dominate the Kenyan industry, producing some of the finest arabica beans in the world. Other African countries also produced limited amounts of arabica, but the largest source remained Ethiopia, coffee’s original home.

Fearful that all of Central America would fall to Communist influence (as had Nicaragua), the United States supported the repressive governments of El Salvador and Guatemala with helicopters and anti-insurgency training while trying to nudge them toward mild reforms. The U.S. Agency for International Development (AID) dumped money into ameliorative social programs while Congress authorized millions in military aid. In 1980, under pressure from the Carter administration, a much-trumpeted land reform law was passed in El Salvador, but it barely touched the coffee oligarchy. At the same time, the reforms served as a cover for greater repression by the troops supposedly sent to enforce land division. On March 23, 1980, Archbishop Oscar Romero delivered a powerful sermon. “We should like the government to take seriously the fact that reforms dyed by so much blood are worth nothing,” he preached.


pages: 419 words: 125,977

Factory Girls: From Village to City in a Changing China by Leslie T. Chang

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anti-communist, Deng Xiaoping, estate planning, financial independence, index card, invention of writing, job-hopping, land reform, Mason jar, new economy, risk tolerance, special economic zone

Millions of people rejoiced at the liberation. In the next room, a title stretched across one wall: “A Vision Made Real: From Agricultural County to IT City.” A light board showed photos of the Communist Party meeting at which Deng Xiaoping set forth his program for economic reform and opening to the West. That was in 1978. From one room to the next, the exhibit had jumped thirty years, skipping over the founding of Communist China, the land reform and the execution of counterrevolutionaries, the attacks against “class enemies” and the establishment of the communes, the Great Leap Forward and the famine that killed at least twenty million people, and the decade of the Cultural Revolution. I had exited History and entered Economy, and now the exhibit came to life. A vast diorama showed the Taiping Handbag Factory with four women bent over a table sewing shoes.

Over the years, the people in Shenyang who knew its story moved away or passed on. City residents came to refer to the tomb as wuming bei: the stele with no name. * * * The Communist revolution swept into Liutai in the summer of 1946. Party organizers fanned out to villages across Manchuria, evaluating every family’s “class status” and confiscating land and livestock from rich households to distribute to the poorest ones. A second wave of land reform, the “Dig Out the Cellars” movement in the fall of 1947, sought to root out additional property that families had hidden away. Party activists taught villagers to denounce landowners in public meetings that were known as “struggle sessions”; their chosen targets were cursed, humiliated, and beaten. The third wave, in the winter of 1948, was the most extreme and ended in the deaths of countless “enemies of the revolution.”

the boys asked eagerly, but only out of their mother’s hearing. “No, only my father had many concubines,” the old man answered with a touch of regret. The coming of the revolution to rural villages like Liutai set the pattern for the mass movements of the Communist era. Political campaigns would come in waves, each one more extreme than the last; acts of violence were applauded as proof of revolutionary purity. History does not say much about the 1940s land reform and the lives it ruined, perhaps because later movements played out in the cities and claimed more prominent victims. And historians have not paid attention to people like my great-uncle, who was forced to flee his home and live out his days as a guest in someone else’s house. His wife fared worse. When her husband escaped to Beijing, she stayed behind in the village. That was as it should be: A woman should not travel.

After the Cataclysm by Noam Chomsky

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8-hour work day, anti-communist, British Empire, facts on the ground, illegal immigration, land reform, RAND corporation, union organizing

Very soon, U.S. scholars took their own initiatives, as when a group of historians engaged in what one called “historical engineering, explaining the issues of the war that we might the better win it,” produced such material as The German-Bolshevik Conspiracy, a series of forged documents (as was suspected in Europe at the time) purporting to show that the Germans had materially assisted the Bolsheviks in coming to power and that Bolshevik leaders were paid agents of the German general staff.8 As intelligence services have become more sophisticated—or at least, better funded—they have learned to play upon the willingness of the more thoughtful members of the community to believe the worst about official enemies of the state to which they are devoted. One technique is to arrange for “scholarly studies,” such as the book by Hoang Van Chi which had such remarkable success in establishing the mythology concerning the bloodbaths during the North Vietnamese land reform.9 Another device is to plant stories in the foreign press, to be picked up by “witting” (or perhaps, witless) journalists and others. The CIA recognized long ago that foreign correspondents are particularly susceptible to such deception since they so often tend to rely on local contacts for their “insights.” If these locals can be enlisted in the cause, the news can properly be arranged at the source.

He does not remark that since his evidence derives primarily “from the in-depth interviewing of selected refugees,” it will obviously be negative; those who might approve of these programs are excluded from his sample. But ignoring this trivial point, Quinn states that “the evidence overwhelmingly demonstrates that the peasantry was opposed to almost all of the [Khmer Rouge] programs.” Quinn discusses programs which included land reform, establishment of cooperatives, ensuring “that all citizens have roughly the same degree of wealth,” obliterating class lines by confiscating property from the wealthy and compelling university students to plant and harvest rice, distributing excess crops “to feed other groups whose harvest was insufficient,” etc. He notes that “as a result [of collectivization], production has outstripped previous individual efforts” and that “political-­psychological [Khmer Rouge] efforts” seem to “have achieved significant results...according to all accounts” among the youth, who “were passionate in their loyalty to the state and party,” “rejected the mystical aspects of religion,” and “stopped working on their family plot of land and instead worked directly for the youth association on its land.”

The full details were again given in the International Bulletin (circulation 6,000).98 A letter of April 20 to the Washington Post correcting its story was not printed, though “the Post published a short item acknowledging the doubts, but pointing out that the pictures had been published elsewhere.”99 The “freedom of the press” assures that readers of the International Bulletin could learn the true facts of the matter concealed by the mass media. We reviewed the story thus far shortly thereafter.100 But it continued to evolve. The major newsweeklies did not want to miss the opportunity to offer their readers visual evidence of Khmer Rouge tyranny, and could not be deterred merely because the evidence was faked—repeated exposure has rarely dimmed the lustre of other familiar propaganda tales, such as the North Vietnamese land reform bloodbath of the 1950s, discussed in Volume I. On November 21, 1977, Time magazine ran the photo of the bound man. While the Washington Post had withheld judgment on whether the victim was killed in the staged photo, doubts had now been eliminated and Time assured the reader that he was executed. Several letters were sent to Time reporting the facts just reviewed and also noting that their fakery went beyond that of the Washington Post.


pages: 828 words: 232,188

Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy by Francis Fukuyama

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Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, Atahualpa, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, British Empire, centre right, clean water, collapse of Lehman Brothers, colonial rule, conceptual framework, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, double entry bookkeeping, Edward Snowden, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, Home mortgage interest deduction, income inequality, invention of the printing press, iterative process, knowledge worker, land reform, land tenure, life extension, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, means of production, Menlo Park, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, new economy, open economy, out of africa, Peace of Westphalia, Port of Oakland, post-industrial society, Post-materialism, post-materialism, price discrimination, quantitative easing, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Scramble for Africa, Second Machine Age, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, trade route, transaction costs, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, women in the workforce, World Values Survey

Besides the democratic system embodied in the constitution itself, the durable policies included land reform that ended the system of tenancy and distributed agricultural land to individual farmers, and the strengthening of women’s legal and political rights. The vast majority of Japanese were subsequently quite grateful that these changes had been forced on them, particularly women, whose rights were secured due to the tenacity of a young woman named Beate Sirota who served on the constitutional drafting committee.31 The Japanese system had been stuck, in effect, in an equilibrium where the existing actors would never have agreed to certain changes—popular rather than imperial sovereignty, land reform, and women’s rights—on their own. The Americans did not force Japan to accept a distasteful outcome as much as help the Japanese to reach a more positive equilibrium.

The PRI would remain the dominant party controlling Mexican politics until 2000, when it lost the presidency to Vicente Fox, a candidate of the rival Partido Acción Nacional. The 1950s and ’60s, in particular, were years of strong economic growth that saw Mexico once again begin to close the gap between itself and the United States. But the fundamental problem of inequality and class had not been solved. The PRI did have some significant accomplishments to its credit: it undertook a major land reform in the 1930s that broke up Mexico’s large haciendas, and just as important, it created a strong sense of national identity by continuing the revolution’s revival of pre-Columbian symbols. But it achieved stability through the clientelistic distribution of state resources to favored political groups, which limited competition and prevented Mexico from developing a strongly competitive private sector.

There was violence as each of these rising groups sought representation, but there was plenty of violence as well in the United States and Britain at comparable periods of their industrial development. The old landowning oligarchy could feel its influence slipping away, but no one in the new political constellation that emerged by the 1920s was fundamentally challenging its position. Indeed, one social fact that distinguished Argentina from Peru and Mexico was that it had no impoverished peasantry that could organize to demand radical land reform. Whereas the Costa Rican elite made good political choices in 1948, the Argentine elite made some very bad ones, beginning with the military coup that took place in September 1930 that brought down Yrigoyen’s radical party government. The coup was the result of collaboration between the old landowning oligarchy and the military. The 1929 stock market crash in New York and the beginning of the Great Depression had reduced demand for Argentina’s exports and brought on an economic crisis.


pages: 669 words: 150,886

Behind the Berlin Wall: East Germany and the Frontiers of Power by Patrick Major

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anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, falling living standards, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, mittelstand, open borders, Post-materialism, post-materialism, refrigerator car, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Sinatra Doctrine

See also Harrison, ‘Berlin Crisis’, 211. ¹⁴³ Leuschner, ‘Ergebnis der Beratungen über die ökonomischen Fragen’, 17 June 1959, SAPMO-BArch, DY30/JIV2/202/29. ¹⁴⁴ Staritz, Geschichte der DDR, 190. ¹⁴⁵ SED-ZK (LPO), ‘Bericht über die politische Lage . . . ’, 17 Mar. 1960, SAPMO-BArch, DY30/IV2/5/292, fos. 122–9. 50 Behind the Berlin Wall than join. The northern regions were collectivized first, perhaps because there were fewer traditional smallholdings at stake, although it is clear that many ‘new farmers’, beneficiaries of 1945’s land reform, also feared returning to the status of estate workers. Soon after the announcement of full collectivization on 14 April 1960, farmers were complaining about being tricked by broken promises. A significant minority of LPG members unilaterally resigned from collectives. A year after collectivization 17,000 ‘individual farmers’ were still counted—tiny compared with the half million new collective farmers—but still a thorn in the authorities’ side.¹⁴⁶ ‘Fire brigades’ of party officials roved the countryside for recantations.

(eds), Lebensläufe: hüben und drüben (Opladen: Leske & Budrich, 1993), 321. ¹¹ Jan Palmowski, Inventing a Socialist Nation: Heimat and the Politics of Everyday Life in the GDR, 1945–90 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). ¹² MfS-ZAIG, ‘Bericht über die Entwicklung der Republikflucht im Zeitraum 1.4.61–13.8.61 . . . ’, 3 Oct. 1961, BStU-ZA, ZAIG 412, fo. 72. ¹³ Alexander von Plato and Wolfgang Meinicke, Alte Heimat—neue Zeit: Flüchtlinge, Umgesiedelte, Vertriebene in der Sowjetischen Besatzungszone und in der DDR (Berlin: Verlags-Anstalt Union, 1991), 56–65. ¹⁴ BAK, B136/2719, fo. 181; B136/2720, fo. 25. ¹⁵ HVDVP, ‘Republikfluchten . . .’, 2 Nov. 1957, BAB, DO-1/11/964, fos. 193–201. Crossing the Line 59 Germany.’¹⁶ There was even some solidarity among expellee communities. On 13 February 1960 five farming families, originally from Latvia, then transplanted to the Ukraine by Nazi resettlement before enjoying the land reform in 1945, fled en masse from the commune of Niemberg in Halle.¹⁷ This was their third move in twenty years—just some of the wandering souls of the early GDR. Among East Germans themselves rootedness varied by region, as Figure 2 clearly demonstrates. Initially there was greater uniformity, with border regions slightly more susceptible. Later on, southern Bezirke proved more immune to Republikflucht.

With the notable exception of Dresden, the southern cities had been spared heavy bombing and ground-fighting. Whereas Magdeburg, Frankfurt, and Prenzlau in the north had been devastated, Leipzig and Karl-Marx-Stadt were only moderately damaged, and Thuringia almost unscathed. Saxony was an industrialized region and remained so, attracting an internal migration. In the north, on the other hand, there had been much greater dislocation of social networks under the land reform, ending centuries of Junker patronage.¹⁸ Here a long-established ‘flight from the land’ continued, as young country-dwellers sought work in the towns. In the rural areas of the south, on the other hand, smallholding, including workers’ cottage gardens, provided a stronger incentive to stay. Moreover, Cottbus and Dresden contained the homelands of the slavic Sorb minorities in the Ober- and Niederlausitz and witnessed consistently low losses.


pages: 372 words: 152

The End of Work by Jeremy Rifkin

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banking crisis, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, blue-collar work, cashless society, collective bargaining, computer age, deskilling, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, employer provided health coverage, Erik Brynjolfsson, full employment, future of work, general-purpose programming language, George Gilder, global village, hiring and firing, informal economy, interchangeable parts, invention of the telegraph, Jacques de Vaucanson, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, land reform, low skilled workers, means of production, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, post-industrial society, Productivity paradox, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, speech recognition, strikebreaker, technoutopianism, Thorstein Veblen, Toyota Production System, trade route, trickle-down economics, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

For that reason alone, Southern Hemisphere NGOs are going to feel increasing pressure to resist the biotechnology revolution in agriculture while at the same time working for land reform and more ecologically sustainable approaches to farming their land. Dr. Vandana Shiva, Director of the Research Foundation for Science, Technology and National Resource Policy, in India, worries that in her own country, upwards of 95 percent of the farm population could be displaced in the coming century by the biotechnology revolution in agriculture. If that were to happen, warns Shiva, "We will have Yugoslavia multiplied a thousand times," with separatist movements, open warfare, and the fragmentation of the Indian subcontinent. The only viable alternative to mass social upheaval and the potential collapse of the Indian State, argues Shiva, is the building up of "a new freedom movement" rooted in land reform and the practice of ecologically sound, sustainable agriculture. 38 NGOs throughout the third world are beginning to band together to fight the incursion of agricultural biotechnology.

NGOStin the third world are a relatively new phenomenon. They have accompanied the movement for human rights and democratic reforms in the postcolonial era and are now a major force in the political and cultural life of countries throughout the Southern Hemisphere. Today there are more than 35,000 voluntary organizations in the developing nations.I3 Third-world NGOs are involved in rural development and land reform, food relief, preventive health care and family planning, early-childhood-education and literacy campaigns, economic development, housing, and political advocacy, and are often the only voice of the people in countries where the governments are weak and corrupt and the market economy small or nonexistent. In many developing nations, the third sector is becoming a more effective force for dealing with local needs than either the private or public sectors.

These volunteer groups help build schools and water taps, organize garbage removal, and arrange transportation services. Parent associations have mushroomed throughout Latin America over the past decade, helping parents establish childcare centers, community vegetable gardens, and producer cooperatives. In countries where small landowning elites still own and control much of the countryside, peasant associations and unions have been formed to press for land reforms. The Mexican National Union of Autonomous Regional Peasant Organizations and the Movement of Landless Rural Workers in Brazil are among the best-known and most visible groupS.28 Africa too is experiencing a rapid growth in third-sector activity. There are more than 4,000 NCOs currently operating on the African continent, and many observers regard them as "the most significant driving force behind development" in that part of the world. 29 In Uganda, 250 local NCOs provide emergency assistance and healthcare programs to the poor.


pages: 293 words: 89,712

After Zionism: One State for Israel and Palestine by Antony Loewenstein, Ahmed Moor

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Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, facts on the ground, ghettoisation, land reform, Naomi Klein, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, young professional

36 The first part of the problem was easily solved. Suhad Bishara, a lawyer with Adalah, explained of the land reform: “Only Israeli citizens and anyone who can come to Israel under the Law of Return – that is, any Jew – can buy the lands on offer, so no ‘foreigner’ will be eligible.”37 There was also a safeguard ensuring that Palestinian citizens continued to be barred from these rural communities: the admissions committees. These committees, which had been used to block the Zbeidats from Rakefet, would continue to oversee property transactions. Just as the Likud’s privatisation of the economy had simply moved control from one group of Israeli Jews to another, Netanyahu’s land reform would simply refashion the exclusion and discrimination imposed on Palestinian citizens. The role of the admissions committees as a way to prevent the Palestinian minority from encroaching on “national lands” was already under threat from isolated cases such as the Zbeidats and the Kaadans.

The privatisation programme, as conceived by Likud party apparatchiks like Netanyahu, was not about opening up Israel’s economy to global market forces but shifting power and capital away from the Labour party and toward a newly emerging elite of business families in Israel that, it was correctly assumed, would work to keep Likud in power (the increasing power of the cartels led to large cost-of-living rises that fuelled an unprecedented wave of protests demanding social justice in summer 2011). But Israel’s “national lands” were a far more contentious choice for privatisation than the economy, especially among traditional Labour Zionist groups. With a strong Right-wing majority government behind him, Netanyahu finally took on the issue at the end of the 2000s. He announced a programme of what was termed “land reform” to allow Israeli Jews, almost all of whom were living in homes and on land on the basis of a long-term lease from the ILA, to buy their properties outright. The sell-off was expected to appeal most strongly to middle-class Jews living in the hundreds of rural community associations. One of the Right’s motives in pushing the measure through was to win over to the Likud party Israeli homeowners in these rural communities who had traditionally identified with Labour Zionism.34 The area of land in question was not especially large: some 800,000 hectares, or about 4 percent of Israel’s territory.


pages: 348 words: 98,757

The Trade of Queens by Charles Stross

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business intelligence, call centre, illegal immigration, index card, inflation targeting, land reform, profit motive, seigniorage

And they won't rest with a revolutionary superpower on the other side of the world—Sir Adam Burroughs's Leveler ideology is an existential threat to any absolute monarchy, much like the Soviet Union was to the United States' capitalist system. Which leaves the economy." Miriam straightened up. "Lots of radical ministries jockeying for preeminence, a permanent emergency in foreign affairs, a big war effort. Central planning, maybe, lots of nationalization. They're going to have to industrialize properly if they're going to dig their way out of this mess. War spending is always a good way to boost an economy. And land reform, let's not forget the land reform—they'll probably expropriate the big slave plantations in South America, the duchies of the Midwest." "My—Miriam, you can't sleep here: The bedding's mildewed." "Wha—oh? Shit. There should be spare sheets in the laundry—" Miriam wound down. "Oh. No servants." "I could hire bodies easily enough, if you think it necessary?" "No." Miriam frowned. "Flashing around cash would be really dangerous right now.

I'm counting on you to reel them in and put them in a deep, padded box—and build your institute and your complex of design bureaus and all the rest of the complicated machinery. We're not going to breathe a word of this to anyone, including the rest of the commission. Not the Peace and Justice puritans—they'll just find a way to use your world-travelers as a stick to stir up trouble. Not the Radicals: I've no idea what they'd do, but it'd probably be as stupid as those land-reform proposals they keep coming up with. And Foreign Affairs: If the Bourbon gets so much as a whisper that they exist, he can make them an offer that would bankrupt our coffers to match. No. This needs to be kept secret, so secret that nobody gets a whiff of their existence. And you're just the man to see that it happens, aren't you? "These aliens must belong to us—and us alone. Make it so." The morning after the night before: Mike Fleming jolted abruptly awake to the sensation of the world falling away beneath his back.

Culture of Terrorism by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Bolshevik threat, Bretton Woods, centre right, clean water, David Brooks, failed state, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

See also Clifford Krauss and Robert S. Greenberger, “Peril to Democracy,” WSJ, Sept. 14, 1987, warning that the corruption under Duarte, more “rampant” even than under his predecessors, is “threatening one of President Reagan’s few foreign-policy successes,” namely “foster[ing] democracy in this tiny Central American nation.” See p. 89. 22. Lindsey Gruson, NYT, Sept. 28, 1987. On early criticisms of the land reform by Oxfam, Salvadoran land reform specialist Leonel Gómez, and others, and sources, see Towards a New Cold War, 43ff.; reprinted in Peck, Chomsky Reader. 23. CSM, Sept. 15, 1987. The Mexican Press reports that the union leader was kidnapped “by five elements of a security body.” On the same day, the government announced the arrest of 12 union leaders. A week earlier, the leader of the agricultural workers union was murdered by members of the armed forces, one of the 46 cases of reported political violence that week.

The ranching country of central Nicaragua was a “traditional recruiting ground for the brutal National Guard that sustained the dictatorship” of Somoza, and with its moderately well-to-do private farmers, is the main center of contra support today.23 Jorge Castañeda writes that the neglect of the Sandinistas for the “poor and backward peasantry of the northern reaches” in the first years after the fall of Somoza “when linked with ties the Somoza National Guard had in remote, poverty-stricken areas— traditional recruiting grounds for most Latin American armies—made this sector of the population ideal for contra enrollment” before it was “neutralized” by land reform and resettlement from areas of conflict, thus reducing the “meager popular support” for the contras in scattered and generally remote regions.24 It comes as no surprise that “among the contras membership in the National Guard appears to hold little or no stigma,” or that many joined the contras “because they were either members of the National Guard or had relatives who were,” while others describe their service in the U.S.

Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower by William Blum

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, collective bargaining, Columbine, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, union organizing

He was given the grand treatment in Washington shortly before he took office. To Washington's dismay, however, Bosch was true to his beliefs. He called for land reform; low-rent housing; modest nationalization of business; foreign investment provided it was not excessively exploitative of the country and other policies making up the program of any liberal Third World leader serious about social change. He was likewise serious about the thing called civil liberties: communists, or those labeled as such, were not to be persecuted unless they actually violated the law. A number of American officials and congressmen expressed their discomfort with Bosch's plans, as well as his stance of independence from the United States. Land reform and nationaliza-tion are always touchy issues in Washington, the stuff that "creep-ing socialism" is made of.

Later, when questioned about this by the Pike Committee, Kissinger responded: "Covert action should not be confused with missionary work."27 Portugal, 1974-76 A bloodless military coup in 1974 brought down the US-supported 48-year fascist regime that was the world's only remaining colonial power. This was followed by a program centered on nationalization of major industries, workers' control, a minimum wage, land reform and other progressive measures. Washington and multinational officials who were on the board of directors of the planet were concerned. Destabilization became the order of the day: covert actions; attacks in the US press; subverting trade unions; subsidizing opposition media; economic sabotage through international credit and commerce; heavy financing of selected candidates in elections; a US cut-off of Portugal from certain military and nuclear information commonly available to NATO members; NATO naval and air exercises off the Portuguese coast, with 19 NATO warships moored in Lisbon's harbor, regarded by most Portuguese as an attempt to intimidate the provisional government.28 The Portuguese revolution was doomed.

On Anarchism by Chomsky, Noam

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anti-communist, crowdsourcing, feminist movement, land reform, means of production, Occupy movement, post-industrial society, profit motive, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith

Why was this an abuse of authority? This Jackson does not explain. The choice of words indicates a reluctance on Jackson’s part to recognize the reality of the revolutionary situation, despite his account of the breakdown of Republican authority. The statement that the workers “abused their sudden authority” by carrying out collectivization rests on a moral judgment that recalls that of Ithiel Pool, when he characterizes land reform in Vietnam as a matter of “despoiling one’s neighbors,” or of Franz Borkenau, when he speaks of expropriation in the Soviet Union as “robbery,” demonstrating “a streak of moral indifference.” Within a few months, Jackson informs us, “the revolutionary tide began to ebb in Catalonia” after “accumulating food and supply problems, and the experience of administering villages, frontier posts, and public utilities, had rapidly shown the anarchists the unsuspected complexity of modern society” (pp. 313–14).

Bernstein, “Leadership and Mass Mobilisation in the Soviet and Chinese Collectivization Campaigns of 1929–30 and 1955–56: A Comparison,” China Quarterly, no. 31 (July–September 1967), pp. 1–47, for some interesting and suggestive comments and analysis. The scale of the Chinese Revolution is so great and reports in depth are so fragmentary that it would no doubt be foolhardy to attempt a general evaluation. Still, all the reports I have been able to study suggest that insofar as real successes were achieved in the several stages of land reform, mutual aid, collectivization, and formation of communes, they were traceable in large part to the complex interaction of the Communist party cadres and the gradually evolving peasant associations, a relation which seems to stray far from the Leninist model of organization. This is particularly evident in William Hinton’s magnificent study Fanshen (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1966), which is unparalleled, to my knowledge, as an analysis of a moment of profound revolutionary change.


pages: 777 words: 186,993

Imagining India by Nandan Nilekani

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affirmative action, BRICs, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, clean water, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, demographic transition, Deng Xiaoping, distributed generation, farmers can use mobile phones to check market prices, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, global supply chain, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, informal economy, joint-stock company, knowledge economy, labour market flexibility, land reform, LNG terminal, load shedding, Mahatma Gandhi, market fragmentation, Mikhail Gorbachev, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, open economy, pension reform, Potemkin village, price mechanism, race to the bottom, rent control, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, smart grid, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, unemployed young men, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, women in the workforce, working poor, working-age population

The lay of the land “When you talk about building highways, canals and rail in a country like India,” Vinayak Chatterjee says, “you come up against a big constraint—land.” Vinayak heads the consultancy Feedback Ventures Ltd and has years of experience working with the government and private sector on infrastructure issues. Land has been an especially charged concern in our politics. The 1950s and 1960s land reforms had failed across most of the country with the exception of Kerala and West Bengal. The landowning zamindars were politically powerful, and in most states the loopholes in the legislation had made the reforms largely impotent. At the same time, rent control policies imposed massive restrictions on urban land, taking it off the market. The 1950s controls around land markets only grew worse when Indira introduced land ceilings and limits on the height of buildings in the mid-1970s.

And through their early years such movements were often thwarted and repressed—the 1950s and 1960s were the dark ages for Indian secular rule as across states political parties shunted backward castes to the margins and limited their political power. In Bihar the state Congress took great pains in 1963 to prevent a minister of the Kurmi caste from becoming the chief minister. 8ci In Uttar Pradesh, the Congress MLA Sampurnanand stated that “opening the doors to the backward castes . . . will blow up the whole social structure.”9 And when land reforms took place in parts of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, violence surged against Dalits and backward castes who were allotted land—a trend that continued well into the 1980s and 1990s in north India. The rapid rise of such caste alliances deeply angered leaders such as Ambedkar, who felt that the government was making a mockery of political rights. He said, “People always keep on saying to me, ‘Oh you are the maker of the Constitution.’

Land has never been an easy issue in India—it has been a source of much chest-thumping and of pitched, agitated battles. The crisis of land rights and the abuse many landless workers suffered under the zamindars nearly derailed efforts by Indian leaders preindependence to unite rural communities under the freedom movement. Postindependence, land politics became even more complicated, especially the failed land reform and redistribution efforts of the 1950s and 1960s. Today the politics of land in India still has a deeply adversarial texture—it is seen primarily as a battle between the powerful and the powerless. In the 1960s and 1970s, it was the zamindars on top, but lately it is companies eager to establish special economic zones (SEZs) in partnership with state governments that are seen as new, autocratic overlords.


pages: 233 words: 75,477

Surrender or Starve: Travels in Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, and Eritrea by Robert D. Kaplan

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Ayatollah Khomeini, citizen journalism, European colonialism, facts on the ground, land reform, out of africa, Ronald Reagan, the market place

With short black hair, a clipped moustache, and a cold, authoritative style of speech, Afewerki affected a military disposition. Was he leveling with me about the EPLF's non-Marxist orientation? There is no action that the EPLF has taken within the area under its control that would suggest otherwise. The most left-wing concepts ever pushed by the organization's economic department were a mild land reform program, designed to narrow the gap between peasants and a few rich merchants, and aid to rudimentary worker organizations. Moreover, EPLF officials did not evince the coercive manner of approach to the civilian population that is so apparent in all communist societies. While in Addis Ababa, one often hears phrases like, “This is what we're going to do”; in Eritrea, it is more common for someone in authority to ask, “How do we convince people to do it?”

But the circumstances under which the TPLF operates are not going to change. Tigre and some depopulated areas of Gondar are all the guerrillas want, or ever need, to control. Thus, the issues— for donors interested in famine relief and for strategists interested in knocking a Soviet piece off the board—is how the TPLF fights and how it treats its own people in its own backyard. Marxist pretensions notwithstanding, the TPLF land reform program, the guerrillas' emphasis on women's rights, the creation of a rural health service, the building of schools to augment a literacy campaign, and other infrastructure improvements undertaken by the TPLF in the countryside are exactly the kinds of things that USAID encourages every government in Africa to do. “Marxism” in Tigre is—for example—little different than the sum of U.S. government proposals for the development of western Sudan.

Rethinking Camelot by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fear of failure, Howard Zinn, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, Ronald Reagan

The background is discussed by Alfredo Vásquez Carrizosa, president of the Colombian Permanent Committee for Human Rights. “Behind the façade of a constitutional regime,” he observes, “we have a militarized society under the state of siege provided” by the 1886 Constitution, which grants a wide range of rights, but with no relation to reality. “In this context poverty and insufficient land reform have made Colombia one of the most tragic countries of Latin America.” Land reform, which “has practically been a myth,” was legislated in 1961, but “has yet to be implemented, as it is opposed by landowners, who have had the power to stop it.” The result of the prevailing misery has been violence, including La Violencia of the 1940s and 1950s, which took hundreds of thousands of lives. “This violence has been caused not by any mass indoctrination, but by the dual structure of a prosperous minority and an impoverished, excluded majority, with great differences in wealth, income, and access to political participation.”


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The Wars of Afghanistan by Peter Tomsen

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airport security, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, facts on the ground, failed state, friendly fire, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, Internet Archive, Khyber Pass, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Plutocrats, plutocrats, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, trade route, union organizing, uranium enrichment, women in the workforce

A detailed Soviet record of Taraki’s early December 1978 discussions with Brezhnev in Moscow cited Taraki as boasting: “In its domestic policy the PDPA has adopted a program of radical revolutionary socio-economic reforms to the benefit of the working class; these reforms will help abolish any remains of feudalism and semi-feudal social relations; they will provide for the ... building up of a society free from exploitation, based upon the progressive ideology of the working class and scientifically-grounded socialism.”39 Taraki’s decrees caused great consternation throughout the country, especially in the rural areas. The two on gender equality and land reform provoked the most outrage. Using communist jargon, the regime announced its intention to eliminate “the unjust patriarchal and feudalistic relations which exist between husband and wife.” The gender decree prohibited the tradition of gift-giving from the groom and his family to the bride’s family to formalize marriages. It placed a small monetary limit on the dowries given by brides’ families and introduced a rule requiring the bride’s consent for marriage. Sixteen became the minimum age of marriage for females, eighteen for males. The decree on land reform ignited another wave of indignation in the countryside. Article I proclaimed that PDPA land reforms would eliminate “feudal and pre-feudal relations,” ushering in a society “without hostile classes and free of exploitation of man by man.”

Article I proclaimed that PDPA land reforms would eliminate “feudal and pre-feudal relations,” ushering in a society “without hostile classes and free of exploitation of man by man.” To achieve this transcendent goal, it limited single-family holdings to 15 acres. Extra land would be seized and divided among the landless and among cooperatives established by farmers with fewer than 12.5 acres.40 The unenforceable land-reform decree generated hostility from tenant and landlord alike. In most of Afghanistan, the two were bound together by tribal and clan ties. Both viewed the government’s attempts to seize land as haram, which is prohibited in Islam. Young PDPA cadres with military escorts sent to the countryside to implement the PDPA reforms were expelled from villages, kidnapped, and sometimes murdered. Marxist-Leninist sloganeering on Kabul radio broadcasts, and the introduction of a new flag—red with a yellow seal—that was similar to those in the Soviet Central Asian Republics, stirred popular resentment that the Afghan communists were attempting to foist Soviet atheism on the country.

In April 1979, the Soviet Politburo took a major initiative to reverse the PDPA’s suicidal course. It dispatched a senior KGB officer, Vasily Safronchuk, to Kabul to work on broadening the PDPA’s base. Installed in an office next to Taraki’s presidential suite, Safronchuk appeared to enjoy some initial success. His advice to stop alienating conservative tribal and religious interests led to Taraki’s abrupt announcement on July 15, 1979, that land reform could be wrapped up, since it had been successfully implemented. Taraki and Amin were less amenable to Safronchuk’s appeals on base broadening. “We are among enemies,” Amin bluntly responded.48 Safronchuk became increasingly pessimistic about his ability to influence the PDPA. Khalqi leaders rejected his advice to establish “a national front, like other countries have done.” Safronchuk complained to the American embassy’s chargé d’affairs, Bruce Amstutz, that Taraki and Amin were “very sensitive about any suggestion of sharing power.


pages: 366 words: 117,875

Arrival City by Doug Saunders

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agricultural Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, call centre, credit crunch, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, guest worker program, Hernando de Soto, Honoré de Balzac, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, Kibera, land reform, land tenure, low skilled workers, megacity, microcredit, new economy, pensions crisis, place-making, price mechanism, rent control, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban sprawl, white flight, working poor, working-age population

The plan failed first in the countryside. Iranians were overwhelmingly villagers, and most of those villagers were peasant farmers, who grew by hand for their own consumption and paid feudal-style fees to owners who often lived elsewhere. The agricultural reform, which affected the majority of the population, seemed a simple matter: Redistribute the land, and let agriculture become an industry. By 1971, when the land reforms were complete, it should have been apparent that the goal wasn’t being realized. About half of the best land, much of it owned by government employees or military officers, was neither redistributed to peasants nor mechanized into productive farms; the owners bribed officials to have their estates classified as industrial farms, even if they weren’t, or they simply stole the subsidies, or they “divided” out the most unfertile pieces of land and handed them to peasants.

This migrant-driven ethnic movement has permanently changed the politics of the world’s preeminent arrival-city megalopolis. It has meant that the arrival city is sometimes treated with respect, since the slum-based Shiv Sena has granted land ownership, sewage, and water supplies, and municipal services, such as schools, clinics, and parks, to deserving (Hindu) slums, in ways that sometimes follow the best practices of urban land reform and turn the self-built settlements into truly thriving neighbourhoods. It has also meant that the worst sort of practices—bulldozer slum clearance, high-rise replacement of upwardly mobile arrival cities, complete neglect of the most basic sanitary and health needs, and criminal-gang control of services—have continued, and have even been amplified, in slums that are not part of that privileged group.

A revised and expanded version appears in Gardner and Ahmed, “Degrees of Separation: Informal Social Protection, Relatedness and Migration in Biswanath, Bangladesh,” Journal of Development Studies 45, no. 1 (2009). 17 Deboarah Fahy Bryceson, “Deagrarianization and Rural Employment in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Sectoral Perspective,” World Development 24, no. 1 (1996); Vali Jamal and John Weeks, “The Vanishing Rural–Urban Gap in Sub-Saharan Africa,” International Labour Review 127, no. 3 (1988). 18 See, for example, Robert Fishman, “Global Suburbs,” in First Biennial Conference of the Urban History Association (Pittsburgh: 2002); Elisabeth Rosenthal, “Chinese Town’s Main Export: Its Young Men,” The New York Times, June 26, 2000. 19 Roger Ballard, “A Case of Capital Rich Under-Development: The Paradoxical Consequences of Successful Transnational Entrepreneurship from Mirpur,” Contributions to Indian Sociology 37, no. 49–81 (2003): 41. 20 The most comprehensive exploration of the farm-size issue is found in Michael Lipton, Land Reform in Developing Countries: Property Rights and Property Wrongs (Abington: Routledge, 2009), 65–120. 5 THE FIRST GREAT MIGRATION 1 Jeanne Bouvier, Mes Memoires, ed. Daniel Armogathe (Paris: Editions de la Découverte, 1983), English translation from Mark Traugott, ed., The French Worker: Autobiographies from the Early Industrial Era (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 367–81. 2 Tilly, “Migration in Modern European History,” 58. 3 William H.


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Cocaine Nation: How the White Trade Took Over the World by Thomas Feiling

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anti-communist, barriers to entry, crack epidemic, deindustrialization, illegal immigration, informal economy, inventory management, land reform, Lao Tzu, offshore financial centre, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, trade route, upwardly mobile

Sixty per cent of Colombia’s productive land is owned by just half a per cent of its people. In departments like Antioquia, Córdoba and Sucre, which are blessed with fertile flood plains by the rivers that run off the Andes, a huge amount of land is given over to cattle ranches. These benefit big landowners but supply little in the way of food or employment. This system of often unproductive latifundios (estates) has long proved resistant to change. Efforts towards a land reform programme were made in the 1960s, but all they achieved were some big irrigation projects in the north, and some resettlement programmes to areas that are today controlled by FARC guerrillas. The owners of the latifundios are increasingly likely to be paramilitary bosses, wealthy drugs traffickers, or both.24 ‘The European Union says that there should be investment instead of fumigation, which is a good idea, but they’ve done nothing,’ Caquetá Congressman Luis Almario Rojas told me.

In 2006, Alvaro Uribe Velez was re-elected to the presidency with 53 per cent of the popular vote (notwithstanding the fact that only 54 per cent of the electorate felt inspired to vote at all). Uribe Velez says that if Colombia didn’t have drugs, it wouldn’t have terrorists and has reaffirmed his commitment to fighting the Americans’ war on drugs.83 There is certainly a war on coca growers, the FARC and the drugs mules. But this is far from being a war on drugs. If the Colombian government was serious about tackling the cocaine trade, the Ministry of Agriculture would tackle the land reform issue, instead of chasing Colombian coca farmers around the country in fumigation planes. When the coca fields are sprayed, cultivation just moves on. Of course the coca fields finance the guerrillas, but Colombia had trafficking routes and mafiosi long before it had coca fields. The cocaine traffickers are unaffected by the fumigation programme. Even without the coca fields, the Colombian Mafia would source coca paste elsewhere and produce cocaine in the Colombian jungle, as it did in the 1980s.

The onus was now on Colombia’s citizens to accept responsibility for their new rights, and on the authorities to ensure that drug users’ decisions were well informed. Judge Carlos Gaviria went on to become the leader of Colombia’s main opposition party. He has since been cited as saying that the United States is the principal obstruction to the international community committing itself to the legalization of drugs.19 While there is no reason to think that the legalization of cocaine would benefit the poor, usher in land reform, challenge the extreme concentrations of money and political power in Colombia, or end its fratricidal conflict, it would certainly make it easier for the state to regulate supplies, enforce contractual obligations, and decide where the coca fields should be. Thousands of poor farmers would have legal work, and pristine jungle could remain pristine. The police would be able to focus on enforcing laws other than those that ban cocaine production, and Colombia’s Mafia, paramilitaries and guerrillas would be deprived of their principal source of funds.


pages: 511 words: 148,310

Winning the War on War: The Decline of Armed Conflict Worldwide by Joshua S. Goldstein

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Albert Einstein, Ayatollah Khomeini, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, Black Swan, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Doomsday Clock, failed state, immigration reform, income inequality, invention of writing, invisible hand, land reform, microcredit, Mikhail Gorbachev, purchasing power parity, RAND corporation, Steven Pinker, Tobin tax, unemployed young men, Winter of Discontent, Y2K

Meanwhile the military division, which also had just over 300 observers, successfully oversaw demobilization of the military forces that had controlled the country. Despite many delays in this process, the cease-fire held. The UN, by the way, did not like to talk about “delays” in implementing various parts of the agreement, so it called them “recalendarizations.” The UN was not supposed to be involved in land reform, probably the most difficult aspect of the peace agreement. Guerrillas had given land to farmers in areas they controlled but owners wanted their land back after the war. Because the issue threatened the peace, the UN became active in resolving disputes and pushing land reform agreements forward. This illustrates the mission’s ability to learn from, and adapt to, local conditions as they evolve—something that not all UN missions mastered. Similarly, elections were not originally central to the UN mission, but when the government asked for help monitoring the 1994 elections the Security Council agreed, adding 900 people to the mission’s tiny 36-member electoral division (supplemented by 3,000 non-UN international observers).

Doyle and Sambanis (2006: 21) list as failures Somalia, Bosnia, Rwanda, and Cyprus, and list as successes Congo, El Salvador, Cambodia, Croatia, Brcko (in Bosnia), and East Timor. 92 UN’s first return: Durch 2006a: 3. 92 Differed from all previous: Howard 2008: 52. 92 First of five: Fortna and Howard 2008: 293. 92–93 Finally began in 1989: Howard 2008: 53–56, 64, 67. 93 South Africa tried to subvert: Krasno 2003a: 48–49. 94 The remarkable cooperation: Howard 2008: 77–80; Krasno 2003a: 47–48. 94 Tight timetable: Howard 2008: 81, 83. 94 Success stories: Krasno 2003a: 25. 94 El Salvador the UN came in: Howard 2008: 92, 97, 129. 95 Key figure: Howard 2008: 99, 98. 95 Had a clear mandate: Howard 2008: 101–03. 95 Truth Commission: Howard 2008: 108. 96 UN’s police work: Howard 2008: 112–14. 96 Land reform: Howard 2008: 118–21. 96 Similarly, elections: Howard 2008: 122–25; Wood 2000; Wood 2003a: 30. 97 Mixed results. . . . peace talks began: Howard 2008: 131–32, 137. 97–98 The mission lasted eighteen months: Howard 2008: 138. 98–99 An immediate. . . . hostages four times: Howard 2008: 144–49, 151–52, 155. 99 The Khmer Rouge withdrew: Howard 2008: 139, 167–73. 99 UNTAC did not end political violence: Howard 2008: 171, 173, 176. 99–100 The experience gained: Howard 2008: 231–33, 258, 245–46, 249–51, 225; Boothby 2003: 121–23, 127, 129. 100 Paradigm-setting: Doyle, Johnstone, and Orr 1997: 2, 20. 100–01 The UN mission in Mozambique: Howard 2008: 179, 184–85, 189. 101 Sant-Egidio: Giro n.d. 101 Offered itself as mediator: Howard 2008: 191. 101 Both sides asked the UN: Howard 2008: 187. 101–02 An overtaxed, divided: Salomons 2003: 83, 96. 102 High degree of autonomy: Howard 2008: 198–99, 196. 102 Assessed that money could: Howard 2008: 197, 199; Salomons 2003: 112. 102 Another trust fund: Howard 2008: 202; Salomons 2003: 109–10. 102–03 After the UN departed: Salomons 2003: 111; Howard 2008: 219–21. 103 The two sets side by side: 1990 population data from UN Population Division 2009. 104 In addition to the consent: Howard 2008: 8, 10, 15, 16, 19; Doyle and Sambanis 2006: 2; see also Autesserre 2010: 8. 104 Cultural learning that must occur: Rubinstein 2008: 36, 107. 104 Peace missions also need: Rubinstein 2008: 37, 51, 89; see also 138. 105 Made a database: Fortna 2008: 2, 3, 11; Fortna’s dataset is an expanded version of Doyle and Sambanis’s. 105 Evidence is overwhelming: Fortna 2008: 6, 9–10, 106, 116. 105 Resounding yes: Fortna and Howard 2008: 289; Fortna 2008: 125. 105 Several pathways: Fortna 2008: 9, 102. 105–06 Despite these positive outcomes: Fortna 2008: 24, 44; see also Regan 2000: 39; Fortna and Howard 2008: 290; Collier 2009: 84. 106 Separate but parallel: Collier 2009: 83, 95. 106 Very good value: Collier 2009: 96, 97, 99. 106 Reversion to war: Collier 2009: 75, 88. 106 Markedly improved: Griffin 2003: 214. 106 Built a data-set: Doyle and Sambanis 2006: 72, 126; see Durch 2006a: 13–16. 106–07 Roland Paris: Paris 2004: 19, 6, ix, 5, 89, 95, 111, 113, 145–46, 223. 107 The case of Nicaragua: Paris 2004: 139, 118–20; Paris 2009a: 58. 107–08 Daniel Ortega: BBC News 2006. 108 To Paris’s credit: Paris 2009b: 108.


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Age of Ambition: Chasing Fortune, Truth, and Faith in the New China by Evan Osnos

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conceptual framework, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Brooks, Deng Xiaoping, East Village, financial independence, Gini coefficient, income inequality, indoor plumbing, land reform, Lao Tzu, low skilled workers, market fundamentalism, Mohammed Bouazizi, Plutocrats, plutocrats, rolodex, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, Steve Jobs, transcontinental railway, Washington Consensus, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, young professional

In 1979, mainland China was a place to flee. In the eighteenth century, imperial China controlled one-third of the world’s wealth; its most advanced cities were as prosperous and commercialized as Great Britain and the Netherlands. But in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, China was crippled by invasion, civil war, and political upheaval. After taking power in 1949, the Communist Party conducted a “land reform” campaign that grouped China’s small family farms into collectives, and led to the killing of millions of landlords and perceived enemies. In 1958, Chairman Mao launched the Great Leap Forward, attempting to vault his country past Britain in just fifteen years. Some advisers told him it was impossible, but he ignored and humiliated them; the head of the national technology commission jumped out a window.

Cafferty, Jack Caijing; government approval required for; growth of; investors in; management buyout plan of Cao, Henry Cao, Leo Caochangdi Cao family Cao Haili Cao Qifeng Carrefour Carter, Jimmy Catholicism Célestin Monga cell phones censorship Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Central Japan Railway Central Publicity (Propaganda) Department; Caijing and; on train crash century of national humiliation Charter 08 Charter 77 Chen Chen Danqing Chen Guangcheng; escape of; house arrest of; in prison; release of Chen Guangfu Chen Guojun Cheng Yizhong Chen Jieren Chen Kegui Chen Xianmei Chen Yun Chen Yunying Cheung Chi-tai Cheung Yan Chicago Tribune Chim Pui-chung China: alleged currency manipulation of; anti-Japanese protests in; average income in; billionaires in; bloggers in; capitalist reforms in; censorship in; central bank of; civil war in; constitution of; creative class in; economic growth in; food in; happiness in; history studies in; housing prices in; inequality in; intergenerational mobility in; Internet use in; investment in; Japanese occupation of; Japan’s Diaoyu Islands dispute with; Jasmine protests in; labor migration in; land reform in; life expectancy in; literacy rates in; luxury goods in; popular approval of; press in; real estate boom in; revolution in; special economic zones in; spiritual awakening in; stereotypes of; stimulus plan in; stock markets in; tax system in; Tibet protests in; travel from; Uighur-Han riot in; urban growth in; Western culture as perceived by China, U.S. relationship with; Belgrade embassy bombing and; and Chinese crackdown on Internet; Mao’s establishment of; U.S. recognition of ChinaAid China Business Times China Can Say No China Center for Economic Research China Central Television China Daily China eCapital China Entrepeneur ChinaGeeks China Miracle, The (Lin, Cai and Li) China Mobile China Newsweek China Railway Signal and Communication Corporation China Stand Up!

Cixi, Empress Dowager class Class: A Guide Through the American Status System (Fussell) Clinton, Hillary CNN Coca-Cola Cohen, Jerome Cohen, Joan Lebold Cold War college admissions Colombia color revolution COMDEX Communist Party, Chinese; alleged virtue of; censorship by; Central Committee of; Charter 08 denounced by; class opposed by; corruption in; culture planned by; dissidents contained by; Eighteenth Party Congress of; free market fundamentalism disdained by; land reform of; membership of; as “Party in Power”; propaganda studied by; Seventeenth National Congress of; on values; and Wenzhou train crash Communist Youth League concubines Confucianism Confucius Confucius Institute Confucius Temple Congress, U.S. Congressional-Executive Commission on China, U.S. Conrad, Joseph Corak, Miles Corallo, Mark corruption; as anarchic; in art; growth and; plans for rooting out; punishment of; see also bribes Cosmopolitan Cotter, Holland Cotton Flower Alley Crazy English Crédit Mobilier CTGZ Cui Tiankai cults Cultural Revolution currency, China’s alleged manipulation of cushion hypothesis Dalai Lama Daley, Richard M.


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Imperium by Robert Harris

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land reform

And to cut it short, and give you the gist, it turned out that the plot which Caesar and Crassus must have been hatching over many months fell into four parts. First, they aimed to seize control of the state by sweeping the board in the general elections, securing not only both consulships but also all ten tribunates, and a couple of praetorships besides; the bribery agents reported that the thing was more or less a fait accompli, with Cicero’s support slipping daily. The second stage called for the introduction by the tribunes of a great land reform bill in December, which would demand the breaking up of the big publicly owned estates, in particular the fertile plains of Campania, and their immediate redistribution as farms to five thousand of the urban plebs. The third step involved the election in March of ten commissioners, headed by Crassus and Caesar, who would be given immense powers to sell off conquered land abroad, and to use the funds thereby released to compulsorily purchase further vast estates in Italy, for an even greater program of resettlement.

“Tell me, Marcus,” said Atticus, in his worldly way, once plenty of good wine had been consumed, “how did you manage to persuade them? Because, although I know you are a genius with words, these men despised you—absolutely loathed everything you said and stood for. What did you offer them, besides stopping Catilina?” “Obviously,” replied Cicero, “I had to promise that I will lead the opposition to Crassus and Caesar and the tribunes when they publish this land reform bill of theirs.” “That will be quite a task,” said Quintus. “And that is all?” persisted Atticus. (It is my belief, looking back, that he was behaving like a good cross-examiner, and that he knew the answer to the question before he asked it, probably from his friend Hortensius.) “You really agreed to nothing else? Because you were in there for many hours.” Cicero winced. “Well, I did have to undertake,” he said reluctantly, “to propose in the Senate, as consul, that Lucullus should be awarded a triumph, and also Quintus Metellus.”

“Well, I did have to undertake,” he said reluctantly, “to propose in the Senate, as consul, that Lucullus should be awarded a triumph, and also Quintus Metellus.” Now at last I understood why Cicero had seemed so grim and preoccupied when he left his conference with the aristocrats. Quintus put down his plate and regarded him with undisguised horror. “So first they want you to turn the people against you by blocking land reform, and then they demand that you should make an enemy out of Pompey by awarding triumphs to his greatest rivals?” “I am afraid, brother,” said Cicero wearily, “that the aristocracy did not acquire their wealth without knowing how to drive a hard bargain. I held out as long as I could.” “But why did you agree?” “Because I needed to win.” “But to win what, exactly?” Cicero was silent. “Good,” said Terentia, patting her husband’s knee.


pages: 444 words: 151,136

Endless Money: The Moral Hazards of Socialism by William Baker, Addison Wiggin

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Andy Kessler, asset allocation, backtesting, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Black Swan, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, BRICs, business climate, capital asset pricing model, corporate governance, correlation does not imply causation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, currency manipulation / currency intervention, debt deflation, Elliott wave, en.wikipedia.org, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, fiat currency, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, German hyperinflation, housing crisis, income inequality, index fund, inflation targeting, Joseph Schumpeter, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, liquidity trap, Long Term Capital Management, McMansion, moral hazard, mortgage tax deduction, naked short selling, offshore financial centre, Ponzi scheme, price stability, pushing on a string, quantitative easing, RAND corporation, rent control, reserve currency, riskless arbitrage, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, seigniorage, short selling, Silicon Valley, six sigma, statistical arbitrage, statistical model, Steve Jobs, The Great Moderation, the scientific method, time value of money, too big to fail, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Yogi Berra, young professional

One is that the evolution of both these great societies began with capitalist states that became regimes with a sparse super-rich elite that would be lightly taxed and wield tremendous political power. The estates of Rome’s middle classes were eroded by governmental action, mostly the suppression of consumer price inflation through food price controls and repression of wages through competition for labor by slavery. The emergence of populist politicians such as the Gracchus brothers in the first century bc introduced land reform and welfare, and the Roman populace shifted to embrace a socialist framework of rewarding idleness with bread and circuses. The role of money in credit crises is carefully examined. The recurrence of credit panics on the surface seems incongruent with the discipline of hard money developed in the Republic. But as a reserve, silver expanded geometrically, acting as a rudimentary version of today’s fiat backing, and its production was under complete government control in state-owned mines.

The rise of populism traces its roots from the famous Twelve Tables of 451 bc, the Licenian Laws of 367 bc, and the Hortensian Law of 287 bc. Approximately 100 years before the birth of Christ, the resentment of small farmers weary of fighting in military campaigns that enriched the aristocracy and introduced competition from slave labor swelled. The Gracchus brothers were the From the Golden Era to Totalitarianism 247 liberal politicians of their time, putting in place a two-tiered wheat pricing system and land reform. H.J. Haskell, in his 1939 book The New Deal in Old Rome, catalogs the surprising parallels between Roman legislation and Depression-era reforms in the United States. Wheat was initially offered without a means test to those willing to queue up at warehouses at half the market price, which over time would be reduced to being free of charge. Rome came to resemble Manhattan, a hub populated by rich who received income from their great country estates and a magnet for the poor from all over.

But it was the young whose acquaintance he chiefly courted; as their minds, ductile and unsettled from their age, were easily ensnared by his stratagems. For as the passions of each, according to his years, appeared excited, he furnished mistresses to some, bought horses and dogs for others, and spared, in a word, neither his purse nor his character, if he could but make them his devoted and trustworthy supporters.17 The return of Julius Caesar from Gaul frightened the aristocracy, who thought he would institute land reform like the Gracchus brothers had. Julius Caesar previously as consul had been able to secure land for veterans by using questionable political maneuvers. His crossing the Rubicon with an army (in defiance of a Senatorial order to disband it) induced a financial panic, which he resolved in part by allowing debts to be repaid using collateral priced with pre-crisis values. He also slashed the dole by over 50 percent and required one-third of all farm workers to be free men.


pages: 547 words: 148,799

Market Forces by Richard K. Morgan

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call centre, land reform, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, urban decay

‘Fuel and ammunition, medical supplies, helicopter gun-ships, counter-subversion trainers, interrogation technology. All at knockdown prices, and for over twenty years it’s all paid off big time. Quiescent population, low wage economy, export-oriented. Standard neoliberal dream.’ ‘But not any more.’ ‘But not any more. We’ve got another generation of guerrillas in the mountains screaming for land reform, another generation of disaffected student youth in the cities, and we’re all back to square one. Emerging 3Markets got scared and dropped the whole thing like a hot brick -straight into Conflict Investment’s lap. Hewitt gave it to Makin.’ ‘Nice of her.’ ‘Yeah, well this was just after Guatemala, so Makin’s rep was riding pretty high. Top commission analyst for the year and all that. I guess Hewitt thought he’d swing it in his sleep.

Somehow the softness of the man disappeared, became confident bulk and the resonance base for a rich baritone voice that gave his words a longevity way beyond the moment of their utterance. His evidence was compelling, it was set up that way, but more powerful was the echo of what he said in the minds of his listeners. Chris looked round the table and saw heads nodding, Mike Bryant’s included. ‘Thus we convert,’ Hamilton declared vibrantly, ‘the uncertainty of change, the certainty of post-land-reform unrest, and the probable budget deficit of the classic revolutionary regime, at a stroke, into a return to the profitable status quo we have enjoyed in the NAME for the last twenty years. It seems to me, ladies and gentlemen, that there is really no question or choice here, only a course of action that common sense and market return dictate. Thank you.’ Applause rippled politely round the table.

He tried to write an account of the events leading up to Philip Hamilton’s death, as much as anything to get it clear in his own head, but he kept having to cross out what he’d written and start further back. When his first line read my father was murdered by an executive called Edward Quain, he gave up. Perhaps inspired by the novel he was trying to read, he wrote an imaginary brief for the NAME account set five years into a future where Barranco had taken power and instituted wide-ranging land reform. It also seemed very far-fetched. He started a letter to Carla and tore it up after less than ten lines. He couldn’t think of anything worth telling her. The week ended. Another started. Shorn came for him. He was on morning walkabout, cheated of his usual seat at the fountain by a persistent, heavy drizzle that drenched the exposed patio area and kept him penned under the glass roof. His escort had obligingly dragged a bench out from somewhere for him, and now he sat at one end of it and stared out at the curtain of rain falling a half metre away.


pages: 476 words: 144,288

1946: The Making of the Modern World by Victor Sebestyen

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, Etonian, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, illegal immigration, imperial preference, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, operation paperclip

Until Japan’s catastrophic defeat, Hirohito had shown little enthusiasm for democracy, pacifism, votes for women, or Western-style civil rights in general; he was a stickler for imperial absolutism, hierarchy, aristocratic titles, and feudal forms of land ownership. Now he – or his ministers – proclaimed a constitutional monarchy, women’s suffrage, the removal of the peerage, an independent judiciary, wholesale land reform, and – most revolutionary of all – the abolition of Japan’s armed forces. ‘The Japanese people renounce forever war . . . or the use of force as a means of settling international disputes.’ The government ministers, mostly from the nobility, looked miserable throughout the ceremony. The Emperor appeared uncomfortable, as he often did, but relatively unconcerned; after all, he was still on the throne, and he had evaded all possibility of death by hanging.

This time he made a tactical retreat and, by the end of 1946, his campaign against the most powerful business leaders was over. But the supposedly rabid Right-winger had more success with the farmers. He stripped the absentee landlords and owners of the huge estates of their holdings, ensuring millions of peasants owned their own farms. He thought – rightly as it turned out, judging by future Japanese elections – that small landowners would be naturally conservative. MacArthur’s land reforms were more radical than anything then happening behind the Iron Curtain. * In Nuremberg on 16 October 1946, nine of the leading Nazi war criminals were hanged one after the other at the gymnasium of the city’s Palace of Justice. In Tokyo, similar trials would continue for another two years and lead to far more serious questions about what the point of the hearings really was. The main trial of twenty-five defendants had begun in May, but the public soon lost interest, not only in Japan but also in the Allied countries, and the press, too, ceased to report on the proceedings.

Farben ref1 India ref1, ref2 and Britain ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 British withdrawal from ref1, ref2 conflict with Pakistan ref1 demand by Muslims for separate state (Pakistan) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 Direct Action Day and Calcutta riots ref1 election (1946) ref1, ref2 fight for freedom against the British ref1, ref2 Muslim/Hindu fighting ref1, ref2 and Nehru ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Partition of and massacres accompanying ref1, ref2, ref3 Sikhs in ref1 see also Gandhi, Mohandas Indian National Congress ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 influenza epidemic (1919) ref1 Inverchapel, Lord, see Clark Kerr, Sir Archibald Iran ref1 Allied occupation of during war ref1 conflict with Azerbaijan ref1, ref2, ref3 oil production ref1 and Soviet Union ref1, ref2, ref3 Soviet withdrawal ref1 and United States ref1, ref2, ref3 Iran crisis ref1, ref2 Irgun ref1 bombing of King David Hotel ref1 Iron Curtain ref1 origins of phrase ref1 Isherwood, Christopher ref1, ref2 Israel creation of ref1 Itenberg, Lieutenant Boris ref1 Ivan Suzanin (opera) ref1 Ivan the Terrible (film) ref1 Jabotinsky, Ze’ev ref1 Jacobson, Eddie ref1 Japan ref1, ref2 abdication crisis ref1 black market ref1 censorship under US occupation ref1 constitution ref1 death toll during war ref1 despising of soldiers after war ref1 destruction caused by war ref1 food shortages and starvation ref1 fraternization between GIs and Japanese women ref1 freeing of political prisoners of previous regime by MacArthur ref1 Hirohito’s ‘Declaration of Humanity’ ref1, ref2 lifestyle of US officials in ref1 MacArthur’s land reforms ref1 occupation of China ref1, ref2 occupation of Taiwan ref1 prostitution ref1 punishing of war criminals ref1 reinstatement of people banned ref1 Soviet Union declares war on ref1 trials of leaders ref1 US occupation of ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Zaibatsu ref1 Jaspers, Gertrude ref1 Jaspers, Karl ref1 The Question of German Guilt ref1 Jennings, Humphrey ref1 Jerusalem bombing of King David Hotel ref1 Jewish Agency ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 ‘Jewish–Bolshevik conspiracy’ ref1 Jews ref1, ref2 anti-Jewish massacres in post-war years ref1 and Balfour Declaration (1917) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 ‘blood libel’ ref1 establishment of independent state issue ref1 and Holocaust ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 immigration to Palestine proposal ref1, ref2, ref3 massacre of in Kielce (Poland) ref1, ref2, ref3 number of Holocaust survivors ref1 power struggles within Zionism ref1 refugee camps ref1, ref2 in United States ref1 see also anti-Semitism Jiji Shimpo (magazine) ref1 Jinnah, Mohammed Ali ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8 Johnson, Pamela Hansford ref1 Jünger, Ernst ref1 Kades, Colonel Charles ref1 Karman, Marta ref1 Kästner, Erich ref1 Kavtaradze, Sergei ref1, ref2 Keintopf, Anna ref1, ref2 Kennan, George ref1, ref2, ref3n, ref4, ref5, ref6, ref7, ref8 Keynes, Lord ref1, ref2 Khan, Liaquat Ali ref1 Khan, Sir Sayed Ahmed ref1n Khrushchev, Nikita ref1, ref2, ref3 Kielce massacre ref1, ref2, ref3 King David Hotel (Jerusalem), bombing of ref1, ref2 King, Mackenzie ref1 Kitchener, Lord ref1 KKE (Communist Party of Greece) ref1, ref2, ref3 Klemperer, Victor ref1 KMG (Nationalist Kuomintang) ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Knoll, Roman ref1 Kocevje killing of Croats and Slovenes at (1945–6) ref1 Koestler, Arthur ref1, ref2 Darkness at Noon ref1 Kollontai, Alexandra ref1 Kovály, Heda ref1 KPD (German Communist Party) ref1, ref2 Krupp, Alfred ref1 Krut, Aleksy ref1 Kubina, Teodor ref1 Kun, Béla ref1 Kuomintang see KMG Kurchatov, Igor ref1, ref2, ref3 Kurt, Professor Albrecht ref1 Kyuichi, Tokuda ref1 LaGuardia, Fiorello ref1, ref2 Lahore Declaration ref1 Lambinowice camp (Poland) ref1 Lane, Arthur Bliss ref1 League of Nations ref1 Leefe, Lieutenant Christopher ref1 Lees-Milne, James ref1 Lehi (Stern Gang) ref1, ref2 Lehman, Herbert ref1 Lend-Lease scheme ref1, ref2 Leningrad (literary journal) ref1 Leningrad Writers’ Union ref1 Leonhard, Wolfgang ref1, ref2 Likharev, Boris ref1 Lin Biao ref1, ref2 Lincoln, General George ref1 Linlithgow, Lord ref1 Lippmann, Walter ref1 Litvinov, Maxim ref1n Locke Jr, Edwin ref1 Long Telegram ref1 Lovett, Robert ref1 Luce, Clare Boothe ref1 Luce, Henry ref1 MacArthur, General Douglas ref1, ref2, ref3 character traits ref1, ref2 enemies ref1 and Japan ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4 and Japanese constitution ref1, ref2, ref3 and Japan’s abdication crisis ref1, ref2, ref3 Pershing’s view of ref1 popularity of in Japan ref1 and Roosevelt ref1 and Truman ref1 McCarthy, Joseph ref1 McCormick, Anne O’Hare ref1, ref2 MacDonald, Malcolm ref1 MacInnes, Colin ref1 McIver, Dr Frank D. ref1 Maclean, Donald ref1, ref2 McMahon Act ref1 MacMichael, Harold ref1 MacVeagh, Lincoln ref1 Maisky, Ivan ref1 Malenkov, Georgi ref1 Malinovsky, Rodion ref1 Manhattan Project ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5 Mao Zedong ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Marcuse, Herbert ref1n Marshall, General George ref1, ref2, ref3, ref4, ref5, ref6 Marshall Plan ref1 Marxism ref1 Masanobu, Tsuji ref1 May, Alan Nunn ref1 Menon, V.

Year 501 by Noam Chomsky

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Accordingly, the US urged the former Dutch rulers to grant independence, but under Dutch tutelage, an outcome critical to “Western Europe’s economic rehabilitation, and to America’s strategic well-being,” Leffler observes, and to Japan’s reconstruction as well. The principled antagonism to independent nationalism that animates US foreign policy took on particular significance in this case.4 After its liberation from the Dutch, Indonesia was ruled by the nationalist leader Sukarno. At first, the United States was willing to tolerate this arrangement, particularly after Sukarno and the army suppressed a land reform movement supported by the Indonesian Communist Party [PKI] in the Madiun region in 1948, virtually destroying the party’s leadership and jailing 36,000 people. But Sukarno’s nationalist and neutralist commitments soon proved entirely unacceptable. The two major power centers in Indonesia were the army and the PKI, the only mass-based political force. Internal politics were dominated by Sukarno’s balancing of these two forces.

They pursued a “neocolonial, neomercantilist policy”—which is, somehow, “a classic liberal approach to development,” showing again how flexible an instrument economic theory can be. Industrial development was tolerable only if it was “complementary to U.S. industry.” The basic concept was “that Brazilian development was all right as long as it did not interfere with American profits and dominance,” and ample profit remittance was guaranteed. Agricultural development was also promoted, as long as it avoided “destabilizing” programs like land reform, relied on US farm equipment, fostered “commodities that complemented US production, such as coffee, cacao, rubber, and jute,” and created “new markets for U.S. agricultural commodities” such as dairy products and wheat. “Brazilian desires were secondary,” Haines observes, though it was useful “to pat them a little bit and make them think that you are fond of them,” in Dulles’s words. The Cold War framework was in place at once.

This “new wave of democracy” has “shifted politicians’ priorities” from the days when they “traditionally represented the established order.” The proof is that they have now dedicated themselves to serving the poor with an imaginative new approach: “Central Americans to use Trickle-down Strategy in War on Poverty,” the headline reads. “Committed to free-market economics,” the Presidents have abandoned vapid rhetoric about land reform and social welfare programs, adopting at last a serious idea: “a trickle-down approach to aid the poor.” “The idea is to help the poor without threatening the basic power structure,” a regional economist observes. This brilliant and innovative conception overturns the “preferential option for the poor” of the Latin American Bishops. Now that we have driven this naive idea from the heads of our little brown brothers by Pol Pot-style terror, we can return to our traditional vocation of serving the poor, somehow not drowning in our own hypocrisy—the one truly memorable achievement.

The White Man's Burden: Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good by William Easterly

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airport security, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, clean water, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, Edward Glaeser, European colonialism, failed state, farmers can use mobile phones to check market prices, George Akerlof, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, income per capita, Indoor air pollution, invisible hand, Kenneth Rogoff, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, microcredit, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, purchasing power parity, randomized controlled trial, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, structural adjustment programs, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transaction costs, War on Poverty, Xiaogang Anhui farmers

What was more revolutionary was that the emperor declared all land, which had been allocated by village custom, to be the private property of those who farmed it. The government issued certificates of ownership.3 Land could be bought and sold, and used as collateral for loans—the famous Hernando de Soto formula for unlocking the “mystery of capital.” Although externally imposed land reforms have often been disasters, a homegrown reform that respected local custom was more successful. However, when the land tax was insufficient to cover state spending, the inexperienced rulers printed money. Inflation resulted. Matsukata Masayoshi, the architect of the land reform, became finance minister in October 1881. He cut spending and privatized the many state-owned enterprises, using the revenues of the privatizations to buy back currency issues. In 1882, he created the central bank, the Bank of Japan, with a monopoly over the issuance of paper currency.

The co-op members who lost their lands to the ex-Contras didn’t get any compensation.16 This episode was symptomatic of the confused land question on a national scale. Pre-revolutionary owners of expropriated land, cooperative members, ex-Contras, ex-Sandinistas, and speculators who had bought land from any of the above, competed for the same plots of land. The Chamorro government confused things even more with its own land reform program. Ex-Contras, ex-Sandinistas, and even mixtures of the two again took up arms in some parts of the countryside to agitate for land. The IMF in 2003 summarized this situation as “inadequate protection of property rights.17 With such uncertainty about who owned the land, agricultural production did not rebound strongly after the new government took power. Fig. 30. Nicaragua Per Capita Income, 1950–2002 Economic growth in Nicaragua in the post-revolutionary era, while at least not as calamitous as it was under the Sandinistas, was anemic (see figure 30).


pages: 475 words: 149,310

Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire by Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri

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affirmative action, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, conceptual framework, David Graeber, Defenestration of Prague, deskilling, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, global village, Howard Rheingold, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, Joseph Schumpeter, labour mobility, land reform, land tenure, late capitalism, means of production, Naomi Klein, new economy, private military company, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Richard Stallman, Slavoj Žižek, The Chicago School, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, Tobin tax, transaction costs, union organizing, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

., (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987), 80-88. 32 There is considerable debate whether the term peasantry ever did in fact accurately describe such systems of small-holding production, especially in Africa. See Margaret Jean Hay, “ ‘Peasants’ in Modern East African Studies,” Peasant Studies 8, no. 1 (Winter 1979): 17-29. 33 On the history of political conflicts over land reform in Guatemala, see Greg Grandin, The Blood of Guatemala (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000). More generally, on the continuing inequalities of land ownership and the failures of land reform in Latin America, see Ernst Feder, The Rape of the Peasantry: Latin America’s Landholding System (New York: Anchor Books, 1971); and William Thiesenhusen, Broken Promises: Agrarian Reform and the Latin American Campesino (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1995). 34 For a useful description of the structure and activities of one of the major transnational agribusiness corporations, see Brewster Kneen, Invisible Giant: Cargill and Its Transnational Strategies (London: Pluto Press, 1995). 35 See R.

Before the colonial intrusion agricultural property was in most cases owned collectively and the communities were almost completely self-sufficient and isolated economically.31 The colonial powers destroyed the systems of collective ownership, introduced capitalist private property, and integrated local agricultural production partially into much larger economic markets—thereby creating conditions that resembled what in Europe was known as peasant production and exchange.32 A very small portion of the rural population in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, however, have ever fit comfortably into the ideologically central category of middle peasant—independent, small-holding farmers who produce primarily for their own consumption. Latin American agriculture, for example, has been dominated at least since the nineteenth century by an extreme polarization of land ownership, with at one end huge latifundio estates that employ numerous families and at the other landless workers or farmers with holdings too small and infertile to support themselves. Land reform, which was a liberal and revolutionary battle cry in Latin America throughout the twentieth century, from Zapata’s ragged troops to guerilla revolutionaries in Nicaragua and El Salvador, held something like the figure of the middle peasant as its goal. Aside from a few brief exceptions, most notably in Mexico and Bolivia, the tendency in Latin America has constantly moved in the opposite direction, exacerbating the polarization of land tenure and ownership.33 Throughout the subordinated capitalist world small-holding agricultural producers are systematically deprived of land rights as property is gradually consolidated into large holdings, controlled either by national landowners or mammoth foreign corporations.34 This process may appear as a haphazard and undirected movement carried out by an extended and disunited series of agents, including national governments, foreign governments, multinational and transnational agribusiness corporations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and many others.


pages: 540 words: 168,921

The Relentless Revolution: A History of Capitalism by Joyce Appleby

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1919 Motor Transport Corps convoy, agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Madoff, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Columbian Exchange, corporate governance, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Doha Development Round, double entry bookkeeping, epigenetics, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, Firefox, Ford paid five dollars a day, Francisco Pizarro, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gordon Gekko, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, Hernando de Soto, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, informal economy, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, invention of movable type, invention of the printing press, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, land reform, Livingstone, I presume, Long Term Capital Management, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, moral hazard, Ponzi scheme, profit maximization, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, refrigerator car, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, special economic zone, spice trade, spinning jenny, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, total factor productivity, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration, Yogi Berra, Yom Kippur War

Successful development in Taiwan and South Korea started with land reform, a step strongly backed by the United States, which exercised a powerful influence on the leaders of Korea and Taiwan through its aid programs. Just moving landownership from the hands of a leisured elite to those of the working farmers had many profound and lasting consequences. Crop yields went up, lowering food prices and giving everyone more purchasing power. Tax revenues from the new landowners went into the purchase of fertilizer, equipment, and farmer education programs in a mutually enhancing spiral upward.38 As in England in the seventeenth century, agricultural improvement required fewer workers, releasing men and women for other occupations, like manufacturing. The more egalitarian distribution of wealth created by land reform made rural radicalism less likely while it undercut opposition to modernizing reforms that entrenched landed elites usually mount.

The country was demilitarized; jails were cleared of dissident liberals, socialists, and Communists; and political parties and labor unions encouraged to participate in the hoped-for establishment of a postwar democracy. When the Japanese were slow to produce a constitution, General MacArthur’s staff did it for them, investing power in a legislature like that of Great Britain and giving women equal political rights with men. Land reform placed more than two million acres in the hands of nearly five million tenant farmers. The rural economy began to blossom. Turning their attention to the manufacturing sector, the occupiers became intent on breaking up the giant holding companies of the prewar period.9 World politics then intervened. When Soviet-backed North Korea invaded South Korea, the United States led a United Nations action against the invaders.

The more egalitarian distribution of wealth created by land reform made rural radicalism less likely while it undercut opposition to modernizing reforms that entrenched landed elites usually mount. Less tangibly, the relative income equality in Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea, and Hong Kong consolidated the support from a prospering working class. One can only wonder what would have happened to the economies of Argentina and Mexico if they had undertaken similar land reforms. More important, the Korean War of 1950–1953 had introduced a big spender into the Pacific basin trade universe. The founder of Hyundai, Chung Ju-yung, for instance, found good customers in the American armed forces for his two lines of business, construction and car repair. Born into a poor peasant family in North Korea, Chung had already demonstrated his intrepid character and knack for business during the Japanese occupation.


pages: 334 words: 98,950

Bad Samaritans: The Myth of Free Trade and the Secret History of Capitalism by Ha-Joon Chang

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, falling living standards, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial deregulation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, labour mobility, land reform, low skilled workers, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, moral hazard, offshore financial centre, oil shock, price stability, principal–agent problem, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transfer pricing, urban sprawl, World Values Survey

The Republican Party was a mid-19th-century invention, based on a new vision that befitted a country that was rapidly moving outward (into the West) and forward (through industrialization), rather than harking back to an increasingly unsustainable agrarian economy based on slavery. The winning formula that the Republican Party came up with was to combine the American System of the Whigs with the free distribution of public land (often already illegally occupied) so strongly wanted by the Western states. This call for free distribution of public land was naturally anathema to the Southern landlords, who saw it as the start of a slippery slope towards a comprehensive land reform. The legislation for such distribution had been constantly thwarted by the Southern Congressmen. The Republican Party undertook to pass the Homestead Act, which promised to give 160 acres of land to any settler who would farm it for five years. This act was passed during the Civil War in 1862, by which time the South had withdrawn from Congress. Slavery was not as divisive an issue in pre-Civil-War US politics as most of us today believe it to have been.

Frayssé (1994), Lincoln, Land, and Labour, translated by S. Neely from the original French edition published in 1988 by Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne (University of Illinois Press, Urbana and Chicago), p. 224, note 46. 36 The consolidation of a protectionist trade policy regime was not the only economic legacy of Lincoln’s presidency. In 1862, in addition to the Homestead Act, one of the largest land reform programmes in human history, Lincoln oversaw the passage of the Morill Act. This act established the ‘land grant’ colleges, which helped boost the country’s research and development (R&D) capabilities, which subsequently became the country’s most important competitive weapon. Although the US government had supported agricultural research from the 1830s, the Morrill Act was a watershed in the history of government support for R&D in the USA. 37 Bairoch (1993), pp. 37–8. 38 Bhagwati (1985), p. 22, f.n. 10. 39 Bairoch (1993), pp. 51–2. 40 In reviewing my own book, Kicking Away the Ladder, the Dartmouth economist Doug Irwin argues that ‘the United States started out as a very wealthy country with a high literacy rate, widely distributed land ownership, stable government and competitive political institutions that largely guaranteed the security of private property, a large internal market with free trade in goods and free labor mobility across regions, etc.


pages: 385 words: 111,807

A Pelican Introduction Economics: A User's Guide by Ha-Joon Chang

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Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, Berlin Wall, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, discovery of the americas, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, eurozone crisis, experimental economics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Akerlof, Gini coefficient, global value chain, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, Haber-Bosch Process, happiness index / gross national happiness, high net worth, income inequality, income per capita, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, inventory management, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, market clearing, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Northern Rock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, post-industrial society, precariat, principal–agent problem, profit maximization, profit motive, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, Scramble for Africa, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, sovereign wealth fund, spinning jenny, structural adjustment programs, The Great Moderation, The Market for Lemons, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, trade liberalization, transaction costs, transfer pricing, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, working-age population, World Values Survey

For example, many Neoclassical economists, even the ‘liberal’ Paul Krugman, argue that we should not criticize low-wage factory jobs in poor countries because the alternative may be no job at all. This is true, if we take the underlying socio-economic structure as given. However, once we are willing to change the structure itself, there are a lot of alternatives to those low-wage jobs. With new labour laws that strengthen worker rights, land reform that reduces the supply of cheap labour to factories (as more people stay in the countryside) or industrial policies that create high-skilled jobs, the choice for workers can be between low-wage jobs and higher-wage ones, rather than between low-wage jobs and no jobs. The Neoclassical school’s focus on exchange and consumption makes it neglect the sphere of production, which is a large – and the most important, according to many other schools of economics – part of our economy.

…because economic policy matters The main explanation for the lack of evidence for the Kuznets hypothesis is that economic policy matters hugely in determining the level of inequality. I have already mentioned that the recent dramatic upswings in inequality in the US and the UK can mainly be explained by deregulation and tax cuts for the rich. The absence of inequality upswing in Korea or Taiwan in their early stages of economic development between the 1950s and the 1960s can also be explained by policies. During this period, these countries implemented programmes of land reform, in which landlords were forced to sell most of their land to their tenants at below-market prices. Their governments then protected this new class of small farmers through import restrictions and the provision of subsidized fertilizer and irrigation services. They also heavily protected small shops from competition by large stores. Indeed, Kuznets himself did not believe that the decrease in inequality in the later stage of economic development would be automatic.


pages: 323 words: 94,406

To the Edge of the World: The Story of the Trans-Siberian Express, the World's Greatest Railroad by Christian Wolmar

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anti-communist, Cape to Cairo, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, railway mania, refrigerator car, stakhanovite, trade route, transcontinental railway, urban planning

While comparisons with the United States are inevitably simplistic, the changes were nevertheless radical and ‘Siberian migration produced a society much more like that of America than was the Russian society from which it stemmed.’12 Moreover, the migration afforded by the railway not only transformed Siberia but had repercussions throughout Russia: ‘Siberian migration resulted in the creation of a new Siberian society, which had a higher level of prosperity and a greater degree of social flexibility than European Russia.’13 The migration led to a new type of peasant who owned a smallholding, a different model from the communal one they left behind. This apparent liberalization by the monarchist regime was a response to the failed 1905 revolution. The relatively progressive politician Pyotr Stolypin, who became prime minister the following year, was anxious to win over the discontented peasantry. Land reforms directed at the remaining peasants in European Russia provided them with more freedom and created for the first time legally independent farmers living on their own land. Oddly, despite these improvements to the peasants’ conditions in European Russia and the gradual move away from the oppressive and inefficient commune system, the end of the Russo-Japanese War (during which there had been a steady flow of around 800 migrants per week to Siberia) led to a remarkable increase in the rate of migration.

., 94 Newby, Eric, xix, 30, 253–4 Nicholas I, Tsar, 2–3, 5, 11 and railways, 13–21, 24 Nicholas II, Tsar, 58, 70, 249 foreign tour, 59–60 and railways, 59–62 and Russo-Japanese War, 139–41 Nikolaevsk, 113, 200–1 Nikolayev Railway, 16–24, 74 fares, 22 finance, 21 gauge, 18–19 lack of connections, 23 route, 18, 20 speed of construction, 21 topography, 20 travelling conditions, 22 volume of traffic, 21 Nizhneudinsk, 198 Nizhny-Novgorod, 29, 31, 39 Nizhny Tagil, 12 North Korea, 245 Novokuznetsk, 217, 219, 222 Novonikolayevsk, 73, 84–6, 156, 198, 218 see also Novosibirsk Novosibirsk, 219, 260 station architecture, 220 see also Novonikolayevsk Novosibirsk Railway Museum, 108 Ob, river, 42, 68, 73, 82, 84–5, 101, 220 Ob River–Krasnoyarsk line, 65 October Manifesto, 139–40 Odessa, 24–5, 80, 86, 184–5 Odessa Railway, 49–50 Odessa University, 48 oil, 159, 174, 246 and environmental damage, 243–4 Old Believers, 144–5 Omsk, 73–4, 81–2, 161, 260 and civil war, 184, 187–8, 190, 195–8 coal thefts, 119–20 garden city, 156 panorama, 110 population increase, 155 station architecture, 92, 253 Omsk paper currency, 197 Omsk–River Ob line, 65 Orenburg, 42, 190 Orient Express, 109 Orthodox Church, 144–5 Orwell, George, 236 Ozerlag camp complex, 234 Pacific Fleet, Russian, 38, 56, 167 Page, Martin, 93–4 Panama Canal, 75 panoramas, 109–10 Paris, 25, 51 Paris Exposition Universelle, 84, 109–10, 114 passports, internal, 1, 21, 147–9 Pasternak, Boris, 193 Pauker, General German Egorovich, 44 Pavlovsk, 15 Peking–Paris road race, 162–3 Penrose, Richard, 152–3 Penza, 140, 180 Perm, 29, 39, 41–2, 192, 195, 209 permafrost, 65, 69, 103, 125, 168 and construction of BAM, 232–3, 239–40, 243, 247 Pertsov, Alexander, 134–5 Peter the Great, Emperor, 9, 20 Peyton, Mr, 32 photography, 253–4 Plehve, Vyacheslav von, 141 Pogranichny, 122 Pokrovskaya, Vera, 81 Polish provinces, 14, 24, 28, 144 Poltava, 151 Polyanski (agent), 51 Port Arthur, 109, 114, 123, 126, 129, 131, 133–4, 137, 139, 165 Port Baikal, 89, 101, 135 post houses, 4–5 Postyshevo, 233 Posyet, Konstantin, 39–40, 44, 52 Primorye region, 36–7, 40–1 prisoners of war, 226, 234, 246 Progressive Tours, 253 propaganda, 203–7, 252 Pushechnikov, Alexander, 88–9, 96, 122 Putin, Vladimir, 244 Pyasetsky, Pawel, 109–10 rails, convex, 12 railway administrators, enlightened, 151–2 ‘railway barons’, 26, 42, 50 railway colonies, 93 railway currency, 213 Railway Guard, 127–8, 130 railway managers, and Stalin’s purges, 221–3, 225 railway troops, 238 railway workers, 117–20, 156–7 wages, 118–19 railways, horse-drawn, 11–13, 30 railways, military, 24, 45 Ransome, Arthur, 206–7 Ready, Oliver, 114 Reid, Arnot, 102–3 roads, 2–3, 5–6, 13, 20, 98, 162, 257 Rosanov, Sergei, 186 Rothschilds, 46 rouble, linked to gold, 57 Royal Engineers, 95 Russia absolutism, 1 advent of railways, 27–8 censorship, 111 collapse of communism, 247–8, 257, 259 economy, 1–3, 26, 28, 55–6, 58, 95, 97–8, 255 expansion of railway network, 41–2 expansionist policies, 122–4, 130, 139 first horse-drawn railway, 11–12 German invasion, 224–5, 232, 258 industrialization, 55, 57, 95, 207, 211, 216–19, 221, 256, 258 land reforms, 154 liberalization, 21–2, 154 opposition to railways, 13–14, 16 unified railway network, 53 Russian civil war, xvi, 133, 138, 171–201, 223 Russian Revolution (1905), xvi, 154 (1917), xvi, 9, 121, 172, 174–8, 214 Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, 199–201 Russian Technical Society, 67 Russo-Japanese War, xvi, 91, 94, 107, 121, 129–42, 154, 161, 163, 165 peace treaties and aftermath, 139, 166–7, 213–14 Russo-Turkish War, 19, 36–7, 40, 49, 140–1 St John’s, Newfoundland, 64 Saint Nicholas, 73 St Petersburg assassination of von Plehve, 141 construction of, 20 massacre of demonstrators, 139 meat deliveries to, 158 renamed Petrograd, 162 St Petersburg–Moscow highway, 2 St Petersburg–Moscow Railway, see Nikolayev Railway St Petersburg time, 115 St Petersburg–Warsaw Railway, 24–5, 28 saints’ days, 104 Sakhalin Island, 31, 80, 199, 201, 242, 249 Samara, 140 see also Kuibyshev Samarkand, 39 San Francisco, 32 Schaffhausen-Schönberg och Schaufuss, Nikolai, 168 schools, building of, 157–8 Sea of Japan, 2, 7, 31, 173 Second World War, 19, 133, 200, 218–19, 221, 223–7, 229–30, 233 Semipalatinsk, 218 Semipalatinsk Cossacks, 185 Semyonov, Gregori, 182–5, 192, 198, 200 serfs, 12, 16–18, 34, 74, 141, 178 emancipation of, 11, 34, 145, 147 Sevastopol, siege of, 24, 37 Severobaikalsk, 231, 235, 241 Severomuysky Tunnel, 241, 244, 246 Shanghai, 114, 164 Shika, river, 69, 88, 101 Shoemaker, Michael Myers, 115 shovels, 81 Siberia Allied intervention, 172–201 architecture, 156–7 area, 7–8 cartography, 66–7 climate, 1, 7–8, 243, 246 economy, 31, 36, 207 fire damage, 243 first railway, 42–3 immigration, 143–60, 207, 220 increased productivity, 158–9 indigenous peoples, 11, 65, 118, 145–6, 149 industrialization, 207, 211, 216–19, 220–2, 256, 258 infrastructure improvements, 59, 61, 83, 98, 159 population, 1, 7, 10–11, 143, 159, 219 regionalist movement, 35 and Russian Empire, 34–6 time zones, 7 travel, 3–7, 32 urbanization, 154–6 Siberian Committee, 33–4 signallers, 118–19 Simpson, James, 150–1 Sino-Japanese War, 70–1 slaves, American, 35 sleepers, 64, 81, 84, 103, 106, 239 Sleigh, Mr, 31 sleighs, 3, 6, 32 Slyudyanka, 228 snowdrifts, 104 Sofiysk, 31 Solzhenitsyn, Alexander, 231 Some Like It Hot, 116 South Manchuria Railway, 126, 128–9, 137–9, 164, 214 Southwestern Railway, 50 Sovetskaya Gavan, 231, 233, 248 Soviet Sociology, 237 Soviets, 179 Sretensk, 38, 41, 88–9, 101, 108, 121–2, 168 Stakhanovite movement, 222–3 Stalin, Joseph, 10, 177, 215, 224–6, 229–30, 235 his death, 226, 234, 242 escape route from Moscow, 226 industrialization under, 207, 211, 216–19, 220–2, 256, 258 his train, 212, 252 Standard newspaper, 133 Stankevich, Andrei, 152 stations, 27, 74, 91–3, 156–7, 219–20, 257 architecture, 92, 157, 220 catering, 103, 107–8, 209–10 military areas, 157 steamboats, 4, 13 Stephenson, George and Robert, 12 Stevens, John F., 191 Stolypin, Pyotr, 154 submarine warfare, 176 submarines, 173 Suchan coal mines, 187 Sudan, 64 Suez Canal, 37, 70, 86, 164 suicides, 10 Suprenenko, Governor, 30 Sverdlovsk, 219 see also Yekaterinburg Swedish Red Cross, 185 Syzran, 42 taiga, 68, 78–9, 83–4, 236, 238, 243 tarantasses, 3–4, 6, 32, 91, 106 Tashkent, 218 Tayga, 155 Taylor, Richard, 204, 207 Tayshet, 231, 233–4, 239, 246 Tblisi, 48 telegas, 3 telegraph systems, 33, 140, 179, 194 Tibet, 233 tigers, 80 timber, shortages of, 64, 73, 84, 124, 126 Times, The, 22, 165 Timireva, Anna, 197 Tokyo, 161, 188 Tomsk, 38, 41, 68, 86, 107, 155–6, 217 First World War bottleneck, 172, 175 and railway administration, 68, 120 Tomsk province, 155 track gauge, 15–16, 18–19, 137–8, 256–7 trains armoured trains, xvi, 179, 183, 193, 203 butter trains, 158 coal trains, 172 Lux Blue Express, 212 luxury trains, 108–11, 114, 163–4, 252 propaganda trains, 203–7 Rossiya, 117, 257–8 troop trains, 133–4 tsar’s train, 44, 113, 198 ‘typhus trains’, 197–8 V.


pages: 359 words: 98,396

Family Trade by Stross, Charles

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British Empire, glass ceiling, haute couture, indoor plumbing, land reform, new economy, trade route

If the masked maniac doesn’t succeed in murdering me, the Clan will expect me to go live like a medieval noble lady—fuck that! I’m not going to do it. I’ll live with the consequences later.” “You’re—” he swallowed. “Miriam.” He held out his arms to her. “You’re strong, but you don’t know what you’re talking about. I’ve been trying to resist the pressure for years. It doesn’t work. The Clan will get you to do what they want you to do in the end. I spent years trying to get them to do something—land reform on their estates, educating the peasants, laying the groundwork for industrialization. All I got was shit. There are deeply entrenched political groupings within the Clan who don’t want to see any modernization, because it threatens their own source of power—access to imported goods. And outside the Clan, there are the traditional nobility, not to mention the Crown, who are just waiting for the Clan nobility to make a misstep.

It’s amazing how much leverage you can buy by ensuring the heir to a duchy somewhere doesn’t die of pneumonia or that some countess doesn’t succumb to childbed fever.” “Yeah.” Miriam began collecting her scattered clothes. “But it doesn’t have to go that way. I figure with their social standing the Clan could push industrialization and development policies that would drag the whole Gruinmarkt into the nineteenth century within a couple of generations, and a little later it would be able to export stuff that people over here would actually want to buy. Land reform and tools to boost agricultural efficiency, set up schools, build steel mills, and start using the local oil reserves in Pennsylvania—it could work. The Gruinmarkt could bootstrap into the kind of maritime power the British Empire was, back in the Victorian period. As the only people able to travel back and forth freely, we’d be in an amazing position—-a natural monopoly! The question is: How do we get there from here?”


pages: 306 words: 92,704

After the Berlin Wall by Christopher Hilton

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anti-communist, Berlin Wall, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, urban planning, urban renewal, women in the workforce

There is a good reason for this: the dead hand of Hitler lies upon it, and although this was followed by the dead hand of Soviet occupation and the dead hand of the GDR, you have to have a cut-off point if you are going to undertake something of unimaginable complexity: restoring property to its original owners after up to eight decades. The cut-off was 1933, when the Nazi anti-Semitic legislation became law and Jewish property was liable to confiscation. The dead hand of Soviet occupation was more profound in its impact than anything in the Hitler era. An author, A. James McAdams, summed this up by writing: Under the pretext of engaging in ‘land reform’ in their occupation zone, Soviet authorities undertook the sweeping and, in many cases, brutal confiscation of nearly one-third of the landed property of the area that would eventually become the GDR. Some of the occupation regime’s measures were directed against identifiable war criminals and former Nazi leaders and their sympathisers. Others were directed against the Prussian nobility, or Junkers, even though most representatives of this class had been killed during the war or in its immediate aftermath.

Nobody in future would be able to unscramble it. This might have applied particularly to the collectivisation of farms. If the GDR towns struck the visitor as dilapidated, the countryside conveyed openness: the fields were enormous and seemed to stretch to the horizon. This was the collective in operation. ‘The farming is a very exciting topic because it was a very interesting development,’ Dr Händler says. ‘First of all we had the land reform from 1945 onwards and every farmer would get a piece of land as his working property. He was not allowed to sell it but he could use it free of charge, no rent. From the beginning of the 1950s there were machine and tractor stations. It meant the farmers could rent big machines and all could share them. That was the first stage towards collective farming. ‘There were three stages of collective farming.


pages: 347 words: 99,317

Bad Samaritans: The Guilty Secrets of Rich Nations and the Threat to Global Prosperity by Ha-Joon Chang

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affirmative action, Albert Einstein, banking crisis, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, falling living standards, Fellow of the Royal Society, financial deregulation, fixed income, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, income inequality, income per capita, industrial robot, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, labour mobility, land reform, low skilled workers, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, moral hazard, offshore financial centre, oil shock, price stability, principal–agent problem, Ronald Reagan, South Sea Bubble, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transfer pricing, urban sprawl, World Values Survey

The Republican Party was a mid-19th-century invention, based on a new vision that befitted a country that was rapidly moving outward (into the West) and forward (through industrialization), rather than harking back to an increasingly unsustainable agrarian economy based on slavery. The winning formula that the Republican Party came up with was to combine the American System of the Whigs with the free distribution of (often already illegally occupied) public land so strongly wanted by the Western states. This call for free distribution of public land was naturally anathema to the Southern landlords, who saw it as the start of a slippery slope towards a comprehensive land reform. The legislation for such distribution had been constantly thwarted by the Southern Congressmen. The Republican Party undertook to pass the Homestead Act, which promised to give 160 acres of land to any settler who would farm it for five years. This act was passed during the Civil War in 1862, by which time the Southern Congressmen had withdrawn. Slavery was not as divisive an issue in pre-Civil-War US politics as most of us today believe it to have been.

Frayssé (1994), Lincoln, Land, and Labour, translated by S. Neely from the original French edition published in 1988 by Paris, Publications de la Sorbonne (University of Illinois Press, Urbana and Chicago), p. 224, note 46. 36 The consolidation of a protectionist trade policy regime was not the only economic legacy of Lincoln’s presidency. In 1862, in addition to the Homestead Act, one of the largest land reform programmes in human history, Lincoln oversaw the passage of the Morill Act. This act established the ‘land grant’ colleges, which helped boost the country’s research and development (R&D) capabilities, which subsequently became the country’s most important competitive weapon. Although the US government had supported agricultural research from the 1830s, the Morrill Act was a watershed in the history of government support for R&D in the USA. 37 Bairoch (1993), pp. 37–8. 38 Bhagwati (1985), p. 22, f.n. 10. 39 Bairoch (1993), pp. 51–2. 40 In reviewing my own book, Kicking Away the Ladder, the Dartmouth economist Doug Irwin argues that ‘the United States started out as a very wealthy country with a high literacy rate, widely distributed land ownership, stable government and competitive political institutions that largely guaranteed the security of private property, a large internal market with free trade in goods and free labor mobility across regions, etc.


pages: 207 words: 86,639

The New Economics: A Bigger Picture by David Boyle, Andrew Simms

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Asian financial crisis, back-to-the-land, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, capital controls, carbon footprint, clean water, collateralized debt obligation, colonial rule, Community Supported Agriculture, congestion charging, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, delayed gratification, deskilling, en.wikipedia.org, energy transition, financial deregulation, financial innovation, full employment, garden city movement, happiness index / gross national happiness, if you build it, they will come, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, land reform, loss aversion, microcredit, Mikhail Gorbachev, mortgage debt, neoliberal agenda, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, oil shock, peak oil, pensions crisis, profit motive, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, Ronald Reagan, seigniorage, Simon Kuznets, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, working-age population

The one 20th-century movement that embedded elements of what is now new economics was Distributism, inspired by Hilaire Belloc’s 1912 book The Servile State, an influential diatribe against big business and Fabian collectivist policies.4 Distributism knitted together the old Catholic social doctrine of Pope Leo XIII that was so close to Belloc’s heart, inspired originally by Ruskin via Cardinal Manning. It mixed a generous dollop of land reforming Liberalism with unworldly Gandhian simplicity, borrowing the old slogan of Joseph Chamberlain and Jesse Collings from the 1880s, ‘three acres and a cow’. At its heart was the redistribution of land and property so that everyone had some – on the grounds that small enterprises, smallholdings and small units were the only basis for dignity, independence and liberty. 20 THE NEW ECONOMICS Belloc and his friend G.

BizFizz has a proven record of increasing business start-up and survival, but also increases the confidence and sense of self-reliance among the community as a whole. www.bizfizz.org.uk Community finance Community development finance plays a vital role in the UK to address financial exclusion and underinvestment in disadvantaged areas through provision of finance 174 THE NEW ECONOMICS and money advice to individuals and enterprises. nef was instrumental in setting up the Social Investment Task Force, and introducing the idea of Community Investment Tax Relief, helped found the Community Development Finance Association, incubated the London Rebuilding Society, and is a founding partner in the Adventure Capital Fund, as well as of the European Microfinance Network. nef was involved in researching and assisting in the development of seven community banking partnerships in England and Wales, which partner credit unions, community development finance institutions and money advice agencies in the co-delivery of community finance services to low and moderate income households. www.cdfa.org.uk Community land trusts Land trusts were developed at the Institute of Community Economics as a way of dividing the property, which can be owned outright, from the land it stands on, which is owned by a trust. This keeps property prices down and provides greater control over local land use. By separating the land costs from the building costs, community land trusts can reduce the cost of housing by half. They trace their roots to the cooperative land reform efforts of Robert Owen, the Chartists, John Ruskin and the garden cities movement, but the model was forgotten. nef worked with Community Finance Solutions at the University of Salford to lead research to help reintroduce community land trusts to England and Wales. nef has also developed with CDS Cooperatives a new model called Mutual Homeownership. www.communitylandtrust.org.uk Community reinvestment Banks have a moral obligation – and in the USA this is a legal obligation – to lend money in places they are prepared to accept deposits from.


pages: 233 words: 75,712

In Defense of Global Capitalism by Johan Norberg

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Asian financial crisis, capital controls, clean water, correlation does not imply causation, Deng Xiaoping, Edward Glaeser, Gini coefficient, half of the world's population has never made a phone call, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, Lao Tzu, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Naomi Klein, new economy, open economy, profit motive, race to the bottom, rising living standards, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tobin tax, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, union organizing

But a more important reason is that people must have some basic assets—things like land in an undeveloped economy and education in a modern one—to be able to work effectively. What matters, then, is a degree of equality in terms of those assets and not in what is usually meant in the political debate, equality of incomes and profits. The crucial reform in a developing country that has ancient, unfair feudal structures and a small, land-owning elite is land reform, so that more people will have a share of the land and thus will be able to participate in the economy. The important thing is for the whole population to obtain an education and have the opportunity to borrow money when they have ideas for business projects. No one must be discriminated against or marginalized, or prevented by licensing requirements, prohibitions, and legal privileges from competing for positions and incomes.

Suddenly everything that had built up their economies had vanished. What this example shows is that trade alone does not necessarily create dynamic development in an oppressive society. If a country is static and characterized by enormous privileges and discrimination, there is little chance of trade solving all these problems. For that to happen, the population must acquire liberty and the opportunity of economic participation. Land reforms to put an end to centuries of feudalism would have been needed, coupled with a commitment to education and free markets. But those were not the conclusions drawn by the rulers of Latin America and the Marxist academics who developed the theory of dependence. History, they argued, showed that trade was pernicious and that countries should aim for self-sufficiency and internal industrialization.

Pirates and Emperors, Old and New by Chomsky, Noam

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anti-communist, Berlin Wall, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, cuban missile crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, union organizing, urban planning

Statistics compiled for the UN’s Food and Agricultural Organization’s annual meeting in Rome this week [June 11, 2002] show that the number of people with chronic hunger in Central America has risen by almost a third in the last decade, from 5 million to 6.4 million of the 28 million population.4 UN agencies are seeking remedies, “but without effective land reform these measures can have only limited impact.” The popular organizations that might have led the way to land reform and other measures to benefit the poor majority were effectively destroyed by Washington’s “war on terror.” Formal democracy was instituted, but it impresses mostly ideologues. Polls throughout the hemisphere reveal that faith in democracy has steadily declined, in part because of the destruction of the social base for effective democracy, and in part, very likely, because the institution of formal democracy was accompanied by neoliberal policies that reduce the space for democratic participation.


pages: 151 words: 38,153

With Liberty and Dividends for All: How to Save Our Middle Class When Jobs Don't Pay Enough by Peter Barnes

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Alfred Russel Wallace, banks create money, Buckminster Fuller, collective bargaining, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, diversified portfolio, en.wikipedia.org, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, Jaron Lanier, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, Mark Zuckerberg, Network effects, oil shale / tar sands, profit maximization, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, the map is not the territory, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, transaction costs, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Upton Sinclair, winner-take-all economy

—David Morris, cofounder, Institute for Local Self-Reliance “In this eloquent and powerful book, Peter Barnes identifies a major step toward a fair and just society. Better, he does so in the tradition of our Founders, who worked hard to ensure that every citizen would enjoy equal access to common sources of well-being.” —Barry Lynn, author of Cornered WITH LIBERTY AND DIVIDENDS FOR ALL ALSO BY PETER BARNES Pawns: The Plight of the Citizen-Soldier The People’s Land: A Reader on Land Reform in the United States (ed.) Who Owns the Sky? Our Common Assets and the Future of Capitalism Capitalism 3.0: A Guide to Reclaiming the Commons Climate Solutions: A Citizen’s Guide WITH LIBERTY AND DIVIDENDS FOR ALL How to Save Our Middle Class When Jobs Don’t Pay Enough PETER BARNES With Liberty and Dividends for All Copyright © 2014 by Peter Barnes All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, distributed, or transmitted in any form or by any means, including photocopying, recording, or other electronic or mechanical methods, without the prior written permission of the publisher, except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical reviews and certain other noncommercial uses permitted by copyright law.


pages: 614 words: 176,458

Meat: A Benign Extravagance by Simon Fairlie

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agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, back-to-the-land, call centre, carbon footprint, Community Supported Agriculture, deindustrialization, en.wikipedia.org, food miles, Food sovereignty, Haber-Bosch Process, Hugh Fearnley-Whittingstall, informal economy, Just-in-time delivery, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Martin Wolf, megacity, Northern Rock, Panamax, peak oil, refrigerator car, scientific mainstream, stem cell, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, University of East Anglia, upwardly mobile, women in the workforce

., 10. 58 Whitefield, P (2004), The Earth Care Manual, Permanent Publications. 59 Peter Kropotkin (1912), Fields, Factories and Workshops, Tho Nelson and Son, 1912 (1898), p 354. 60 Borsodi, Ralph (1927), The Distribution Age, D Appleton and Co. 61 Ibid. 62 Borsodi, R (1933), Flight from the City, Harper and Bros; Fogarty, S, ‘Ralph Borsodi: Decentralist Theorist and Community Builder’, in R Borsodi (1929) This Ugly Civilization, Porcupine Press, 1975. On the failure of the Borsodi’s first settlements: Issel, W (1967), ‘Ralph Borsodi and the Agrarian Response to Modern America’ in Agricultural History, Vol XLI, No 2, April 1967. On Borsodi in India: Slastrom, P (1975), ‘Ralph Borsodi’s Vision of Land Reform’, The Green Revolution, Sept 1975, www.cooperativeindividualism.org/salstrom-paul_on-borsodi-and-land-reform.html. On Community Land Trusts: Loomis, M (1978), ‘Ralph Borsodi’s Principles for Homesteaders’, Land and Liberty Nov-Dec 1978 http://www.cooperativeindividualism.org/loomis_borsodi_bio.html. School of Living: http://www.schoolofliving.org/ 63 See Lang, T and Raven, H (1994), ‘From Market to Hypermarket: Food Retailing in Britain’, The Ecologist, July/August 1994. 64 NFU Countryside, April 2007. 65 Heinberg, Richard (2006), ‘Fifty Million Farmers’, Energy Bulletin, 17 November 2006, http://energybulletin.net/22584.html 66 Gunther, F, Ruralization: A Possible Way to Alleviate Our Current Vulnerability Problems, IV Biennial International Workshop Advances in Energy Studies, Unicamp, Campinas, SP Brazil; 15-19 June 2004.

There are those who argue that Kenyans should be lifted out of poverty through the otherwise fatuous business of flying fresh flowers and out of season vegetables to Europe.49 On the other hand, trucking goods across continents to regions where they can be grown satisfactorily causes environmental damage and results in unsustainable concentrations of biomass and nutrients where they are not needed, for the sake of an economic advantage which is pocketed by supermarkets, not by farmers. As for countries like New Zealand that have a surplus of land and food, perhaps they should open their doors to immigrants and parcel out some of their farms to landless peasants. If we are going to globalize everything else, we should globalize land reform as well. At the end of their paper, Weber and Matthews point out that GHG emissions are ‘only one dimension of the environmental impacts of food production’. Food miles may not be over-extravagant in their energy use, but they are thickly implicated in a centralized distribution system which multiplies our energy expenditure at every opportunity and whose impacts include excessive packaging and refrigeration, waste, traffic congestion, road-building, noise, accidents, loss of local distinctiveness, exploitation and displacement of peasants, excessive immigration, urban slums, deforestation and habitat destruction, removal of biomass from third world countries, the undermining of local communities in the UK, the collapse of UK farming and the blood which is spilt over oil fields.


pages: 564 words: 182,946

The Berlin Wall: A World Divided, 1961-1989 by Frederick Taylor

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anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, German hyperinflation, land reform, mutually assured destruction, oil shock, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine, the market place, young professional, éminence grise

To avoid a new Thousand Year Reich, society must go beyond capitalism. Ulbricht and the Soviets played successfully on this antipathy to the past. They expropriated the big landowners within months of the war’s end (‘Junkers’ lands into farmers’ hands’ went the slogan), and nationalised almost half the big-business concerns in the Soviet Zone as retribution for their complicity in the crimes of Nazism. The land reform was popular with small farmers, as such redistributions generally are. The substantial majority that voted for it had not read their history. In 1917, Lenin drummed up support in the Russian countryside with the appeal ‘All Land to the Peasants!’. In the 1930S, those peasants found their newly granted lands absorbed into state-run collectives. If they resisted, they and their families were condemned to starve.

., 114, 131 Ganéval, General Jean, 56, 60 Gartenstrasse, 187 Gatow Airport, 55 Gaudian, Christian, 397 Gelb, Norman, 137 Geneva, 382 Gensler Strasse, 194-5 George, Heinrich, 196 Georgetown, 171, 202 Georgia, 104, 214, 228 German Administration of the Interior (DVdI), 47-8, 142 German Confederation, 17 German Democratic Republic (GDR; East Germany): elections, 68, 75, 99-100; established, 68-9; flag, 69, 442; population, 72, 446; 504 / THE BERLIN WALL borders, 75-7, 124, 143, 331-2, 367, 374, 397, 433; collectivisation of agriculture, 76-7, 80-1, 102, 119; campaign against churches, 77, 81; population loss, 77, 79-81, 100, 117, 119, 153, 345, 347; industry, 79, 81, 102, 119, 388-9, 415, 438, 443-4; economy, 79-80, 100, 102, 117-19, 122, 127, 149, 205, 270, 287, 389; workers’ uprising, 82-7, 158, 193, 322, 411; securiry, 100, 105-6; strategic importance, 118, 120; Soviet missiles stationed in,120 ; flow of refugees, 123-6, 135-6, 138-9, 146, 148, 150-4, 159, 173, 189, 205; Soviet support for, 135; Soviet forces reinforced, 144-5, 149; army, 144, 153-4, 158, 161, 175, 177, 183, 349, 374, 383, 411, 428, 431; economic links with West Germany, 148; Western intelpligence gathering, 150-1; increasing repression, 152-3; Allies and possibility of unrest, 175; Lutheran Church in, 184-5; consequences of border closure, 190-3; education system, 191-2, 347-8, 405, 438; political prisoners, 193, 199, 376; deportations, 200; and magnet theory, 269; international recognition, 276-7, 344-5, 368, 381; press, 283; repression eases, 290; conscription introduced, 310; and convergence, 343-4; economic improvements, 347-9, 373; youth in, 347, 405; pollution, 348, 377, 389, 438; communal pride, 348-9; sports, 348-9; Western perceptions of, 357, 370-1; and homosexuality, 359; denazification, 359; judiciary, 359-60; punks in, 363-4; visiting rights, 367, 369; signs Basic Treaty, 368; technology imports, 373, 375-6; economic crisis and KoKo system, 374-6; military budget; credit agreement, 377-8, 387-9, 392-3, 415-16; signs Helsinki Accord, 381; subcultures, 383-4, 439; black economy, 384; exit-visa movement, 384-5, 395; outward transfer of technology, 388-9, 443-4; national anthem, 392; abolishes death penalty, 396; rigged local elections, 401-2; plans for concentration camps, 402; fortieth anniversary, 402, 405-6, 408-9; Soviet publications banned, 403; economic collapse, 408-9, 414-15; Gorbachev visits, 409-10; borders opened, 422-8; leadership Stands down, 431-2; free elections, 432-3; post-reunification emigration, 438; reconstruction, 439; age profile, 446 German Football Association, 388 German People’s Party, 35 German State Opera House, 44 INDEX / 505 Germany admiration for Frederick the Great, 11; and War of Liberation, 14; 1848 revolution unification, 15-17; ‘Prussianisation’, 19; army, 19, 24; industrialisation, 19; welfare system, 20; navy, 21, 24; and First World War, 23, 27; economic collapse, 27-8, 94; Communists return, 30-1; post-war dismantling, 33, 38; divided between Allies, 37; borders redrawn, 45, 76, 132, 368; post-war hunger and unemployment, 50; currency reform and economic recovery, 52-4; free trade area, 53, 70; country divided, 61, 67-70, 75; strategic importance, 70; US forces in, 73; national anthem, 84; birthplace of Marxism, 135; industrial production, 388; reunification, 429-30, 433-7; currency, 436-7; border controls abolished, 437; all-German elections, 437; faces economic competition, 444-5; see also Federal Republic of Germany; German Democratic Republic Germany, Soviet Zone, 32-3; political revival and creation of SED, 42-4; elections, 47, 68; arrests, 47-9; special camps, 47-8; nationalisation and land reform, 51, 67; and Marshall Plan, 51-2; food supplies, 54; Soviet troops in, 72; border closed, 76; SED tightens grip, 105-6 Germany Treaty, 77 Gerstenmaier, Eugen, 218 Gestapo, 29-30, 92-5, 97, 195, 346 Giessen, 400 Gildner, Jay, 242 Girrmann, Detlef, 297, 314 Girrmann Group, 293, 298, 301, 304-5, 314 Gisecke & Devrient company, 388 glasnost, 388 Gleisdreieck, 242 Glienicke, 257, 394; bridge, xxiii Goebbels, Josef, 26, 181, 196, 262, 345 Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, xxiv Gomulka, Wladyslaw, 101, 148, 287 Good Bye, l111in!

., 38-9, 246 Roosevelt, Theodore, 121 Rosinenbomber, 57 Restock, 446 Resow, Walt, 114, 146, 205, 209-11, 246, 336 Rothenkirchen, 389 Royal Corps of Military Police, 65, 170 Rüdow, 172 Rühmann, Heinz, 35 522 / THE BERLIN WALL Ruhr industrial area, 22, 27, 42, 46, 53, 391 Rummelsburg station, 175 Ruppiner Strasse, 239 Rusk, Dean, 114, 152, 205, 214-15, 218, 223-4, 247, 286 Russia, 11-12, 16, 48; Napoleon invades, 14; and triple alliance, 21; 1917 revolution, 24; land reform, 51; Stalin’s, 75, 364, 418; See also Soviet Union Saarland, 42, 91, 93, 391, 430 Sabolyk, Lieutenant-Colonel Robert, 272-3, 280-1 Sachsenhausen, 47, 60, 196 Salinger, Pierre, 205, 224 SALT II arms-reduction treaty, 385-6 San Antonio, 225 San Francisco, 18, 230 Sandanistas, 385 Sanitz, 314 Santiago, 441-2 São Paulo, 441 SAP (Socialist Workers’ Party), 94-5 Sauerbruch, Dr, 34-5 Saxony, 58, 86, 144, 197, 384; invaded by Prussia, 11; socialism in, 22, 27; careerists disliked, 125; industries, 388-9, 443; growing unrest, 410; neo-Nazi parties in, 439 Saxony-Anhalt, 444 S-Bahn, 256, 260, 306, 311, 370; strike, 66-7; cut off at border, 162-168; stations, 179; attacks on trains, 293 Schabowski, Günter, 110, 190, 414; addresses demonstrators, 418-19; announces open borders, 422-5; expelled from SED, 432 Schacht, Dr Hjalmar, 27 Schadow, Johann Gottfried, 13 Schalck-Golodkowski, Alexander, 375-6, 378 Scharnhorst, General, 14 Scharoun, Hans, 35 Schiffbauerdamm, 295 Schiller Friedrich, xxiv INDEX / 523 Schinkel, Karl Friedrich, 14, 83 Schirdewan, Karl, 100-1 Schlaffke, Horst, 83 Schlesinger, Arthur, 114 Schleswig-Holstein, 17, 371 Schloss Wilkendorf, 161 Schmidt, Helmut, 372, 381, 387 Schmidt, Lutz, 394-5 Schmidtchen, Jörgen, 310 Schmollerstrasse, 264 Schönbrunn Palace, 128 Schöneberg, 58, 123; Town Hall, 167, 176, 227, 244-5, 253; Kennedy's speech at Town Hall, 338, 340 Schönefeld Airport, 139, 146, 266, 394, 442 Schönfliess, 156 Schönhausen Castle, 106 Schönholz, goods station, 305 Schönholzer Strasse, 324-5 Schröder, Gerhard, 396 Schröder, Louise, 49 Schubert, Hermann, 30 Schulte, Fritz, 30 Schultz, Egon, 328, 335 Schulze, Peter, 58 Schulz-Ladegast, Klaus, 184-5, 193-4, 196-9, 234; sentence halved, 199, 360; escapes, 332-3; father released, 376 Schumacher, Kurt, 71 Schumann, Corporal Conrad, 239-41, 265, 292, 447 Schürer, Gerhard, 415-16 Schwander, Rudi, 85-6 Schwedler Strasse, 186 Schwerin, 156, 446 Scott-Heron, Gil, 428 Sebastianstrasse, 316 Second World War, 6, 75, 92, 144; aftermath of, 71, 73, 132, 368, 433, 443 524 / THE BERLIN WALL SED (Communist Party), xxv, 61, 237, 348; creation of43-4, 47, 98; trails in elections, 47; and introduction of Communism in Germany, 51-2; demonstrations, 59; and establishment of GDR, 67-9; purged, 68, 77; and East Berlin administration, 74; admits mistakes, 81; and workers’ uprising, 83-4, 87-9; cultural credibility, 89; Honecker and, 92, 97, 99; Brandt and, 97; lifestyle of élites, 106-11; Mielke and, 142-3; and border closure, 153-4, 158, 178-80, 18990; members escape, 265, 313; establishes links with SPD, 396; leadership and demonstrations, 418-19; members leave, 432; participates in free elections, 432; changes name, 437, 439 Seidel, Harry, 315-16, 322 Seifert, Major-General, 141 Sejna, Jan, 126 Selbmann, Fritz, 83 Selbstschussanlagen, 367, 393 Semenov, Vladimir, 81, 87-9, 140 Seoul, 72 Serov, General Ivan, 33 Sesta, Domenico (’Mimmo’), 322-6 Seven Years War, 11 Shanghai, 69 Shelepin, Alexander, 146 Shevardnadze, Eduard, 437 Showalter, Colonel, 203 Siekmann, Ida, 188 Silesia, 10, 46, 76 Sindermann, Horst, 135 skinheads, 364, 439 Slovakia, 444-5 Smaroda, Major, 195 Smolensk, 116 socialism, 19-21 Solidarity, 401-2, 426 Soloviev Colonel Andrei I., 223, 279, 283-4 Sonnena1lee (film), 445 INDEX / 525 Sonnenallee crossing point, 257-9 Sorensen, Theodore, 340-1 South Korean airliner, shot down, 387 Soviet Military Administration (SMA), 36, 42-3, 47, 61, 69, 85 Soviet Union, 47, 59, 132; defence of, 26; German Communists in, 30; war reparations, 33; and division of Berlin, 36-7; opposes free trade area, 53; and advent of Cold War, 69; nuclear weapons, 72-3, 103, 116-18, 120-1, 145, 282; post-Stalin leadership, 79-81, 85; economy, 79, 127, 275; flag torn down, 85; purges, 95; rocket science, 102, 113, 115-16; relations with China, 118, 122, 282; support for GDR, 135, 149; consequences of border closure, 224, 226, 274; policy on Berlin, 277-8, 282-3; acquires German territory, 343; and Berlin Agreement, 367; oil exports, 373-4, 409; involvement in Afghanistan, 385-6; confrontation with USA, 387; and German unity, 392; and Brezhnev Doctrine, 403; reform of, 434; troops withdrawn from Germany, 437; collapse of, 440; see also Russia Soviet War Memorial, 320 Spain, 142 Spandau, 172, 200, 296 Spandau Ship Canal, 307 Spanish Civil War, 95 Spartakist League, 24 SPD (Social Democratic Party), 20, 22-4, 28-9, 35, 48-9; re-formed, 42; and creation of SED, 43-4, 47, 98; election gains, 47, 270, 344; activists arrested, 47; continues to work in East, 59; under Schumacher, 71; song, 84; Brandt and, 94, 97; in Berlin elections, 99; Stasi and, 143; clandestine network in GDR, 154; American relations with, 244; joins government, 344-5; establishes links with SED, 396; re-forms in GDR, 417; and German reunification, 430, 433, in GDR elections, 433; in all-German elections, 437; coalition with PDS, 448 Speer, Albert, 83 spies, 124, 150, 156, 197-9, 371-2; exchanges, xxiii; SED, 180; tools of trade, 197; positive effects of spying, 213; Guillaume affair, 371-2 Spree, river, 3-4, 7, 168, 257, 260, 293-5 526 / THE BERLIN WALL Springer, Axel, 217, 227, 317-18, 321; hostility towards Ostpolitik, 343; and attack on Dutschke, 360-1; and political prisoners, 376 Sputnik, 102, 113, 275 Sputnik magazine, 403 Spy Who Came in from the Cold, The, (film) 333 SS, 168 Stalin, Josef, 26, 30-1, 33, 39, 82, 119; pact with Hitler, 30, 95; and Berlin, 35, 57, 243; and division of Germany, 37-8, 67-8, 70; and nuclear weapons, 40; and creation of SED, 43-4; and introduction of Communism in Germany, 50-2; and Korean War, 72-3; offer on German unification, 75-6; and GDR borders, 76, 78; death, 78, 89; and ’doctors’ plot’, 78; portraits burned, 82; denounced by Khrushchev, 100, 103, 275, 281-2, 346; mocks Khrushchev, 103, 117; personality cult, 123; body removed from mausoleum, 282; Ulbricht rejects, 346; and Baltic states, 401; and mass murder, 443 Stalinallee, 82-3, 90, 346 Stalingrad, battle of, 49, 55, 119, 263 Star Wars project, 386 Starnberger See, 342 Stasi136, 185, 190, 215, 360, 402; leaders, 48; established, 69; ’night and fog’ actions, 76; and SED leaders, 108-9; headquarters, 142; Mielke heads, 142-3; motto, 143; and border closure, 144, 158-9, 206; forbidden area, 194-5, 213, 234; interrogation prison, 196-9, 234, 332; interrogation methods, 198; military arm, 237, 311; and border escapes, 265-6, 294, 296-8, 301, 303-7, 314, 316-17, 324, 329, 332-3, 394-5, 398; counter-espionage, 291; and crossing permits, 335; strength, 346; informers, 346, 420; and sports, 349; and punks, 363; dog-training school, 366; foreign espionage, 371-3; costs of, 374; and KoKo, 374-6; observers at Checkpoint Charlie, 380-1, 385, 396; and Helsinki activists, 382; and exit-visa movement, 384-5; surveys popular opinion, 392; and collapse of GDR, 410, 412, 418-21, 426, 431; Mielke’s apologia for, 432; Hagen Koch’s career, 435-6; aids Chilean dissidents, 441; killings in West Germany, 442; films reveal reveal truth about, 445-6 State Opera, 125, 406 State Porcelain Factory, 252, 255 INDEX / 527 Steel, Sir Christopher, 220 Stegliz, 170, 356 Stoph, Willi, 108, 141, 143, 412, 415, 419 Strasbourg, 403 Strasse des 17.

Necessary Illusions by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, British Empire, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, full employment, Howard Zinn, Khyber Pass, land reform, New Journalism, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, union organizing

Landless campesinos led by priests have occupied abandoned land, leading to arrests and forced expulsion. A report of the Human Rights Commission of Costa Rica documents dozens of complaints of illegal expulsion and abuse of authority during the past two years, including several assassinations, implicating the security forces, especially the Rural Guard, in violence against campesinos. Father Elias Arias, a priest imprisoned with 100 squatters, stated that “Costa Rica urgently needs land reform, but the legislators are reluctant to carry out this type of reform which is against their own self-interest. Instead of helping the campesinos, they have been protecting the property of John Hull,” the wealthy U.S. landowner and CIA asset who was actively involved in the attack against Nicaragua from Costa Rican bases.13 Through the 1980s, Costa Rica was able to defer these problems thanks to rising U.S. aid, understood to be conditional on its general support for U.S. objectives in the region.

Laqueur mentions that six Americans “perished in the civil war in El Salvador.” They are not further identified, but he presumably has in mind the four American churchwomen raped and murdered by the Salvadoran National Guard supported by the U.S. and directed by General Vides Casanova, who was promoted to Defense Minister under the Duarte government in the “fledgling democracy”; and two Americans working on land reform, assassinated in a restaurant by soldiers under orders from officers of the National Guard and the chief of staff, who were never charged. None of these facts are mentioned, and they occasion no thoughts on the source of terrorism in that traumatized country. One might also ask whether the phrase “perished in the civil war” does justice to the element of “international state-sponsored terrorism” in these atrocities.

In a sample of forty-nine Kinzer articles from the signing of the peace accords in August 1987 through mid-December, I found two references to the possible existence of such people. One is in paragraph eighteen of one of the many articles condemning the Sandinistas on the matter of amnesty, where a mother of a Sandinista soldier killed in action is quoted as opposing amnesty for “the people who killed our sons.” A second is in an insert in a survey of the land crisis in Central America, quoting cooperative members who express appreciation for land reform measures.147 The articles are largely devoted to diplomatic maneuverings and the tribulations of the internal opposition, who are presented as the true voice of Nicaragua. One learns next to nothing about the country, not an untypical feature of media coverage. The procedure of highly selective sourcing is second nature even among journalists who take some pains to keep independent of government propaganda.


pages: 651 words: 135,818

China into Africa: trade, aid, and influence by Robert I. Rotberg

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barriers to entry, BRICs, colonial rule, corporate governance, Deng Xiaoping, energy security, European colonialism, failed state, global supply chain, global value chain, income inequality, Khartoum Gordon, labour market flexibility, land reform, megacity, microcredit, offshore financial centre, out of africa, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, RAND corporation, Scramble for Africa, South China Sea, special economic zone, structural adjustment programs, trade route, Washington Consensus

Faced with insufficiency of Chinese support, Zimbabwe has attempted to obtain financing elsewhere, including Libya, which at one time provided most of Zimbabwe’s oil. In fact, China never seemed as keen about its relationship with Zimbabwe as Zimbabwe was about China. As early as 2002, even before Mugabe launched the “Look East” policy, China expressed concern about the possible negative impact of factory invasions and chaotic land reform policies on Chinese economic interests.43 Though Zimbabwe has among the most important platinum deposits in the world, as well as over forty other minerals, many of these resources are as yet unexploited and require significant investment to do so (unlike tobacco, which is more easily cultivated).44 The return on such investments was unknown, especially when there were “arrangements with local government elites that inhibit profit making.”45 China grew increasingly worried about whether its loans would ever be repaid, a concern that increased when the Zimbabwean government failed to meet some of its obligations.

China model, and, 182; ONCC Videsh and, 120; 288; Zimbabwe and, 261 Sudan and, 264; trade flows and, 95; International Olympics Committee, 68 transparency and, 124 International system, 297, 299, 306 Indian Ocean: development and, 144; Internet, 283 naval strategy and, 181–84 Interparliamentary exchanges, 241–42 Indian Ocean Newsletter, 173 Iran, 17, 39, 151; arms transfers and, Industrial and Commercial Bank of 176; military ties and, 159, 163, 165, China, 148 171 Information management, 238 Iraq, 59, 304; military assistance and, Infrastructure, 1, 87, 218, 272, 300; 159 ambivalence regarding, 75; capital Islam, 126, 239, 302; Union of Islamic for, 117; challenges to, 301; China Courts and, 304 model and, 298; colonialism and, 40; Israel, 263, 304; arms transfers and, 176 16-7561-4 index.qxd 9/16/08 4:25 PM Page 329 Index 329 Janjaweed militias, 256, 258; Darfur Kordofan, Sudan, 258 and, 128; oil and, 109, 113 Kurlantzick, Joshua, 217–18, 222 Japan, 3, 32; colonialism and, 116; eco- nomic growth of, 226; high pay- Labor, 258–59, 280–81, 292, 297; Angola ments and, 123; imports from, 97; and, 11; Chinese as, 2, 11, 18, 72–74; network trade and, 107; ODA and, isolation of, 76; discipline and, 122; 213; oil and, 111; Sudan and, 126; FDI and, 106; legal violations trade flows and, 95 against, 252; Nigeria and, 280, 291; Jiang Enzhu, 242 product diversification and, 102; Jiangsu International, 165 south-south trade and, 88; standards Jiang Zemin, 21, 234; hospitality of, 236; for, 290, 301 theory of the Three Represents, 237 Lagos, Nigeria, 281–86, 287 Jia Qinglin, 24 Lamu, Kenya, 131 Jibrin, Walid, 279 Landmines, 178 Jilin University, 29 Land reform, 262 Ji Pengfei, 28 Langfang, China, 178 Johnson, Douglas, 128 Language, 302; Chinese, 279; Chinese Johnson-Sirleaf, Ellen, 178 immigration and, 287; concessional Juba, Sudan, 131, 171 loan information and, 226; loan Junggar Basin, 110 information and, 218–20; in Nigeria, 281 Kabila, Laurent, 161 Latin America, 58–60; FDI and, 105; Kaduna, Nigeria, 278–79 national security and, 155; raw mate- Kajola, Ogun State, Nigeria, 276 rials and, 94 Kakiri, Uganda, 172 Lee, Henry, 5 Kano, Nigeria, 279 Lee Kuan Yew, 252 Kapiri Mposhi, Zambia, 146 Legal codes, 14 Kaunda, Kenneth, 146, 273 Legal responsibility, 253–56; human Kebbi State, 278 rights lobbying and, 264; in Sudan, Kenya, 3, 70; arms transfers to, 9, 163; 257–59, 264–66; vs. moral culpabil- Confucius Institutes in, 29; embassy ity, 251, 264; Zimbabwe and, 263–66 attacks in, 304; Japanese companies Leon, Tony, 240 in, 32; military assistance and, 161; Lesotho, 11, 70–71; Taiwan and, 211; oil and, 4, 115 visited by Chinese leaders, 28 Kenyan Pipeline Corporation, 131–32 Li Anshan, 8 Kew, Darren, 11, 272 Liao Xiaqi, 149 Khartoum, Sudan, 112–13, 124–26, 132; Li Baodong, 235 Darfur and, 128–29; military assis- Liberation movements, 25, 156–57, tance and, 160, 170, 183 232–33, 260; Chinese support of, 9, Khrushchev, Nikita, 112, 202 273, 299; political outreach to, 231 Kiir Mayardit, Salva, 239–40 Liberia, 6, 100; peacekeeping in, Kisangani, Democratic Republic of 177–78; SEZs and, 147; Taiwan Congo (Stanleyville), 157, 160 and, 211–12 16-7561-4 index.qxd 9/16/08 4:25 PM Page 330 330 Index Libya, 27, 155; arms transfers to, 163; Marsa al-Bashair, Sudan, 125, 131 military assistance and, 161, 183; oil Martial arts, 77 reserves and, 115; Taiwan and, 162; Massacres, 254; in Zimbabwe, 260–61 Zimbabwe and, 262 Matabebeland, 260 Li Chengwen, 238 Mauritania, 27, 156, 161; oil reserves Ling Guiru, 71 and, 115 Li Peng, 28, 33 Mauritius, 70, 95, 101, 106; apparel and, Lisbon, Portugal, 117 107; development and, 143; Egypt Liu Guijin, 13, 130, 170 and, 150; foreign aid and, 200; Liu Naiya, 239 Indian Ocean development and, 145; Li Xianlian, 28 SEZs and, 140, 147 Li Zhaoxing, 210 Ma Wenpu, 242 Loans, 7, 33, 80; from China, 303; to Mayardit, Salva Kiir, 128 Nigeria, 276, 278, 292; as political Mbeki, Thabo, 10, 66, 290 outreach, 235; Zimbabwe and, 262.

The Rough Guide to Prague by Humphreys, Rob

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active transport: walking or cycling, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, centre right, clean water, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Peace of Westphalia, sustainable-tourism, trade route, upwardly mobile

That Czechoslovakia’s democracy survived as long as it did is down to the powerful political presence and skill of Masaryk, the country’s president from 1918 to 1935, who shared executive power with the cabinet. It was his vision of social democracy that was stamped on the nation’s new constitution, one of the most liberal of the time (if a little bureaucratic and centralized), aimed at ameliorating any ethnic and class tensions within the republic by means of universal suffrage, land reform and, more specifically, the Language Law, which ensured bilinguality to any area where the minority exceeded twenty percent. The elections of 1920 reflected the mood of the time, ushering in the left-liberal alliance of the Pětka (The Five), a coalition of five parties led by the Agrarian, Antonín Švehla, whose slogan, “we have agreed that we will agree”, became the keystone of the republic’s consensus politics between the wars.

Stalin immediately summoned Gottwald to Moscow, and on his return the KSČ denounced the Plan. By the end of 1947, the Communists were beginning to lose support, as the harvest failed, the economy faltered and malpractices within the Communist-controlled Ministry of the Interior were uncovered. In response, the KSČ began to up the ante, constantly warning the nation of imminent “counter-revolutionary plots”, and arguing for greater nationalization and land reform as a safeguard. | History The Third Republic CONTE XTS the extremely fanatical SS troops, in and around the capital. Barriers were erected across the city, and an American OSS jeep patrol arrived from Plzeň, which the Third Army were on the point of taking. The Praguers (and Vlasov’s men) were pinning their hopes on the Americans. In the end, however, the US military leadership made the politically disastrous decision not to cross the demarcation line that had been agreed between the Allies at Yalta.

Yucatan: Cancun & Cozumel by Bruce Conord, June Conord

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British Empire, colonial rule, feminist movement, if you build it, they will come, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Yogi Berra

By then, the Yucatán reflected the turmoil that was going on back in Europe, where the French had overthrown the Spanish monarchy; and in Mexico, where elements of liberalism agitated for civil rights. Soon blood spilled. Traditional rivals, Campeche and Mérida fought for power while the entire peninsula ignored the rest of Mexico, which was embroiled in a series of continuing revolutions. Unhappy with centralism and liberal land reforms, the powerful families in the Yucatán declared the region’s independence from Mexico in 1838. Facing economic realities, it came back into the fold in 1843, but that made no difference to the Indian community, which was still under the yoke of Hispanic oppression. In early 1847 the Yucatán seceded again after secessionists armed the Maya to serve as soldiers against the Mexican garrisons. With the federal government preoccupied by the MexicanAmerican War and Campeche and Mérida still bickering over independence, the Maya themselves rebelled.

Y There were as many facets to Felipe Carrillo as there were to Alma Reed and both were intrigued by each other’s intellect. He claimed to be a descendant of the Mayapán king who drove the Itzás from Chichén 700 years before. Under his liberal leadership he gave women the right to vote, organized Feminist Leagues, and placed women in governmental posts. He legalized birth control and established the first family planning clinics in the Americas. He supported land reform by forming edijos, communal farming groups. He built schools and roads and encouraged cottage industries for the poor. Most memorably, however, he was a vocal proponent of civil rights for the Maya. Love Story n 49 They both knew it was love at first sight, but Carrillo was married, with grown children. Nevertheless, the two spent every available minute together. Like a modern Romeo and Juliet, they stood watching while Carnegie archeologists poked around the breathtaking ruins of Chichén Itzá, when Alma asked, “Why did they build this great city – this fantastic city – only to desert it?”


pages: 447 words: 142,527

Lustrum by Robert Harris

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land reform, New Urbanism, Plutocrats, plutocrats

He takes the view that deeds, not words, are what count in this world.' Cicero had a mountain of legal documents to read. 'Balbus,' he said wearily, 'you have obviously come here to say something – so would you kindly just say it?' 'Of course. You are busy, I can see that. Forgive me.' He pressed his hand to his heart. 'Caesar wishes me to tell you that he and Pompey have reached an agreement. They intend to settle this question of land reform once and for all.' Cicero gave me a quick look: it was exactly as he had predicted. To Balbus he said: 'On what terms is this to be settled?' 'The public lands in Campania will be divided between Pompey's demobbed legionaries and those among the Roman poor who wish to farm. The whole scheme will be administered by a commission of twenty. Caesar hopes very much to have your support.' Cicero laughed in disbelief.

But then he saw that another barrel was being carried up on to the platform, and he scrambled away – I did not blame him – to the derisive laughter of thousands of citizens. He and his followers escaped from the forum and eventually found sanctuary in the Temple of Jupiter the Protector – the same building from which Cicero by his oratory had driven Sergius Catilina. Thus, in the most contemptible of circumstances, was carried on to the statute book Caesar's great land reform act, which awarded farms to twenty thousand of Pompey's veterans and afterwards to those among the urban poor who could show they had more than three children. Cicero did not stay for the voting, which was a foregone conclusion, but slunk back to his house, where – such was his depression – he shunned all company, even Terentia's. The following day, Pompey's soldiers were back on the streets again.


pages: 184 words: 54,833

Why Orwell Matters by Christopher Hitchens

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anti-communist, British Empire, colonial rule, deindustrialization, Etonian, hiring and firing, land reform, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, nuclear winter, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, sensible shoes

Let it be noticed, however, that he didn’t approve at all of the British intervention in Greece (the undeclared clause in the Churchill-Stalin pact over Poland) and that he even, with misgivings, signed a petition to reduce the sentence of Alan Nunn-May, a scientist who had handed nuclear formulae — it would be a stretch to call them ‘secrets’, as Orwell appreciated — to the Soviet Union. One can also eliminate the mercenary motive. Some of those who worked with the IRD were later paid, modestly enough it is true, to write pamphlets or booklets showing that Stalin or Mao were not just enthusiastic land-reformers. Later in its life, the IRD went the way of many British Cold-War outfits and surrendered to the lavish corruption of the CIA. However, Orwell continued to make no money for his publications, to refuse to charge exile groups any royalties, and in general to act as if the ravens would feed him. The subsequent largesse with which magazines like Encounter were floated was enough to arouse the suspicion and contempt of people much more avaricious than he was.


pages: 225 words: 54,010

A Short History of Progress by Ronald Wright

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Albert Einstein, Atahualpa, Bretton Woods, British Empire, clean water, Columbian Exchange, cuban missile crisis, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Haber-Bosch Process, Hernando de Soto, invention of agriculture, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, nuclear winter, out of africa, Parkinson's law, Ronald Reagan, Thomas Malthus, urban sprawl

Peasants were dispossessed and driven onto unsuitable land, with environmental consequences like those that Solon had recognized in Athens. Family farms could not compete against big estates using slave labour; they went bankrupt or were forced to sell out, and their young men joined the legions. The ancient commons of the Roman peasantry were alienated with even less legality. As in Sumer, public land passed quickly into private hands, a situation the Gracchus brothers tried to remedy with land reform in the late second century B.C. But the reform failed, the commons were lost, and the state had to placate the lower orders by handing out free wheat, a solution that became expensive as the urban proletariat increased. By the time of Claudius, 200,000 Roman families were on the dole.15 One of the revealing ironies of Rome’s history is that the city-state’s native democracy withered as its empire grew.


pages: 160 words: 46,449

The Extreme Centre: A Warning by Tariq Ali

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Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Berlin Wall, bonus culture, BRICs, British Empire, centre right, deindustrialization, Edward Snowden, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, full employment, labour market flexibility, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, mortgage debt, North Sea oil, obamacare, offshore financial centre, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, The Chicago School, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus, Wolfgang Streeck

Green energy is the only civilized future, and we promise to make Scotland a model country for the twenty-first century by combining social and environmental justice. 3. Scotland’s feudal legacy will end. We won’t allow the next Holyrood government to leave communities at the mercy of corrupt landlords. Scotland’s people will have the power to own and control their resources. Our land will support our goals of sustainability and social justice: it won’t be used as hunting and fishing estates for aristocrats and tax exiles. We will call a demonstration for land reform centred in one of Scotland’s rural communities. 4. We won’t allow equality to become a buzzword. We will expect positive action to reverse inequalities between men and women, and we will punish politicians who fail to take this seriously. Our better Scotland must abandon the macho political culture of Westminster and the macho economic culture of the City of London. We pledge to make our company boards, QUANGOs and political parties representative of Scotland as a whole.

Power Systems: Conversations on Global Democratic Uprisings and the New Challenges to U.S. Empire by Noam Chomsky, David Barsamian

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affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, Chelsea Manning, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate personhood, David Brooks, discovery of DNA, double helix, failed state, Howard Zinn, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, inflation targeting, Julian Assange, land reform, Martin Wolf, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, pattern recognition, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, single-payer health, sovereign wealth fund, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, Tobin tax, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks

He pointed out that in a democracy, if the people—people didn’t mean people, it meant freemen, not slaves, not women—had the right to vote, the poor would be the majority, and they would use their voting power to take away property from the rich, which wouldn’t be fair, so we have to prevent this.30 James Madison made the same point, but his model was England. He said if freemen had democracy, then the poor farmers would insist on taking property from the rich.31 They would carry out what we these days call land reform. And that’s unacceptable. Aristotle and Madison faced the same problem but made the opposite decisions. Aristotle concluded that we should reduce inequality so the poor wouldn’t take property from the rich. And he actually proposed a vision for a city that would put in place what we today call welfare-state programs, common meals, other support systems. That would reduce inequality, and with it the problem of the poor taking property from the rich.

Profit Over People: Neoliberalism and Global Order by Noam Chomsky

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Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, declining real wages, deindustrialization, full employment, invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, manufacturing employment, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, union organizing, Washington Consensus

By modes of chicanery familiar to the business world and corporate lawyers, the rights granted to foreign investors transfer easily to domestic investors as well. Among democratic choices that might be barred are those calling for local ownership, sharing of technology, local managers, corporate accountability, living wage provisions, preferences (for deprived areas, minorities, women, etc.), labor-consumer-environmental protection, restrictions on dangerous products, small business protection, support for strategic and emerging industries, land reform, community and worker control (that is, the foundations of authentic democracy), labor actions (which could be construed as illegal threats to order), and so on. “Investors” are permitted to sue governments at any level for infringement on the rights granted them. There is no reciprocity: citizens and governments cannot sue “investors.” The Ethyl and Metalclad suits are exploratory initiatives.


pages: 235 words: 65,885

Peak Everything: Waking Up to the Century of Declines by Richard Heinberg, James Howard (frw) Kunstler

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anti-communist, back-to-the-land, clean water, Community Supported Agriculture, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, demographic transition, ending welfare as we know it, energy transition, Fractional reserve banking, greed is good, Haber-Bosch Process, happiness index / gross national happiness, income inequality, land reform, means of production, oil shale / tar sands, peak oil, Plutocrats, plutocrats, post-oil, reserve currency, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, the built environment, the scientific method, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, urban planning

The USDA will need to cease supporting and encouraging industrial monocropping for export, and begin supporting smaller farms, rewarding those that make the effort to reduce inputs and to grow for local consumption. In the absence of USDA policy along these lines, we need to pursue state, county, and municipal efforts to support small farms in various ways, through favorable zoning, by purchasing local food for school lunches, and so on. We will also require land reform. Those millions of new farmers will need access to the soil, and there must be some means of making land available for this purpose. Here we might take inspiration from Indian Line Farm, a model for farmland preservation and conservation, which pioneered the use of conservation easements and community land trusts to make farmland available to working farmers.8 Since so few people currently know much about farming, education will be essential.

The Empathy Exams: Essays by Leslie Jamison

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Atul Gawande, crowdsourcing, Hernando de Soto, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, land reform, Skype, Slavoj Žižek

Cat lives in a ramshackle house strung with Mexican fiesta flags and skirted by an apron of oddly comforting debris: a pile of old dresses, a bucket of crushed PBR cans, an empty tofu carton with its plastic flap crushed onto the dirt. Cat lives there with her boyfriend, Drew, a veteran of anarchist communal living who now works deconstruction and salvage—taking apart empty homes and selling their flooring to hip bars in northern states—and with Andrew, a community organizer who works on land reform. Their home reveals itself in dream-like pieces: a pile of crusted dishes, a bone on the floor, a giant spider lurking in a white ceramic mug, a fabric owl covered in sequins, a square of vegan spanakopita catching fire in the toaster oven, a dog to whom the bone belongs, a creek out back and a giant slab of rock for sunning and a garden too, full of beets and cabbage and spinach-for-vegan-spanakopita and blossoming sweet peas curling up wire lattice and even the tiny, barely sprouted beginning of a pecan tree.


pages: 239 words: 64,812

Geek Sublime: The Beauty of Code, the Code of Beauty by Vikram Chandra

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Alan Turing: On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem, Apple II, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business process, conceptual framework, create, read, update, delete, crowdsourcing, East Village, European colonialism, finite state, Firefox, Flash crash, glass ceiling, Grace Hopper, haute couture, iterative process, Jaron Lanier, John von Neumann, land reform, London Whale, Paul Graham, pink-collar, revision control, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Skype, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, theory of mind, Therac-25, Turing machine, wikimedia commons, women in the workforce

According to their own tradition, they were founded by a wandering fakir, Aulchand, who sometimes proclaimed himself a madman; their members came from the “lower orders, mainly from the depressed castes, untouchables, Muslim peasants and artisans.” According to a nineteenth-century report, “Very secretly this movement has become powerful … The majority [of the Kartabhajas] are lower class and female.”22 All of these people practiced a kind of equalizing meta-religion which appeared precisely at the onset of colonialism, as the East India Company began to impose land reforms that displaced millions of peasants to the cities. These new members of the urban proletariat hijacked the language of markets and mercantilism to construct a sandhabhasha, a cryptic “intentional language” in which they both mocked the powerful and celebrated themselves: I will tell you a funny story, some news about a king. In his city, rows and rows of merchants crowd the roads. In the Central Market, in that great landmark, they import, they export, they buy, they sell, all twelve months long.


pages: 232

Planet of Slums by Mike Davis

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barriers to entry, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Brownian motion, centre right, clean water, conceptual framework, crony capitalism, declining real wages, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, edge city, European colonialism, failed state, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, housing crisis, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, Internet Archive, jitney, Kibera, labor-force participation, land reform, land tenure, low-wage service sector, mandelbrot fractal, market bubble, megacity, microcredit, New Urbanism, Ponzi scheme, RAND corporation, rent control, structural adjustment programs, surplus humans, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor

The contrast with the 1960s is dramatic: forty years ago ideological warfare between the two great Cold War blocs generated competing visions of abolishing world poverty and rehousing slum-dwellers. With its triumphant Sputniks and ICBMs, the Soviet Union was still a plausible model of breakneck industrialization via heavy industries and five-year plans. On the other side, the Kennedy administration officially diagnosed Third World revolutions as "diseases of modernization," and prescribed — in addition to Green Berets and B-52s — ambitious land reforms and housing programs. To immunize Colombians against urban subversion, for example, the Alliance for Progress subsidized huge housing projects such as Ciudad Kennedy (80,000 people) in Bogota and Villa Socorro (12,000 people) in Medellin. The Allian^a was advertised as a Western Hemisphere Marshall Plan that would soon lift pan-American living standards to southern European, if not gringo, levels.


pages: 193 words: 63,618

The Fair Trade Scandal: Marketing Poverty to Benefit the Rich by Ndongo Sylla

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British Empire, carbon footprint, corporate social responsibility, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deglobalization, Doha Development Round, Food sovereignty, global value chain, illegal immigration, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, labour mobility, land reform, market fundamentalism, means of production, Mont Pelerin Society, Naomi Klein, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, open economy, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price mechanism, purchasing power parity, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, structural adjustment programs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, trickle-down economics, Washington Consensus

What needs to be understood here is that plantations are often perceived as a remnant of colonial practices that led to the dispossession of indigenous people in terms of both land and rights. As an example, Chiquita, the world leader of the banana trade held or controlled close to 85 per cent of available land in 1954 for growing this fruit in the main producing countries of Latin America, with the exception of Ecuador. In 80 Sylla T02779 01 text 80 28/11/2013 13:04 controversies around fair trade fact, when the government of Guatemala wanted to push its land reform by attacking Chiquita’s interests, the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) led a secret operation to topple it (Myers, 2004: 43ff.). There is also the fact that the inclusion of plantations leads to a bias in the Fair Trade approach, as multinationals prefer to work with them rather than with a multitude of small organisations of producers who often live far from the main roads. For these multinationals, collaboration with plantations presents multiple benefits: time gains, economies of scale, better guarantees in terms of quality and steady deliveries, etc.


pages: 859 words: 204,092

When China Rules the World: The End of the Western World and the Rise of the Middle Kingdom by Martin Jacques

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Admiral Zheng, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, credit crunch, Dava Sobel, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, discovery of the americas, Doha Development Round, energy security, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global reserve currency, global supply chain, illegal immigration, income per capita, invention of gunpowder, James Watt: steam engine, joint-stock company, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, land tenure, Malacca Straits, Martin Wolf, Naomi Klein, new economy, New Urbanism, open economy, pension reform, price stability, purchasing power parity, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, special economic zone, spinning jenny, Spread Networks laid a new fibre optics cable between New York and Chicago, the scientific method, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, urban planning, Washington Consensus, Xiaogang Anhui farmers

The Chinese Communists - like the communist tradition more widely - sought to underline the extent to which they represented an utterly new kind of regime marking a complete break with the past. That, after all, is what revolutions are supposed to be about, especially socialist revolutions. The Communist Party directed its venom against many Chinese traditions, from the long-standing oppression of women to Confucian notions of hierarchy, and carried out a sweeping land reform in the name of class struggle. Meanwhile the West, with the exception of a brief period during the Second World War, has, more or less ever since the 1917 October Revolution, regarded Communist regimes as the devil incarnate. As a result, too little attempt has been made to understand them in their historical and cultural context, to appreciate the continuities with previous history and not just the discontinuities.

Given its achievements, it would not be surprising, moreover, if it did not also enjoy a revival in, and major enhancement of, its global reputation, a process already under way.66 In this context, we should think of China’s Communist regime quite differently from that of the USSR: it has, after all, succeeded where the Soviet Union failed. It has also, since Deng, pursued an entirely different strategy, moving away from socialism and towards capitalism, including a significant dose of neo-liberalism. China’s socialist legacy has nonetheless left a deep and continuing mark on society: the destruction of the old feudal elite in the Maoist land reform (in contrast to India); an attachment to the notion of a classless society even though this is now in rapid retreat; a strong belief in egalitarianism even amongst the urban intelligentsia; and the continuing appeal of a socialist vocabulary, as in the recent commitment of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao to build a ‘socialist countryside’.67 Whatever the fortunes of the Communist regime, however, the main political impact of China on the world will be its Confucian tradition, its lack of a Western-style democracy or tradition, the centrality of the state and the relative weakness of any civil society that is likely to develop.


pages: 650 words: 203,191

After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire Since 1405 by John Darwin

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agricultural Revolution, Atahualpa, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Cape to Cairo, colonial rule, Columbian Exchange, cuban missile crisis, deglobalization, deindustrialization, European colonialism, failed state, Francisco Pizarro, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, Khartoum Gordon, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Malacca Straits, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, oil shock, open economy, price mechanism, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, spice trade, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade

Asia’s immersion in the expanding Cold War masked the bitter reality of these local and regional conflicts. As so often before in Eurasian history, China’s role was crucial. By the end of 1950 its mainland had been unified under Communist rule. Mao’s remarkable victory may have owed much to the ‘peasant nationalism’ of China’s rural masses (kindled by hatred of Japan’s occupation),19 as well as to the appeal of the party’s land reform programme. The proportions are still disputed.20 But there was no doubt that China had once more resumed a premier place in East Asia, with a huge battle-hardened army. Under certain conditions, this might have resulted in an inward-looking policy of domestic reform that left China’s Asian neighbours to their own devices. In the actual climate of the early 1950s, such an outcome was unlikely.

A raft of reforms was designed to root out what were seen as the sources of Japan’s militaristic imperialism. Women were enfranchised and the voting age was lowered, more than doubling the electorate. A new constitution prescribed by the occupiers barred the armed forces from a seat in the government and renounced war as an instrument of national policy. The great family-ruled business combines or zaibatsu were broken up. Land reform reduced the power of the landlords and doubled the proportion of those who farmed their own land to some 60 per cent.27 Trade unions were encouraged. New textbooks were written, and the educational syllabus was democratized.28 So fierce an assault upon the pre-war order might have provoked a hostile reaction, since the civilian elite with whom the Americans dealt remained deeply conservative.


pages: 585 words: 165,304

Trust: The Social Virtue and the Creation of Prosperity by Francis Fukuyama

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barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, business climate, capital controls, collective bargaining, corporate governance, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, double entry bookkeeping, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Gilder, glass ceiling, global village, hiring and firing, industrial robot, Jane Jacobs, job satisfaction, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Joseph Schumpeter, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, land reform, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, mittelstand, price mechanism, profit maximization, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Ronald Coase, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Nature of the Firm, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transaction costs, transfer pricing, traveling salesman, union organizing

The owners of the large family trusts were ordered to deposit their equity stakes with the Commission for Dissolution of Zaibatsu, which then sold them to the public.21 At the same time, the shareholders and top management of the zaibatsu who had overseen their operations before and during the war were purged. The huge management vacuum left at the top of many large Japanese corporations was filled for the most part by younger middle managers without particularly large equity stakes in their companies. The zaibatsu networks quickly reconstituted themselves as keiretsu under these new managers, but ownership had already become highly deconcentrated. Land reform, which broke up large agricultural estates, a steep tax on personal assets, and the deflation of equity values as a result of the war left few large fortunes available to flow into the void.22 The result of these developments was the emergence of Japanese firms in the postwar period that more closely fit the description of the modern corporation set forth by Berle and Means than they did in the prewar period.

Over the next two hundred years, all European societies and many of those outside Europe were transformed beyond recognition from poor, uneducated, rural, agricultural, authoritarian ones to urban, industrialized, wealthy democracies. In the course of these transformations, governments played a major role in precipitating or facilitating change (and in some cases, trying to stop it). They abolished entire social classes, engaging in land reform and the disbanding of large estates; they introduced modern legislation guaranteeing equality of rights for ever-larger circles of the population; they built cities and encouraged urbanization; they educated entire populations and provided the infrastructure for modern, complex, information-intensive societies. There have been increasing indications over the past generation, however, that the kinds of results achievable through this sort of large-scale social engineering have been subject to diminishing marginal returns.


pages: 699 words: 192,704

Heaven's Command (Pax Britannica) by Jan Morris

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British Empire, Cape to Cairo, centralized clearinghouse, Corn Laws, European colonialism, Fellow of the Royal Society, Khartoum Gordon, Khyber Pass, land reform, land tenure, Livingstone, I presume, Magellanic Cloud, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Scramble for Africa, trade route

The Coercion Bill was carried, and Gladstone now felt the decks clear for progress. He had Parnell and most of his principal lieutenants arrested, and locked up on suspicion of subversion in Kilmainham Jail—a grim old fortress above the Liffey in Dublin which was the traditional place of incarceration for Irish patriots. Having proved his readiness to quell violence by force, he promptly put through a grandly conciliatory land reform bill, assuring the Irish tenants fair rents and fixed tenures. Then, in a political act of great imagination, he persuaded the imprisoned Parnell to help him implement these reforms. ‘The Chief’ was offered his release if he would use his influence to calm the country, and see the Land Act safely through. Agreement was surreptitiously reached through intermediaries, and in March 1882 Parnell and his colleagues were released under the so-called Kilmainham Treaty, The first reactions were predictable—the Irish extremists accused Parnell of selling out to the English, the English reactionaries accused Gladstone of compromising with traitors.

Burke was the planned victim, and the murderers did not know who Cavendish was: but they cut both men’s throats anyway, as they lay dying from their stab wounds, before vanishing from Phoenix Park into the city. 8 Gladstone was not deterred from his grand design. ‘Be assured it will not be in vain,’ he told Lady Frederick Cavendish, and she responded in kind: ‘across all my agony,’ she wrote in her journal, ‘there fell a bright ray of hope, and I saw in a vision Ireland at peace, and my darling’s life blood accepted as a sacrifice….’ Assured still of Parnell’s support, Gladstone proceeded from land reform towards Home Rule—domestic autonomy, that is, within a federal arrangement. Though he was briefly out of office in 1885, in 1886 he was returned again, and presented his first Home Rule Bill to Parliament. It split the nation.1 Conservatives declared it a gross betrayal of the Anglo-Irish, especially the Protestant majority of Ulster in the north—‘essentially like the English people’, cried Lord Randolph Churchill, ‘a dominant, imperial caste….


pages: 268 words: 89,761

Unhealthy societies: the afflictions of inequality by Richard G. Wilkinson

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attribution theory, clean water, correlation coefficient, experimental subject, full employment, fundamental attribution error, Gini coefficient, income inequality, income per capita, Indoor air pollution, invisible hand, land reform, means of production, purchasing power parity, rising living standards, upwardly mobile

Whatever strategy the leaders of these governments selected to answer the basic challenge of legitimacy, they included a principle of shared growth. (World Bank 1993, p. 157) The authors of the World Bank report describe the policies explicitly aimed at creating greater equality. They also point out that most of these policies did not involve direct income transfers from rich to poor but were aimed instead at overcoming obstacles and disadvantages to people’s economic achievement. Among the approaches they used were land reform and land redistribution, universal education, increased employment opportunities, and intervention in the housing market to provide low-cost housing. It is clear however that what pushed them into these policies was—as it had been in Britain—war or the threat of it, the challenge of communist rivals, and resulting crises of legitimacy. The traditional argument against equality is the frequently repeated suggestion that it involves sacrificing economic growth.


pages: 273 words: 93,419

Let them eat junk: how capitalism creates hunger and obesity by Robert Albritton

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Bretton Woods, California gold rush, clean water, collective bargaining, computer age, corporate personhood, deindustrialization, Food sovereignty, Haber-Bosch Process, illegal immigration, immigration reform, invisible hand, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, land reform, late capitalism, means of production, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, peak oil, price stability, profit maximization, profit motive, South Sea Bubble, the built environment, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, upwardly mobile

For example, rising corn prices will mean that farmers will grow less wheat and more corn, causing the price of wheat to go up as well. Even to compete amongst themselves in producing tropical commodities, because of the “green” revolution, developing countries often had to invest heavily in agro-industrial seed, and mechanical and chemical inputs that would only be possible for the larger wealthier farms. Further, the green revolution became a substitute for much-needed land reform in many developing countries. As a result, huge numbers of people were driven off the land as only the richer farmers benefited. According to Davis: 136 L E T T H E M E AT J U N K the Third World now contains many examples of capitalintensive countryside and labor-intensive deindustrialized cities.80 As large numbers of small farmers have been forced off the land, city slums have grown to the point that now onethird of all the world’s urban dwellers live in slums, and this percentage is expected to increase in the near future.81 The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) has impacted upon Mexico much as SAPs have affected other developing countries.


pages: 392 words: 106,532

The Cold War: A New History by John Lewis Gaddis

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, full employment, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, Potemkin village, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Sinatra Doctrine

Twenty years later no one (except historians) could as much as remember them.”31 That was certainly not true of what came next. In April, 1978, to the surprise of Moscow, a Marxist coup took place in Afghanistan, resulting in the overthrow of that country’s pro-American government. The temptation to exploit this opportunity was too great to resist, and soon the Soviet Union was sending aid to the new regime in Kabul, which undertook an ambitious program to support land reform, women’s rights, and secular education. It did so, however, just as the revolution was brewing in neighboring Iran, which in January, 1979—in a severe setback for the United States—forced its long-time ally Shah Reza Khan Pahlavi into exile, replacing him with the Ayatollah Khomeini. The Russians and their new Afghan clients were no more prepared for this development than the Americans had been, and in mid-March a violent rebellion broke out in Herat, close to the Iranian border, which resulted in the deaths of some 5,000 people including fifty Soviet advisers and their families.


pages: 309 words: 86,909

The Spirit Level: Why Greater Equality Makes Societies Stronger by Richard Wilkinson; Kate Pickett

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Berlin Wall, clean water, Diane Coyle, epigenetics, experimental economics, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, germ theory of disease, Gini coefficient, impulse control, income inequality, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, land reform, Louis Pasteur, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, offshore financial centre, phenotype, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit maximization, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, statistical model, The Chicago School, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, ultimatum game, upwardly mobile, World Values Survey

The governments in Taiwan and Hong Kong faced rival claims from the Communist Chinese government. South Korea faced North Korea, and the governments of Singapore and the Philippines faced guerrilla forces. Describing policy in these countries, John Page, writing in a 1994 World Bank publication, said: Very explicit mechanisms were used to demonstrate the intent that all would have a share of future wealth. Korea and Taiwan carried out comprehensive land reform programs; Indonesia used rice and fertilizer price policies to raise rural incomes; Malaysia introduced explicit wealth sharing programs to improve the lot of ethnic Malays vis-à-vis the better off ethnic Chinese; Hong Kong and Singapore undertook massive public housing programs; in several economies, governments assisted workers’ cooperatives and established programs to encourage small and medium-sized enterprises.


pages: 323 words: 89,795

Food and Fuel: Solutions for the Future by Andrew Heintzman, Evan Solomon, Eric Schlosser

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agricultural Revolution, Berlin Wall, big-box store, clean water, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate social responsibility, David Brooks, deindustrialization, distributed generation, energy security, Exxon Valdez, flex fuel, full employment, half of the world's population has never made a phone call, hydrogen economy, land reform, microcredit, Negawatt, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, peak oil, RAND corporation, risk tolerance, Silicon Valley, statistical model, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment

For centuries efforts by peasants to gain fairer access to land had been defeated, snuffed out with peasant blood. But opening for real change began toward the end of Brazil’s military dictatorship, which held power between 1964 and 1985. During Brazil’s transition to democracy, leaders of religious communities and social movements came together to form the Landless Workers Movement, or MST, an acronym from its Portuguese name, Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurals Sem Terra, to push for just land reform. As the fledging democracy drafted its constitution, the MST and others struggling for the rights of the landless ensured that a clause was included to allow the government to expropriate and redistribute idle land in order to fight hunger. The constitution now reads: It is within the power of the Union to expropriate on account of social interest, for purposes of agrarian reform, the rural property which is not performing its social function.14 Despite this clear constitutional mandate, the MST frequently has had to resort to civil disobedience to pressure the government to make good on the constitution’s promise.


pages: 346 words: 101,255

The Big Necessity: The Unmentionable World of Human Waste and Why It Matters by Rose George

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American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, Anton Chekhov, Celtic Tiger, clean water, glass ceiling, indoor plumbing, informal economy, job satisfaction, John Snow's cholera map, joint-stock company, land reform, New Urbanism, Potemkin village, Report Card for America’s Infrastructure, Steven Pinker, urban planning

There are no mobile phone signals, there are bicycles to borrow, and the campus canteen makes excellent Indian chow mein for breakfast, at least when the monkeys aren’t baiting the cooks. The place runs efficiently and confidently. Gram Vikas has won major international awards, like the 2006 Kyoto World Water Grand Prize, a big deal in the watsan world. Yet its mission didn’t start with toilets. The young Madiath began by lobbying for land reform, because people were moving to the cities when life on the land got too hard, and the land was suffering. Eventually, his focus shifted to biogas, which also made poor farmers’ lives easier. Over 50,000 cow-dung digesters were installed over ten years. Still it wasn’t enough. Gram Vikas conducted field surveys to find the most acute problem stifling village development. They concluded that it was poor health linked to excrement.


pages: 369 words: 94,588

The Enigma of Capital: And the Crises of Capitalism by David Harvey

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, call centre, capital controls, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, failed state, financial innovation, Frank Gehry, full employment, global reserve currency, Google Earth, Guggenheim Bilbao, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, interest rate swap, invention of the steam engine, Jane Jacobs, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Just-in-time delivery, land reform, liquidity trap, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, means of production, megacity, microcredit, moral hazard, mortgage debt, new economy, New Urbanism, Northern Rock, oil shale / tar sands, peak oil, place-making, Ponzi scheme, precariat, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, special economic zone, statistical arbitrage, structural adjustment programs, the built environment, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, urban renewal, urban sprawl, white flight, women in the workforce

But it was nevertheless possible to view accumulation by dispossession (or what Marx called ‘primitive accumulation’) as a necessary though ugly stage through which the social order had to go in order to arrive at a state where both capitalism and some alternative called socialism or communism might be possible. Marx for one placed little if any value on the social forms destroyed by original accumulation and he did not argue, as some do now, for any restoration of pre-capitalist social relations or productive forms. It was for socialism and communism to build upon the progressive aspects of capitalist development. These progressive aspects included movements for land reform, the rise of democratic forms of government (always sullied by the role of money power), freedom of information (always contingent but nevertheless vital) and of information and of expression, and the creation of rights civil and legal. While struggles against dispossession can form a seedbed of discontent for insurgent movements, the point of revolutionary politics is not to protect the ancient order but to attack directly the class relations and capitalist forms of state power.


pages: 356 words: 103,944

The Globalization Paradox: Democracy and the Future of the World Economy by Dani Rodrik

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affirmative action, Asian financial crisis, bank run, banking crisis, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collective bargaining, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, Doha Development Round, en.wikipedia.org, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, financial innovation, floating exchange rates, frictionless, frictionless market, full employment, George Akerlof, guest worker program, Hernando de Soto, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, joint-stock company, Kenneth Rogoff, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, land reform, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, margin call, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, microcredit, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, night-watchman state, non-tariff barriers, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open borders, open economy, price stability, profit maximization, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, savings glut, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, special economic zone, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Tobin tax, too big to fail, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, tulip mania, Washington Consensus, World Values Survey

South Korea was mired in political instability and had virtually no industry, having lost whatever it had to the more developed North Korea. Taiwan too was a predominantly agricultural economy, with sugar and rice as its main exports. The transformation that the two economies began to experience in the early 1960s placed them on a path that would turn them into major industrial powers. Their strategies in many ways mirrored Japan’s. They required first a government that was single-mindedly focused on economic growth. Prior land reform in both countries had established some space for governments to act independently from landed elites. Both countries also possessed an overarching geopolitical motive. South Korea needed to grow so it could counter any possible threats from North Korea. Taiwan, having given up on the idea of reconquest of mainland China, wanted to forestall any possible challenge from the Communists. In many parts of the world, regional hostilities become an excuse for building a strong state at the expense of the economy; think, for example, of the Middle East.


pages: 366 words: 107,145

Fuller Memorandum by Stross, Charles

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Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, Beeching cuts, British Empire, cognitive dissonance, complexity theory, congestion charging, dumpster diving, finite state, Firefox, HyperCard, invisible hand, land reform, linear programming, peak oil, security theater, sensible shoes, side project, telemarketer, Turing machine

But it is a fairy tale out of the Brothers Grimm, rather than the bloodless and bowdlerized fare that our parents' generation sought to raise us on! This is a castle of the German aristocracy, descendants of the Teutonic Knights and servants of the Russian Empire until the late upheaval deprived them of the object of their loyalty. And it is an estate that has been cut down to size, thanks to the decrees of the Riigikogu relating to land reform and the rights of the peasants to the fruits of their labor. Evgenia and I visited with the Hoyningen-Huenes last weekend, ostensibly to write a tub-thumper for the Guardian about the equitable settlement in Rapla County, which has not seen so much turbulence and persecution of the former rulers as other areas: I put it about that we would also like to see the countryside thereabouts, and talk to some of the local landlords about the recent changes.


pages: 302 words: 97,076

The Trigger: Hunting the Assassin Who Brought the World to War by Tim Butcher

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centre right, colonial rule, land reform, Scramble for Africa, trade route, urban sprawl, éminence grise

While Jovo did everything he could to support Gavrilo, there were occasions when he was not good for the money, forcing his younger sibling to change digs – hence the many addresses I found on Princip’s school records. ‘I did not have the means to maintain myself here,’ he said at his trial. ‘I always lived on credit.’ He found himself exactly where his serf forebears had been, anchored to the bottom of a social order imposed by a foreign power. The anger only got worse when he went home on school holidays. Land reform had been one of the promises made by the Habsburgs, and yet whenever he travelled to Obljaj – such as in 1909, when he scratched his initials on the wall in the garden of the family homestead – he saw that Bosnian peasants like his own family were no better off under the Austro-Hungarians than they had been under the Ottomans. This mounting fury towards Vienna seeps through Princip’s testimony at his trial.


pages: 209 words: 89,619

The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class by Guy Standing

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8-hour work day, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, call centre, Cass Sunstein, centre right, collective bargaining, corporate governance, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, deskilling, fear of failure, full employment, hiring and firing, Honoré de Balzac, housing crisis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, land reform, libertarian paternalism, low skilled workers, lump of labour, marginal employment, Mark Zuckerberg, means of production, mini-job, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, nudge unit, pensions crisis, placebo effect, post-industrial society, precariat, presumed consent, quantitative easing, remote working, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, rising living standards, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, science of happiness, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, The Market for Lemons, The Nature of the Firm, The Spirit Level, Tobin tax, transaction costs, universal basic income, unpaid internship, winner-take-all economy, working poor, working-age population, young professional

The migrants’ denizen status is strengthened by the fact that they cannot sell their land or homes. Their rural anchor blocks them from acquiring roots in urban areas and prevents rural productivity and incomes from rising through land consolidation. The rural areas provide a subsidy for industrial labour, making it possible to keep money wages below subsistence level, so making those fancy commodities even cheaper for the world’s consumers. Land reform has been under consideration. But the Communist Party has been fearful of the consequences. After all, when the global crisis hit, the rural system acted as a safety valve, with millions returning to the land. The Chinese precariat is easily the largest such group in the world. Earlier generations of social scientists would have called them semi-proletarian. But there is no reason to think they are becoming proletarians.

CultureShock! Egypt: A Survival Guide to Customs and Etiquette (4th Edition) by Susan L. Wilson

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air freight, anti-communist, call centre, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, land reform, RAND corporation, telemarketer, trade route

He led a nationalist movement in 1952 that ousted the Egyptian monarchy and transformed Egypt into a republic. Nasser became Prime Minister of Egypt in 1954 and subsequently negotiated an end to Britain’s 72-year occupation of Egypt. Nasser was elected president of Egypt in 1956 and remained in office until his death in 1970. His accomplishments included the construction of the Aswan High Dam, the institution of land reforms and a programme of industrialisation, and the restoration of Egyptian self-government. 278 CultureShock! Egypt Anwar el-Sadat (1918–1981) Muhammad Anwar el-Sadat succeeded Gamal Abdel Nasser as the president of Egypt in 1970, and retained the office until he was assassinated in 1981. He shared the 1978 Nobel Prize for Peace with Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin. In 1979, Egypt and Israel signed a peace treaty.


pages: 322 words: 84,752

Pax Technica: How the Internet of Things May Set Us Free or Lock Us Up by Philip N. Howard

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Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, blood diamonds, Bretton Woods, Brian Krebs, British Empire, call centre, Chelsea Manning, citizen journalism, clean water, cloud computing, corporate social responsibility, crowdsourcing, Edward Snowden, en.wikipedia.org, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Filter Bubble, Firefox, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Google Earth, Howard Rheingold, income inequality, informal economy, Internet of things, Julian Assange, Kibera, Kickstarter, land reform, M-Pesa, Marshall McLuhan, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, mobile money, Mohammed Bouazizi, national security letter, Network effects, obamacare, Occupy movement, packet switching, pension reform, prediction markets, sentiment analysis, Silicon Valley, Skype, spectrum auction, statistical model, Stuxnet, trade route, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks, zero day

Both movements attracted poor, disenfranchised citizens, with few land rights or job opportunities. Both groups were fighting back against authoritarian elites, who had relied on oppression and subsidies—essentially bribes—to keep their restive populations contented and dissidents marginalized. Yet the disenfranchised used the internet to catch political elites off guard. The Zapatistas did not achieve their immediate welfare and land-reform objectives, but they were successful in commanding international attention and did much to dissolve the authority of the ruling PRI party, which subsequently was voted out after ruling Mexico for more than sixty years. The leaders of the Arab Spring were successful in toppling multiple dictators, and upsetting the political status quo across an entire geopolitical region. The stories of the Zapatistas and the Arab Spring are not about nationalist fervor inspiring political revolution.


pages: 295 words: 89,430

Small Data: The Tiny Clues That Uncover Huge Trends by Martin Lindstrom

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autonomous vehicles, Berlin Wall, big-box store, correlation does not imply causation, Edward Snowden, Fall of the Berlin Wall, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Murano, Venice glass, Richard Florida, rolodex, self-driving car, Skype, Snapchat, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, too big to fail, urban sprawl

The city has around 600 buildings, skyscrapers, malls and hotels, with a population of around 2 million. Ninety-six percent of Dubai residents are foreign-born, and Dubai kharfours, or supermarkets, feature foods and beverages customized for 16 or so different nationalities (there are over 100 different varieties of rice alone). Most of Dubai’s foreign-born residents work in the city’s financial and construction industries, attracted by the absence of corporate income taxes and a 2002 land reform law that allows foreigners to buy local real estate. Like Las Vegas, Dubai is the twenty-first-century version of a Pop-Up City, a city renowned for its seeming mission to be the first, the tallest, the fastest, the biggest, the most ornate and outrageous city in the world. Dubai has the tallest skyscraper in the world, the Burj Khalifa, and “the world’s most luxurious hotel” in the Burj Al Arab Jumeirah, a seven-star hotel that sits on its own man-made island overlooking the Arabian Gulf (seven stars, maybe needless to say, is a rating, and a star system, that exists nowhere else in the world).


pages: 350 words: 103,988

Reinventing the Bazaar: A Natural History of Markets by John McMillan

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, Anton Chekhov, Asian financial crisis, congestion charging, corporate governance, crony capitalism, Dava Sobel, Deng Xiaoping, experimental economics, experimental subject, fear of failure, first-price auction, frictionless, frictionless market, George Akerlof, George Gilder, global village, Hernando de Soto, I think there is a world market for maybe five computers, income inequality, income per capita, informal economy, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, job-hopping, John Harrison: Longitude, John von Neumann, land reform, lone genius, manufacturing employment, market clearing, market design, market friction, market microstructure, means of production, Network effects, new economy, offshore financial centre, pez dispenser, pre–internet, price mechanism, profit maximization, profit motive, proxy bid, purchasing power parity, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, sealed-bid auction, second-price auction, Silicon Valley, spectrum auction, Stewart Brand, The Market for Lemons, The Nature of the Firm, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, transaction costs, War on Poverty, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, yield management

Potential entrepreneurs cannot borrow or save the capital they would need to start firms. The children of the poor cannot afford an education and so are excluded from skilled employment. Where there is extreme inequality of opportunity, growth is slow simply because much of the nation’s talent is wasted. In Taiwan in the early 1950s, for example, just before the start of its rapid growth spurt, the government enacted a major land reform, redistributing the nation’s farming assets toward the poor. The ensuing drop in inequality—Taiwan by then had one of the world’s least unequal income distributions—arguably helped to jump-start the economy in its growth to affluence.10 Other poor countries remain trapped in a vicious cycle of inequality causing low growth, which perpetuates the inequality. Economic growth is not an end in itself, but a means to the end of higher living standards.

Rogue States by Noam Chomsky

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anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, capital controls, collective bargaining, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, declining real wages, deskilling, Edward Snowden, experimental subject, Fall of the Berlin Wall, floating exchange rates, labour market flexibility, labour mobility, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, oil shock, RAND corporation, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, structural adjustment programs, Tobin tax, union organizing, Washington Consensus

The “neoliberal reforms have also given rise to alarming levels of poverty and inequality; approximately 55 percent of Colombia’s population lives below the poverty level” and “this situation has been aggravated by an acute crisis in agriculture, itself a result of the neoliberal program,” as in Latin America generally.17 The respected president of the Colombian Permanent Committee for Human Rights, former Minister of Foreign Affairs Alfredo Vázquez Carrizosa, writes that it is “poverty and insufficient land reform” that “have made Colombia one of the most tragic countries of Latin America,” though as elsewhere, “violence has been exacerbated by external factors,” primarily the initiatives of the Kennedy administration, which “took great pains to transform our regular armies into counterinsurgency brigades.” These initiatives ushered in “what is known in Latin America as the National Security Doctrine,” which is not concerned with “defense against an external enemy” but rather “the internal enemy.”


pages: 307 words: 102,734

The Black Nile: One Man's Amazing Journey Through Peace and War on the World's Longest River by Dan Morrison

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airport security, colonial rule, indoor plumbing, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Potemkin village, Silicon Valley

The Delta was Egypt’s agricultural and industrial heartland. Here the Nile split into its eastern and western branches, each feeding a complex network of irrigation canals and waterways. It was here that the silt of the ages had been deposited, creating a fertile 9,600-square-mile triangle between Cairo and the Mediterranean. It was here that the electricity from the High Dam had been put to use irrigating the land and powering the looms. Nasser’s land reforms had turned serfs into small landowners and his factories had created employment for two generations of workers. Now factory towns like Zagazig, Mahalla and Kafr el-Dawwar were in foment. A wave of wildcat strikes was shaking the great state-owned textile mills, where workers were spooked over low wages, high prices and threats of privatization. A populace conditioned to expect everything from the state was now being told to fend for itself, and it was buckling under the strain.


pages: 1,800 words: 596,972

The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East by Robert Fisk

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Albert Einstein, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, call centre, clean water, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, friendly fire, Howard Zinn, IFF: identification friend or foe, invisible hand, Islamic Golden Age, Khartoum Gordon, Khyber Pass, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, music of the spheres, Ronald Reagan, the market place, Thomas L Friedman, Transnistria, unemployed young men, uranium enrichment, Yom Kippur War

“It is the bandit groups that are the problem and the dispossessed landlords who had their land taken from them by our Decree Number Six and they are assisted by students of imperialism. These people are trained in camps in Pakistan. They are taught by the imperialists to shoot and throw grenades and set off mines.” The governor still visited the nearest villages during daylight, in the company of three soldiers, to inspect the progress of land reform and Jalalabad’s newly created irrigation scheme. But he understood why the reforms had created animosity. “We tried to make sure that all men and women had equal rights and the same education,” he said. “But we have two societies in our country, one in the cities and one in the villages. The city people accept equal rights but the villages are more traditional. Sometimes we have moved too quickly.

Sixteen months later, on 4 November 1964, he delivered a speech in which he condemned a new law giving American forces immunity from prosecution for any crimes committed inside Iran. Henceforth, an American who murdered an Iranian could leave the country; an Iranian who murdered an Iranian could be hanged.23 Next day, Khomeini was exiled to Turkey. The Shah’s “White Revolution” succeeded in alienating the middle classes by legislating for land reform and the clerics by increasing the secular nature of the regime, especially by giving electoral power to women. By 1977, less than two years before the Islamic revolution, the Shah was predicting that within ten years Iran would be as developed as western Europe, and shortly thereafter one of the five most powerful countries in the world. President Jimmy Carter’s U.S. administration, burdened with a liberal desire to spread human rights across the globe but still anxious to maintain the Shah’s power, continued the American policy of supporting the reforms that were causing so much unrest among Iranians.

They were poor people, most of them Turkish in origin with high, shiny cheekbones. Their grey jackets were torn and their trousers frayed where the rubble and thorns in the fields had scratched them. They wore cheap plastic sandals. There was only one girl with them, a thirteen-year-old with dark hair who had wrapped herself shroud-like in a pink and grey chador. “Then things improved for us,” Sheikh Zaude said. “Sardai and Solehi left with the land reforms.” There was no perceptible change in the mullah’s face. He had been asked about that year’s Islamic revolution but he was talking about the Shah’s “White Revolution” seventeen years earlier when the monarch’s reform laws ostensibly curtailed the power of the big landowners. Private holdings were redistributed and landowners could retain only one village. Poor farmers were thereby brought into the economy, although most labourers and farm workers remained untouched.


pages: 1,056 words: 275,211

Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan by Herbert P. Bix

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anti-communist, British Empire, colonial rule, defense in depth, European colonialism, land reform, Malacca Straits, Monroe Doctrine, nuremberg principles, oil shock, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea

We can be certain that throughout the trial, down through the execution of Tj, Hirohito never lost sight of his larger aims, which were to stave off domestic and foreign pressure for his abdication, to preserve the monarchy, and thus to maintain a realm of stability and a principle of legitimacy in Japanese political life. 16 SALVAGING THE IMPERIAL MYSTIQUE As the fifth month of occupation came in with the new year, 1946, the Japanese nation seemed to be torn in half. On the one hand demobilized veterans and displaced civilians continued to be repatriated from the Asian continent; millions remained homeless; food rationing had broken down; and black markets were flourishing everywhere. Farmers had begun political struggles for the democratization of local village government. Land reform had not yet begun, but tenants and small owner-cultivators were demonstrating their grievances against the landlord class—a social pillar of the prewar monarchy ever since Meiji. On the other hand the confusion and demoralization so noticeable earlier were starting to give way to intellectual ferment and excitement. It appeared to many, not all of whom were leftists, that defeat and occupation might soon result in radical, thoroughgoing reform.

-Soviet Cold War rivalry and, 624, 627, 634, 646, 651 war dead memorial services in, 651, 652–53, 658–59 war declared against U.S. by, 436–37 Washington Conference debates in, 146–51 West and collective identity of, 279–80 and Western democratic and social ideas, 103, 105 in withdrawal from League of Nations, 256, 261–63, 265, 268, 269, 279 xenophobic nationalism in, 8–9 Yasukuni Shrine controversy in, 682–83 Japan, occupied: abdication issue in, 550, 552–53, 571–73, 628 antimilitary campaign in, 555–59 atomic bomb awareness in, 637 black market in, 539–40, 619 Communists and, 552 “crab walk” incident in, 632–33 demobilization in, 544 economy of, 539–40, 624–25 educational reform in, 552, 560 election of April 25, 1947 in, 624–27 end of occupation, 647 and fear of occupiers, 537–38 food distribution crisis in, 619–20 GHQ-government conflict in, 551–52 GHQ’s reforms in, 551–52 and Hirohito-MacArthur photograph, 548, 549–51, 553 Hirohito’s domestic tours of, 620–26, 628–31 Hirohito’s religious tours in, 553–55 Hirohito’s status as emperor in, 568–70 Hirohito war crimes issue in, 559, 567–68 Hiroshima visit in, 628–31 Korean War and, 636, 640–43 Kyoto University protest incident in, 644–45 land reform in, 619 MacArthur-Eisenhower “Secret” telegram and, 567–68 MacArthur’s strategy for, 544–45 media censorship in, 551 Meiji past and, 560–62 name change in, 621 New Year’s poetry reading in, 632 Okinawa issue in, 646 peace movement in, 642 peace treaty debate in, 634–35, 639–40 Pearl Harbor responsibility issue in, 546–47 and preservation of kokutai, 535, 537, 538, 540, 542, 544, 545, 547, 551, 552, 559 protect monarchy campaign in, 536–37, 542–43, 568–70 racial fears in, 538–39 and rehabilitation of emperor’s image, 553–54, 561, 563–66 renewal of nationalism in, 636, 638 and rewriting of history, 555–59 Shinto Directive of, 560 U.S. military alliance with, 644, 646 U.S. military in, 627, 640, 641–42 U.S.


pages: 467 words: 116,902

The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander

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affirmative action, cognitive bias, Columbine, deindustrialization, desegregation, ending welfare as we know it, friendly fire, illegal immigration, land reform, large denomination, low skilled workers, means of production, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, women in the workforce

In addition to federal civil rights legislation, the Reconstruction Era brought the expansion of the Freedmen’s Bureau, the agency charged with the responsibility of providing food, clothing, fuel, and other forms of assistance to destitute former slaves. A public education system emerged in the South, which afforded many blacks (and poor whites) their first opportunity to learn to read and write. While the Reconstruction Era was fraught with corruption and arguably doomed by the lack of land reform, the sweeping economic and political developments in that period did appear, at least for a time, to have the potential to seriously undermine, if not completely eradicate, the racial caste system in the South. With the protection of federal troops, African Americans began to vote in large numbers and seize control, in some areas, of the local political apparatus. Literacy rates climbed, and educated blacks began to populate legislatures, open schools, and initiate successful businesses.


pages: 790 words: 150,875

Civilization: The West and the Rest by Niall Ferguson

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Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, Atahualpa, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, BRICs, British Empire, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, Copley Medal, corporate governance, credit crunch, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Dean Kamen, delayed gratification, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of the americas, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, Hans Lippershey, haute couture, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, invention of movable type, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, John Harrison: Longitude, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, land tenure, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, market bubble, Martin Wolf, means of production, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, probability theory / Blaise Pascal / Pierre de Fermat, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, quantitative easing, rent-seeking, reserve currency, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, savings glut, Scramble for Africa, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, spice trade, spinning jenny, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, The Great Moderation, the market place, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, total factor productivity, trade route, transaction costs, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, upwardly mobile, uranium enrichment, wage slave, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce, World Values Survey

If Vietnam rather than Korea had been the norm – in other words, if US military interventions had mostly failed – the outcome might have been less happy. What made the difference? First, the United States and its allies (notably Britain in Malaysia) were able to provide credible security guarantees to governments following military interventions. Secondly, post-conflict reforms created secure institutional foundations for growth, a perfect example being the 1946 land reform in Japan, which swept away the remnants of feudalism and substantially equalized property-ownership (something the Meiji reformers had omitted to do). Thirdly, the increasingly open global economic order upheld by the United States very much benefited these Asian countries. Finally, they used various forms of state direction to ensure that savings were channelled into export industries, of which the key first-stage sector was, of course, textiles.


pages: 524 words: 143,596

The Dice Man by Luke Rhinehart

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call centre, East Village, fear of failure, impulse control, land reform, Lao Tzu, Socratic dialogue, the medium is the message

In addition to two lawsuits, one patient committed suicide (thirty-five dollars an hour out of the window), one was arrested for leading to the delinquency of a minor, and a last disappeared at sea in a sailing canoe on his way to Tahiti. On the other hand, I had a few distinct successes. One man, a highly paid advertising executive, gave up his job and family and joined the Peace Corps, spent two years in Peru, wrote a book on faking land reform in underdeveloped countries, a book highly praised by everyone except the governments of Peru and the United States, and is now living in a cabin in Tennessee writing a book on the effects of advertising on underdeveloped minds. Whenever he's in New York he drops in to suggest I write a book about the underdeveloped psyches of psychiatrists. My other successes were less obvious and immediate.


pages: 449 words: 127,440

Moscow, December 25th, 1991 by Conor O'Clery

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Anton Chekhov, Berlin Wall, central bank independence, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Doomsday Clock, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, haute couture, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Ronald Reagan, Sinatra Doctrine, The Chicago School

The totalitarian system, which prevented this country from becoming wealthy and prosperous a long time ago, has been dismantled. A breakthrough has been made on the road to democratic reforms. Free elections, freedom of the press, freedom of worship, representative legislatures, and a multiparty system have all become realities. We have set out to introduce a pluralistic economy, and the equality of all forms of ownership is being established. In the course of the land reform, peasant ry is reviving, individual farmers have appeared, and millions of hectares of land have been allocated to the urban and rural population. Laws were passed on the economic freedom of producers, and free enterprise, shareholding, and privatization are under way. Shifting the course of our economy towards a free market, we must not forget that this is being done for the benefit of the individual.


pages: 390 words: 119,527

Armed Humanitarians by Nathan Hodge

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Andrei Shleifer, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, European colonialism, failed state, friendly fire, IFF: identification friend or foe, Khyber Pass, kremlinology, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, Potemkin village, private military company, profit motive, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, walking around money

Even though the U.S. agencies and the South Vietnamese governments had forwarded a few piecemeal programs to promote rural security and development before then, Komer later noted that “pacification remained a small tail to the very large conventional military dog.”20 Placing the military’s pacification programs under civilian leadership, he found, gave the civilian experts greater influence over the project. The main problem, in his view, was a lack of managerial focus, not of armed might. In essence, the U.S. government was putting into practice strategies that had been advocated by veterans of colonial administration like Thompson, who believed the problems of guerrilla war could basically be solved by intelligent civilian administration, better policing, and political reconciliation. Land reform was an example of how this could work. The Communists had made a promise of land redistribution to win support.21 With U.S. government encouragement, the government of President Nguyen Van Thieu forwarded a program called “land to the tiller,” whereby the government of South Vietnam gave deeds to tenant farmers who actually worked the land. By early 1973, the government distributed over 2.5 million acres, helping undercut the Communists’ promise.


pages: 390 words: 115,769

Healthy at 100: The Scientifically Proven Secrets of the World's Healthiest and Longest-Lived Peoples by John Robbins

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clean water, collective bargaining, Community Supported Agriculture, Donald Trump, happiness index / gross national happiness, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, land reform, life extension, Maui Hawaii, meta analysis, meta-analysis, randomized controlled trial, Silicon Valley, telemarketer

Second was democratization—his staff created the constitution that is in use in Japan to this day, providing for a representative democracy, free universal education, the right of labor unions to organize and engage in collective bargaining, the right of women to vote, and the right of everyone to a decent life. And the third was decentralization—MacArthur broke up the family dynasties that ran the huge corporations that had controlled the country. He mandated a maximum wage for business and corporate leaders. He also carried out the most successful land reform program in history. Land was purchased from landlords who had amassed huge holdings, then sold to the tenants at the same price. The tenants were given thirty-year interest-free loans to make the purchase. Essentially, he leveled the playing field. His reforms were followed by the most rapid rise in health and longevity ever documented in any major country in world history. From a highly stratified prewar society, postwar Japan became a nation that cherished egalitarianism.


pages: 519 words: 160,846

One Day in December: Celia Sánchez and the Cuban Revolution by Nancy Stout

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AltaVista, back-to-the-land, land reform, Mason jar, union organizing, urban planning

Both were on the edge of the Comandancia complex, yet both were called Fidel’s headquarters. The Medina house is referred to as the first point of entrance, but there was a large house, farther west on the mountain’s slope, belonging to a rancher, known as the second point of entrance, or the Santa Claritan’s house. Most important meetings with outsiders took place at this large bungalow; the cease-fire negotiations with Neugart and the land reform laws were signed here after the war. Even after the war, Fidel protected details concerning the Comandancia La Plata from common knowledge, and only very special visitors or members of Column 1 would go there. BETO PESANT WAS KILLED IN ACTION on August 8. He’d been at Celia’s side during the nerve-racking days as they waited for the Granma to arrive; he’d steered her home, to Manzanillo, after she escaped from La Rosa, the bar in Campechuela.


pages: 497 words: 123,718

A Game as Old as Empire: The Secret World of Economic Hit Men and the Web of Global Corruption by Steven Hiatt; John Perkins

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airline deregulation, Andrei Shleifer, Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, big-box store, Bretton Woods, British Empire, capital controls, centre right, clean water, colonial rule, corporate governance, corporate personhood, deglobalization, deindustrialization, Doha Development Round, energy security, European colonialism, financial deregulation, financial independence, full employment, global village, high net worth, land reform, large denomination, Long Term Capital Management, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, Naomi Klein, new economy, North Sea oil, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Scramble for Africa, statistical model, structural adjustment programs, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transatlantic slave trade, transfer pricing, union organizing, Washington Consensus, working-age population, Yom Kippur War

The U.S. did demand a price for its help, however: British Petroleum now had to share its access to Iranian oilfields with several U.S. companies. U.S. military and foreign policy leaders were cheered by the success of their plan, recovering Iran at a low cost politically, militarily, and financially. Guatemala was the next test case for this indirect method of policing empire. In May 1952, President Jacobo Arbenz announced a land reform program that would have nationalized unused land belonging to landlords and, especially, the holdings of Boston’s United Fruit Company, the country’s largest landowner. His inspiration was Abraham Lincoln’s Homestead Act of 1862, with Arbenz hoping to enable peasants and rural laborers to become independent small farmers. But apparently Lincoln was too radical for the Eisenhower administration, especially with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and CIA Director Alan Dulles sitting on United Fruit’s Board of Directors.

Falling Behind: Explaining the Development Gap Between Latin America and the United States by Francis Fukuyama

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Andrei Shleifer, Atahualpa, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business climate, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, crony capitalism, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, first-past-the-post, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, income per capita, labour market flexibility, land reform, land tenure, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, New Urbanism, oil shock, open economy, purchasing power parity, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, transaction costs, upwardly mobile, Washington Consensus

., was the creation of a new breed of mercantile and capitalistic interests as the result of the expansion of overseas trade.51 Their institutional interests were similar to those of the gentry, and they combined in the eighteenth century to change British institutions. There is a remarkable parallel between the process outlined by Tawney in early modern Britain and that which has taken place in Chile over the last quarter of a century. Starting in 1967, agrarian reforms led to an expropriation of 52 percent of agricultural land by the government. After the Pinochet coup in 1973, land reform was stopped. About 30 percent of the land (still in the hands of the government at the time of the coup) was returned to the previous owners. About 10 percent was sold, 19 percent held by the government, and the rest left to the beneficiaries of reform.52 But most of these sold out, and out of this massive destruction of the traditional agricultural system, a new breed of capitalist farmers emerged.


pages: 437 words: 115,594

The Great Surge: The Ascent of the Developing World by Steven Radelet

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Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, business climate, business process, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, colonial rule, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doha Development Round, Erik Brynjolfsson, European colonialism, F. W. de Klerk, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, income inequality, income per capita, invention of the steam engine, James Watt: steam engine, John Snow's cholera map, Joseph Schumpeter, land reform, low skilled workers, M-Pesa, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, oil shock, out of africa, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, Robert Gordon, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, South China Sea, special economic zone, Steven Pinker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade route, women in the workforce, working poor

The government imposed strict controls over the economy, with Mugabe’s tight circle of supporters reaping the benefits. Production, employment, and wages stagnated, then fell. The country slid into a major economic crisis in 1998, which led to widespread riots and strikes. Zimbabwe’s military adventurism in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s civil war made both the domestic and regional situations worse. The 1999 land reform program began ad hoc seizures of white-owned farms for redistribution to blacks. Mugabe refused to cede power, and the longer he remained, the worse the situation became. The government intensified its human rights abuses, imposed strict laws limiting media freedom, and rigged elections. Several government ministers who did not toe the line died in mysterious “accidents.” In 2002 the government declared a state of disaster from worsening food shortages that threatened famine.


pages: 516 words: 159,734

War Without Mercy: PACIFIC WAR by John Dower

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anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, British Empire, colonial rule, European colonialism, ghettoisation, labour mobility, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Scientific racism, South China Sea, Torches of Freedom, transcontinental railway

While Japan would provide capital and technical know-how for the development of light industry (generally for local consumption) throughout the Co-Prosperity Sphere, most countries would remain in their familiar roles as producers of raw materials and semifinished goods. To the extent possible, trade within the bloc would take the form of barter. The basic policy toward the farming populations throughout the bloc would simply be to encourage them to work hard. There were no immediate plans, it was indicated, to “reform management” in the agrarian sector–presumedly meaning there were no plans for land reform, or the breaking down of the Western colonial plantations.61 Naturally, there would be gradations within the bloc–critical “semiperipheral” areas, as it were. As the civilian planners saw it, the “core region” of the Co-Prosperity Sphere for a long while to come would remain the Japanese home islands plus Manchukuo, along with North China and Mongolia, with genuine “self-sufficiency” only gradually coming to embrace Central and South China, Southeast Asia, and India.


pages: 469 words: 146,487

Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World by Niall Ferguson

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British Empire, Cape to Cairo, colonial rule, Corn Laws, European colonialism, imperial preference, income per capita, John Harrison: Longitude, joint-stock company, Khartoum Gordon, Khyber Pass, land reform, land tenure, Livingstone, I presume, Mahatma Gandhi, night-watchman state, profit motive, Scramble for Africa, spice trade, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, union organizing

He had been one of the authors of the 1832 Reform Act, hence his nickname ‘Radical Jack’. He also had the wit to be well advised. Charles Buller, his private secretary, had been born in Calcutta, studied history with Thomas Carlyle and had won a reputation as a brilliant barrister before entering the House of Commons; while Durham’s principal adviser, Edward Gibbon Wakefield, had written extensively on land reform in Australia – ironically, while languishing in Newgate prison, where he had been sent for three years for abducting an under-age heiress. He was just one of many thinkers of his generation who were haunted by the spectre, conjured up by the statistician Thomas Malthus, of unsustainable population growth at home. To Wakefield, the colonies were the obvious answer as an overflow for surplus Britons.

The Great Turning: From Empire to Earth Community by David C. Korten

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Albert Einstein, banks create money, big-box store, Bretton Woods, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, Community Supported Agriculture, death of newspapers, declining real wages, European colonialism, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, George Gilder, global supply chain, global village, Hernando de Soto, Howard Zinn, informal economy, invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Monroe Doctrine, Naomi Klein, neoliberal agenda, new economy, peak oil, planetary scale, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, South Sea Bubble, stem cell, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, trade route, Washington Consensus, World Values Survey

By contrast, the best performing clinic we identified had a courageous and innovative nurse who ignored the formal procedures and focused on organizing the services to be convenient for clients and responsive to their needs. The staff and the program flourished.3 Unfortunately, such cases were actively discouraged by program officials. Fran and I subsequently observed the same devastating consequences 10 PROLOGUE of rigid central control play out in programs throughout South and Southeast Asia in health care, agricultural extension, irrigation, forestry, land reform, education, and community development. Programs intended to serve the poor consumed substantial human and material resources to no useful end. Even more alarming was the frequent disruption of the ability of villagers and their communities to control and manage their own resources to meet their needs. For example, small family farmers throughout Asia have for many centuries joined together to build and manage their own irrigation systems, some of which are marvels of engineering ingenuity and operating efficiency.


pages: 411 words: 114,717

Breakout Nations: In Pursuit of the Next Economic Miracles by Ruchir Sharma

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3D printing, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, American energy revolution, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, BRICs, British Empire, business climate, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, centre right, cloud computing, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate governance, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, eurozone crisis, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, inflation targeting, informal economy, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, land reform, M-Pesa, Mahatma Gandhi, market bubble, megacity, Mexican peso crisis / tequila crisis, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, Peter Thiel, planetary scale, quantitative easing, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Shenzhen was a fishing village, Silicon Valley, software is eating the world, sovereign wealth fund, The Great Moderation, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, working-age population

When I asked a local businessmen how this could be, he said Koreans don’t like to pay for services and prefer to just stay with friends or family when they’re in town. The government has grown increasingly conscious of the political risks of the manufacturing boom. South Korea is an intensely egalitarian society increasingly dominated by a few big manufacturing combines. In its early years the country managed to grow while reducing inequality, first through land reforms that distributed property formerly held by large landowners or the Japanese after World War II, and later through a commitment to universal education that borders on fanaticism. From the 1950s to the 1980s South Korea had by far the highest levels of school enrollment among emerging nations, and today it also has the highest enrollment in basic education (and the third highest in higher education) of any nation, period.


pages: 537 words: 158,544

Second World: Empires and Influence in the New Global Order by Parag Khanna

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Admiral Zheng, affirmative action, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, Bartolomé de las Casas, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, complexity theory, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, energy security, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, flex fuel, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, friendly fire, Gini coefficient, global reserve currency, global supply chain, haute couture, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, Islamic Golden Age, Khyber Pass, knowledge economy, land reform, low skilled workers, means of production, megacity, Monroe Doctrine, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Pax Mongolica, pirate software, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, Potemkin village, price stability, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, reserve currency, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, special economic zone, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Thomas L Friedman, trade route, trickle-down economics, uranium enrichment, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, women in the workforce

See Cheng Li, “The New Bipartisanship Within the Chinese Communist Party,” Orbis, Summer 2005, 387–400. 50. As Mixin Pei argues, “If economic success does not end one-party rule in China, corruption probably will.” Pei, “The Chinese Communist Party,” Foreign Policy, September–October 2005, 46. 51. Albert Keidel, “China’s Social Unrest: The Story Behind the Stories,” Carnegie Endowment Policy Brief no. 48, September 2006. 52. For a historical narrative of previous land-reform efforts, see Yuan-Tsung Chen, The Dragon’s Village: An Autobiographical Novel of Revolutionary China (New York: Penguin, 1981). 53. A Political Reform Office was created in the 1980s, including frequent consultations with business experts and foreign-trained lawyers. See Mixin Pei, “Political Reform in China: Leadership Differences and Convergence,” paper presented at the conference on Chinese Leadership, Politics and Policy, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, November 2, 2005. 54.


pages: 3,292 words: 537,795

Lonely Planet China (Travel Guide) by Lonely Planet, Shawn Low

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Albert Einstein, anti-communist, bike sharing scheme, call centre, carbon footprint, clean water, colonial rule, credit crunch, Deng Xiaoping, haute couture, haute cuisine, income inequality, indoor plumbing, land reform, place-making, Skype, South China Sea, special economic zone, sustainable-tourism, trade route, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, women in the workforce, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, young professional

From here on out, religion and politics in Tibet became inextricably entwined and both were presided over by the Dalai Lama. With the fall of the Qing dynasty in 1911, Tibet entered a period of de facto independence that was to last until 1950. In this year a resurgent communist China invaded Tibet, claiming it was ‘liberating’ over one million Tibetans from feudal serfdom and bringing it back into the fold of the motherland. Increasing popular unrest in response to Chinese land reform resulted in a full-blown revolt in 1959, which was crushed by the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Amid popular rumours of a Chinese plot to kidnap him, the Dalai Lama fled to India. He was followed by an exodus of 80,000 of Tibet’s best and brightest, who now represent the Tibetan government-in-exile from Dharamsala, India. The Dalai Lama, who has referred to China’s policies on migration as ‘cultural genocide’, is resigned to pushing for autonomy rather than independence, though even that concession has borne little fruit.

The communists had an important role as guerrilla fighters, but did far less fighting in battle than the Kuomintang. The real winners from WWII, however, were the communists. They undertook important guerrilla campaigns against the Japanese across northern and eastern China, but the really key changes were taking place in the bleak, dusty hill country centred on the small town of Yan’an, capital of the CCP’s largest stronghold. The ‘Yan’an way’ that developed in those years solidified many CCP policies: land reform involving redistribution of land to the peasants, lower taxes, a self-sufficient economy, ideological education and, underpinning it all, the CCP’s military force, the Red Army. By the end of the war with Japan, the communist areas had expanded massively, with some 900,000 troops in the Red Army, and party membership at a new high of 1.2 million. Above all, the war with Japan had helped the communists come back from the brink of the disaster they had faced at the end of the Long March.

Chiang Kaishek fled to the island of Formosa (Taiwan), which China had regained from Japan after WWII. He took with him China’s gold reserves and the remains of his air force and navy, and set up the Republic of China (ROC), naming his new capital Taipei (Taibei). Ding Ling’s novel The Sun Shines on the Sanggan River (1948) gives a graphic account of the violence, as well as the joy, that greeted land reform (ie redistribution) in China in the early 1950s. Mao’s China Mao’s China desired, above all, to exercise ideological control over its population. It called itself ‘New China’, with the idea that the whole citizenry, down to the remotest peasants, should find a role in the new politics and society. The success of Mao’s military and political tactics also meant that the country was, for the first time since the 19th century, united under a strong central government.


pages: 446 words: 578

The end of history and the last man by Francis Fukuyama

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affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, centre right, cuban missile crisis, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, European colonialism, F. W. de Klerk, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, Isaac Newton, Joseph Schumpeter, kremlinology, labour mobility, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, nuclear winter, open economy, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Socratic dialogue, strikebreaker, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions

See also Karl Marx's discussion of the origins of the division of labor in Marx (1967), vol. 1, pp. 3 5 1 - 3 5 2 . 21. Large, centralized bureaucracies were characteristic of premodern empires, like those in China and Turkey. These bureaucratic organizations were not organized for the purpose of optimizing economic efficiency, however, and were therefore compatible with stagnant and traditional societies. 22. Of course, these revolutions often benefit from conscious political intervention in the form of land reform. 23. Juan Linz, "Europe's Southern Frontier: Evolving Trends toward What?" Daedalus 108, no. 1 (Winter 1979): 1 7 5 - 2 0 9 . Chapter 7. No Barbarians at the Gates 1. That is, Rousseau argues that aggression is not, as in Hobbes and Locke, natural to man and part of the original state of nature. Since Rousseau's natural man has few wants, and those that exist are relatively easily satisfied, there is no reason to rob or murder his fellows, no reason, in fact, to live in civil society.


pages: 700 words: 201,953

The Social Life of Money by Nigel Dodd

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, bank run, banking crisis, banks create money, Bernie Madoff, bitcoin, blockchain, borderless world, Bretton Woods, BRICs, capital controls, cashless society, central bank independence, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, computer age, conceptual framework, credit crunch, cross-subsidies, David Graeber, debt deflation, dematerialisation, disintermediation, eurozone crisis, fiat currency, financial innovation, Financial Instability Hypothesis, financial repression, floating exchange rates, Fractional reserve banking, German hyperinflation, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Hyman Minsky, illegal immigration, informal economy, interest rate swap, Isaac Newton, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kula ring, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, late capitalism, liquidity trap, litecoin, London Interbank Offered Rate, M-Pesa, Marshall McLuhan, means of production, mental accounting, microcredit, mobile money, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, mortgage debt, new economy, Nixon shock, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, paradox of thrift, payday loans, Peace of Westphalia, peer-to-peer lending, Ponzi scheme, post scarcity, postnationalism / post nation state, predatory finance, price mechanism, price stability, quantitative easing, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, remote working, rent-seeking, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Satoshi Nakamoto, Scientific racism, seigniorage, Skype, Slavoj Žižek, South Sea Bubble, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transaction costs, Wave and Pay, WikiLeaks, Wolfgang Streeck, yield curve, zero-coupon bond

Gesell (1862–1930) was a theoretical economist as well as a social activist, whose major work, The Natural Economic Order (originally published in 1906, 2007 cited here) contained long and detailed sections on “free” money, or as he put it, “money as it should be.” Gesell published several other writings on the subject, including Currency Reform as a Bridge to the Social State (1891) (Gesell 1951) and The Nationalization of Money (Gesell 1892), as well as founding a monthly periodical, Geld-und Bodenreform (Monetary and Land Reform) in 1900. He defined free money as “an instrument of exchange and nothing else,” whose sole test of usefulness was the “degree of security, rapidity and cheapness with which goods are exchanged.” Good money, as Gesell understood it, should secure, accelerate, and cheapen the exchange of goods. By contrast, the introduction of the gold standard to Germany had been a “disaster” because it had “overimproved” money, considering it only from the point of view of its holder.


pages: 897 words: 210,566

Shake Hands With the Devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda by Romeo Dallaire, Brent Beardsley

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airport security, colonial rule, failed state, global village, invisible hand, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, risk/return, Ronald Reagan

He has incredibly powerful eyes that lock on your own, p W ing, searching, testing, and he wastes little time on social niceties. t we sat down, he dived right in, addressing the situation of longOctober coup. He told me that many of these refugees had fled to the se havens of schools and church missions to elude armed mobs e' no 0 mobs. He said that the Rwandan refugees inside Uganda were facing filar, although less extreme, pressures from their impatient Ugandan W Recent land reforms had given squatters title to the land that the refill had occupied for close to thirty years, and the refugees were being f 1 The Shadow Force 155 leaders within the RPF were truing to stem the flow but it was hard to do. After all, the RPF had fought refugees could return to their of the plight of the refugees, he lost some of his cusdug deep into his own experience to emphasize or At times he would get up and walk around restbed growing up in a refugee camp in Uganda, always tolerated but never really accepted as an of anger as he relived his struggle to mainand dignity against the crushing defeatism In his case, he devoted himself to selftold me how he had fought to help rid Uganda of Obote by joining the NRA, training in Tanzania, Uganda under the current president, Yoweri ;though Kagame was a highly regarded officer, he told bla he to was rise to wand his an. full potential in the NRA because he NRA had accepted Tutsi refugees such as Kagame in had fought for Museveni because they believed that d Obote and installed Museveni, he would treat them ~SCnse of the large Tutsi refugee population that had put i had had to form alliances with other tribes and p y g g reminded of a tale the RPF liaison officer, told Brent to describe the Tutsi ex in equals.


pages: 670 words: 169,815

Ghosts of Empire: Britain's Legacies in the Modern World by Kwasi Kwarteng

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Ayatollah Khomeini, banking crisis, British Empire, colonial rule, Corn Laws, corporate governance, Deng Xiaoping, discovery of penicillin, Etonian, illegal immigration, imperial preference, invisible hand, Khartoum Gordon, land reform, Scientific racism, Scramble for Africa, trade route, urban planning, Yom Kippur War

As early as 1924, there had been labour unrest at the state silk factory in Srinagar, where 5,000 people worked, of whom an overwhelming majority were Muslim. When the Viceroy, Lord Reading, visited Srinagar in October 1924 he was presented with a memorandum signed by many prominent members of the Kashmiri Muslim community calling for an increase in the number of Muslims employed in the state service, for improvements in Muslim education and for land reform.30 The Hindu basis of the state was reflected in its laws. Gulab Singh, the founder of the Hindu state of Jammu and Kashmir, had been a devout Hindu who, as his biographer observed, reserved ‘very brutal punishments’ for those accused of ‘cow killing’, who would have their noses and ears cut off.31 Cow killing even in the 1930s and 1940s was illegal in Kashmir. People who committed this act of sacrilege against the Hindu religion could face a seven-year prison sentence.


pages: 423 words: 126,375

Baghdad at Sunrise: A Brigade Commander's War in Iraq by Peter R. Mansoor, Donald Kagan, Frederick Kagan

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Berlin Wall, central bank independence, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, friendly fire, HESCO bastion, indoor plumbing, land reform, open borders, RAND corporation, Saturday Night Live

We would often continue the discussion after the meeting over a lunch of roast lamb, boiled rice, hummus, tabbouleh, and other delicious Arabic dishes. One result of the collapse of Ottoman rule after World War I was the lessening of the strength and political relevance of tribe- and clan-based social structures throughout Iraq. British colonial authorities promoted tribal sheiks as allies, but the spread of land reform, increasing urbanization, and nationalist political movements gradually undermined their strength and influence throughout the remainder of the twentieth century. After the Gulf War, Saddam Hussein recognized the authority of tribal leaders to regulate local affairs in return for pledges of loyalty. In the wake of the collapse of the Ba’athist regime in April 2003, tribal identification became one means of filling the power vacuum in Iraq.


pages: 807 words: 225,326

Werner Herzog - a Guide for the Perplexed: Conversations With Paul Cronin by Paul Cronin

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Albert Einstein, Atahualpa, Berlin Wall, Francisco Pizarro, land reform, out of africa

“We aren’t going to pull out the equipment for at least two days,” I said, and asked them to walk around, touching the walls and feeling the smooth surfaces, which is how I had experienced the fortress myself when I first encountered it as a teenager. Peru was governed by a military dictatorship at the time we made Aguirre, but a left-wing one that had nationalised various industries and instituted a vast land-reform programme. President Juan Velasco Alvarado was of Native Indian descent and controlled a regime very different to those of people like Stroessner in Paraguay and Pinochet in Chile. We weren’t offered much assistance by the Peruvian government, though the army supplied us with an amphibian aircraft and established a radio station, which meant we could be in contact with the nearest big city, providing the electricity didn’t fail.

The Age of Turbulence: Adventures in a New World (Hardback) - Common by Alan Greenspan

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air freight, airline deregulation, Albert Einstein, asset-backed security, bank run, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, business process, call centre, capital controls, central bank independence, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, Corn Laws, corporate governance, correlation coefficient, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, currency peg, Deng Xiaoping, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doha Development Round, double entry bookkeeping, equity premium, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fiat currency, financial innovation, financial intermediation, full employment, Gini coefficient, Hernando de Soto, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, Long Term Capital Management, Mahatma Gandhi, manufacturing employment, market bubble, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, mortgage debt, new economy, North Sea oil, oil shock, open economy, pets.com, Potemkin village, price mechanism, price stability, Productivity paradox, profit maximization, purchasing power parity, random walk, reserve currency, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, the payments system, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, total factor productivity, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, working-age population, Y2K

LATIN AMERICA AND POPULISM populist leaders must be charismatic and exhibit a take-charge aura, even an authoritarian competence. Many, perhaps most, such leaders have come out of the military. They do not effectively argue for the conceptual superiority of populism over free markets. They do not embrace Marx's intellectual formalism. Their economic message is simple rhetoric spiced with words like "exploitation," "justice," and "land reform," not "GDP" or "productivity." To peasants tilling the soil of others, redistribution of land is a cherished goal. Populist leaders never address the potential downside, which can be devastating. Robert Mugabe, president of Zimbabwe since 1987, promised and delivered to his followers the confiscated land of white settlers. But the new owners were not prepared for management of the land. Food production collapsed, necessitating large-scale importation.


pages: 709 words: 191,147

White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America by Nancy Isenberg

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back-to-the-land, British Empire, California gold rush, colonial rule, Copley Medal, desegregation, Donald Trump, feminist movement, full employment, indoor plumbing, invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, land tenure, New Urbanism, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, trade route, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration

Like the long-standing British practice of colonizing the poor, the Virginians sought to quell dissent, raise taxes, and lure the less fortunate west. This policy did little to alter the class structure. In the end, it worked against poor families. Without ready cash to buy the land, they became renters, trapped again as tenants instead of becoming independent landowners.15 Public education accompanied land reforms. In bill no. 79, for the “General Diffusion of Knowledge,” Jefferson laid out a proposal for different levels of preparation: primary schools for all boys and girls, and grammar schools for more capable males at the public expense. For the second tier, he called for twenty young “geniusses” to be drawn from the lower class of each county. Rewarding those with merit, he devised a means of social mobility in a state where education was purely a privilege of wealthy families.16 Writing of his plan in Notes on the State of Virginia, his wide-ranging natural history of his state, he chose a rather unsavory allusion to describe the reform.


pages: 823 words: 206,070

The Making of Global Capitalism by Leo Panitch, Sam Gindin

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accounting loophole / creative accounting, airline deregulation, anti-communist, Asian financial crisis, asset-backed security, bank run, banking crisis, barriers to entry, Basel III, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, bilateral investment treaty, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Carmen Reinhart, central bank independence, collective bargaining, continuous integration, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, currency peg, dark matter, Deng Xiaoping, disintermediation, ending welfare as we know it, eurozone crisis, facts on the ground, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Financial Instability Hypothesis, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gini coefficient, global value chain, guest worker program, Hyman Minsky, imperial preference, income inequality, inflation targeting, interchangeable parts, interest rate swap, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, late capitalism, liquidity trap, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, money: store of value / unit of account / medium of exchange, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, non-tariff barriers, Northern Rock, oil shock, precariat, price stability, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, regulatory arbitrage, reserve currency, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, seigniorage, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, special drawing rights, special economic zone, structural adjustment programs, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, the payments system, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, union organizing, very high income, Washington Consensus, Works Progress Administration, zero-coupon bond

It was this submission that made the US Treasury’s Brady Plan successful, as the banks agreed to convert their debt claims into equity ownership of productive Latin American assets, as well as securities that could be sold on secondary markets.102 This was all taking place just as the CIA was conducting its massive counterinsurgency effort in Central America, while at the same time the State Department was engaged in “democracy promotion” to ensure that the overthrow of the dictatorships in the southern cone in particular did not lead to a break with neoliberal globalization.103 Latin America’s notorious “lost decade” of the 1980s involved a 9 percent fall in GDP per capita alongside unprecedented increases in class inequality.104 Part and parcel of this was the change that domestic capitalist classes were undergoing. The earliest exemplar of that change was Chile, but it was not primarily the advice that Milton Freidman’s “Chicago Boys” proffered to Pinochet that determined Chile’s subsequent neoliberal path. Rather, the Pinochet government used the political space provided after its murderous counterrevolutionary coup to take advantage of Allende’s land reforms and nationalizations to ensure that the traditional networks of landlords and capitalists did not reconstitute themselves in the ways that had previously impeded the development of Chilean capitalism. Trade liberalization and privatizations were combined with state support to transcend the economy’s dependence on mining and heavy industry and expand export-oriented production in non-traditional agriculture, fisheries, and related manufacturing.

Bali & Lombok Travel Guide by Lonely Planet

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active transport: walking or cycling, Airbnb, car-free, carbon footprint, clean water, first-past-the-post, global village, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Skype, spice trade, sustainable-tourism

The PKI was outlawed and a wave of anticommunist massacres followed throughout Indonesia. In Bali, the events had an added local significance as the main national political organisations, the Partai Nasional Indonesia (PNI, Nationalist Party) and the PKI, crystallised existing differences between traditionalists, who wanted to maintain the old caste system, and radicals, who saw the caste system as repressive and were urging land reform. After the failed coup, religious traditionalists in Bali led the witch-hunt for the 'godless communists'. Eventually, the military stepped in to control the anticommunist purge, but no one in Bali was untouched by the killings, estimated at between 50,000 and 100,000 out of a population of about two million, a percentage many times higher than on Java. Many tens of thousands more died on Lombok.


pages: 416 words: 204,183

The Rough Guide to Florence & the Best of Tuscany by Tim Jepson, Jonathan Buckley, Rough Guides

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air freight, Bonfire of the Vanities, car-free, housing crisis, land reform, Plutocrats, plutocrats, sustainable-tourism, trade route, upwardly mobile, urban planning

For all their learning, Ficino and the rest produced nothing to equal the originality of medieval philosophers such as Thomas Aquinas or Duns Scotus. 357 Postwar Tuscany CONTEXTS | History 358 Tuscany is a prosperous and conservative region that in the past has tended to elect right-of-centre members of parliament. On a local level, however, left-wing support is high, partly as a consequence of the Italian communist party’s record in the war and subsequent work on land reform. The communists were effectively excluded from national government by the machinations of the now-defunct Christian Democrat party (which, like the old Socialist party, was undone by the corruption scandals of the early 1990s), but the newer left-leaning parties that have emerged over the past couple of decades have projected themselves as the grassroots opposition to the centralization and corruption of Roman politics.


pages: 913 words: 299,770

A People's History of the United States by Howard Zinn

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affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, death of newspapers, desegregation, equal pay for equal work, feminist movement, friendly fire, full employment, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, land reform, Mercator projection, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, very high income, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration

Diem again and again blocked the elections requested by the Vietminh, and with American money and arms his government became more and more firmly established. As the Pentagon Papers put it: “South Viet Nam was essentially the creation of the United States.” The Diem regime became increasingly unpopular. Diem was a Catholic, and most Vietnamese were Buddhists; Diem was close to the landlords, and this was a country of peasants. His pretenses at land reform left things basically as they were. He replaced locally selected provincial chiefs with his own men, appointed in Saigon; by 1962, 88 percent of these provincial chiefs were military men. Diem imprisoned more and more Vietnamese who criticized the regime for corruption, for lack of reform. Opposition grew quickly in the countryside, where Diem’s apparatus could not reach well, and around 1958 guerrilla activities began against the regime.


pages: 1,072 words: 297,437

Africa: A Biography of the Continent by John Reader

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agricultural Revolution, British Empire, Cape to Cairo, clean water, colonial rule, discovery of the americas, illegal immigration, land reform, land tenure, Livingstone, I presume, new economy, out of africa, Scramble for Africa, spice trade, surplus humans, the market place, Thomas Malthus, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, urban sprawl, women in the workforce

The royal authority of Haile Selassie and his feudal-style state was swept away by the army-led coup of September 1974 and replaced by a communist-inspired regime which soon proved to be no less repressive than its predecessor. With the simplistic confidence of a new broom, the new rulers denigrated and outlawed many aspects of the old social order – including religion. Some aspects of reform were welcomed – even merited (especially land reform) – but the denigration of religion was a step too far. As the ugly nature of the new regime was revealed, church attendances soared, respect for the authority of the priests rose, and religion provided a network of shared belief through which dissent and opposition could spread and consolidate. The network drew its strength from Axum where, during the period of physical isolation that followed the collapse of the Aksumite empire and its mania for the gigantic, myth and reality had created a unique and durable foundation of Christian belief.


pages: 1,117 words: 305,620

Dirty Wars: The World Is a Battlefield by Jeremy Scahill

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air freight, anti-communist, blood diamonds, business climate, citizen journalism, colonial rule, crowdsourcing, Donald Trump, failed state, friendly fire, Google Hangouts, indoor plumbing, Islamic Golden Age, land reform, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, private military company, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, WikiLeaks

All quotations of Madobe are from the author’s interview. 222 “The Ambassador told Sharif”: US diplomatic cable 07NAIROBI5403, from Ambassador Michael Ranneberger, US Embassy Nairobi, “Sheikh Sharif and the Future Role of the Islamic Courts Moderates,” January 2, 2007, released by WikiLeaks, http://wikileaks.org/cable/2007/01/07NAIROBI5403.html. 222 “preferable to co-opt”: US diplomatic cable 07ADDISABABA311, from Ambassador Donald Yamamoto, US Embassy Addis Ababa, “PM Meles Highlights Land Reform as Key to Clan Reconciliation and Political Stability in Somalia,” February 1, 2007, released by WikiLeaks, http://wikileaks.org/cable/2007/02/07ADDISABABA311.html. 222 escaped from Somalia to Kenya: Jeffrey Gettleman, “Somali Islamists’ No. Two Leader Surrenders in Kenyan Capital,” New York Times, January 23, 2007. 222 “working with the CIA”: Author interview, Ali Mohamed Gedi, June 2011. 222 In Yemen: “Somali Islamist Travels to Yemen,” BBC.co.uk, February 8, 2007. 222 “at least 150”: Human Rights Watch, “Why Am I Still Here?


pages: 965 words: 267,053

A History of Zionism by Walter Laqueur

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Albert Einstein, anti-communist, British Empire, illegal immigration, joint-stock company, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, new economy, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, strikebreaker, the market place, éminence grise

The revisionists attacked the economic programme of the Zionist executive from opposite angles at one and the same time: it was too liberal, in the sense that it assumed that the building up of the country could be financed solely by voluntary contributions, and it was not liberal enough, for it discriminated against private initiative in agriculture and industry. The revisionist programme demanded a ‘systematic colonisation régime to be charged with the positive task of creating the conditions necessary for a Jewish mass colonisation’.* No other Zionist party would have disagreed with the demand that the entire complex of Jewish immigration should be entrusted to the sole competence of the Zionist Organisation. Another demand called for a thorough land reform to be carried out, with the object of establishing a land reserve for colonisation, to include all lands not under permanent cultivation both west and east of the Jordan, subject to satisfactory compensation being paid to the present owners. The revisionists proposed the floating of a big international loan to finance mass immigration and settlement. They charged the Zionist executive with having given hardly any help at all to middle class initiative in industry and agriculture.


pages: 964 words: 296,182

Karl Marx: Greatness and Illusion by Gareth Stedman Jones

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anti-communist, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, Corn Laws, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, joint-stock company, land reform, land tenure, means of production, New Journalism, New Urbanism, night-watchman state, On the Economy of Machinery and Manufactures, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, unemployed young men, wage slave

The trade unionists were happy to collaborate with those who supported reform, with ‘advanced liberals’ like Miall. The trade unionists approved of arbitration, where possible, supporting strikes only where they were necessary. So far as there was a more visceral form of class hostility, it was directed against the landed aristocracy. Their position was based not upon work, but upon conquest. Land reform, whether in the shape of the abolition of primogeniture recommended by Mill’s Land Tenure Reform Association or public ownership of the land as pursued by the Land and Labour League, had long belonged within the radical tradition. The trade union leaders with whom Karl had to deal in the International – George Odger, George Howell, William Cremer, Robert Applegarth, Thomas Mottershead, John Hales and others – all belonged to a particular generation.


pages: 1,327 words: 360,897

Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism by Peter Marshall

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agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, David Graeber, feminist movement, garden city movement, hive mind, Howard Zinn, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, land tenure, Lao Tzu, Machinery of Freedom by David Friedman, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Naomi Klein, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, post scarcity, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, the market place, union organizing, wage slave, washing machines reduced drudgery

Although the movement distributed over one million acres of Bhoodan land to half a million landless peasants, it failed to redeem the vast majority of pledges in favour of Gramdan, with the result that few villages became even partially communitarian. Many peasants were alienated by the volunteer workers, who on occasion appeared somewhat proud, if not arrogant, in their moral superiority. The movement also became identified to a degree with the National Congress since the government had actually endorsed Gramdan programme as a way of promoting its own more modest land reforms. As the movement began to founder in the early 1970s, Jayaprakash Narayan (JP), an ex-socialist Party leader who had joined Sarvodaya in 1954, began to exert a dominant influence. On joining, he had argued that the way forward was ‘to create and develop socialist living through the voluntary endeavour of the people rather than seek to establish socialism by use of the power of the State’.34 He now began calling however for the ‘politicalization’ of the movement and the use of Gandhi’s more aggressive form of non-violent struggle which involved active resistance to the State.


pages: 1,445 words: 469,426

The Prize: The Epic Quest for Oil, Money & Power by Daniel Yergin

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anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial exploitation, Columbine, cuban missile crisis, energy security, European colonialism, Exxon Valdez, financial independence, fudge factor, informal economy, joint-stock company, land reform, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, North Sea oil, oil rush, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, postnationalism / post nation state, price stability, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Thomas Malthus, Yom Kippur War

Adept at playing one group off against another and asserting his own supremacy, he went on to create the political system that would dominate Mexico until the end of the 1980s. Oil and nationalism would prove central to that system. Cardenas was, in fact, the most radical of any of the Mexican Presidents. "His leftist inclinations make him the bugbear of capitalism," the British minister said of him in 1938, "but all things considered it is to be regretted that there are not more men of his calibre in Mexican life." Cardenas aggressively pushed land reform, education, and an expensive program of public works. Labor unions became far more powerful during his presidency. He publicly identified himself with the masses and incessantly toured the country, often arriving unannounced to listen to the complaints of the peasants. To Cardenas, a fervent nationalist as well as a political radical, the foreign oil industry in Mexico was a painful and sore presence.

Great Britain by David Else, Fionn Davenport

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active transport: walking or cycling, Albert Einstein, Beeching cuts, British Empire, call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, clean water, colonial rule, Columbine, congestion charging, credit crunch, David Attenborough, Etonian, food miles, glass ceiling, global village, haute cuisine, illegal immigration, Isaac Newton, James Watt: steam engine, land reform, Livingstone, I presume, Mahatma Gandhi, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, place-making, Skype, South of Market, San Francisco, Stephen Hawking, the market place, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, Winter of Discontent

Those who chose to pursue farming were marginalised into whatever narrow or barren bits of land they could subsist on; this became known as crofting. It was always precarious, as rights were granted on a year-by-year basis, so at any moment a crofter could lose not only the farm but also the house they’d built on it. The economic depression of the late 19th century meant many couldn’t pay their rent. This time, however, they resisted expulsion, instead forming the Highland Land Reform Association and their own political party. Their resistance led to several of their demands being acceded to by the government, including security of tenure, fair rents and eventually the supply of land for new crofts. Crofters now have the right to purchase their farmland and recent laws have abolished the feudal system, which created so much misery. * * * The Hill o’Many Stanes, a bit north of the Camster turn-off, consists of 22 rows of small (foot-high) stones fanning outwards, significance unknown, and dating from around 4000 years ago.