desegregation

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pages: 467 words: 116,902

The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander

affirmative action, cognitive bias, Columbine, Corrections Corporation of America, deindustrialization, desegregation, different worldview, ending welfare as we know it, friendly fire, Gunnar Myrdal, illegal immigration, land reform, large denomination, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, means of production, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

Two years later, the Court voided any real estate agreements that racially discriminated against purchasers, and in 1949 the Court ruled that Texas’s segregated law school for blacks was inherently unequal and inferior in every respect to its law school for whites. In 1950, in McLaurin v. Oklahoma, it declared that Oklahoma had to desegregate its law school. Thus, even before Brown, the Supreme Court had already begun to set in motion a striking pattern of desegregation. Brown v. Board of Education was unique, however. It signaled the end of “home rule” in the South with respect to racial affairs. Earlier decisions had chipped away at the “separate but equal” doctrine, yet Jim Crow had managed to adapt to the changing legal environment, and most Southerners had remained confident that the institution would survive.

Just as Southern legislatures had passed the black codes in response to the early steps of Reconstruction, in the years immediately following Brown v. Board, five Southern legislatures passed nearly fifty new Jim Crow laws. In the streets, resistance turned violent. The Ku Klux Klan reasserted itself as a powerful terrorist organization, committing castrations, killings, and the bombing of black homes and churches. NAACP leaders were beaten, pistol-whipped, and shot. As quickly as it began, desegregation across the South ground to a halt. In 1958, thirteen school systems were desegregated; in 1960, only seventeen.31 In the absence of a massive, grassroots movement directly challenging the racial caste system, Jim Crow might be alive and well today. Yet in the 1950s, a civil rights movement was brewing, emboldened by the Supreme Court’s decisions and a shifting domestic and international political environment. With extraordinary bravery, civil rights leaders, activists, and progressive clergy launched boycotts, marches, and sit-ins protesting the Jim Crow system.

This image was enhanced following the passage of the Civil Rights Acts of 1965, when civil rights lawyers became embroiled in highly visible and controversial efforts to end hiring discrimination, create affirmative action plans, and enforce school desegregation orders. As public attention shifted from the streets to the courtroom, the extraordinary grassroots movement that made civil rights legislation possible faded from public view. The lawyers took over. With all deliberate speed, civil rights organizations became “professionalized” and increasingly disconnected from the communities they claimed to represent. Legal scholar and former NAACP Legal Defense Fund lawyer Derrick Bell was among the first to critique this phenomenon, arguing in a 1976 Yale Law Journal article that civil rights lawyers were pursuing their own agendas in school desegregation cases even when they conflicted with their clients’ expressed desires.3 Two decades later, former NAACP Legal Defense Fund lawyer and current Harvard Law School professor Lani Guinier published a memoir in which she acknowledged that, “by the early 1990s, [civil rights] litigators like me had become like the Washington insiders we were so suspicious of....


pages: 425 words: 116,409

Hidden Figures by Margot Lee Shetterly

affirmative action, Charles Lindbergh, cognitive dissonance, desegregation, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, glass ceiling, Gunnar Myrdal, low earth orbit, Mahatma Gandhi, New Journalism, orbital mechanics / astrodynamics, RAND corporation, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, upwardly mobile, women in the workforce, éminence grise

Henderson, “Henderson Speaks: Closing Schools No Way to Cope with Sputniks,” Norfolk Journal and Guide, November 23, 1957. 169 forcing each of those Virginia school districts to integrate: Smith, They Closed Their Schools, 144. 169 “the ‘separate but equal’ education of the Negroes marks time”: James Rorty, “Virginia’s Creeping Desegregation: Force of the Inevitable,” Commentary Magazine, July 1956. Rorty’s article offers a fascinating snapshot of Virginia’s struggle with desegregation in the years just after Brown v. Board of Ed. 170 “Eighty percent of the world’s population is colored”: Paul Dembling to file, July 7, 1956. 171 NASA: For years, the folks who had worked for Langley prior to 1958 could be distinguished by the fact that they said the name of the new agency after the fashion of the old one, pronouncing each letter separately: “the N-A-S-A.” 171 “to provide for the widest”: The Space Act of 1958, http://www.hq.nasa.gov/office/pao/History/spaceact.html. 171 “the bearer of a myth”: McDougall, The Heavens and the Earth, 376. 171 “the West Area Computers Unit is dissolved”: Floyd L.

See also mathematicians men as, 205 Mustangs and Tuskegee airmen, 52 supervisor duties, 89 Virginia Tucker as head computer, 5, 40, 86 West Area segregation, 7, 37, 43–45, 48, 104–105 West Computing boom, 105, 107 West Computing dissolved, 171–173, 204, 218–219 West Computing downsize, 165–167 West Computing section, 39–40, 48–49, 81, 87, 88, 102, 250, 264 “woe unto thee,” 58–59 women as, xvi–xvii, 4–5, 59, 81–82, 83–84, 115, 166, 180 working outside Langley, 289 Cooke, Arminta (West Computer), 171, 204 Cooper, Gordon, 228 Copeland Park (Newport News, VA), 29, 62, 64, 67 Cox, Elbert Frank, 13 Cronkite, Walter, 111, 239–240 Crosby, Bing, 71 Cuba, 207, 222 Curtiss Wright computer pool, 82, 289 Czarnecki, Kazimierz “Kaz,” 109–110, 142–143, 197, 254–255 Darden, Christine (data analyst) as data analyst, 231–232, 260–261 doctorate in mechanical engineering, 262–263 Hampton Institute, 202–203, 225 Katherine Johnson on, 250 sonic boom research, 261–262 Darling, Frank, 38 Darling processing plant, 38, 93 Darling Stadium, 225 “data analysts” for mathematicians, 259 Davis, Benjamin O., 51 Davis, John W., 72, 74–75 defense industry desegregation, 6, 15–16, 32 Delta Sigma Theta sorority, 40, 105 Dembling, Paul, 170 Derring, Eldridge, 90, 91 desegregation Brown v. Board of Education, 135, 140–141, 153–154, 157, 304 defense industry, 6, 15–16, 32 Dorothy Vaughan textbook, xvii “Four Freedoms,” 31 Girl Scouts, 198, 256 graduate school programs, 24–25, 75 Holiday Inn bar, 146 Langley Air Force Base, 168 Little Rock, 150 military, 104 Senator Byrd versus, 141, 168–169, 170, 184–185 universities, 24, 25, 75, 152, 157 Virginia schools, 203, 304, 306 See also segregation Double V, 35–36 Dryden High-Speed Flight Research Center (CA), 84, 163 Du Bois, W.

Later generations would associate the black freedom movement with King’s name, but in 1941, as the United States oriented every aspect of its society toward war for the second time in less than thirty years, it was Randolph’s long-term vision and the specter of a march that never happened that pried open the door that had been closed like a bank vault since the end of Reconstruction. With two strokes of a pen—Executive Order 8802, ordering the desegregation of the defense industry, and Executive Order 9346, creating the Fair Employment Practices Committee to monitor the national project of economic inclusion—Roosevelt primed the pump for a new source of labor to come into the tight production process. Nearly two years after Randolph’s 1941 showdown, as the laboratory’s personnel requests reached the civil service, applications of qualified Negro female candidates began filtering in to the Langley Service Building, presenting themselves for consideration by the laboratory’s personnel staff.


pages: 450 words: 113,173

The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties by Christopher Caldwell

1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, big data - Walmart - Pop Tarts, blue-collar work, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, computer age, crack epidemic, crony capitalism, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Attenborough, desegregation, disintermediation, disruptive innovation, Edward Snowden, Erik Brynjolfsson, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, financial innovation, Firefox, full employment, George Gilder, global value chain, Home mortgage interest deduction, illegal immigration, immigration reform, informal economy, Jeff Bezos, John Markoff, Kevin Kelly, libertarian paternalism, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, mass immigration, mass incarceration, mortgage tax deduction, Nate Silver, new economy, Norman Mailer, post-industrial society, pre–internet, profit motive, reserve currency, Richard Thaler, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Robert Metcalfe, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, Skype, South China Sea, Steve Jobs, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog, zero-sum game

After the election the Opinion Research Corporation asked a similar question (“In the area of civil rights, which government policy do you favor . . . vigorous enforcement of the new civil rights law or moderation in enforcement of the new civil rights law?”) and got almost identical results: 19% vigorous enforcement of the new civil rights law 68% moderation in enforcement of the new civil rights law 13% no choice For all their pious sentiments about desegregating the South, whites opposed every single activist step that might have brought desegregation about, and every single activist who was working to do so. In 1961, they thought, by a margin of 57 to 28 percent, that the black students staging sit-ins at North Carolina lunch counters and the “Freedom Riders” occupying segregated buses between Washington, D.C., and New Orleans “hurt” rather than “helped” the cause of civil rights. In 1964, on the eve of the Civil Rights Act, only 16 percent of Americans said that mass demonstrations had helped the cause of racial equality—versus 74 percent who said they had hurt it.

The working class would wind up tainted by the popular culture’s portrayal of the military as burners of villages and marauders in free-fire zones. Who would hire such a person to run a corporate department? Who would elect such a person to Congress? The same “white proles of Boston” Fallows described would be subjected to the most high-handed carrying out of federal law in the decade to follow: the court-ordered “desegregation” of Boston’s public schools, starting in 1974. The word desegregation belongs in quotation marks because most of the schools affected were within white ethnic (mostly Irish-American and Italian-American) neighborhoods. There had never been any black people there to segregate. The process involved two-way busing, transporting white students into poor and violent Boston neighborhoods and replacing them with bused-in black students.

What the debt paid for was social peace, which had come to be understood as synonymous with the various Great Society programs launched by Lyndon Johnson in the two years after the Kennedy assassination. We should understand the Great Society as the institutional form into which the civil rights impulse hardened, a transfer from whites to blacks of the resources necessary to make desegregation viable. Desegregation was, as we have said, the most massive undertaking of any kind in the history of the United States. Like any massive undertaking, it required endurance, patience, and prohibitive expense. Almost everyone who did not benefit from it was going to be made poorer by it. Now it was being presented to the public as the merest down payment on what Americans owed. The best evidence we have is that it was too much for most Americans from the beginning.


pages: 358 words: 95,115

NurtureShock: New Thinking About Children by Po Bronson, Ashley Merryman

affirmative action, Columbine, delayed gratification, desegregation, hedonic treadmill, impulse control, index card, job satisfaction, lake wobegon effect, longitudinal study, meta analysis, meta-analysis, randomized controlled trial, social intelligence, Steven Pinker, telemarketer, theory of mind

When did the environment that we were so proud of no longer become the message he listened to? The Diverse Environment Theory is the core principle behind school desegregation today. Like most people, I assumed that after thirty years of school desegregation, it would have a long track record of scientific research proving that the Diverse Environment Theory works. Then Ashley and I began talking to the scholars who’ve compiled that very research. For instance, Dr. Gary Orfield runs the Civil Rights Project, a think tank that was long based at Harvard but has moved to UCLA. In the summer of 2007, Orfield and a dozen top scholars wrote an amicus brief to the United States Supreme Court supporting school desegregation in Louisville, Kentucky, and Seattle, Washington. After completing the 86-page document, Orfield e-mailed it to all the social scientists on his mailing list, and he received 553 signatures of support.

He admitted the science available to make their case “wasn’t what we really wanted.” Despite having at their disposal at least a thousand research studies on desegregation’s effects, “I was surprised none were longitudinal. It really has a substantial effect, but it has to be done the right way.” Just throwing kids of different races into a school together isn’t the right way, because they can self-segregate within the school. Orfield lamented the lack of funding to train teachers. Looking at the science available to make their case, Orfield recalled, “It depressed me that we’ve invested so little in finding the benefits of integration.” This ambiguity is visible in the text of the amicus brief. Scientists don’t like to overstate their case. So the benefits of desegregation are qualified with words like “may lead” and “can improve.” “Mere school integration is not a panacea,” the brief warns.

Recently, the Civil Rights Project studied high school juniors in six school districts around the country. One of those was Louisville, which appears to be a place where desegregation has had the intended benefits. Surveys of high school juniors there show that over 80% of students (of all races) feel their school experience has helped them work with and get along with members of other races and ethnic groups. Over 85% feel their school’s diversity has prepared them to work in a diverse job setting. But other districts didn’t look so great. Lynn, Massachusetts, which is ten miles northeast of Boston, is generally regarded as another model of diversity and successful school desegregation. When its students were polled if they’d like to live in a diverse neighborhood when they grow up, about 70% of the nonwhite high school juniors said they wanted to.


pages: 405 words: 121,531

Influence: Science and Practice by Robert B. Cialdini

Albert Einstein, attribution theory, bank run, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, desegregation, Everything should be made as simple as possible, experimental subject, Mars Rover, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, Milgram experiment, Norman Macrae, Ralph Waldo Emerson, telemarketer, The Wisdom of Crowds

For instance, although white students’ achievement levels remain steady, it is 10 times more likely that the academic performance of minority students will significantly increase rather than significantly decline after desegregation (Stephan, 1978). We must be cautious in our approach to school desegregation so that we do not throw out the baby with the bath water. The idea, of course, is to jettison just the water, leaving the baby shining from the bath. Right now, though, our baby is soaking in the Schmutzwasser of increased racial hostility. Fortunately, real hope for draining away that hostility is emerging from the research of education specialists into the concept of “cooperative learning.” Because much of the heightened prejudice from classroom desegregation seems to stem from increased exposure to outside group members as rivals, these educators have experimented with forms of learning in which cooperation rather than competition with classmates is central.

They argue that, simply by providing individuals of different ethnic backgrounds with more exposure to one another as equals, those individuals will naturally come to like each other better. However, when scientists have examined school integration—the area offering the single best test of the contact approach—they have discovered quite the opposite pattern. School desegregation is more likely to increase prejudice between blacks and whites than to decrease it (Stephan, 1978). Let’s stay with the issue of school desegregation for a while. However well intentioned the proponents of interracial harmony through simple contact are, their approach is unlikely to bear fruit because the argument on which it is based is terribly misinformed. First of all, research has shown that the school setting is not a melting pot where children interact as readily with members of other ethnic groups as they do with their own.

If you were called on and failed, or if you didn’t even raise your hand to compete, you probably envied and resented your classmates who knew the answer. Children who fail in this system become jealous and resentful of the successes, putting them down as teacher’s pets or even resorting to violence against them in the school yard. The successful students, for their part, often hold the unsuccessful children in contempt, calling them “dumb” or “stupid.” (Aronson, 1975, pp. 44, 47) Should we wonder, then, why strict school desegregation—whether by enforced busing, district rezoning, or school closures—so frequently produces increased rather than decreased prejudice? When our children find their pleasant social and friendship contacts within their ethnic boundaries and get repeated exposure to other groups only in the competitive cauldron of the classroom, we might expect as much. Are there available solutions to this problem?


pages: 423 words: 115,336

This Is Only a Test: How Washington D.C. Prepared for Nuclear War by David F. Krugler

Berlin Wall, City Beautiful movement, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Frank Gehry, full employment, glass ceiling, index card, nuclear winter, RAND corporation, Silicon Valley, urban planning, Victor Gruen, white flight, Works Progress Administration

Samuel Spencer to Eisenhower, May 26 and June 7, 1954, box 282, folder “71-U Segregation in District of Columbia,” White House Central Files, Official File, DDEL; Walter Goodman, “The Capital Keeps Calm,” New Republic 131, no. 17 (October 25, 1954): 10–13; Carl F. Hansen, Miracle of Social Adjustment: Desegregation in The Washington, D.C. Schools (New York: Anti-Defamation League of B’Nai Brith, 1957), 45–50; Eugene Davidson, “An Analysis of Desegregation in the District of Columbia,” box A226, folder “Desegregation: Schools Branch Action—District of Columbia 1954–55,” NAACP Records, Group II, LOC, Manuscript Division. Hansen, Miracle, 50–9; U.S. News, “Race Problem,” 38. U.S. News, “Race Problem,” 35. Hansen, Miracle, 59–60. David Lawrence, “Washington’s Worry,” U.S. News & World Report 46, no. 14 (April 6, 1959): 120.

White families moving to the area usually opted for suburban residency, whereas African Americans settled in the District. By 1965, 60 percent of the District’s residents were black.52 White flight was a national trend, but in Washington it overlapped with postwar desegregation. For a democratic nation committed to fighting communism, a segregated capital often proved embarrassing. Foreign visitors and diplomats of color held out their passports to get lunch counter service, a State Department official implored a hotel to honor the reservation of the foreign minister of an African nation.53 In response, both Presidents Truman and Eisenhower publicly committed themselves to desegregating Washington, but as historian Constance McLaughlin Green noted: “The battle for Washington was not to be won merely by a message from the White House.” Indeed, the persistent initiatives of black Washingtonians, aided by white allies and national organizations, won the “battle.”

Constance McLaughlin Green, The Secret City: A History of Race Relations in the Nation’s Capital (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), 286, 296–8 (the quote is on 286); George B. Nesbitt, “Non-White Residential Dispersion and Desegregation in the District of Columbia,” Journal of Negro Education 25, no. 1 (Winter 1956): 12. The Brown v. Board of Education decision didn’t apply to the District of Columbia. In voiding the “separate but equal” principle, the Court cited the 14th Amendment’s requirement that no state could deny equal protection of the laws. The Court simultaneously reviewed Bolling v. Sharpe, a suit filed by black parents of children enrolled in the District’s public schools. Citing the 5th Amendment’s due process clause, the Court also ruled the District’s segregation to be unconstitutional. For more on the desegregation of the District’s schools, see the articles in Washington History 16, no. 2 (Fall/Winter 2004/05), a special issue commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of the Brown and Bolling decisions.


pages: 403 words: 105,431

The death and life of the great American school system: how testing and choice are undermining education by Diane Ravitch

David Brooks, desegregation, hiring and firing, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, longitudinal study, mega-rich, Menlo Park, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, school choice, school vouchers, The Death and Life of Great American Cities

In fact, the federal government used the funding from the 1965 act to force Southern districts to dismantle segregated public schools, threatening to withhold federal dollars if they did not desegregate. This approach was the very opposite of Friedman’s goal of maximizing individual freedom through school choice. As the federal government kept up the pressure for desegregation and as resistance to mandatory busing increased, some school districts attempted to encourage voluntary desegregation through choice. They opened magnet schools—schools with specialized offerings in the arts or sciences or other fields—to encourage white students to attend urban schools that would otherwise be heavily nonwhite. But until the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, the issue of school choice remained far outside the mainstream, mainly because it was viewed by the media and elected officials as a means to permit white students to escape court-ordered racial desegregation. After Reagan was elected, he advocated school choice, specifically vouchers.

Board of Education. The Houston schools were segregated, and the local school board had no intention of complying with the decision. Anyone who spoke up on behalf of racial integration was likely to be called a communist or a pinko. Over the next decade, political leaders in some Southern states declared that they would never desegregate their schools, that they would hold out forever against the Court’s decision. Some school districts in the South responded to the Court’s pressure to desegregate by adopting “freedom of choice” policies. Under “freedom of choice,” students could enroll in any public school they wanted. Big surprise: White students remained enrolled in all-white schools, and black students remained in all-black schools. When the federal government and the federal courts began compelling segregated districts to reassign black and white pupils to integrated schools, public officials in some Southern states embraced a new form of choice.

When the federal government and the federal courts began compelling segregated districts to reassign black and white pupils to integrated schools, public officials in some Southern states embraced a new form of choice. They encouraged the creation of private schools to accommodate white students who did not want to attend an integrated school. These “schools of choice” were also known as “segregation academies.” In Virginia, which had a policy of “massive resistance” to desegregation, the state gave tuition grants to students to enroll in a private school of their choice. During the 1950s and 1960s, the term “school choice” was stigmatized as a dodge invented to permit white students to escape to all-white public schools or to all-white segregation academies. For someone like me, raised in the South and opposed to racism and segregation, the word “choice” and the term “freedom of choice” became tainted by their use as a conscious strategy to maintain state-sponsored segregation.


pages: 425 words: 117,334

City on the Verge by Mark Pendergrast

big-box store, clean water, Community Supported Agriculture, crowdsourcing, desegregation, edge city, Edward Glaeser, global village, housing crisis, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, jitney, liberation theology, mass incarceration, McMansion, New Urbanism, openstreetmap, Richard Florida, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the High Line, transatlantic slave trade, transit-oriented development, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, walkable city, white flight, young professional

“The reality,” observed historian Kevin Kruse, “was that the city had enacted a minimalist program of tokenism that amounted to the smallest commitment to desegregation imaginable.” The new black students were ostracized, harassed, pushed, tripped, spat on, and cursed. White teachers tacitly encouraged such behavior by ignoring it. One girl found a note in her locker: “Go back to Africa, Jungle Bunny.” As the rate of school, park, swimming pool, restaurant, and department store desegregation increased in the early 1960s, white flight snowballed. In 1962, for instance, after a local elementary school switched from white to black, Grant Park homes sold to blacks within weeks. “As they fled from the schools in record numbers and at record speeds,” wrote Kruse, “yet another desegregated public space passed from segregation to resegregation, with barely any time spent on true ‘integration’ at all.”

A century ago, cities may have been dirty and polluted, but they were dense, vital hubs of industry and commerce. Workers lived in neighborhoods near factories (like Atlanta’s Cabbagetown, near the Fulton Bag and Cotton Mill) serviced by railroads. Wealthier people lived further out along the streetcar lines in the first suburbs (like Inman Park). During the 1920s, the automobile began to change that way of life and culture. In the postwar era, desegregation and white flight to the suburbs hollowed out downtowns, a trend ultimately tied to important public health issues such as air pollution, global warming, water availability, affordable housing, and increased obesity. Still a young city, Atlanta has yet to clearly define itself or its future. After General William Tecumseh Sherman reduced it to ashes in 1864 during the Civil War, it re-created itself as the “Phoenix City,” and it has been reinventing itself ever since, boasting about the “Atlanta Spirit,” labeling itself “the World’s Next Great City,” all the while unsure of its real character.

Meanwhile, Mayor Hartsfield introduced his “Plan of Improvement,” which led to the January 1, 1952, expansion of Atlanta’s city limits, primarily to incorporate Buckhead, the wealthy community to the north, thereby ensuring a white majority for the next two decades, as Atlanta’s black population dropped instantaneously from 41 to 33 percent. (The annexation included my parents’ house, so as a three-year-old, I became a citizen of Atlanta.) In 1955, the year after the Brown v. Board of Education decision mandated eventual school desegregation, Hartsfield declared Atlanta “the city too busy to hate,” and it did indeed avoid most of the racial violence that occurred in places like Little Rock and New Orleans. Still, it was unclear whether Georgia public schools would survive. For several years, it appeared that Atlanta public schools might be shuttered. In 1958, white supremacists bombed the Temple, Atlanta’s oldest synagogue, because Rabbi Jacob Rothschild had publicly supported integration.


pages: 435 words: 120,574

Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right by Arlie Russell Hochschild

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Sanders, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Cass Sunstein, clean water, collective bargaining, Deep Water Horizon, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, equal pay for equal work, Exxon Valdez, feminist movement, full employment, greed is good, guest worker program, invisible hand, knowledge economy, McMansion, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, obamacare, oil shock, payday loans, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, sovereign wealth fund, Thorstein Veblen, urban sprawl, working poor, Yogi Berra

Kaitlin Mulhere, “In the Face of Colossal Cuts,” Inside Higher Ed, April 27, 2015, https://www.insidehighered.com/news/2015/04/27/anxiety-over-massive-proposed-cuts-louisianas-colleges-felt-across-state. 95“explore options and ramifications of ending the Desegregation Order” See CSRS, Southwest Louisiana Regional Impact Study (accessed August 4, 2015), 121, http://www.gogroupswla.com/Content/Uploads/gogroupswla.com/files/SWLA%20Regional%20Impact%20Study_Final.pdf. The U.S. Department of Justice has listed twenty-five un-desegregated schools on its Civil Rights Division’s “Open Desegregation Cast List.” And it has held up a school voucher program in an attempt to force desegregation—locking children into failing schools, critics charge. Since Brown v. Board of Education in 1954, desegregation of public schools has been legally mandatory. But today schools remain very separate and unequal. More than two million black students attend schools where 90 percent of the student body is made up of minority students.

See also specific topics blue states, 78–80, 232–33 catcalls by, 144–45, 298n144 derogatory remarks, 227–28 desegregation, 213, 287n95 dioxin rates, 110, 291n109, 292n110 Dodd-Frank restrictions, 274n59 Douglass, Michael T., 77 Dow and Union Carbide, 102 drilling permits, 108–10, 291n110 drinking water, 275n63 Duke, David, 226 Durkheim, Emile, 225–26 Earned Income Tax Credit, 256 earthquakes, 100, 105, 107, 288n100 ECHO database, 274n59 economic agenda, 14 economic growth, 234 common impressions on, 260–62 environment and, 78, 283n78 from fracking, 90 high road strategy on, 77, 282n77 low road strategy on, 77, 282n77 oil and, 76–77, 260–61 regulation relating to, 78, 283n78 Republicans relating to, 261 economic progress, 50 economic recovery, 8 economic self-interest, 228 EDC. See ethylene dichloride education, 9 church and, 217 desegregation in, 213, 287n95 funding for, 95 Jindal on, 95, 231 National Report Card on, 9 student activity groups, 19–20, 269n20 UPI and, 273n47 Edwards, John Bel, 231 Ehrenreich, Barbara, 144 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 7, 264n7 The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (Durkheim), 225–26 Elliott, Rebecca, 79, 251–52, 255 emotional elation, 227–28 emotional self-interest, 228 emotions, 128, 278n66 church and, 119–21 collective effervescence, 225–26 deep story and, 297n135 disgust 162, 228 elation 227–29 feeling rules and, 15–16, 178, 227–28 mourning 18, 49, 225 PC (politically correct) 35, 128, 158, 227 sympathy, 139, 146, 227–28 Trump’s rise relating to, 225–28 empathy walls, 5–8, 82, 233, 263n5 endurance, 155 Entergy, 46 environment American Dream and, 122 church and, 122–25, 294n123 economic growth and, 78, 283n78 free-market and, 201–2 geography, risk, and, 252–53 Honoré on, 62–64, 248 insurance companies, 201 jobs and, 51, 77–78, 258–59 political candidates on, 59–60, 61–64 Schaff on, 197–201 Tabor, J., on, 176–78 Tea Party and, 198, 199–201 environmental damage.

The possibility of recruiting the best minds in the nation ground to a quick halt. Only after public outcry did the governor restore some funds to public education—and cut public health and environmental protection instead. As for poor public schools, the study suggested “re-drawing attendance zones to accommodate growth in enrollment,” and added, matter-of-factly, that the state should “explore options and ramifications of ending the Desegregation Order.” Now a privately funded report was telling the town Sasol was moving into that its public sector was down on its heels. Your first-rate integrated schools? Where are your un-cracked sidewalks? Your clean lakes? To attract outside talent for the private sector, it turned out, you needed a thriving public sector, for which the two-term, Tea Party–supported governor had drastically cut funds.


pages: 255 words: 75,172

Sleeping Giant: How the New Working Class Will Transform America by Tamara Draut

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, always be closing, American ideology, battle of ideas, big-box store, blue-collar work, collective bargaining, creative destruction, David Brooks, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, ending welfare as we know it, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, full employment, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, job satisfaction, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, mass incarceration, minimum wage unemployment, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, occupational segregation, payday loans, pink-collar, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, shared worldview, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trickle-down economics, union organizing, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, white flight, women in the workforce, young professional

Kevin Stainback and Donald Tomaskovic-Devey, Documenting Desegregation: Racial and Gender Segregation in Private-Sector Employment Since the Civil Rights Act (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2012), p. 115. 11. Cobble, The Other Women’s Movement, p. 219. 12. MacLean, Freedom Is Not Enough, p. 105. 13. John Nichols, “A. Philip Randolph Was Right: ‘We Will Need to Continue Demonstrations,’ ” The Nation, April 15, 2014, at http://www.​thenation.​com/​article/​philip-​randolph-​was-​right-​we-​will-​need-​continue-​demons​trations/. 14. Stainback and Tomaskovic-Devey, Documenting Desegregation, p. 98. 15. Ibid., p. 115. 16. Ibid., p. 140. 17. Ibid., p. 158. 18. Ibid. 19. Branch, Opportunity Denied, p. 22. 20. Stainback and Tomaskovic-Devey, Documenting Desegregation, p. 299. 21. Ariane Hegewisch and Stephanie Keller, “The Gender Wage Gap by Occupation 2013 and by Race and Ethnicity,” Institute for Women’s Policy Research, Washington, D.C., April 2014, at http://www.​iwpr.​org/​publi​cations/​pubs/​the-​gender-​wage-​gap-​by-​occupation-​and-​by-​race-​and-​ethnicity-​2013. 22.

Census and the 2011 American Community Survey of the ten largest-growing occupations as identified by U.S. Department of Labor, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics at http://www.​bls.​gov/​emp/​ep_​table_​104.​htm. What happened to the promise of Section VII, the provision of the Civil Rights Act that would provide equal opportunity in the workplace? In a deeply researched and quantitative assessment of the drive to desegregate America’s workplaces, Kevin Stainback and Donald Tomaskovic-Devey tell the story in Documenting Desegregation of substantial progress despite stubborn and durable privilege. In the years immediately following the Civil Rights Act, from 1966 to 1972, major gains were made among black men, black women, and white women—but, importantly, not at the expense of white men, who actually got a major bump up the advantage ladder.14 As black men and black women made big gains into working-class jobs, white men got propelled upward into even more managerial positions.15 Working-class jobs became more integrated, with more black women and white women working together than before, and more black men and white men working together on an equal-status basis.

But there remained deep racial divisions among the rank-and-file, an issue the civil rights community argued the national federation was negligent in addressing. Racial discrimination at union locals was rampant, and not just in the South. White union members were often vehemently opposed to opening up apprenticeship programs to black workers and to integration efforts in society more broadly, particularly the use of busing to desegregate the nation’s schools. By 1960 African Americans were more likely than any other racial or ethnic group to be union members (this is still true today), giving black union leaders considerable leverage within the larger federation. That leverage coalesced with the formation of the Negro American Labor Council (NALC), led by A. Philip Randolph, president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters.


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Being Wrong: Adventures in the Margin of Error by Kathryn Schulz

affirmative action, anti-communist, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, car-free, Cass Sunstein, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, conceptual framework, cosmological constant, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, desegregation, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, lake wobegon effect, longitudinal study, mandatory minimum, Pierre-Simon Laplace, Ronald Reagan, six sigma, stem cell, Steven Pinker, Tenerife airport disaster, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, trade route

Bill Riddick, the man charged with running the workshops, saw immediately that Ellis and Atwater were the two people in the room with the power to either salvage or sabotage his efforts, and he decided that his most pressing task was to get the two of them to work together. Not being a man to do things by half measures, Riddick asked them to co-chair the desegregation workshops. Across the board, the initial reaction was horror. The African-American community and its allies were outraged: Who in his right mind would invite a KKK leader to chair a committee on desegregation? Ellis, meanwhile, was almost equally appalled. As he later told Davidson, his first thought was, “ain’t no way I can work with that gal!” Still, his resistance was tempered by two factors. The first was that the Klan had accustomed him to positions of leadership, and the idea of playing a role in a larger, city-wide process appealed to him.

How about some of you people showin’ up and have a little balance?’”) Thanks to the Klan, and for the first time he could remember, Ellis was enjoying some measure of confidence, respect, and power. Then something happened: the course of C. P. Ellis’s life intersected, in a small but significant way, with the course of history. In 1970, the federal government funneled $75 million to North Carolina to desegregate its schools. That money should have been unnecessary—sixteen years earlier, the Supreme Court had declared, in Brown v. Board of Education, that school segregation was unconstitutional—but the state’s schools were still a legal, racial, and educational disaster. The federal funds were divvied up, and $80,000 was earmarked for a series of workshops to persuade Durham’s citizens to cooperate in integration.

The first was that the Klan had accustomed him to positions of leadership, and the idea of playing a role in a larger, city-wide process appealed to him. The second and more surprising factor was that Ellis had privately accepted that segregation was a lost cause. He knew about the Supreme Court decision, he had seen what had happened in other states, and he had concluded that the Klan was powerless to stop this particular train in its tracks. There wasn’t much he could do, he decided, except (in Davidson’s words), “help make desegregation less painful for white children”—including his own. To do that, he would need to accept Bill Riddick’s invitation. When he learned that Ann Atwater had said yes, he followed suit. Like the first planning meeting, the first meeting of the committee co-chairs was disastrous. It took place in a café in downtown Durham, and Ellis spent much of it pacing around the restaurant, unwilling to sit down in a public establishment with black people.


pages: 440 words: 108,137

The Meritocracy Myth by Stephen J. McNamee

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American ideology, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, business cycle, collective bargaining, computer age, conceptual framework, corporate governance, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, demographic transition, desegregation, deskilling, equal pay for equal work, estate planning, failed state, fixed income, gender pay gap, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, job automation, joint-stock company, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low-wage service sector, marginal employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, New Urbanism, obamacare, occupational segregation, old-boy network, pink-collar, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, post-industrial society, prediction markets, profit motive, race to the bottom, random walk, school choice, Scientific racism, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, We are the 99%, white flight, young professional

The American Psychiatric Association declassified homosexuality as a mental disorder in 1973 although discrimination and prejudice continued. Most recently, the issues of institutional discrimination regarding sexual orientation have focused on military service and marriage. The military has often been seen as a vanguard institution in overcoming discrimination. The military was largely racially segregated until 1948 when President Harry Truman signed an executive order to desegregate the military, long before the height of the civil rights movement and desegregation of other major social institutions. The U.S. military, however, did not permit homosexuals to openly serve. President Bill Clinton’s attempt in 1993 to end this discriminatory policy met with severe opposition in Congress and from some segments of the general population. In the end, the discriminatory law was retained, modified by the “don’t ask, don’t tell” compromise.

Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Rayman, Paula. 2001. Beyond the Bottom Line: The Search for Dignity at Work. New York: Palgrave. Schmitt, John, and Janelle Jones. 2012. “Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone?” Center for Economic and Policy Research. http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/good-jobs-2012-07.pdf (accessed January 20, 2013). Stainback, Kevin, and Donald Tomaskovic-Devey. 2012. Documenting Desegregation: Racial and Gender Segregation in Private-Sector Employment since the Civil Rights Act. New York: Sage. Thurow, Lester C. 1999. Building Wealth: The New Rules for Individuals, Companies and Nations in a Knowledge-Based Economy. New York: HarperCollins. Tolbert, Charles, Partick Horan, and E. M. Beck. 1980. “The Structure of Economic Segmentation: A Dual Economy Approach.” American Journal of Sociology 85: 1095–1116.

Since World War II, the position of the federal and state governments has gradually changed from requiring, supporting, or tacitly accepting discriminatory practices to formally and actively opposing discrimination. These changes began in the late 1930s and culminated with the passage of the Civil Rights Acts of 1957, 1960, 1964, 1965, and 1968. For example, court rulings, legislation, and executive orders were designed to desegregate the military, end educational segregation and discrimination, protect voting rights, and require federal contractors to comply with nondiscrimination policies. The banning of overt discrimination and segregation in privately owned businesses came later in the form of legislation against employment and housing discrimination. Finally, at the local level, numerous antidiscrimination ordinances and laws were passed.


Survival of the Friendliest: Understanding Our Origins and Rediscovering Our Common Humanity by Brian Hare, Vanessa Woods

Cass Sunstein, cognitive bias, desegregation, Donald Trump, drone strike, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, Law of Accelerating Returns, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microbiome, Milgram experiment, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, nuclear winter, out of africa, phenotype, Ray Kurzweil, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), self-driving car, smart cities, social intelligence, Stanford marshmallow experiment, stem cell, Steven Pinker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, theory of mind, Tim Cook: Apple, trade route, white flight, zero-sum game

Army recruited 2,500 black soldiers to fight in the Battle of the Bulge, even the more intolerant white soldiers from the South who fought alongside the new recruits came out of the conflict with more positive attitudes toward black people than white soldiers who did not.52 This effect was also observed when the U.S. Marines desegregated in 1948. After World War II, a U.S. housing shortage in the mid-1940s made mixed neighborhoods a necessity. White women who had friendly conversations with their black neighbors liked their black neighbors more and were more supportive of interracial housing. Not only that, but half the white tenants who lived in desegregated housing were more likely to support unrestricted access to future unsegregated housing, while only 5 percent of white people who lived in segregated housing supported this view.59, 60 * * * — This kind of beneficial contact can be as simple as a casual conversation, a work partnership, or a mixed classroom.

Educators, parents, policy makers, civil rights activists, and social workers watched in dismay. Carlos*1 was in the fifth grade at a public school in Austin, Texas. English was his second language. He answered questions with a stammer, and when the other children mocked him, he stammered even more. He became withdrawn, rarely speaking at all. Many social scientists had predicted that school desegregation would be an unqualified success. It was assumed that once all children were on an equal footing in the classroom, white children would leave school less racist, not just toward people of color in their schools, but toward those they encountered throughout their lives. Minority children would receive a first-class education, which would set them up for successful careers. However, when the psychologist Elliot Aronson looked in on Carlos and his classmates, he spotted a fundamental problem.

Ernst, who joined a resistance group when he was just fourteen, grew up with Jewish playmates.49 * * * — Before World War II, looking at border territories that were war zones and longstanding feuds between neighboring ethnic groups, researchers assumed that contact between different groups ignited conflict. They assumed that people felt safer in their own communities where others spoke the same language and ate the same food in the same way. Protecting cultural identity, especially to minority groups who felt disadvantaged, seemed like a priority. Many black civil rights activists argued against desegregation. “I can see no tragedy in being too dark to be invited to a white school social affair,” wrote Zora Neale Hurston in 1955.51 They foresaw the hard road ahead for their children, as well as the firing of thousands of brilliant, caring black teachers and administrators (while white parents might tolerate having their children educated alongside black children, they certainly would not tolerate having their children educated by black teachers.)


The Origins of the Urban Crisis by Sugrue, Thomas J.

affirmative action, business climate, collective bargaining, correlation coefficient, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, deindustrialization, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Ford paid five dollars a day, George Gilder, ghettoisation, Gunnar Myrdal, hiring and firing, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, informal economy, invisible hand, job automation, jobless men, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, mass incarceration, New Urbanism, oil shock, pink-collar, postindustrial economy, rent control, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, side project, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

Detroit’s public housing was racially segregated. And the small amount of public housing built in Detroit was concentrated in largely black inner-city neighborhoods. The gap between blacks and whites in public housing grew even wider in the 1950s, as thousands of blacks were relocated for urban renewal and highway construction projects, while the admissions policy of the Housing Commission remained unchanged. Detroit was slow to desegregate its public housing projects, and offer equal housing facilities to blacks and whites. Officially sanctioned segregation in public housing legitimated private-sector housing discrimination. Cyril Lawrence, a critic of the Housing Commission’s approval of segregation, noted that the “public has interpreted the policy as applicable to all housing, including private housing.”105 George Schermer of the Mayor’s Interracial Committee was even more critical of the policy.

Official approval of segregation, he argued, “has a detrimental effect,” fostering “distrust and disbelief in government on the part of minority and liberal” groups, and giving “official sanction to the prejudices of others.”106 During the Cobo administration, DHC policy remained unrelentingly segregationist, as officials defended “the right of the landlord to operate his property as he wishes or take the tenants he wants to take in.”107 In response to pressure from civil rights orgnaizations, city officials began the token integration of public housing projects in 1953 and 1954, but not until 1956, after the Detroit Branch of the NAACP won a lawsuit that challenged the city’s racial policy, did the city open all public housing to blacks, and even then desegregation was haltingly slow. As late as the early 1960s, four public housing projects were virtually all-white, with token black residents, and two projects were all-black.108 The dilemma of the housing crisis for Detroit’s poor was still unresolved in the late 1950s. The city directed blacks needing homes to its already crowded center-city projects, and defended the concentration of blacks as the necessary consequence of slum removal.

In effect, argued Turner, construction of high-rise public housing would “provide approval of the congested pattern they have been forced to live in.”109 Turner suggested that the only solution to the city’s housing dilemma would be the construction of new public housing on open land outside of the black ghetto: “I think the outlying areas should be given to Negroes if you are to do anything.” By the early 1950s, Turner’s views were quixotic. The propublic housing Citizens’ Housing and Planning Council was defunct, the NAACP was putting its energies into the desegregation of existing projects, and the UAW and other unions had abandoned their efforts in favor of integrated public housing. What had seemed feasible in 1940 was now politically impossible. After a decade of struggle over government-provided housing, its opponents had won a clear victory. One observer, looking back at the efforts of Detroit’s public housing advocates from the vantage point of the 1960s, commented bitterly that “elephantine labors have brought forth a mouse.”


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Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America by Rick Perlstein

affirmative action, Alistair Cooke, American ideology, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cognitive dissonance, cuban missile crisis, delayed gratification, desegregation, East Village, European colonialism, full employment, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, immigration reform, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index card, indoor plumbing, Joan Didion, Kitchen Debate, liberal capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Marshall McLuhan, Monroe Doctrine, moral panic, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, Own Your Own Home, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price mechanism, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, the medium is the message, traveling salesman, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, walking around money, War on Poverty, white picket fence, Whole Earth Catalog

Pat Brown, forced to campaign in the primary to put down a sudden conservative challenge from Sam Yorty for the Democratic nomination, came to Norwalk later in the month. The same people heckled him so loudly reporters couldn’t phone in their stories. Martin Luther King was in Chicago. In 1956, Eleanor Roosevelt had said that if the Windy City desegregated, it would set a lovely example for the South. Mayor Daley replied that there was no segregation in Chicago. He was still proclaiming it—even though, in 1965, after Dick Gregory led silent desegregation marches past Daley’s Bridgeport house, neighborhood school-girls adopted a new jump-rope chant: “I’d like to be an Alabama trooper / That is what I’d truly like to be / ’Cause if I were an Alabama trooper / I could kill the niggers legally.” King had once believed impoverished Northern blacks would “benefit derivatively from the Southern struggle.”

A week later the Justice Department officially affirmed that the administration was “unequivocally committed to the goal of finally ending racial discrimination in schools, steadily and speedily, in accordance with the law”—but that “a policy requiring all school districts, regardless of the difficulties they face, to complete desegregation by the same terminal date is too rigid to be either workable or equitable.” The next day was the NAACP’s July 4 national convention. There, HUD secretary George Romney said every American was “entitled to full and equal citizenship.” Roy Wilkins responded that the administration’s double-dealing was “almost enough to make you vomit.” It was hard to play both sides sedulously, the higher the stakes got. “Complete desegregation by the same terminal date”—the start of the 1969–70 school year—was exactly what the federal Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals had demanded of Mississippi on August 11, 1969. Two weeks later, HEW gave them an extra sixty days.

And on Thursday, the Senate: Congressional Record 112, pt. 18, 23,913; “Senate Restricts Rights Guideline; Would Allow Segregation of Patients in Certain Cases,” NYT, September 28, 1966. Explained Majority Leader: “Mansfield Asks Slowdown on School Desegregation,” NYT, September 29, 1966. Indeed, in May, 32 percent: USNWR, October 10, 1966. Crowed Senator James Eastland: Carter, Politics of Rage, 307. See also Reporter magazine, October 20, 1966. The House took up debate: “House Takes Up School Aid Bill,” NYT, October 7, 1966. John Brademas, a liberal Democrat: Congressional Record 112, pt. 19, 25,538. “They have auditors crawling”: Ibid., 25,576. In an October 6 press conference: “Johnson Concedes Errors on Rights,” NYT, October 7, 1966; PPP 501, October 6, 1966. “We accept tokenism”: “Mansfield Asks Slowdown on School Desegregation.” It seems HEW is determined: Elizabeth Kulcyzk to Douglas, September 30, 1966, PDP722. He was lying: September 11, 1966, Gallup poll in LBJCR, Reel 3.


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Among Schoolchildren by Tracy Kidder

always be closing, desegregation, index card, pattern recognition, Ronald Reagan, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, white picket fence

Many state governments have at least begun to try for a rough equality in financing between poor and wealthy districts. (For the first half of the 1980s, Holyoke ran its schools entirely on state money; on occasion, a former mayor used some of the funds for fixing potholes, too.) Against long odds, school districts all over the country have been desegregated. And yet while public schools have always helped a relative few rise out of poverty, they have not proven to be the "great equalizers" that Horace Mann dreamed of. Many schools, of course, remain desegregated only in theory. Many high schools are segregated internally, thanks to "tracking," a system Conant helped promote, which in theory sorts students according to natural ability, and in practice most often sorts them along lines of race and economic class. John Dewey did more than any other individual before or since to bring new air and light into classrooms, but the deep changes he dreamed of never came to pass, and he lived to criticize pedagogical practices carried out in his name.

On really important matters, he usually did what was best for the students. Somehow he always seemed to find the money for new books or materials or field trips. She thought Kelly's classes remained small partly because of Al's clever budgeting. She gathered that Al sometimes fell out of favor on Suffolk Street, school administration headquarters, but she thought it significant that during the first crucial year of desegregation, Suffolk Street had sent Al to Kelly, to soothe the white parents who had demanded proof that their children would be safe down in the Flats. Al, with a great deal of help from the chief secretary, Lil, kept the school running smoothly. The office of the Director of Bilingual Education for the city was situated in Al's school. At least once a year Al would pick a fight with that department over some small administrative matter.

Thirty were black, 11 Asian, 265 "white" ("Anglo" won't do in Holyoke, which annually stages the nation's second largest St. Patrick's Day parade), and 314 Hispanic, which mainly meant Puerto Rican. As always, the numbers would fluctuate throughout the year, but in a sense would remain the same; about a fifth of the students would leave, to be replaced by a roughly equal number of newcomers. About 60 percent of the children came from families receiving some form of public assistance. By design—the system was desegregated in the early 1980s—Kelly School's student body conformed statistically to the citywide population, and so did the student body in Chris's class. Holyoke's borders enclose some working farms, some forest, and a gigantic mall beside the interstate, one site around which the new, suburban Holyoke is growing. Kelly School took in a fair cross-section of the city. Its territory included a suburban area, which looked like Anywhere, U.S.A.


Multicultural Cities: Toronto, New York, and Los Angeles by Mohammed Abdul Qadeer

affirmative action, business cycle, call centre, David Brooks, deindustrialization, desegregation, edge city, en.wikipedia.org, Frank Gehry, game design, ghettoisation, global village, immigration reform, industrial cluster, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, market bubble, McMansion, new economy, New Urbanism, place-making, Richard Florida, risk tolerance, Silicon Valley, Skype, telemarketer, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method, urban planning, urban renewal, working-age population, young professional

Judd and Simpson, 139. 6 Bill Bishop, The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart (New York: Mariner Books, 2008). 7 Alejandro Portes and Robert Bach, Latin Journey: Cuban Immigrants in the United States (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). 8 Toronto Star, “High-Rise Ghettos,” Life Section, 3 February 2001, M1–3. 9 Peter Marcuse, “Enclaves Yes, Ghetto No: Segregation and the State,” in Desegregating the City, ed. David P. Varady (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005), 16–17. 282 Notes to pages 60–70 10 Ceri Peach, “The Ghetto and the Ethnic Enclave,” in Desegregating the City, ed. Varady, 31–48. Peter Marcuse, ibid., 15–30. 11 Marcuse, ibid., 18. 12 Missionary Outlook (Toronto) 30, no. 12 (12 Dec. 1910), 267. 13 Feng Hou and Garnett Picot, “Visible Minority Neighbourhoods in Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver,” Canadian Social Trends, Spring 2004, 8–13. 14 Mohammad Qadeer, Sandeep K.

Doob, Race, Ethnicity and the American Urban Mainstream (Boston: Pearson, 2005), 50–7. 16 Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton, “Spatial Assimilation as a Socioeconomic Outcome,” American Sociological Review 50, no. 1 (1985), 94–106. 17 Ceri Peach, “The Ghetto and Ethnic Enclave,” in Desegregating the City, ed. David Varady (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005), 31. 18 John Myles and Feng Hou, “Changing Colours: Spatial Assimilation and New Racial Minority Immigrants,” Canadian Journal of Sociology 29, no. 1 290 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 Notes to pages 132–5 (2004), 29–55. Eric Fong and Rima Wilkes, “The Spatial Assimilation Model Reexamined: An Assessment of Canadian Data,” International Migration Review 33, no. 3 (1999), 594–620. Min Zhou, Contemporary Chinese America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009), 6–7. Frederick Boal, “Urban Ethnic Segregation and the Scenario Spectrum,” in Desegregating the City, ed. Varady, 65. R. Alan Walks and Larry Bourne, “Ghettos in Canada’s Cities?

“Diversity and Elected Officials in the City of Vancouver.” In Electing a Diverse Canada: The Representation of Minorities and Women, edited by Caroline Andrew, John Biles, Myer Siemiatycki, and Erin Tolly, 46–69. Vancouver: UBC Press. 2008. Bloomfield, Jude, and Franco Bianchini. Planning for the Intercultural City. Stroud, UK: Comedia, 2004. Boal, Frederick. “Urban Ethnic Segregation and the Scenario Spectrum.” In Desegregating the City, edited by David P. Varady, 62–78. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005. Bonancich, Edna, and John Modell. The Economic Basis of Ethnic Solidarity: Small Business in the Japanese American Community. Berkeley: University of California Press,1980. Borjas, George J. “The Impact of Immigrants on Employment Opportunities of Natives.” In Immigration Reader, edited by David Jacobson, 217–30.


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Who Stole the American Dream? by Hedrick Smith

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbus A320, airline deregulation, anti-communist, asset allocation, banking crisis, Bonfire of the Vanities, British Empire, business cycle, business process, clean water, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, commoditize, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Brooks, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, family office, full employment, global supply chain, Gordon Gekko, guest worker program, hiring and firing, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, income inequality, index fund, industrial cluster, informal economy, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, Kitchen Debate, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, late fees, Long Term Capital Management, low cost airline, low cost carrier, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, Maui Hawaii, mega-rich, MITM: man-in-the-middle, mortgage debt, negative equity, new economy, Occupy movement, Own Your Own Home, Paul Samuelson, Peter Thiel, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, Ponzi scheme, Powell Memorandum, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, Renaissance Technologies, reshoring, rising living standards, Robert Bork, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Shenzhen was a fishing village, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Steve Jobs, The Chicago School, The Spirit Level, too big to fail, transaction costs, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Vanguard fund, We are the 99%, women in the workforce, working poor, Y2K

He personified the Establishment, the aristocracy of post-Reconstruction Virginia, where he had deep family roots. By the 1960s, practicing law in Richmond, Powell had become one of America’s leading corporate attorneys—in fact, he was president of the American Bar Association from 1964 to 1965. He had been shocked by the Supreme Court’s 1954 school desegregation decision but thoughtfully counseled Virginians against what was then known in the South as hard-line “massive resistance” to school desegregation. Much later, during his tenure on the Supreme Court from 1972 to 1987, Powell often voted with the conservatives, but he also played a moderating role, gaining a reputation as the balancer, the compromiser, in a Supreme Court buffeted by sharp ideological divisions. Powell’s personal manner was unassuming. His questions from the bench were often barely more than whispers.

Soon, the pilgrimage was joined by civil rights activists who had driven from Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee. Others flew or took the train from Georgia, Virginia, or the Carolinas. There were Freedom Riders, black and white, who had been savagely bludgeoned by a white mob in Montgomery or whose Greyhound bus had been torched by a Molotov cocktail outside Anniston. There were college students such as John Lewis, whom I had seen beaten and burned with lit cigarettes while trying to desegregate lunch counters in Nashville; preachers such as Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth from Birmingham, who had been slammed against a church wall by a high-powered police fire hose, and youngsters who had braved nightsticks and snarling police dogs. There were doctors and lawyers and business proprietors who had used their homes or stores as collateral for bond to free thousands of civil rights marchers across the Old Confederacy.

It was a festival of democracy—a mass celebration of people power and a citizens’ call for action by the government to mend the injustice of racist discrimination. As the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., said, to resounding cheers, this gentle but expectant crowd felt “the fierce urgency of now.” Few people in America knew better than King how to move a nation and how to shake the power structure out of its reluctance and inertia by dramatizing social and economic injustice. In nearly a decade since the Supreme Court’s 1954 decision ordered school desegregation, civil rights legislation had been bottled up in Congress. It was the power of ordinary middle-class Americans, the exercise of grassroots democracy, that broke the logjam. It was the lunch counter sit-ins, the brave Freedom Riders, and the students marching through cities like Birmingham that were altering the attitudes of a nation and the political climate in Washington, by exposing the ugly face of racism and the harsh wages of social and economic injustice in America.


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If Then: How Simulmatics Corporation Invented the Future by Jill Lepore

A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, anti-communist, Buckminster Fuller, computer age, coronavirus, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, game design, George Gilder, Grace Hopper, Hacker Ethic, Howard Zinn, index card, information retrieval, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, Jeffrey Epstein, job automation, land reform, linear programming, Mahatma Gandhi, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, Maui Hawaii, Menlo Park, New Journalism, New Urbanism, Norbert Wiener, Norman Mailer, packet switching, Peter Thiel, profit motive, RAND corporation, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, smart cities, South China Sea, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, Telecommunications Act of 1996, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog

For all his hucksterism, he was much more than an ad man: he was a philanthropist earnestly dedicated to midcentury American liberalism. He raised money for liberal causes, especially civil rights and civil liberties; he grabbed checks out of thin air, like a magician who pulls a nickel out from behind your ear. He served on the boards of the Fund for the Republic (which fought for the freedom of speech), the American Freedom of Residence Fund (which fought for desegregated housing), and Operation Crossroads Africa (a precursor to the Peace Corps). The civil rights attorney Harris Wofford, who would serve as John F. Kennedy’s special assistant for civil rights and help found the Peace Corps in 1961, once advised Martin Luther King Jr., “Let me suggest that some time soon you try to talk with a good friend of mine, a very astute public relations man, Ed Greenfield.”6 Very astute, my good friend, knows everyone.

Board had not been met: most southern schools simply refused to abide by it, and unless the federal government was willing to act, there wasn’t much that could be done about that. The Democratic Party needed black voters, but much of the party was composed of white, segregationist southerners. Adlai Stevenson could not figure out how to thread this needle. In 1956, three days after he spoke in Fresno, Stevenson told a mostly black audience in Los Angeles that desegregation ought to “proceed gradually” and that care must be taken “not to upset, overnight, traditions and habits older than the republic.” These traditions, of course, included not only segregation but terrorism, the murder of children, the raping of women, and the lynching of men. Stevenson’s stumbles, and his timidity, cost him. The director of the California NAACP switched his support from Stevenson to Kefauver.54 The time for patience, the time for waiting, was over, if there’d ever been a time for patience, or for waiting.

Then came the questionnaire, whose answers Pool put on punch cards.57 In California, Burdick and his colleagues conducted in-depth interviews with one hundred political “elites.” Pool and his volunteers polled 750 voters. In a report on Los Angeles, they concluded that “Stevenson has lost a good deal of badly needed support among Negroes and other minority groups.”58 On May 13, they submitted their final reports to Greenfield. Their leading recommendation had to do with civil rights: “Do not make the mistake of thinking that civil rights and desegregation are important issues only to the Negroes.”59 In the June 5 California primary, Stevenson beat Kefauver, 1,139,964 to 680,722, with 62.6 percent of the vote.60 The senator from Tennessee withdrew from the race. Edward L. Greenfield & Co.’s Social Science Division claimed credit. The 1956 Democratic National Convention was held in the same stockyard amphitheater on the South Side of Chicago where Stevenson had accepted his party nomination four years before.


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White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America by Nancy Isenberg

A. Roger Ekirch, back-to-the-land, British Empire, California gold rush, colonial rule, Copley Medal, desegregation, Donald Trump, feminist movement, full employment, indoor plumbing, invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, land tenure, mass immigration, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, trade route, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration

The unintended lesson was to “teach the children that property is afraid of the people—their people.”62 He offered varied portraits of poor whites, defending “restlessness” and refusing to call it shiftlessness. Daniels liked what he saw in Norris, Tennessee, a planned town that was part of the TVA. It was not the photoelectric cell lighting and heating of the big school building that impressed him so much as the “collision of children” inside the school—the “hill children of the big, poor families” alongside the children of engineers. Here was a clear-cut experiment in class desegregation. If only this was America, he thought.63 As Ma Joad from The Grapes of Wrath had put it, Daniels repeated for his southern audience: the poor are always coming. He praised the TVA for discovering that ordinary southern whites were receptive to training if given a fair chance. Some, he acknowledged, were “underfed,” some “feeble-minded, perverted, insane.” But they could not represent the whole poor population—or the future.

Poor whites fought for a shrinking territory, and class conflict was played out in residential spaces. Which brings us to Hazel Bryan and the crystalization of the modern media circus.41 • • • Nineteen fifty-seven was a crucial year of social experiment and consciousness-raising. Little Rock, Arkansas, grabbed national and international attention when Governor Orval Faubus thwarted the racial desegregation of Central High School. On September 4, fifteen-year-old Elizabeth Eckford attempted to enter the school building, but was blocked by the Arkansas National Guard. Outside the classroom building, reporters had gathered. Will Counts of the Arkansas Democrat and Johnny Jenkins of the Arkansas Gazette set the tone for how the day would be remembered. Their almost identical photographs of the lone student’s stoic walk ahead of an angry crowd seemed to capture the way class and race were defined in the confrontation.

Under the direction of teachers, the majority gradually filed out of the building, though some, including Hazel’s best friend, Sammie Dean Parker, later claimed to have leapt from the second-floor window.45 Two new schools had been built in Little Rock: Horace Mann High for black students, and R. C. Hall High (nicknamed “Cadillac High”) for the wealthy families on the west side of the city. Only Central High, built in the 1920s and catering mostly to working-class families, however, was selected for desegregation. Armis Guthridge of the Capital Citizens’ Council, the lead spokesman for antidesegregation forces, willfully fanned the flames of poor white resentment when he announced that the rich and well-to-do were going to see to it that the “only race-mixing that is going to be done is in the districts where the so-called rednecks live.” “Redneck” was a loaded term, as he well knew. His purpose was to remind the white working class of the city that the school board elites looked down on them.46 Arkansas governor Orval Faubus also exploited class rift.


Reaganland: America's Right Turn 1976-1980 by Rick Perlstein

"Robert Solow", 8-hour work day, affirmative action, airline deregulation, Alistair Cooke, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Brewster Kahle, business climate, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, COVID-19, Covid-19, creative destruction, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, currency peg, death of newspapers, defense in depth, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, energy security, equal pay for equal work, facts on the ground, feminist movement, financial deregulation, full employment, global village, Golden Gate Park, illegal immigration, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index card, indoor plumbing, Internet Archive, invisible hand, Julian Assange, Kitchen Debate, kremlinology, land reform, Marshall McLuhan, mass immigration, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Monroe Doctrine, moral panic, mutually assured destruction, New Journalism, oil shock, open borders, Potemkin village, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, traveling salesman, unemployed young men, union organizing, unpaid internship, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, wages for housework, walking around money, War on Poverty, white flight, WikiLeaks, Winter of Discontent, yellow journalism, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

He offered frank complaints about the numbness of campaign routine, and explained why he believed pardoning Vietnam draft evaders was civic duty; thoughtfully discussed why he refused to position himself simply in either the liberal or conservative camp despite media criticism that he was trying to be all things to all people; spoke candidly about his own moral failing in neglecting to speak against school desegregation until Brown v. Board of Ed, and in supporting the Vietnam War until 1971. He was blunt about America’s failings, too, citing the CIA’s abuses of power in particular; people had become inured to that sort of thing, he complained; some perhaps even “prefer lies to truth. But I don’t think it’s simplistic to say that our government hasn’t measured up to the ethical and moral standards of the people in this country.”

It had been a remarkable innovation when Barry Goldwater toured the Deep South for Richard Nixon in 1960—wearing “a Confederate uniform,” Lyndon Johnson darkly joked—since no Republican had ever won electoral votes there. Then, in 1964, Goldwater won Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, and North Carolina. When Richard Nixon attempted to repeat the accomplishment in 1968, intimating his sympathy for the region’s desire to keep the federal government from forcing racial desegregation upon it, it was dubbed the “Southern strategy.” When he swept the South along with almost all the rest of the nation in 1972, experts wondered whether the Party of Lincoln had flipped Dixie for good. Then, however, the Democrats nominated a Southerner, and pundits began talking about the Republican Southern strategy as a thing of the past. But now Carter was detouring to shore up his Southern flank.

Richard Nixon had once been a friend to Martin Luther King Jr. and the civil rights movement, receiving 40 percent of the black vote in 1960. Then, however, the Republican Party changed directions on the issue for good: they nominated Barry Goldwater, who voted against the 1964 Civil Rights Act. He got only 6 percent of the black vote. In 1968, Nixon followed Goldwater’s lead, aiming his appeal at white segregationists in the South, and white Northerners opposed to busing to desegregate public schools. In 1972, nonwhites were practically the only voters who didn’t support Richard Nixon, giving him 13 percent. But for some Republicans this new reality had not yet sunk in. Mal MacDougall predicted Ford would receive “what a Republican presidential candidate can normally expect”: 30 percent of the back vote. Not likely now. Late in September a Rolling Stone dispatch related a conversation that took place aboard an airplane bearing pop star Sonny Bono, the squeaky-clean crooner Pat Boone, and a member of Ford’s cabinet to California after the Republican convention.


Saving America's Cities: Ed Logue and the Struggle to Renew Urban America in the Suburban Age by Lizabeth Cohen

activist lawyer, affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, car-free, charter city, deindustrialization, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, garden city movement, ghettoisation, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, hiring and firing, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, Jane Jacobs, land reform, megastructure, new economy, New Urbanism, Peter Eisenman, postindustrial economy, race to the bottom, rent control, Robert Gordon, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, Victor Gruen, Vilfredo Pareto, walkable city, War on Poverty, white flight, white picket fence, young professional

Soon after taking office, he appointed George Crawford (the namesake for the architect Paul Rudolph’s Crawford Manor elderly housing) as the first black corporation counsel to the City of New Haven, and he desegregated New Haven’s fire department as well as its housing projects, the latter at the encouragement of the civil rights organization Congress of Racial Equality (CORE).63 The mayor also launched a front-page fight in 1963 by announcing publicly that the segregationist governor George Wallace of Alabama would be “officially unwelcome” in New Haven, despite his invitation from the Yale Political Union, Logue’s old debating society.64 That same year Lee forced notoriously racist building trade locals in New Haven to accept black members if they wanted any more city construction contracts.65 And in what became a very controversial move, Lee, fed up with suburban blindness to the city’s problems, encouraged black residents of New Haven to block late-afternoon rush-hour traffic with a “sit out” in the middle of one of the city’s main arteries to convince homeward-bound suburban commuters “to walk through the slums and see the conditions which prevail.”66 What proved even more contentious was Lee’s appointment of a human rights committee in June 1963 that, after a year of intense politics and public hearings, recommended passage of a nondiscrimination Equal Opportunities Ordinance, which the New Haven Board of Aldermen in turn approved.67 The law provided the pressure needed to expand the controversial scattered-site housing effort that so outraged white middle-class homeowners.68 Intense as these conflicts proved, they paled when compared with the prolonged struggle to desegregate New Haven’s schools. In 1958, when two new high schools opened, Lee quietly set the boundary between the two districts so as to equalize the black student population attending each.69 But the next stage of school integration was harder to do sub rosa. In 1964, the school board announced, under pressure from the national NAACP, a plan to desegregate New Haven’s neighborhood schools with extensive busing. In a district where 38 percent of the students were nonwhite, ten of the thirty-one elementary schools had nonwhite enrollments over 50 percent, as did two of the four junior-high schools.

It is worth noting that another uninvited speaker at the hearings, a conservative New Haven resident named Stephen J. Papa, also called for more listening “to the people who know the needs of the people in New Haven” to stem the tide of the middle-class exodus to the suburbs. Papa and his fellow Republicans shared the Left’s criticism of the Lee-Logue regime as undemocratic in violating majority rule, such as when its appointed Board of Education promoted school desegregation and its Redevelopment Agency built scattered-site affordable housing in neighborhoods hostile to it. They in fact anticipated how calls for a more grassroots democratic mobilization against mainstream liberalism would in time travel from the political Left to the political Right.44 RACE IN THE NEIGHBORHOODS Harris’s unexpected intervention at the National Commission hearing also changed the conversation about race.

Although some of their actions might be considered tokenism, they viewed them as symbolic racial politics much needed in their segregated city. Lee lived in Newhallville, a black neighborhood, until 1964. Soon after taking office, he appointed George Crawford (the namesake for the architect Paul Rudolph’s Crawford Manor elderly housing) as the first black corporation counsel to the City of New Haven, and he desegregated New Haven’s fire department as well as its housing projects, the latter at the encouragement of the civil rights organization Congress of Racial Equality (CORE).63 The mayor also launched a front-page fight in 1963 by announcing publicly that the segregationist governor George Wallace of Alabama would be “officially unwelcome” in New Haven, despite his invitation from the Yale Political Union, Logue’s old debating society.64 That same year Lee forced notoriously racist building trade locals in New Haven to accept black members if they wanted any more city construction contracts.65 And in what became a very controversial move, Lee, fed up with suburban blindness to the city’s problems, encouraged black residents of New Haven to block late-afternoon rush-hour traffic with a “sit out” in the middle of one of the city’s main arteries to convince homeward-bound suburban commuters “to walk through the slums and see the conditions which prevail.”66 What proved even more contentious was Lee’s appointment of a human rights committee in June 1963 that, after a year of intense politics and public hearings, recommended passage of a nondiscrimination Equal Opportunities Ordinance, which the New Haven Board of Aldermen in turn approved.67 The law provided the pressure needed to expand the controversial scattered-site housing effort that so outraged white middle-class homeowners.68 Intense as these conflicts proved, they paled when compared with the prolonged struggle to desegregate New Haven’s schools.


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Boyd: The Fighter Pilot Who Changed the Art of War by Robert Coram

desegregation, inventory management, Iridium satellite, Joseph Schumpeter, lateral thinking, Mason jar, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Toyota Production System, traveling salesman

A few days later the casino owner called Dr. McMillan again. “It’s okay. They’re going to integrate this town.” The national media picked up the story. Las Vegas would no longer discriminate in public accommodations. Black people could stay at Strip hotels and eat at restaurants there. A formal agreement desegregating all hotel / casinos on the Strip was signed in March 1960, and that is the date usually accepted for the desegregation of hotels and restaurants in Las Vegas. But three years earlier, John Boyd forced the desegregation of Las Vegas. It happened this way. Boyd was becoming more and more interested in math and aerial tactics. He did not want his staff contaminated by the raucous Friday afternoons on base, especially at the Stag Bar behind the Officers Club, so he and Sprad began inviting their staffs to a Friday brunch at the Sahara Hotel.

In early 1960 the Las Vegas National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) told the mayor of Las Vegas that southern-style marches would begin unless the Strip was desegregated within thirty days. Mafia dons who then owned and operated many of the Las Vegas casinos thought black people were after a piece of the action. Dr. James McMillan was a dentist and leader of the Las Vegas civil rights movement. He recalled that a casino owner called the NAACP and passed along the word from Mafia leaders. The word, as it usually was when it came from Mafia leaders, was blunt: back off or you’ll be found floating facedown in Lake Mead. Dr. McMillan replied that he was not trying to cut into the casino business. All he wanted was to make Las Vegas more cosmopolitan. Opening casinos and restaurants to blacks, a new market, would make more money for the casino owners. Desegregation would be good for business. This the Mafia understood.

But if anyone thought of asking the group to leave, one look at Boyd’s glowering face was enough to give them pause. Boyd had on his hard look, the one he had learned from his mother. It was a stern and foreboding visage that brooked no disagreement. He was daring anyone in the hotel to make any sort of scene. He was anxious for battle. Nothing happened. Everyone was served quickly and courteously and the manager hovered nearby to make sure everything went smoothly. Boyd and his fighter pilots desegregated Las Vegas that Friday in 1957. It was not a one-time event. They went back almost every Friday until Boyd was transferred in the summer of 1960. By then the city of Las Vegas had followed their lead. Boyd became an Air Force legend not only for his flying, but for his abilities as a teacher. A typical day in the classroom went something like this: At about 8:00 A.M., Captain John Boyd strode briskly into a classroom in the old World War II frame building that served as the Academic Section of the FWS.


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The Vanishing Middle Class: Prejudice and Power in a Dual Economy by Peter Temin

"Robert Solow", 2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, clean water, corporate raider, Corrections Corporation of America, crack epidemic, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Ferguson, Missouri, financial innovation, financial intermediation, floating exchange rates, full employment, income inequality, intangible asset, invisible hand, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, mandatory minimum, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, mass incarceration, means of production, mortgage debt, Network effects, New Urbanism, Nixon shock, obamacare, offshore financial centre, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, price stability, race to the bottom, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, secular stagnation, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, the scientific method, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, white flight, working poor

At the lower end of the FTE sector, many parents are frustrated with the quality of their schools, but the FTE sector talks about improving individual schools without disturbing the current structure of American education. Schools in the North have become as segregated as they were in the South before Brown v. Board of Education. The media are full of observations, analyses, and hand-wringing about schools with predominantly black students. A recent paper found that “school desegregation significantly increased educational attainment among blacks exposed to desegregation during their school-age years, with impacts found on ... attending college, graduating with a four-year college degree, and college quality.” But the residential pattern of black cities and white suburbs makes this kind of gain hard to expand.10 American education has split into two separate educational systems, echoing the division of the population into two sectors.

They were excluded from white neighborhoods by restricted access to mortgages and the opposition of white neighbors. The Detroit school district was two-thirds black by the 1970s, and the NAACP filed suit against Michigan Governor William Milliken and others, charging direct discrimination against blacks in the drawing of school districts. The Supreme Court held that school districts were not obligated to desegregate unless it could be proven that the lines were drawn with racist intent. Arbitrary lines that produced segregated districts were not illegal. Intent is a familiar concept in criminal law, where it has been used for many, many purposes. The application to public policy, however, is fraught with problems. Public decisions often are made by many people interacting in complex political processes.

“The Architecture of Segregation: Civil Unrest, the Concentration of Poverty, and Public Policy.” Issue Brief. The Century Foundation, August 9. Jeffries, John C., Jr. 1994. Justice Lewis F. Powell, Jr. New York: Scribner’s. Johnson, Lyndon B. 1966. “To Fulfill These Rights.” In Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Lyndon B. Johnson, 1965, Vol. II, 635–640. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office. Johnson, Rucker C. 2011. “Long-Run Impacts of School Desegregation and School Quality on Adult Attainment.” NBER Working Paper No. 16664, January. Johnston, Katie. 2016. “Western Mass. Prisoner Rehabilitation Program Lauded.” Boston Globe, June 20. Jones, Charles I. 1997. “On the Evolution of the World Income Distribution.” Journal of Economic Perspectives 11 (3) (Summer): 19–36. Jones, Alexander, and Benjamin Forman. 2015. “Exploring the Potential for Pretrial Innovation in Massachusetts.”


American Secession: The Looming Threat of a National Breakup by F. H. Buckley

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrei Shleifer, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, Cass Sunstein, colonial rule, crony capitalism, desegregation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, hindsight bias, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, old-boy network, race to the bottom, Republic of Letters, reserve currency, Ronald Coase, transaction costs, Washington Consensus, wealth creators

The question of a state’s right to veto a federal law lingered in the constitutional shadows, and was not even wholly laid to rest by the Civil War. In the 1950s, several southern states embarked on a plan of “massive resistance” to court-ordered desegregation, and Arkansas amended its state constitution to maintain segregated schools. But this amendment was struck down by the Supreme Court in Cooper v. Aaron,3 along with the theory that a state could veto federal law. The Court ruled that the Constitution’s Supremacy Clause4 made the Constitution the supreme law of the land, and that the desegregation decision in Brown v. Board of Education5 was binding on the states. And this was finally the end of the nullification doctrine. Interposition If Jefferson was the captain of the Democratic-Republican Party, Madison was the second-in-command, the man who would succeed him as president in 1809.

Alberta Capone, Al Carlisle, Frederick Howard, 5th earl of Carlisle Commission (1778) Cascadia Independence Party Catalonia censorship Chase, Salmon P. Chicago Daily Times Chick-fil-A Chile China; and “Beijing Consensus”; happiness in; longevity in; military expansion of; Ming era; prosperity in; repression in Churchill, Winston Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission civil rights; and desegregation; and Mississippi murders; opt-outs on; Selma marches for Civil Rights Act (1964) Civil War (U.S.); and Buchanan; as cautionary tale; and Davis trial; and federal employees; Fort Sumter attack; military size in; and nullification; and Peace Convention; press censorship in; public opposition to; and reconciliation; reenactments of; and slavery; and Supreme Court; and “victor’s constitution” Clinton, Bill Clinton, Hillary; on deplorables; and Electoral College Coase, Ronald Cobb, James Code of Federal Regulations Cohen, Steve Colbert, Stephen Cold War Colorado Common Sense (Paine) Communist Manifesto, The Confederacy; army of; and compact theory; and southern culture Considerations on the Government of Poland (Rousseau) Constitutional Convention (Philadelphia); and Article V; failure scenario for; on federalism; on forced union; on foreign threats; on representative ratio; as “runaway convention”; on secession; on separation of powers; and Virginia Plan Continental Congress Controlled Substances Act Cooper, Jim Cooper v.


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The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart by Bill Bishop, Robert G. Cushing

"Robert Solow", 1960s counterculture, affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, assortative mating, big-box store, blue-collar work, Cass Sunstein, citizen journalism, cognitive dissonance, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, immigration reform, income inequality, industrial cluster, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, longitudinal study, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, music of the spheres, New Urbanism, post-industrial society, post-materialism, Ralph Nader, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, stem cell, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, War on Poverty, white flight, World Values Survey

The difference was that people trusted government in 1965 and they didn't in 1993.62 Hetherington found the perfect example of the Democrats' dilemma. In 1964, 41 percent of Americans wanted the federal government to integrate schools. The demand for integrated schools was nearly universal by the early 1990s—95 percent of Americans wanted their schools integrated—but the support for federal intervention to enforce desegregation laws had dropped to 34 percent. It's possible, of course, that Americans felt there was no longer a need for the government to desegregate schools—a reasonable response if schools were already integrated. But by the early 2000s, America's public schools were resegregating; they were less integrated than they had been in the 1970s.63 Something more fundamental had changed in the way Americans thought about government. What happened? It's simple, according to Hetherington, even if Democrats have been painfully slow to catch on.

On January 9, Johnson announced he was "determined to eliminate barriers to the right to vote..." (At the time, the percentage of blacks registered to vote in Mississippi was smaller than it had been in 1899.) He signed the 1965 Voting Rights Act in August and immediately dispatched forty-five federal agents to the South to register black voters. Earlier that year, in March, Johnson's Justice Department ordered all schools to desegregate, threatening to withhold federal funds from any district that didn't integrate its schools by the fall of 1967. On the first day of school in the fall of 1965, Gene Roberts of the New York Times reported that southern educators "said it was the biggest day of integration in the Souths history."38 On January 25, LBJ proposed a budget containing what the New York Times described as the "biggest expansion of domestic welfare and educational programs since the New Deal of the nineteen thirties."39 Two months later, Johnson signed the bill creating the Appalachian Regional Commission, the first, but certainly not the last, War on Poverty bill to reach the president that year.

If people could only get to know each other, went the theory, groups would see that they shared a common humanity. In the 1950s, followers of the "human relations movement" had an "almost mystical faith in 'getting to know one another'as a solvent of racial tensions."4 They believed that simple contact between groups would work to reduce racial prejudice. It was a way of thinking so prevalent at the time that it became part of the reasoning used by the U.S. Supreme Court to desegregate public schools in 1954.5 When social psychologists began to study what happened when groups came in contact, however, the findings pointed to something less than the democratic ideal. People do gravitate toward others with similar opinions and ways of life, and they tend to minimize the differences within the groups to which they belong. For instance, my Democratic Travis Heights neighbors in Austin see much more uniformity in opinion within the precinct than there really is.


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The Option of Urbanism: Investing in a New American Dream by Christopher B. Leinberger

addicted to oil, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, asset allocation, big-box store, centre right, commoditize, credit crunch, David Brooks, desegregation, Donald Trump, drive until you qualify, edge city, full employment, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, McMansion, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, New Urbanism, peak oil, Ponzi scheme, postindustrial economy, RAND corporation, Report Card for America’s Infrastructure, reserve currency, Richard Florida, Seaside, Florida, the built environment, transit-oriented development, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, walkable city, white flight

“Redlining” of 40 | THE OPTION OF URBANISM predominantly black, poor areas in the city became common practice as growth spiraled outward and banks and federal insurance programs refused to support redevelopment or business investment in the cities. The desegregation of public schools mandated in 1954 hastened white flight to the suburbs, leaving city schools to cope with a disproportionately poor student body. The civil rights movement may have been launched with the successful bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama, but low-income AfricanAmericans ultimately lost the war for better transportation services. As white middle-class riders abandoned bus transit and other public transit systems, the decreasing ridership, political support, and funding meant that there was nominal service to the new suburbs. In many metropolitan areas there was active opposition to the extension of transit to the suburbs to keep minorities from even commuting there. The official desegregation of housing mandated in the 1968 Fair Housing Act allowed blacks and other minority middle-class residents to leave the center cities, just as the majority white population had been doing.

., 186n38 Commercial brokerage firms, 46, 49, 60 Commercial development, 27, 34, 66, 116, 153, 158 Community decline, 9 Community development, iv, 97, 168 Concentrated poverty, 69, 184n9, 191n4 Condos, 98–99, 102 Consumer preferences, 10, 88 survey, 93–96, 106, 181n3 Cook, J., 181n9 Corkery, M., 190n25 Corn, J., 17, 178n8 Corporate strategic planning, xi, 37, 57, 104 Critical mass, 123, 169 199n25 Curry, T., 182n2 D’Arcy, M., 188n61 Debt, 46, 48–49, 160, 197n8 Density, see also Floor area ratio, 21, 72, 79, 113, 132, 166 Department of Transportation (DOT), 142, 164–165 NJDOT, 198n20 Desegregation, 40 Depression, the, 1, 4, 6, 12–15, 20–25, 33, 45, 63, 65 Detroit, 8–9, 57, 97, 102, 119–122, 137, 157, 177n6 Developers, 11, 32–35, 48–53, 58–59, 63, 71, 103, 106, 111–112, 129–132, 141–142, 156, 160, 162, 168–169, 174, 183n12, 194n16 Zell, S., 59 Development, commercial, 27, 34, 116, 153, 158 economic, 24, 91, 163, 170 land, 26, 123 real estate, 20 47, 106, 163 sub-urban, 5, 10, 29, 64, 66, 71, 74, 77, 79–81, 88, 114–115, 130–131, 140, 146, 150, 162, 167 urban, 29, 119, 124, 126, 176 walkable, 128, 135, 158 Displacement, 140 Domestic policy, 2, 4, 25, 27–29, 44, 67, 82, 150–151, 171–173, 176 Driver product types, 33, 38 apartment, 43, 51 hotel, 43, 45, 51–54 industrial, 45–56 office, 51, 56 retail, 43–45, 51–53 Drivable sub-urbanism, 4–11, 17, 24–29, 31, 39, 52, 59, 64–69, 72–88, 93–96, 113–119, 130, 135, 137, 139, 156–159, 172– 173, 187n50, 191n3 INDEX | 203 car manufacturing, 9, 24, 97 greenhouse gas emissions, 10, 74–78, 84, 172, 186n31 highways, 7, 16–21, 27–28, 33–40, 59, 62, 80, 158, 164, 180n34 oil industry, 9, 24 positive consequences, 64, 66 free parking, 66–67, 184n6, 192n6 JLUs, 54, 65, 66 unintended (negative) consequences, 9–11, 62, 67, 75, 78, 82, 85, 90, 132, 138, 141–149, 167 auto dependence, 68, 83, 97 elites, 70, 83, 184n12 job access, 69, 83 nondriver exclusion, 69–70, 83 poverty, 38, 68–69, 83, 140, 184n9, 191n4 social segregation, 68, 83 “Drive until you qualify,” 65, 67, 78, 139 Duany, Andres, 118 Duncan, J., 188n51 Economically sustainable, 11, 97, 167 Economic effects, 77, 84 Burchell, R., 78, 184n4 competitiveness, 78, 80, 84 Downs, A., 78 oil dependency, 81, 84, 173 personal finances, 77 Economic growth, 7, 36, 40, 91, 175, 179n25 built environment, 2–8, 11, 17, 23, 32–33, 49, 63, 74, 83–84, 88–90, 104, 114, 117, 146, 150–155, 160, 172–176, 181n1, 186n36, 191n3 Edge cities, 41–43, 59, 62, 69, 157–159 Edgeless cities, 59, 62, 87, 183n13 Edmonds, B., 190n27 Empty nesters, 89, 112 Engelke, P., 186n36 Entertainment, 5, 33, 54, 86, 110, 117, 119, 134, 168 Environmental effects, 71, 83 air quality, 73–74, 84, 165, 188n55 climate change, 74–75, 84, 166– 167, 172–175, 186n30 heat islands, 73, 83, 185n24 land consumption, 9, 71–72, 83, 175 water quality, 73, 83 Equity, 160–164, 168, 171, 175, 197n8 Euclidean zoning codes, 151, 196–197n2 Ewing, R., 185n19, 186n28 Export jobs, 179n27 Exurbia, 7, 62, 72, 177n3 Farmer’s markets, 148, 196n9 Farms, 23, 28, 64, 72, 87–88, 185n16, 190n19 Favored quarter, 35–44, 54–57, 62, 69, 134–141, 157 race and poverty, 38 Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956, 27 Jackson, K., 21, 28, 179n19, 186n29 Federal Housing Administration (FHA), 25 Federal Reserve, 47–48, 183n8 asset class, 48–49, 64, 104, 161 Feehan, D., 199n24 Feit, M., 199n24 Floor area ratio (FAR), 113–119, 122–126, 158, 191n1–3 204 | INDEX Florida, R., 91 Foreign policy, 82, 84, 130 Friedman, T., 82, 188n60 O’Hanlon, M., 82, 188n61 trade-offs, 84, 92–93 For-sale housing, 45, 54–55, 64–65, 100, 151 Frank, L., 74–76, 96, 105, 113, 186n29, 186n33, 186n36–37, 189n7–8 Freeways, x, 13, 30, 39, 42, 56, 117, 158, 164 Frey, W., 177n4 Frumkin, H., 186n29 Garreau, J., 42 Gelernter, 178n6 General Motors (GM), 19, 25, 57 Gentrification, 138–141, 144, 196n6 Giuliani, Rudolph, 169 Glaab, C., 179n23 Global warming, iv, 199n27 Gowen, A., 197n4 Greenfield towns, 123 “Hand me down” housing, 140 Hansen, J., 172, 199n27 Health implications, 75–77, 84 Hickenlooper, John, 119, 166 High-density housing, 5, 109, 159 retail, 5, 44 work, 5, 78, 141 High-income housing, 38, 140 Hirsch, R., 188n56 Horrigan, B., 178n8 Housing, see also Affordable housing, 9, 31, 33, 44, 78, 96, 99, 117, 151, 163 projects, 115, 140–141, 191n4 rental, 39, 45, 109, 198n11 Impact fees, iv, 162–163 Inam, A., 94–95, 189n6 Inclusionary zoning, iv, 141–142 Industrial economy, 23–26, 91 car-based, 24–25, 84 rural ideal, 25 sub-burban ideal, 25, 40 Infrastructure development, 9, 29, 35, 40–41, 68, 80, 160–168, 171–174, 181n1 underwriting, 11, 160 Interstate highway system, 27–28, 31 Jackson, K., 21, 28, 179n19 Jackson, R., 186n29 Jacobs, J., 117 Jillson, C., 22, 179n20 “Just like us” (JLUs), 54, 65–66 Katz, B., 68, 184n9 Kostyack, J., 185n19 Kunstler, J., 77, 82, 188n58 Kutner, L., 185n23 Land consumption, 9, 71–72, 83, 175 Land value, 102–103, 142–144 Lang, R., 59, 183n13 Lasch, C., 70, 184n12 Lawrence, F., 74–75, 96, 186n29 Le Corbusier, 25, 113, 115, 158, 191n4 Le Corbuier’s Plan Voisin, 192n5 Leinberger, C., 183n9, 196n6 Levine, J., 26, 93–96, 105, 189n7 Lewis, T., 180n34 Life and Death in Great American Cities, 117 Lifestyle centers, 108–109, 124, 167 Limited-access highways, 33–38, 53, 59, 62 INDEX | 205 Lipman, B., 187n47 Locally undesirable land uses (LULUs), 42 Local-serving neighborhood retail center, 5, 128, 179, 12–13, 48, 122, 146–148 Los Angeles, 4, 36, 42–43, 61, 107, 115, 121–122, 128, 134, 141, 159, 172 Louis, B., 190n15 Louv, R., 77, 187n43 Low-density housing, 26, 79–80 regulatory guidelines, 26, 165, 197n6 Lucy, W., 41, 76, 187n Malamund Smith, J., 184n5 Market share, 29, 43, 90 McCann, B., 186n37 McPherson, M., 181n9 Media, 21, 86 Metropolitan areas, x-xi, 3–9, 17–18, 23, 26, 28, 31, 33, 36–38, 41–44, 59–63, 72– 80, 87–103, 118, 123, 128, 135–139, 142, 155, 164–165, 170–175, 177n2, 179n27, 185n16, 199n21 Metropolitan planning organization (MPO), 199n21 Miller, J., 190n26 Minorities, 40, 55 Minority housing, 37, 38, 69 redlining, 26, 39 Mumford, L., 18, 178n12 Myers, D., 189n2 National Interstate and Defense Highways Act, 27 Nee, B., 17, 178n15 Neighborhood groups, 71, 83, 130–134, 145 Neighborhood-serving retail, 33–35, 38, 128 Nelessen, A., 92–93, 189n5 Nelson, A., 88–89, 104–105, 125, 129, 144, 189n1, 194n17 Neverlands, 114–115, 140, 153, 192n5 redevelopment, 156–159 New economy, 11, 91 New Urbanism, 5, 87, 97, 106, 112, 117–118, 152, 158, 191n3–4 New York City, 36, 98, 130, 161 New York City World’s Fair, 15 Futurama, 12–31, 43–44, 63, 85, 116, 130, 172, 179n18 Not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY) groups, 71, 83, 133 Obesity, 9, 84 Obsolete housing, 80, 127, 140, 144–146, 153–156 Office space, 29, 33, 37, 43–47, 51, 56, 60, 74, 101, 109, 121–130, 136, 155–156, 158, 171, 192n8 Orfield, M., 40, 182n11 Owen, D., 200n29 Parking ratios, 150, 192n6 Pendall, R., 187n40 Pendulum (see Built-environment pendulum) Philadelphia, 8–15, 22, 36–37, 61, 119, 120–127, 133, 141, 157, 168, 170, 177n6 Phillips, D., 187n41 Phoenix, 4, 36, 42, 97, 101, 172 Pianca, E., 180n35 Population growth, 61–62, 72–73, 83, 144 206 | INDEX Poverty, 38, 68–69, 83, 140, see also Concentrated poverty Preindustrial “walking” cities, 21 nineteenth century, 21–23, 121–122, 154 twentieth century, 2, 4, 6, 9, 20–26, 39, 72, 85, 88, 115, 131, 151, 154 Prewar housing, 184n2 Privacy, 12, 14, 21, 24, 66–67, 115 Projects, see Housing projects Public housing, 115, 140 failure of, 191n4 Puentes, R., 198n14 Putman, R., 185n13 Race, 38, 40, 182n9, 192n5, 194n11 Rail transit, 3, 22, 30, 95, 112, 119, 123–124, 127, 151, 158–159, 163, 166, 171, 190n17, 193n10, 194n11 Real estate product types, 32, 38, 47, 49, 50–57, 59, 61, 115, 183n9 driver product types, 33 follower products, 33 Rees, W., 75, 186n34 Redevelopment, xi, 40, 61, 80, 125– 129, 153, 156–158, 167–169 Regional malls, 5, 35, 39, 109, 155, 159 Regional-serving walkable urbanism, 118, 124–128, 135–139, 173–174, 195n22 downtown-adjacent, 90, 119–122, 128, 132, 136, 146 greenfield town, 123 redeveloped malls, 118, 125–128 suburban town, 80, 88, 90, 97–98, 118, 122–123, 129 traditional downtown, 35–36, 99, 118–119, 167 REIT, 49–50, 58 Resolution Trust orporation (RTC), 47–49, 183n6 Reston Town Center, 102, 119, 123–124, 125f, 127, 136, 153 Retail chains, 109, 146–149 Retirement, 51, 128, 153, 160 Revitalization, 5, 88, 106, 129, 146, 156, 169 model cities program, 29 urban development action grants, 29 urban renewal, 29 Road diet, 197n7 Roulac, S., 8, 177n5 Rural areas, 22–23 S&Ls, 46–49, 182–183 crisis, 46 Safe, Accountable, Flexible, Efficient Transportation Equity Act (SAFETEA-LU), 164–165, 198n18 Schmid, T., 186n36 Seattle, 37, 98 Segregation, (see also Social segregation) 39–40, 65 Seinfeld, 87, 90, 106, 131 Shearin, R., 194n12 Shibut, L., 182n2 Shoup, D., 67, 184n6 Singer, A., 177n4 Smith-Lovin, L., 181n9 Social engineering, 25, 44, 67, 84, 137 segregation, 68–71 Solomon, D., 180n28 Southworth, M., 180n28 Sprawl, 78, 93, 122, 131, 151, 160, 184n4, 186n29 Street grid, 5, 199 INDEX | 207 Stein, B., 185n23 Strip malls, 5, 90, 92, 118, 125, 131, 148 Subdivisions, 6, 28, 35, 47, 50, 55, 88 Subsidies, 9, 11, 29–31, 67, 112, 144, 151, 162, 171–173 Suburban town center, 88, 90, 129 Superhighways, 17–21 Sustainable development, 112 Target market, 54–55 Terrestrial affiliation, 64, 67, 115, 184n1 Toll roads, 161 Torng, G-W., 189n6 Town center, 87–90, 112, 123, 129 Traditional neighborhood development (TND), 93, 117 Transect, 191n3 Transit-oriented development, 112, 117, 190n27, 199n20 Transportation, 3–4, 21–22, 27–32, 40, 63, 67–68, 74–81, 83, 93, 96, 116, 127, 142, 144, 151, 163, 166, 171–175, 181n1 infrastructure, 142, 165 Transportation Equity Act, 164, 182 Unemployment rate, 12, 69 Urbanism, see Walkable urbanism U.S.


The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations by Christopher Lasch

cuban missile crisis, delayed gratification, desegregation, feminist movement, full employment, George Santayana, impulse control, Induced demand, invisible hand, Kitchen Debate, Marshall McLuhan, mass immigration, means of production, Norman Mailer, road to serfdom, Scientific racism, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, theory of mind, Thorstein Veblen, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, yellow journalism

In the sixties the most glaring exception to official egalitarianism-the racially segregated system of separate but equal schooling-began to crumble under the combined onslaught of the courts, the attorney general s office, and the federal bureaucracy-only to give way to new patterns of discrimination in ostensibly integrated schools, together with un- mobile blacks in whom the passion for education burns as brightly as it ever did in descendants of the Puritans or in Jewish immigrants, desegregation represented the promise of equal education in the basic subjects indispensable to economic survival even in an otherwise illiterate modem society: reading, writing, and arithmetic. Black parents, it would seem, clungto what seems today an old-fashioned-from the point of view of educational innovators, a hopelessly reactionary-conception of education. According to this supposedly traditional view, the school func" " tions best when it transmits the basic skills on which literate societies depend, upholds high standards of academic excellence, and sees to it that students make these standards their own. The struggle for desegregated schooling implied an attack not only on racial discrimination but on the proposition, long embedded in the practice of the schools, that academic standards are inherently elitist and that universal education therefore requires the dilution of standards-the downward adjustment of standards to class origins and social expectations.

As Kenneth B. Clark " pointed out, Social scientists and educators, in the use and practice of the concept of cultural deprivation, have unintentionally provided an educational establishment that was already resistant to change . . with a justification for continued inefficiency, much more respectable and much more acceptable in the middle of the twentieth century than racism. The struggle over desegregation brought to the surface the in" herent contradiction between the American commitment to uni- versal education on the one hand and the realities of a class society on the other. Americans in the nineteenth century had adopted a system of common schooling without giving up their belief in the inevitability of social inequality. They had endorsed the principle of equal educational opportunity while maintaining an educational system that encouraged lower-class children to settle for training commensurate with their social station and prospects.

The struggle for desegregated schooling implied an attack not only on racial discrimination but on the proposition, long embedded in the practice of the schools, that academic standards are inherently elitist and that universal education therefore requires the dilution of standards-the downward adjustment of standards to class origins and social expectations. The demand for desegregation entailed more than a renewed commitment to equal opportunity; it also entailed a repudiation of cultural separatism and a belief that access to common cultural traditions remained the precondition of advancement for dispossessed groups. Thoroughly middle-class in its ideological derivation the movement for equal education nevertheless embodied demands , that could not be met without a radical overhaul of the entire edu- , " " ' mistakable evidence of that discrimination in the educational im- poverishment of black children.


pages: 395 words: 115,753

The Metropolitan Revolution: The Rise of Post-Urban America by Jon C. Teaford

anti-communist, big-box store, conceptual framework, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, East Village, edge city, estate planning, Golden Gate Park, Gunnar Myrdal, Haight Ashbury, housing crisis, illegal immigration, Jane Jacobs, Joan Didion, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Nelson Mandela, New Urbanism, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Potemkin village, rent control, Seaside, Florida, Silicon Valley, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, Victor Gruen, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, young professional

The postwar decade also witnessed some desegregation of public facilities. In 1949 Saint Louis opened its public swimming pools to African Americans. At Fairgrounds Park, however, a gang of young whites attacked black swimmers as a crowd of an estimated two thousand whites heckled African Americans who sought to use the pool. After a two-year court battle, in 1954 Kansas City, Missouri, opened the formerly white-only Swope Park swimming pool to African Americans. Mitigating this integration victory was the reluctance of whites to patronize the desegregated pool, with attendance falling to one-third its normal level during the first summer of integration.70 In Washington, D.C., blacks were gradually admitted to white facilities. In 1949 the Roman Catholic Church instructed Washington’s parochial schools to desegregate. Two years later, the lunchroom of the Hecht Company department store opened to blacks.

Since dual school systems were the norm in border and southern states, the Brown ruling seemed to promise dramatic change in cities below the Mason-Dixon Line. Yet in the mid-1950s, only communities in the border states took steps to dismantle their systems of separate black and white schools. In the cities of the Deep South, such as Atlanta, construction of separate schools for blacks and whites continued, and not until the early 1960s did the Georgia metropolis make even a token effort to desegregate its schools.72 Just as Shelley v. Kraemer did not destroy the racial barriers in housing, Brown v. Board of Education did not suddenly end racial separation in schooling. In the black–white cities of the mid-1950s, racial customs thus prevailed over judicial doctrine; life did not conform to the law. The color line held, and the lives of blacks and whites too often did not intersect amicably.


pages: 284 words: 85,643

What's the Matter with White People by Joan Walsh

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, banking crisis, clean water, collective bargaining, David Brooks, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, full employment, global village, Golden Gate Park, hiring and firing, impulse control, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, mass immigration, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, upwardly mobile, urban decay, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

I was born in Brooklyn about eighteen months after my father’s discharge from the army; my brother, not quite my Irish twin, just fourteen months later. Conceived the month Walter O’Malley announced that the Dodgers were leaving Brooklyn, I always wondered if my mother needed a new love to take their place (in fact, a December 1957 subway strike figured prominently in stories about my conception, which may account for my lifelong soft spot for public employees’ unions). The week I was born, Life magazine featured a story on school desegregation, “Integration goes on—but with ugly incidents,” and a photo of Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. being jailed in Alabama. The same month, September 1958, the devout Irish Catholic turned devout American socialist Michael Harrington would begin the US tour that inspired his searing exposé of the hidden poor, The Other America, which helped drive the Johnson administration’s War on Poverty. After getting married, my father went to work as a writer and an editor at the nation’s oldest and largest Catholic textbook company, William H.

They got $3,000 for the lot, which represented their life’s savings. A few months later, my father watched his old neighborhood go up in flames while the Yankees beat the Los Angeles Dodgers in the World Series. “Ladies and gentlemen, the Bronx is burning,” Howard Cosell told the nation, but it felt like he was speaking to my dad. Back in Shorewood, A Better Chance was losing its funding, as local parents stopped contributing to the private, voluntary desegregation effort program. In 1979, it quietly disbanded. It was news enough to make the New York Times, in a story headlined “Liberal Whites Turn Cold to Blacks.” The Times saw the program’s demise as evidence that “whites seemed increasingly committed to integration as an ideal . . . but increasingly reluctant to support the mechanisms of integration.” One anonymous Shorewood resident told the paper about blacks: “You’re sorry for their cause, but after a certain point you think, ‘Let’s get on with daily life.’”

(Yes, I noticed the “they”; I wasn’t really white anymore, I was one of the good ones.) The “people of color” alliance sometimes seemed less about inclusion than retribution for past misdeeds, real or imagined or committed hundreds of years before you were born. It also seemed silly. When San Francisco’s African American superintendent told me in an interview that the Chinese parents who scuttled the desegregation plan didn’t understand American civil rights history, she was attacked as a racist after my article appeared, which made her head spin. “People of color” sure didn’t agree on education issues. None of us was served by the way we talked about this stuff anymore. I came to hate the term white privilege, even as I believed it still existed, as colorless and odorless (to white people) as oxygen.


pages: 281 words: 83,505

Palaces for the People: How Social Infrastructure Can Help Fight Inequality, Polarization, and the Decline of Civic Life by Eric Klinenberg

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, assortative mating, basic income, big-box store, Broken windows theory, carbon footprint, Cass Sunstein, clean water, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, East Village, Filter Bubble, ghettoisation, helicopter parent, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, John Snow's cholera map, late fees, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, Menlo Park, New Urbanism, Peter Thiel, Ray Oldenburg, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, smart grid, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Great Good Place, the High Line, universal basic income, urban planning, young professional

Board of Education, for instance, a federal judge in Baltimore ruled against the NAACP’s demand that the city integrate its public swimming pools, on grounds that “pools were ‘more sensitive than schools’ because of the visual and physical intimacy that accompanied their use.” The US Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit overruled this decision, forcing Baltimore to desegregate all public pools. But the city resisted and didn’t give up its legal challenges until it lost the last one possible, when the US Supreme Court declined to review the case. Baltimore was no outlier. Cities in the North and South responded to the desegregation orders by abandoning public facilities, building new private clubs, or closing down municipal pools altogether. Some cities were more creative. St. Louis reimposed sex segregation, so that black men and white women could never swim together. In Marshall, Texas, where the court ordered integration, city officials voted overwhelmingly to sell the city’s recreational facilities.

The local YMCA, however, remained segregated through the 1960s, and opened white-only swimming pools on the condition that the city provide tax exemptions, free water for its pools, and free park use. This secret deal went unchecked until 1970, when news of the arrangement leaked and courts forced the YMCA to end its segregationist practices. In private, however, white families had another way to deal with forced desegregation: they retreated from public spaces and built pools in their own backyards. Between 1950 and 1975, the number of residential in-ground swimming pools in the United States increased from about twenty-five hundred to more than four million. Racism was obviously not the only factor in this building boom, but it played an unmistakably important role in the demise of public social infrastructures that supported collective life.


pages: 692 words: 127,032

Fool Me Twice: Fighting the Assault on Science in America by Shawn Lawrence Otto

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anthropic principle, Berlin Wall, Brownian motion, carbon footprint, Cepheid variable, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, commoditize, cosmological constant, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Dean Kamen, desegregation, different worldview, double helix, energy security, Exxon Valdez, fudge factor, ghettoisation, global pandemic, Harlow Shapley and Heber Curtis, Harvard Computers: women astronomers, informal economy, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Louis Pasteur, mutually assured destruction, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, shareholder value, sharing economy, smart grid, Solar eclipse in 1919, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, transaction costs, University of East Anglia, War on Poverty, white flight, Winter of Discontent, working poor, yellow journalism, zero-sum game

We knew what these weapons could do, and we knew they could be used again. Our only option was to plan for an attack on American soil. This knowledge changed American culture and its relationship to science. For example, it has long been the prevailing opinion that American suburbs developed as a result of the increased use of the car, GI Bill—funded home construction, and white flight from desegregated schools after the 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. But in reality the trend had started several years before Brown. In 1945, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists began advocating for “dispersal,” or “defense through decentralization” as the only realistic defense against nuclear weapons, and the federal government realized this was an important strategic move.

Similar to the denominational battles between Protestants and Catholics and among the various sects of Protestantism, today’s secular denominations claim the authority of a truth no member of another denomination can know. SCIENCE CLASS WITHOUT OBJECTIVE TRUTH The 1960s and 1970s were a time of momentous social change, particularly related to civil rights. For the first time, the United States was making a serious effort to educate African American children to the same standard as white students. One of the primary methods employed was school desegregation. This posed complex challenges for teachers, who were tasked with educating more diverse classrooms as black students whose communities had been uprooted first by highway construction and then by busing found themselves thrown into the mix with more advantaged white students. It seemed unrealistic to demand equal performance from students who did not have the same level of socioeconomic support or shared cultural references.

See also Evolution Dawkins, Richard, 126–27 Deductive reasoning, 43 Deepwater Horizon oil spill, 250–51, 265 Deficit model of science, 288–90 DeLay, Tom, 14–15 Democracy biology and, 54–55, 90 challenges facing, 33–34 complexity of world and, 6 danger of, 315 freedom and, 250, 252 Jefferson’s argument for, 51–53 knowledge and, 3–4, 90, 219 plurality and, 111 politics and, 87 science and, 55–57, 90, 97, 123, 157, 245–47 Democratic Party, 17, 59–61, 290 Demonstrative knowledge, 50 Denialism, 6, 130, 138, 195, 221–23, 296 Descartes, René, 43–45, 50 Desegregation, 124 Deutsch, George, 16 Diamond, Sara, 110 DNA, 78, 120 Dobson, James, 111 Doppler effect, 68 Douglas, Stephen, 87 Dualism, 43 Dubner, Stephen, 229–31 Duck and Cover (film), 80, 84 Dumbing down of nation, 11–15, 143–45 Dyck, Markus, 194 E Earth, age of, 27–28 Eberle, Francis, 292 Economics climate change and, 223–24 commoditization and, 312–13 ecosystem services and, 258 externalities and, 253 growth of economy and, 256–57 market, 302 in Middle Ages, 25 natural public capital and, 258, 265 opportunity cost and, 257 science and, 187, 255–56 SEEP challenges and, 187 self-interest and, 250, 260 sustainability and, environmental, 258, 261 tragedy of the commons and, 247–51, 268 tyranny on the commons and, 253–55 Ecosystem services, 258, 265 Ecosystem, value on, 259 Education Bloom’s view of, 127–28 cultural studies and, 128–29 desegregation and, 124 inclusiveness and, 126 Jefferson’s view of public, 34, 59 objectivity and, 126–28 science, 124–25, 291–93 sex, 17, 274–76, 279 social constructivism and, 125–26 Ehlers, Vernon, 14–15, 222 Ehrlich, Paul, 256 Einstein, Albert, 61–63, 69–70, 75, 77–78, 114, 119, 141–42 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 82, 90, 97, 314–15 Electromagnetic field health risks, 140–43 Elitism, 91 Endangered Species Act, 20, 192, 195 Energy companies, 197–98, 201, 224, 239 Energy conservation, 240–41 Engagement of science, 8, 293–94 English common law, 39–40 Enlightenment, 46, 112 Environmental problems, 96, 101–2, 252.


Gang Leader for a Day by Sudhir Venkatesh

crack epidemic, desegregation, Ronald Reagan, Steven Levy, the scientific method, urban planning, urban renewal

I’m sure they were interested in the gang’s involvement, but their curiosity was also piqued by the participation of politicians like the Reverend Jesse Jackson, who urged young people to “give up the gun, pick up the ballot.” J.T. told me he never wanted to run for office, but he was certainly attracted to the new contacts he was gaining through the Black Kings’ political initiatives. He talked endlessly about the preachers, politicians, and businesspeople he’d been meeting. J.T. knew that Chicago’s gangs were politically active in the 1960s and 1970s, pushing for desegregation and housing reform. He told me more than a few times that he was modeling his behavior on those gang leaders’. When I asked for concrete examples of his collaboration with his new allies, he’d vaguely say that “we’re working together for the community” or “we’re just trying to make things right.” Perhaps, I thought, he didn’t trust me yet, or perhaps there wasn’t anything concrete to talk about.

Boys & Girls Club grant proposal for meeting on drive-by shooting at midnight basketball at school program at Brass (squatter) Bridgeport Butler, Charlie cabdrivers Caldwell, Booty California Calumet Heights Candy Carla carpenters Carrie car thieves Cartwright, Ms. Catrina Clarisse and essays of funeral of Taneesha incident and on women Census, U.S. Chantelle Charlie Cheetah Cherise Cherry Chicago African-American migration to black communities in desegregation in gang and drug problem in midnight basketball league of Ms. Mae’s move to politics of school teachers’ strike in winter in Chicago, University of Chicago Blackhawks Chicago Bulls Chicago Housing Authority (CHA) black market of Ms. Bailey and Ms. Reemes and Robert Taylor built by in Robert Taylor demolition and rehousing scheduled demolition of Lake Park projects by security of sex exchanged for rent forgiveness Chicago State University Chicago Sun-Times Child and Family Services Department cigarettes Cisneros, Henry civil rights movement Clarisse (prostitute) cleaners cleaning ladies Cleveland, Ohio Cliff (gang leader) Clinton, Bill: and Chicago midnight basketball league and housing project demolition Robert Taylor visit of welfare reform by C-Note (squatter) anger at S.V. of J.T. and S.V.’s study of Taneesha incident and Cobras cocaine Coco Cold Man (Black Kings leader) Columbia University Comaroff, Jean Combs, Leonard (Old Time) community-based organizations (CBOs) Congress, U.S.

Reemes and Robert Taylor built by in Robert Taylor demolition and rehousing scheduled demolition of Lake Park projects by security of sex exchanged for rent forgiveness Chicago State University Chicago Sun-Times Child and Family Services Department cigarettes Cisneros, Henry civil rights movement Clarisse (prostitute) cleaners cleaning ladies Cleveland, Ohio Cliff (gang leader) Clinton, Bill: and Chicago midnight basketball league and housing project demolition Robert Taylor visit of welfare reform by C-Note (squatter) anger at S.V. of J.T. and S.V.’s study of Taneesha incident and Cobras cocaine Coco Cold Man (Black Kings leader) Columbia University Comaroff, Jean Combs, Leonard (Old Time) community-based organizations (CBOs) Congress, U.S. conservatives cooks crack Black Kings’ deals in dilution of economics of epidemic of extent of use of prostitutes’ use of Creepy crime in Lake Park projects Crustie’s culture of poverty Curly Curtis Daley, Richard J. Daniels, Ms. Dan Ryan Expressway Darryl day care Democratic National Convention () Denny, Ms. desegregation Des Moines, Iowa Disciples domestic violence Doritha drive-by shootings Black Kings’ discussions of by Disciples dropouts drugs Black Kings’ traffic in economy of Dunbar High School DuSable High School Duster, Lenny Easley, Ms. economics, economy: of crack of drugs J.T. and underground economists education Elder, Ms. Elks Lodge El Rukn gang Englewood ethnographers extortion FBI Federal Street building food stamps South Lake Park Forty-seventh Street Freakonomics (Levitt and Dubner) Freeze gangs Black Panther Party vs.


pages: 162 words: 51,445

The Speech: The Story Behind Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. S Dream by Gary Younge

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, immigration reform, Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, urban decay, War on Poverty, white flight

Aware that the situation was spiraling out of control, Kennedy had no choice but to intervene, albeit gingerly at first. He sent Burke Marshall, the US assistant attorney general, to Alabama to negotiate a settlement. Shuttlesworth, who had been injured after being knocked down by one of the hoses, was in the hospital. Marshall negotiated with King and the local white merchants. For the business community it was primarily a pragmatic decision. They clinched a deal that would bring about the desegregation of lunch counters and the end to demonstrations in the city and planned a press conference to announce it. But this agreement wasn’t without its difficulties. In particular it raised questions about the ability of those who negotiated it to maintain credibility with the people they claimed to be negotiating for. This was a challenge no less great for the civil rights leaders than it was for the segregationists and business leaders.

“Who the hell is this guy Randolph?” demanded Joseph Rauh, of the Office of Emergency Management, as Randolph rejected every draft he proposed on Roosevelt’s behalf. “What the hell has he got over the president of the United States?” A week before the march was scheduled to take place, Roosevelt blinked, issuing Executive Order 8802, which established a Fair Employment Practices Committee and effectively desegregated the war industries. It was only then that Randolph finally agreed to cancel the march, arguing that its objectives had been reached. While some in the movement condemned him for demobilizing so many, his standing grew as a result of the victory. “Randolph now became, and would remain for almost a decade, the most popular and sought-after black political figure in America,” writes Anderson. Now, in 1963, Randolph was at it again.


pages: 339 words: 95,988

Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything by Steven D. Levitt, Stephen J. Dubner

airport security, Broken windows theory, crack epidemic, desegregation, Exxon Valdez, feminist movement, George Akerlof, information asymmetry, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, longitudinal study, mental accounting, moral hazard, More Guns, Less Crime, oil shale / tar sands, Paul Samuelson, peak oil, pets.com, profit maximization, Richard Thaler, school choice, sensible shoes, Steven Pinker, Ted Kaczynski, The Chicago School, The Market for Lemons, Thorstein Veblen, twin studies, War on Poverty

So was the gap between black children’s test scores and those of white children. Perhaps the most heartening gain had been in infant mortality. As late as 1964, a black infant was twice as likely to die as a white infant, often of a cause as basic as diarrhea or pneumonia. With segregated hospitals, many black patients received what amounted to Third World care. But that changed when the federal government ordered the hospitals to be desegregated: within just seven years, the black infant mortality rate had been cut in half. By the 1980s, virtually every facet of life was improving for black Americans, and the progress showed no sign of stopping. Then came crack cocaine. While crack use was hardly a black-only phenomenon, it hit black neighborhoods much harder than most. The evidence can be seen by measuring the same indicators of societal progress cited above.

Still, just about every parent seems to believe that her child will thrive if only he can attend the right school, the one with an appropriate blend of academics, extracurriculars, friendliness, and safety. School choice came early to the Chicago Public School system. That’s because the CPS, like most urban school districts, had a disproportionate number of minority students. Despite the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, which dictated that schools be desegregated, many black CPS students continued to attend schools that were nearly all-black. So in 1980 the U.S. Department of Justice and the Chicago Board of Education teamed up to try to better integrate the city’s schools. It was decreed that incoming freshmen could apply to virtually any high school in the district. Aside from its longevity, there are several reasons the CPS school-choice program is a good one to study.

Ferguson police crime statistics and increased numbers of innovative strategies of political science politicians liberal vs. conservative lying by poop, dog Porter, Jack pregnancy tests Princess Bride, The (Patinkin) Princeton University Prisoner’s Dilemma prisons: crime rates and homosexuality in prostitution racism segregation and see also Jim Crow laws; lynching Raising America: Experts, Parents, and a Century of Advice About Children (Hulbert) randomness rape real-estate agents clients’ best interests and commissions of incentives of sale of personal homes by terms used by Reconstruction regression analysis Rehnquist, William Republic (Plato) résumés “Ring of Gyges, The” (Plato) Riordan, Richard Ripley, Amanda robbery Roberts, Seth Roe, Jane. See McCorvey, Norma Roe v. Wade Rogers, Will Rosenthal, Robert Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer (May) Sacerdote, Bruce Sachs, Jeffrey Sailer, Steve Salmon, Felix Salomon Smith Barney Samuelson, Paul Sandman, Peter Satel, Sally Scalia, Antonin Schelling, Thomas Scholastic Aptitude Tests (SATs) schools choice of desegregation of quality of see also students; testing Schwarzenegger, Arnold Seale, Bobby Seinfeld self-esteem self-experimentation self-interest of experts impartial observation vs. truth and Sen, Amartya Senate, U.S. September 11 terrorist attacks sex oral sex education sex scandals Shangri-La Diet Shawn, William sleep Slemrod, Joel Smith, Adam smoking Snyder, Mitch social promotion social science Social Security societal norms sociologists Socrates Soviet Union, collapse of Spears, Britney Splash sports: cheating in drugs in gambling on glamour of incentives in judging of throwing matches and games in Stanford University Center for Advanced Study of Behavioral Sciences Law School state-year interaction stealing white-collar Stetson, John B.


pages: 537 words: 200,923

City: Urbanism and Its End by Douglas W. Rae

agricultural Revolution, barriers to entry, business climate, City Beautiful movement, complexity theory, creative destruction, desegregation, edge city, ghettoisation, Gunnar Myrdal, income per capita, informal economy, information asymmetry, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, manufacturing employment, New Economic Geography, new economy, New Urbanism, Peter Calthorpe, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Saturday Night Live, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the market place, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, Works Progress Administration

Data here are from Census sources, as well as BLS surveys. The Census of Manufacturing provides most of the jobs data. Inflation is calculated using the BLS urban wage deflator. 12. See, among others, George C. Galster, “Polarization, Place, and Race,” North Carolina Law Review 71, no. 5 ( June 1993), or John F. Cain, “The Influence of Race and Income on Racial Segregation and Housing Policy,” in Housing Desegregation and Federal Policy, edited by John M. Goering (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986). The classic study of race in New Haven predates the arrival of this family, as well as most other black households. See Warner, New Haven Negroes. 13. I have relied heavily here on one exceptional collection of work on the history and consequences of zoning in the United States, namely, Haar and Kayden, Zoning and the American Dream. 14.

Bridgeport’s Socialist New Deal, 1915 –36. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001. Burnham, Daniel H., and Edward H. Bennett. Plan of Chicago (1909). New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1993. Cahn, Edgar, and Jean Cahn. “The War on Poverty: A Civilian Perspective.” Yale Law Journal 73, no. 8 (1964). Cain, John F. “The Influence of Race and Income on Racial Segregation and Housing Policy.” In Housing Desegregation and Federal Policy, edited by John M. Goering, 99–118. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986. Calder, Isabel MacBeath. The New Haven Colony. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962. Calthorpe, Peter. The New American Metropolis: Ecology, Community, and the American Dream. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1986. Caplan, Ruth Ginsberg. “Harris Ginsberg of State Street.” Jews in New Haven 6 (1993): 123– 35.

The Federal Government and Urban Housing: Ideology and Change in Public Policy. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985. Hayward, Clarissa Ryle. De-Facing Power. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000 Hegel, Richard. Carriages from New Haven: New Haven’s Nineteenth-Century Carriage Industry. Hamden, Conn.: Archon, 1974. Helper, Rose. “Success and Resistance Factors in the Maintenance of Racially Mixed Neighborhoods.” In Housing Desegregation and Federal Policy, edited by John M. Goering, 170–94. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986. Herman, Barry E. “Max Adler, 1841–1916.” Jews in New Haven 7 (1997): 315 –16. Hill, Everett G. A Modern History of New Haven and Eastern New Haven County. New York: S. J. Clarke, 1918. Hill, Prescott F. “The Menace of the Three-Decker.” Housing Problems in America 5 (1916): 133–52. Hillier, Amy.


Amazing Stories of the Space Age by Rod Pyle

centre right, desegregation, Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos, low earth orbit, Mars Rover, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman: Challenger O-ring, Ronald Reagan

Office of the Secretary of Defense, “Soviet Acquisition of Militarily Significant Western Technology: An Update,” publication AD-A160 564, Washington, DC, 1985. Cited in part from original publication and an article by Dwayne Day, “Theft, the Sincerest Form of Flattery,” Space Review, April 16, 2012. 6. Ibid. 7. Ibid. 8. Robert Windrem, “How the Soviets Stole a Space Shuttle,” NBC News Space Report, November 4, 1997. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. CHAPTER 22: MAJOR MATT MASON: A MAN FOR THE NEW SPACE AGE 1. NASA did make institutional desegregation a priority by the mid-1960s, however. “Chapter IV: The Marshall Reconstruction,” NASA, http://history.msfc.nasa.gov/book/chptfour.pdf (accessed September 21, 2016). 2. Henry Samuel, “European Space Agency Unveils ‘Lunar Village’ Plans as Stepping Stone to Mars,” Telegraph, January 15, 2016, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/france/12102673/European-Space-Agency-unveils-lunar-village-plans-as-stepping-stone-to-Mars.html. 3.

See rocket fuels Curiosity (Mars rover), 100 DARPA, 61, 167 Das Marsprojekt [The Mars Project] (von Braun), 35–36, 92, 235–36, 309n8 mission plan described in, 38, 43–51, 52–53, 305n14 after arrival on Mars, 48–49 Mars ferries, 45–48 use of large gliders while on Mars, 36, 38, 39, 41 Davy Crockett M-29 nuclear howitzer, 32, 275 Deep Space Industries, 295 Defense Research and Engineering, 136 Delta rockets, 252, 294 Department of Defense, 133, 140, 165 desegregation at NASA, 322n1 Destination Moon (movie), 56 Devon Island (aka “Mars on Earth”), 8, 52–53 Directed Gas Weapon for Close-In Fighting, 271, 273 “Directorate of R&D, Future Weapons Office,” 266–73 Discovery (space shuttle), 254, 256–57, 258 Disney, Walt, 50, 51, 86–87, 297, 309n13 Disneyland (TV show), 86 Doolittle raid on Tokyo, psychological impact of, 16, 301n9 “Dorian” (telescopic camera), 136, 139, 143–44 Dornberger, Walter, 158, 170 Dragon capsule, 212, 322n2 Dream Chase mini-shuttle, 78–79 D-ring on the Skylab, 245–46 “dry workshop,” 235 Duke, Charlie, 151–52 Dunne, Dick, 153 Dyna-Soar, Project (X-20 spaceplane), 64, 112, 157–68, 170, 177, 179, 182, 250, 285 compared to Spiral, 286 designed so that orbiter could be reused, 249 drawings of, 161, 163 end of, 130, 131, 166, 167, 251 mission changed from glider to orbital craft, 164–65, 315n5 possible use of weapons on, 265 renamed the X-20, 110, 164–65 as replacement for A-12/SR-71 spy plane, 166 rescue plans for, 214–15 specifications for, 158, 160, 162 X-15 design used for, 110, 166, 179 Dyson, Freeman, 59–60, 62, 64, 66 Early Manned Planetary-Interplanetary Roundtrip Expeditions (EMPIRE).

See Marshall Space Flight Center Mueller, George, 250 Musk, Elon, 35, 100, 107, 294 N-1 superbooster rocket, 34, 191, 192, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 285 NACA. See National Advisory Committee on Aeronautics nanosats, 295 NASA, 34, 74–77, 87–88, 167, 191, 310n4 abandoning Apollo program for space shuttles, 280, 293. See also Apollo program; space shuttles abort capabilities design, 75–76, 148, 161, 255, 261 budget comparisons (1958 and 1962), 310n3 definition of boundary of space, 315n1 desegregation at, 322n1 difficulties in designing reusable vehicles, 249–50, 307n3 formation as civilian agency, 34, 79, 109–110, 160, 265, 280 funding of private enterprise projects, 296 goals for focusing on moon landing, 114 post-Apollo, 250–51 setting Mars as a goal, 65–66 “Grand Tour” of planets, studying concept of a, 93–94. See also flybys Manned Orbiting Laboratory variations, 145 space station options, 138–39, 235.


The Metropolitan Revolution: How Cities and Metros Are Fixing Our Broken Politics and Fragile Economy by Bruce Katz, Jennifer Bradley

3D printing, additive manufacturing, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, British Empire, business climate, carbon footprint, clean water, cleantech, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, demographic transition, desegregation, double entry bookkeeping, edge city, Edward Glaeser, global supply chain, immigration reform, income inequality, industrial cluster, intermodal, Jane Jacobs, jitney, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, lone genius, longitudinal study, Mark Zuckerberg, Masdar, megacity, Menlo Park, Moneyball by Michael Lewis explains big data, Network effects, new economy, New Urbanism, Occupy movement, place-making, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, Richard Florida, Shenzhen was a fishing village, Silicon Valley, smart cities, smart grid, sovereign wealth fund, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the market place, The Spirit Level, Tony Hsieh, too big to fail, trade route, transit-oriented development, urban planning, white flight

During the 1970s, the share would more than double, and minorities, mostly African Americans and Hispanics, would make up a quarter of the city’s population.5 In 1969 a federal court found that the Denver School Board had a deliberate policy of concentrating black students in a few schools, going so far as to deploy twenty-eight of the school district’s twenty-nine portable classrooms at schools in just one neighborhood “to contain an overflow of black students.”6 The court insisted on desegregation, and the school board implemented an unpopular plan to bus students to achieve a different racial mix in schools.7 For four years, the city was roiled by busing protests, including the bombing of one-third of the school bus fleet in a parking lot, sporadic outbreaks of violence, and an antibusing boycott of Denver schools led by the school board’s president.8 The rapid population growth of the suburbs during this period, and particularly the movement of middle- and upperclass whites to these communities, made Denver officials anxious that the city would become, as one planning department study put it, “the ghetto of the metropolitan area, containing in its population primarily the poor and uneducated and a few of the very wealthy.”9 In 1970 the city of Denver was home to 47 percent of the region’s population but 95 percent of the region’s black population and 70 percent of its Hispanic population.10 Denver city leaders embarked on an effort to bring the suburban population into Denver by expanding the city and county’s boundaries through the process of annexation (Denver is a combined city and county 03-2151-2 ch3.indd 44 5/20/13 6:50 PM DENVER: THE FOUR VOTES 45 under Colorado law).

Colorado municipalities depended largely on sales taxes for their budgets. As the annexed territory developed, the department stores, hardware stores, and strip malls within it would contribute to a stronger bottom line for the city. But many people living in the unincorporated territories, happy with their school systems in Arapahoe County, or Jefferson County, or Cherry Creek, did not want any part of Denver’s desegregation battles and busing schemes. And suburban towns like Aurora and Greenwood Village also wanted to be able to grow by taking a share of the unincorporated territory between their borders and Denver’s—why should the city reap all the benefits of new development? Between 1969 and 1974, a flurry of annexations and incorporations ensued, which hardened the boundaries and soured the politics of Greater Denver.

—the political appointees and career executives concerned do not seem themselves as involved with, much less responsible for the urban consequences of their programs and policies. They are, to their minds, simply building highways, guaranteeing mortgages, advancing agriculture, or whatever. No one has made clear to them they are simultaneously redistributing employment opportunities, segregating or desegregating neighborhoods, depopulating the countryside and filling up the slums, etc: all these things as second and third consequences of nominally unrelated programs.2 Moynihan was describing the way that federal and state governments have organized themselves as a collection of balkanized executive agencies overseen by separate legislative committees. These agencies have looked at challenges through narrow lenses, confining the reach of solutions to 08-2151-2 ch8.indd 173 5/20/13 6:56 PM 174 METROS AS THE NEW SOVEREIGN the powers and resources at hand.


pages: 370 words: 107,983

Rage Inside the Machine: The Prejudice of Algorithms, and How to Stop the Internet Making Bigots of Us All by Robert Elliott Smith

Ada Lovelace, affirmative action, AI winter, Alfred Russel Wallace, Amazon Mechanical Turk, animal electricity, autonomous vehicles, Black Swan, British Empire, cellular automata, citizen journalism, Claude Shannon: information theory, combinatorial explosion, corporate personhood, correlation coefficient, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, desegregation, discovery of DNA, Douglas Hofstadter, Elon Musk, Fellow of the Royal Society, feminist movement, Filter Bubble, Flash crash, Gerolamo Cardano, gig economy, Gödel, Escher, Bach, invention of the wheel, invisible hand, Jacquard loom, Jacques de Vaucanson, John Harrison: Longitude, John von Neumann, Kenneth Arrow, low skilled workers, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, mutually assured destruction, natural language processing, new economy, On the Economy of Machinery and Manufactures, p-value, pattern recognition, Paul Samuelson, performance metric, Pierre-Simon Laplace, precariat, profit maximization, profit motive, Silicon Valley, social intelligence, statistical model, Stephen Hawking, stochastic process, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Future of Employment, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, Thomas Bayes, Thomas Malthus, traveling salesman, Turing machine, Turing test, twin studies, Vilfredo Pareto, Von Neumann architecture, women in the workforce

If enough people read this book, it will be. In Rage Inside the Machine, Robert Elliott Smith accomplishes what few people could attempt: to humanize the discourse on artificial intelligence. He tears the topic of AI from the grasp of the techno-elite and puts it into all our hands. Robert the computer science professor lays bare exactly what the algorithms are doing, while Robert the boy who grew up in newly desegregated Alabama lays bare the biases – scientific and social – that risk being hard-coded into our culture all over again (mostly, without even the programmers realizing it). The mass adoption of AI is happening, right now. The next decade of design choices will shape the next century of social consequences. We – society – need to weigh in on these choices now. This book is our chance.’ CHRIS KUTARNA, co-author of Age of Discovery: Navigating the Storms of Our Second Renaissance ‘A beautiful, accessible, truly important book.

Four months later, Birmingham’s 16th Street Baptist Church, the rallying point for the children’s protest that led to this agreement, was bombed, injuring twenty-two worshippers, and killing four black schoolgirls. But by the time I reached elementary school, the protests were largely over; the civil rights movement was ostensibly victorious, at least as a matter of law. In response to legally mandated desegregation orders, black kids from a poor area of the Birmingham outskirts were bussed to the all-white elementary school I attended, but, while the law appeared to have settled the race issue, my school remained a place of obvious division and conflict. At the time, I was a bullied, nerdy kid, and given the racial prejudice I’d grown up around, I was afraid of the new kids from Airport Heights, a slum at the end of Birmingham’s runway.

For instance, the Pioneer Fund was established in 1937 by, among others, eugenicist and Nazi advisor Harry Laughlin, to support advocacy and research that promoted the cause of ‘race betterment’. The Fund’s work continues to this day, although their banner has been modified to read ‘human race betterment’. Through the years, the Fund has supported repatriating African-Americans to Africa, opposed the civil rights movement, opposed desegregation bussing, and supported anti-immigration efforts, as well as financing academic publishing and research in anthropology and sociology, most of which is related to the issue of race. Perhaps the best-known work based on Pioneer Fund supported research was the 1994 book The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life, a book that has received renewed endorsement with the rise of the alt-right movement, and in turn revived Spearman’s century-old ideas of the g factor.


pages: 547 words: 172,226

Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty by Daron Acemoglu, James Robinson

"Robert Solow", Admiral Zheng, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, Atahualpa, banking crisis, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, blood diamonds, BRICs, British Empire, central bank independence, clean water, collective bargaining, colonial rule, conceptual framework, Corn Laws, creative destruction, crony capitalism, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, discovery of the americas, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, financial independence, financial innovation, financial intermediation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Francisco Pizarro, full employment, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, invention of movable type, invisible hand, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, land reform, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, Mohammed Bouazizi, Paul Samuelson, price stability, profit motive, Rosa Parks, Scramble for Africa, Simon Kuznets, spice trade, spinning jenny, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, trade liberalization, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, union organizing, upwardly mobile, Washington Consensus, working poor

He would be proved wrong. The rulings of the Supreme Court meant that southern educational facilities had to be desegregated, including the University of Mississippi in Oxford. In 1962, after a long legal battle, federal courts ruled that James Meredith, a young black air force veteran, had to be admitted to “Ole Miss.” Opposition to the implementation of this ruling was orchestrated by the so-called Citizens’ Councils, the first of which had been formed in Indianola, Mississippi, in 1954 to fight desegregation of the South. State governor Ross Barnett publicly rejected the court-ordered desegregation on television on September 13, announcing that state universities would close before they agreed to be desegregated. Finally, after much negotiation between Barnett and President John Kennedy and Attorney General Robert Kennedy in Washington, the federal government intervened forcibly to implement this ruling.


pages: 581 words: 162,518

We the Corporations: How American Businesses Won Their Civil Rights by Adam Winkler

1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, Cass Sunstein, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, corporate personhood, corporate social responsibility, desegregation, Donald Trump, financial innovation, glass ceiling, income inequality, invisible hand, joint-stock company, laissez-faire capitalism, land reform, obamacare, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, profit maximization, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, refrigerator car, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, South Sea Bubble, the scientific method, too big to fail, trade route, transcontinental railway, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, yellow journalism

Hamilton labeled the Beards’ story the “conspiracy theory” of the Fourteenth Amendment.27 In later years, however, other historians reexamined the evidence and found much to disagree with in the Beards’ analysis. No one looked more closely than Howard Jay Graham, a deaf librarian who became the nation’s leading expert on the Fourteenth Amendment. In the 1950s, Graham played an influential role as an advisor to the NAACP in the drafting of its briefs in Brown v. Board of Education, the school desegregation case. Back in 1938, however, Graham published a two-part series of articles in the Yale Law Journal refuting the Beards’ charges. The Beards, Graham argued, badly misconstrued Bingham’s speeches and were too easily swayed by Conkling’s misleading argument in San Mateo. Graham’s reconstruction of the history of the Fourteenth Amendment’s drafting led him to conclude that the Joint Committee had not engaged in a secret, purposeful effort to mislead the public and protect corporations.28 Conkling was another story altogether.

The NAACP, too, was being harassed for challenging government orthodoxy. “This case cannot be properly considered without being viewed against the background and setting in which it arose,” Marshall and Carter’s brief argued. The NAACP’s victory in Brown required racial integration of schools and, in response, “Alabama officials have committed themselves to a course of persecution and intimidation of all who seek to implement desegregation.” “The truth is that Alabama seeks, in these proceedings, to silence petitioner and its members” and “eradicate opposition” to Jim Crow. Rather than viewing the NAACP as a corporation, Marshall and Carter saw the NAACP as one of the political dissenters Justice Harlan Fiske Stone had worried about in his Carolene Products footnote. * * * ONE JUSTICE WHOSE VOTE the NAACP could usually count on was Hugo Black, whose diminutive size and southern manners could easily obscure his forceful personality and dogged determination.

Cullman said to him, ‘Congratulations, Lewis, you have just been elected to the board of directors of Philip Morris Incorporated!’ ”6 Yet only after Lewis Powell left the Philip Morris board and joined the Supreme Court would he come to be called “the most powerful man in America.” He was one of four justices named by President Richard Nixon, who set out to dismantle the liberal Warren court of the 1950s and 1960s. Under the chief justiceship of Earl Warren, the court had issued a reliable stream of liberal rulings desegregating schools, expanding the rights of criminal defendants, guaranteeing sexual privacy, and giving private citizens wide leeway to bring antitrust suits against business. Nixon’s court, by contrast, would end busing, limit the scope of civil rights laws, and curtail securities fraud and antitrust suits. Powell became the Supreme Court’s swing vote, and while he occasionally sided with the liberal Warren court holdouts on social issues, the author of the Powell Memorandum was a corporationalist who voted more consistently to expand the rights of corporations and protect industry from burdensome regulation and lawsuits.7 While the Supreme Court’s conservative turn in the 1970s has been well documented, one aspect of that transformation warrants closer examination: how the remade court dealt with the constitutional rights of corporations.


pages: 399 words: 116,828

When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor by William Julius Wilson

affirmative action, business cycle, citizen journalism, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, declining real wages, deindustrialization, deliberate practice, desegregation, Donald Trump, edge city, ending welfare as we know it, fixed income, full employment, George Gilder, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, informal economy, jobless men, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, mass immigration, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, school choice, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration

In Dade County, there is a tendency for the black Cubans, Dominicans, Puerto Ricans, and Panamanians to define themselves by their language and culture and not by the color of their skin. Indeed, largely because of the willingness of Hispanic whites and Hispanic blacks to live together and to mix with Haitians and other Caribbean blacks in neighborhoods relatively free of racial tension, Dade County is experiencing the most rapid desegregation of housing in the nation. By contrast, native-born, English-speaking African-Americans continue to be the most segregated group in Miami. They are concentrated in neighborhoods characterized by high levels of joblessness and marred by pockets of poverty in the northeast section of Dade County. Although there has been some movement by higher-income groups from these neighborhoods in recent years, the poorer blacks are more likely to be trapped because of the combination of extreme economic marginality and residential segregation.

Strategies representing either equality of individual opportunity or affirmative action are not designed to address the important problem of racial segregation. As demonstrated in Part 1 of this discussion, living in segregated ghettos creates barriers to employment and adequate employment preparation. Accordingly, the reduction of racial segregation would surely improve the job prospects of African-Americans. However, “a federal policy of rapid desegregation in housing is a political and practical impossibility.” As long as there are areas to which whites can retreat, it will be difficult to reduce the overall level of segregation. Blacks move in, whites move out. And this process can be surprisingly rapid, as we have seen in neighborhoods like Greater Grand Crossing in Chicago (see Chapter 2). Perhaps it would be possible to stem this pattern if restrictions were placed on the freedom of movement of whites or if somehow it became very costly to move.

Glass Ceiling Commission (1995). 44 some liberals have argued for a shift from an affirmative action based on race: See, for example, Kahlenberg (1995). 45 The major distinguishing characteristic … based on need: Fishkin (1983) has related this type of affirmative action to the principle of equality of life chances. Noel Salinger of the Harris School of Public Policy Studies, University of Chicago, helped to shape some of the views I express here on affirmative action. 46 the long-term intergenerational effects of having one’s life choices limited by race: Heckman (1995). 47 However, “a federal policy of rapid desegregation”: Jargowsky (1994), p. 310. 48 The gains, over a period of decades, could be substantial: Jargowsky (1994). 49 “But the experiment is being closely watched”: New York Times (1994). 50 quotation from Vivian Henderson, Henderson (1975), p. 54. 51 quotation from Joseph A. Califano: Califano (1988), p. 29. For a good discussion of how programs perceived to be beneficial to blacks triggered a white backlash, see Quadagno (1994). 52 Over the past fifty years, there has been a steep decline: Bobo and Smith (1994). 53 The idea that the federal government “has a special obligation”: Bobo and Kluegel (1994). 54 In 1990, almost seven in ten (69.1 percent) white Americans: By contrast, only 26 percent of African-Americans opposed quotas in enrolling blacks in colleges and universities and only 37.4 percent were against the idea of preferential hiring and promotion of blacks (Bobo and Smith [1994]). 55 “People whose attitudes blend antiblack feelings”: Bobo and Smith (1994), pp. 382–83. 56 But these social scientists quickly pointed out that general values: Bobo and Smith (1994). 57 Bobo and Smith found that even after controlling for socioeconomic status: Bobo and Smith (1994). 58 recent studies reveal that most white Americans approve: Bobo and Smith (1994), Bobo and Kluegel (1993), Lipset and Schneider (1978), Kluegel and Smith (1986), and Kinder and Sanders (1987). 59 For example, in the 1990 General Social Survey: Bobo and Smith (1994) 60 quotation from Bobo and Kluegel: Bobo and Kluegel (1993), p. 446. 61 Furthermore, unlike “preferential” racial policies: Bobo and Smith (1994) 62 recent surveys conducted by the National Opinion Research Center: General Social Survey (1988–94).


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We Were Eight Years in Power: An American Tragedy by Ta-Nehisi Coates

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Broken windows theory, Charles Lindbergh, crack epidemic, crony capitalism, David Brooks, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, fear of failure, Ferguson, Missouri, Gunnar Myrdal, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, income inequality, jitney, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, moral panic, new economy, obamacare, payday loans, phenotype, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, War on Poverty, white flight

They’ve seen a fraudulent war on drugs that, judging by the casualties, looks like a war on black people. They’ve seen themselves bandied about as playthings in the presidential campaigns of Ronald Reagan (with his 1980 invocation of “states’ rights” in Mississippi), George Bush (Willie Horton), Bill Clinton (Sister Souljah), and George W. Bush (McCain’s fabled black love child). They’ve seen the utter failures of school busing and housing desegregation, as well as the horrors of Katrina. The result is a broad distrust of government as the primary tool for black progress. In May 2004, just one day before Cosby’s Pound Cake speech, The New York Times visited Louisville, Kentucky, once ground zero in the fight to integrate schools. But the Times found that sides had switched, and that black parents were more interested in educational progress than in racial parity.

” But I found myself again talking about Baldwin and the beauty of what he’d done in The Fire Next Time. I talked about how I’d read the book in one sitting and the challenge I imagined of crafting a singular essay, in the same fashion, meant to be read in a few hours but to haunt for years. I told him we were in an extraordinary moment—the era of a black president and Black Lives Matter—much like Baldwin had written amid the fight for desegregation. Here he offered this admonition—“The road is littered with knockoffs of The Fire Next Time.” But he still encouraged me to try. To invoke the name James Baldwin, these days, is to invoke the name of both a prophet and a God. More than his actual work, Baldwin, himself, has been beatified. That is why young writers descend on his long-abandoned house, like pilgrims into the Holy Land. That is why they have founded an entire genre of essay to document the hajj.

By focusing solely on that sympathetic laboring class, the sins of whiteness itself were, and are still being, evaded. When David Duke, a former grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, shocked the country in 1990 by almost winning the Republican primary for one of Louisiana’s seats in the U.S. Senate, the apologists came out once again. They elided the obvious—that Duke had appealed to the base, racist instincts of a state whose schools are, at this very moment, still desegregating—and instead decided that something else was afoot. “There is a tremendous amount of anger and frustration among working-class whites, particularly where there is an economic downturn,” a researcher told the Los Angeles Times. “These people feel left out; they feel government is not responsive to them.” By this logic, postwar America—with its booming economy and low unemployment—should have been an egalitarian utopia and not the violently segregated country it actually was.


pages: 262 words: 66,800

Progress: Ten Reasons to Look Forward to the Future by Johan Norberg

agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, availability heuristic, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business climate, clean water, continuation of politics by other means, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, demographic transition, desegregation, Donald Trump, Flynn Effect, germ theory of disease, Gini coefficient, Gunnar Myrdal, Haber-Bosch Process, Hans Island, Hans Rosling, Ignaz Semmelweis: hand washing, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, Isaac Newton, Jane Jacobs, John Snow's cholera map, Kibera, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, more computing power than Apollo, moveable type in China, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, open economy, place-making, Rosa Parks, sexual politics, special economic zone, Steven Pinker, telerobotics, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transatlantic slave trade, very high income, working poor, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, zero-sum game

The mania for separation went to such lengths that Oklahoma required separate telephone booths for the two races: Florida and North Carolina made it illegal to give white pupils textbooks that had previously been used by black students. Macon County, Georgia, took the price for absurdity by seriously debating a proposal that the country maintain two separate sets of public roads, one for each race, and rejecting the idea only because of the prohibitive cost.11 A few steps had already been taken by the government. President Truman had desegregated the armed forces and ended discrimination in federal employment. In 1954 the Supreme Court desegregated public schools, and when the Arkansas Governor called out the National Guard to stop Little Rock Central High School from accepting nine black students, President Eisenhower sent federal troops to the high school to protect the students. But the major steps towards racial equality were taken by the African Americans’ own civil rights movement.


pages: 1,073 words: 314,528

Strategy: A History by Lawrence Freedman

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Anton Chekhov, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, battle of ideas, Black Swan, British Empire, business process, butterfly effect, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, circulation of elites, cognitive dissonance, coherent worldview, collective bargaining, complexity theory, conceptual framework, corporate raider, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, defense in depth, desegregation, Edward Lorenz: Chaos theory, en.wikipedia.org, endogenous growth, endowment effect, Ford paid five dollars a day, framing effect, Frederick Winslow Taylor, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, information retrieval, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, John Nash: game theory, John von Neumann, Kenneth Arrow, lateral thinking, linear programming, loose coupling, loss aversion, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, mental accounting, Murray Gell-Mann, mutually assured destruction, Nash equilibrium, Nelson Mandela, Norbert Wiener, Norman Mailer, oil shock, Pareto efficiency, performance metric, Philip Mirowski, prisoner's dilemma, profit maximization, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, social intelligence, Steven Pinker, strikebreaker, The Chicago School, The Myth of the Rational Market, the scientific method, theory of mind, Thomas Davenport, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Torches of Freedom, Toyota Production System, transaction costs, ultimatum game, unemployed young men, Upton Sinclair, urban sprawl, Vilfredo Pareto, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, Yogi Berra, zero-sum game

At the time, this was presented as a spontaneous expression of anger that somehow sparked a movement, a representation that dried up “like a raisin in the sun” as it became apparent that the students had been activists in the youth wing of the NAACP, were drawing on experience of sit-ins over the previous two years, and had planned the activity carefully. The movement spread through a network of churches and campuses.34 In May the first “freedom rides” intended to desegregate bus terminals across the South left Washington, DC. The tactic fit in naturally with the direct action philosophy of King and Rustin, and they had little difficulty embracing it as a new stage in the campaign. By this time the white establishment was becoming more subtle in their tactics. Rustin may have been right that transport was a natural target, but following the Supreme Court ruling cities did not put up much resistance to desegregating buses. Voter registration, the other major push, was the best way to get real political power for blacks over the long term, but it was a slow process, especially when local officials felt able to interpret the law to keep out black voters.

Enthused by the febrile radical, intellectual atmosphere of late 1930s New York, he joined the Young Communist League until he realized that it had no special commitment to racial justice. In 1941 he became involved with Philip Randolph, a leading black campaigner close to the labor movement. Randolph had picked up on how the early mobilization for war increased the economic importance of black workers. He proposed a march of ten thousand people on Washington demanding desegregation of the armed forces and an end to racial discrimination in the war industries.18 The march was canceled when President Roosevelt signed the Fair Employment Act which banned discrimination in the war industry, though not the armed forces. Rustin thought Randolph should have held out for more concessions, and went off to work for Muste. In practice, Randolph—the wise elder statesman of the civil rights movement—became Rustin’s most consistent and loyal patron.

In the case of Birmingham, this was achieved as much by sustained economic pressure on the city center as by the excesses of the local police. The two combined to produce a dramatic effect. Again to quote Rustin, “Businessmen and chambers of commerce across the South dreaded the cameras.”39 By causing protracted disorder, the hope was that business leaders in Birmingham would be persuaded to accept that desegregation and hiring more blacks was the price of economic survival. A further objective was to shift the political calculus of the Kennedy administration in favor of a civil rights bill. The theater of conflict was the city center, a relatively compact space that could be flooded with protestors unless the authorities found a way to stop them. Unlike the Alabama campaign, Birmingham was well planned and drew on a strong local organization.


pages: 274 words: 72,657

The Power of Moments: Why Certain Experiences Have Extraordinary Impact by Chip Heath, Dan Heath

Cal Newport, call centre, clean water, cloud computing, crowdsourcing, desegregation, fear of failure, Mahatma Gandhi, mental accounting, meta analysis, meta-analysis, school choice, six sigma, Steve Ballmer

Vivian and Diane Nash confronted the mayor, Ben West, in front of the large and growing crowd. Nash said, “Mayor West, do you feel that it’s wrong to discriminate against a person solely on the basis of his race or color?” West agreed it was wrong. Then, Nash continued, shouldn’t lunch counters be desegregated? “Yes,” Mayor West admitted. Many in the white community were inflamed by the mayor’s response. Nevertheless, three weeks later, the lunch counters reversed their discriminatory policies, and for the first time, black customers were served alongside whites. The desegregation of the lunch counters in Nashville was one of the first big successes of the civil rights movement. It was a victory built on courage—the courage of a group of students who were willing to face humiliation, injury, and incarceration to protest immoral treatment.


On the Move: Mobility in the Modern Western World by Timothy Cresswell

British Empire, desegregation, deskilling, Frederick Winslow Taylor, global village, illegal immigration, mass immigration, moral panic, Rosa Parks, technoutopianism, The Chicago School, transcontinental railway, traveling salesman, urban planning

Ford, The Legal Geographies Reader: Law, Power, and Space (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2001); Nick Blomley, Law, Space and the Geographies of Power (New York: Guilford, 1994); David Delaney, “The Boundaries of Responsibility: Interpretations of RT52565_C011.indd 288 3/7/06 9:01:56 PM Notes • 289 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. Geography in School Desegregation Cases,” in The Legal Geographies Reader, ed. Nicholas K. Blomley, David Delaney, and Richard T. Ford (Oxford: Blackwell, 2001), 54–68; David Delaney, Law and Nature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); David Delaney, Race, Place and the Law (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1998). For a full account of these, see Tim Cresswell, The Tramp in America (London: Reaktion, 2001). United States v.

See Engin F. Isin, Being Political: Genealogies of Citizenship (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002); Engin F. Isin and Patricia K. Wood, Citizenship and Identity, Politics and Culture (London: Sage, 1999). Isin, Being Political: Genealogies of Citizenship, 3. Ibid., 4. For an account of legal rights, see Delaney, “The Boundaries of Responsibility: Interpretations of Geography in School Desegregation Cases.” Chafee, Three Human Rights in the Constitution of 1787. Karl Marx, “On the Jewish Question,” in The Marx-Engels Reader, ed. Robert C Tuckner (New York: Norton, 1978), 26–52, 35. Ibid., 43. Duncan Kennedy, “The Critique of Rights in Critical Legal Studies,” in Left Legalism/Left Critique, ed. Wendy Brown and Janet Halley (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002), 178–228, 214. Others are not so dismissive.

New York: New Press: Distributed by W.W. Norton, 2002. de Certeau, Michel. The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984. Deben, Leon. “Public Space and the Homeless in Amsterdam.” In Amsterdam Human Capital, edited by Sako Musterd and Willem Salet, 229–46. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2003. Delaney, David. “The Boundaries of Responsibility: Interpretations of Geography in School Desegregation Cases.” In The Legal Geographies Reader, edited by Nicholas K. Blomley, David Delaney and Richard T. Ford, 54–68. Oxford: Blackwell, 2001. ————. Law and Nature. Cambridge, U.K.; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003. ————. “Laws of Motion and Immobilization: Bodies, Figures and the Politics of Mobility.” Paper presented at the Mobilities Conference, Gregynog, Newtown, Wales 1999. ————. Race, Place and the Law.


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Everybody Lies: Big Data, New Data, and What the Internet Can Tell Us About Who We Really Are by Seth Stephens-Davidowitz

affirmative action, AltaVista, Amazon Mechanical Turk, Asian financial crisis, Bernie Sanders, big data - Walmart - Pop Tarts, Cass Sunstein, computer vision, correlation does not imply causation, crowdsourcing, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Filter Bubble, game design, happiness index / gross national happiness, income inequality, Jeff Bezos, John Snow's cholera map, longitudinal study, Mark Zuckerberg, Nate Silver, peer-to-peer lending, Peter Thiel, price discrimination, quantitative hedge fund, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, sentiment analysis, Silicon Valley, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, Steven Pinker, TaskRabbit, The Signal and the Noise by Nate Silver, working poor

In other words, a liberal and a conservative were equally likely to visit any particular news site. If this were the case, the chances that two Americans on a given news website have opposing political views would be roughly 50 percent. The internet would be perfectly desegregated. Liberals and conservatives would perfectly mix. So what does the data tell us? In the United States, according to Gentzkow and Shapiro, the chances that two people visiting the same news site have different political views is about 45 percent. In other words, the internet is far closer to perfect desegregation than perfect segregation. Liberals and conservatives are “meeting” each other on the web all the time. What really puts the lack of segregation on the internet in perspective is comparing it to segregation in other parts of our lives. Gentzkow and Shapiro could repeat their analysis for various offline interactions.


pages: 403 words: 87,035

The New Geography of Jobs by Enrico Moretti

assortative mating, Bill Gates: Altair 8800, business climate, call centre, cleantech, cloud computing, corporate raider, creative destruction, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, financial innovation, global village, hiring and firing, income inequality, industrial cluster, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, medical residency, Menlo Park, new economy, peer-to-peer lending, Peter Thiel, Productivity paradox, Richard Florida, Sand Hill Road, Silicon Valley, Skype, special economic zone, Startup school, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, thinkpad, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Wall-E, Y Combinator, zero-sum game

While in 1969 Visalia did have a small professional middle class, today its residents, especially those who moved there recently, are overwhelmingly unskilled. Menlo Park had many low-income families in 1969, but today most of its new residents have a college degree or a master’s degree and a middle- to upper-class income. Geographically, American workers are increasingly sorting along educational lines. At the same time that American communities are desegregating racially, they are becoming more segregated in terms of schooling and earnings. Certainly any country has communities with more or less educated residents. But today the difference among communities in the United States is bigger than it has been in a century. The divergence in educational levels is causing an equally large divergence in labor productivity and therefore salaries. Workers in cities at the top of the list make about two to three times more than identical workers in cities at the bottom, and the gap keeps growing.

Gains in the share of college graduates since 1980 Evidence indicates that American cities are more racially integrated today than at any time in the past century, a trend that has been accelerating in the past two decades. In 2010, for example, there were virtually no all-white neighborhoods, and the number of predominantly black neighborhoods has plummeted. It is somewhat ironic that at the very moment that our neighborhoods were desegregating racially, our country was segregating educationally. This has tremendous economic implications, but also social and political ones. A country that is made up of regions that differ drastically from one another will end up culturally and politically balkanized. Moreover, the concentration of large numbers of poorly educated individuals in certain communities will magnify and exacerbate all other socioeconomic differences.


pages: 678 words: 216,204

The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom by Yochai Benkler

affirmative action, barriers to entry, bioinformatics, Brownian motion, call centre, Cass Sunstein, centre right, clean water, commoditize, dark matter, desegregation, East Village, fear of failure, Firefox, game design, George Gilder, hiring and firing, Howard Rheingold, informal economy, information asymmetry, invention of radio, Isaac Newton, iterative process, Jean Tirole, jimmy wales, John Markoff, Kenneth Arrow, longitudinal study, market bubble, market clearing, Marshall McLuhan, Mitch Kapor, New Journalism, optical character recognition, pattern recognition, peer-to-peer, pre–internet, price discrimination, profit maximization, profit motive, random walk, recommendation engine, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, RFID, Richard Stallman, Ronald Coase, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, SETI@home, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Skype, slashdot, social software, software patent, spectrum auction, technoutopianism, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, The Nature of the Firm, transaction costs, Vilfredo Pareto

On the eve of the second reconstruction era, which was to overhaul the legal framework of race relations over the two decades beginning with the desegregation of the armed forces in the late 1940s and culminating with the civil rights acts passed between 1964-1968, the two sides of the debate over desegregation and the legacy of slavery were minting new icons through which to express their most basic beliefs about the South and its peculiar institutions. As the following three decades unfolded and the South was gradually forced to change its ways, the cultural domain continued to work out the meaning of race relations in the United States and the history of slavery. The actual slogging of regulation of discrimination, implementation of desegregation and later affirmative action, and the more local politics of hiring and firing were punctuated throughout this period by salient iconic retellings of the stories of race relations in the United States, from Guess Who's Coming to Dinner?

During periods of stability, these components of the structure within which human beings live are mostly aligned and mutually reinforce [pg 27] each other, but the stability is subject to shock at any one of these dimensions. Sometimes shock can come in the form of economic crisis, as it did in the United States during the Great Depression. Often it can come from an external physical threat to social institutions, like a war. Sometimes, though probably rarely, it can come from law, as, some would argue, it came from the desegregation decision in Brown v. Board of Education. Sometimes it can come from technology; the introduction of print was such a perturbation, as was, surely, the steam engine. The introduction of the highcapacity mechanical presses and telegraph ushered in the era of mass media. The introduction of radio created a similar perturbation, which for a brief moment destabilized the mass-media model, but quickly converged to it.


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Rise of the Rocket Girls: The Women Who Propelled Us, From Missiles to the Moon to Mars by Nathalia Holt

Bill Gates: Altair 8800, British Empire, computer age, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, financial independence, Grace Hopper, Isaac Newton, labor-force participation, low earth orbit, Mars Rover, music of the spheres, new economy, operation paperclip, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman: Challenger O-ring, Steve Jobs, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, women in the workforce, Works Progress Administration, Yogi Berra

Her grandmother worked as a cook for Pasadena’s prominent Jowitt family, so Janez knew all too well the importance of social hierarchy in the town. Peeking from the kitchen door as a child, she had witnessed the Jowitts’ garden parties: ladies dressed in bold print A-line dresses with crisp collars, whispering about one another. By 1950 these same women were heating up school board meetings, strongly opposing desegregation and pushing out the school superintendent who promoted it. Despite the racism that surrounded them, the Jowitts adored Janez’s grandmother. They bought her a house and a car and even sent her on vacations. It was in this house that Janez often spent the night, especially after working long days in the lab. Most of the time, however, she commuted from her mother’s home in Santa Monica. It was twenty miles down partially constructed freeways and roads twisting through the canyon.

Thomas Watson Jr. told IBM stockholders on April 18, 1952, “As a result of our trip, on which we expected to get orders for five machines, we came home with orders for eighteen,” as recorded in Susan Ratcliffe, ed., Oxford Treasury of Sayings and Quotations (Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2011). Accidents at JPL during the 1950s were described by former staff in author interviews; little documentation exists. The inertial guidance system of the Sergeant is described in Koppes, JPL and the American Space Program. Leslie Greener, Moon Ahead (New York: Viking Press, 1951). Opposition to desegregation in Pasadena in 1950 and the consequences for the school superintendent are reported in Adam Laats, The Other School Reformers: Conservative Activism in American Education (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015). Janez Lawson’s marriage to Theodore Bordeaux was announced in the California Eagle, September 2, 1954. Chapter 5: Holding Back All personal anecdotes and family history obtained from author interviews.


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Two Nations, Indivisible: A History of Inequality in America: A History of Inequality in America by Jamie Bronstein

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, back-to-the-land, barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, blue-collar work, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate personhood, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gini coefficient, income inequality, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, labor-force participation, land reform, land tenure, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, mandatory minimum, mass incarceration, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, moral panic, mortgage debt, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, obamacare, occupational segregation, Occupy movement, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price discrimination, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, Scientific racism, Simon Kuznets, single-payer health, strikebreaker, too big to fail, trade route, transcontinental railway, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, trickle-down economics, universal basic income, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, wage slave, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, Works Progress Administration

The construction of highways, and “urban renewal” without replacement of destroyed housing, left formerly prosperous black neighborhoods disconnected and devastated; evicted residents had nowhere to live. Public housing was also racially segregated, and needy white families were placed into public housing more rapidly than were black families.20 The drive for racial equality in the 1950s focused on the legal and social realms rather than the economic realm. Court decisions like Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954), which mandated school desegregation, undermined the idea that separate facilities could ever be equal. A series of decisions by the Warren and Burger Supreme Courts broadened the notion of legal equality.21 But the few programs available in the 1950s to address employment portrayed the unemployed as lacking “human capital.” It was assumed that with sufficient training or the inculcation of work skills, the unemployed would naturally be hired as the economy grew.

Widespread childhood vaccination programs, clean air and water, sewer systems, and other amenities common to developed countries have been acceptable projects for American municipalities because they serve everyone; infectious disease does not stop at the boundary line of segregated neighborhoods. WHAT IS TO BE DONE? TANGIBLE SOLUTIONS Historically, education has been held out as the great equalizer. When they were founded, American public schools were supposed to equip every child with the skills needed for employment and for citizenship. But the opportunity was fleeting. The Brown decision, which called for desegregation of schools, overlapped with housing segregation and the flight of better-off families from cities to suburbs. Prekindergarten programs demonstrably help poor children, but providing them is expensive.77 Urban schools were left catering largely to underprepared students from challenging social environments, and court decisions preventing busing urban students to outlying suburbs, and vice versa, narrow the options.78 In many urban areas, schools are more racially segregated now than they have ever been.79 President Obama suggested in 2015 that free community college tuition for all Americans might help address the inequality gap.80 Higher education is touted as the surest road to a higher income than one’s parents, but federal government studies now show that the greatest income benefits of a college education accrue to students who can afford to attend the highest tier of schools.


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Mistakes Were Made (But Not by Me): Why We Justify Foolish Beliefs, Bad Decisions, and Hurtful Acts by Carol Tavris, Elliot Aronson

Ayatollah Khomeini, cognitive dissonance, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Donald Trump, false memory syndrome, fear of failure, Lao Tzu, longitudinal study, medical malpractice, medical residency, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, moral panic, Nelson Mandela, placebo effect, psychological pricing, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, social intelligence, telemarketer, the scientific method, trade route, transcontinental railway, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!

Likewise, a sensible argument by an opponent also arouses dissonance because it raises the possibility that the other side, God forbid, may be right or have a point to take seriously. Because a silly argument on our side and a good argument on the other guy's side both arouse dissonance, the theory predicts that we will either not learn these arguments very well or will forget them quickly. And that is just what Edward Jones and Rika Kohler showed in a classic experiment on attitudes toward desegregation in North Carolina in 1958.3 Each side tended to remember the plausible arguments agreeing with their own position and the implausible arguments agreeing with the opposing position; each side forgot the implausible arguments for their view and the plausible arguments for the opposition. Of course, our memories can be remarkably detailed and accurate, too. We remember first kisses and favorite teachers.

See blacks African National Congress (ANC), [>] aggression, catharsis in expressing, [>]–[>], [>]–[>] (n.16) Akiki, Dale, [>] Albers, James, [>] alien abduction, [>], [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>] (n.15) Allport, Gordon, [>]–[>] Al Qaeda, [>]–[>], [>] (n.17) America Held Hostage (TV program), [>] American Enterprise Institute, [>] American Medical Association, [>] Council on Ethical and Judicial Affairs, [>] American Presidency Project, [>] (n.2) Amin, Idi, [>], [>] Amnesty International, [>] anatomically correct dolls, childhood sexual abuse and, [>], [>], [>]–[>], [>] (n.22) Andrews, Will, [>], [>], [>] anger, catharsis in expressing, [>]–[>], [>]–[>] (n.16) antidepressants, [>]–[>] apartheid, end of, [>]–[>] Aronson, Elliot, [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>] Ash, Timothy Garton, [>]–[>] AstraZeneca Pharmaceuticals, [>] authority, obedience experiments of Milgram and, [>]–[>], [>], [>] (n.27)—[>] autism, childhood vaccinations and, [>]–[>], [>]–[>] (n.19) autobiographical memory, [>]–[>] baseball, [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>] Bass, Ellen, [>], [>]–[>], [>] (n.40) Bates, Edward, [>] Baumeister, Roy, [>]–[>] Baxter, Charles, [>] (n.2) Bayer Corporation, [>] Bay of Pigs fiasco, [>] Beck, Martha, [>] bedwetting, childhood sexual abuse and, [>] behaviorism, cognitive dissonance and, [>] -[>] benevolence benevolent dolphin problem, [>]–[>], [>]–[>] virtuous circle and, [>]–[>] Bennis, Warren, [>] Berent, Stanley, [>], [>] Bergman, Ingrid, in Casablanca, [>], [>] Bernstein, Elitsur, [>], [>] Berscheid, Ellen, [>] Bible, [>], [>] Biko, Stephen, [>]–[>] bin Laden, Osama, [>] bioethicists, [>]–[>] Birkenau concentration camp, [>] blacks Civil War and, [>], [>] desegregation and, [>]–[>] electric shock experiments and, [>]–[>] end of apartheid in South Africa, [>]–[>] prejudice and, [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>]–[>], [>]–[>] slavery and, [>], [>], [>] tooth extractions in Sudan, [>]–[>], [>]–[>] blaming difficulties of placing blame, [>]–[>] in marriage, [>]–[>] of parents, [>]–[>], [>]–[>] the victim, [>], [>], [>], [>]–[>] Blass, Thomas, [>] (n.27) blind spots, [>]–[>] confirmation bias and, [>] conflicts of interest, [>]–[>], [>]–[>] in driving, [>] ego preservation and, [>], [>] (n.2) gifts and, [>]–[>], [>]–[>] lack of awareness of, [>]–[>] prejudice and, [>], [>]–[>] privilege as, [>]–[>], [>] (n.6) stereotypes and, [>]–[>] us-versus-them mentality and, [>]–[>] blood pressure measures, catharsis and, [>]–[>] Blue States, [>] Bogart, Humphrey, in Casablanca, [>] Bokassa, Jean-Bédel, [>] Borchard, Edwin, [>]–[>] brain.


pages: 86 words: 26,489

This America: The Case for the Nation by Jill Lepore

Charles Lindbergh, colonial rule, desegregation, Donald Trump, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, immigration reform, liberal world order, mass immigration

“Nationalism was blamed for the onset of war in 1939.” Nationalism and After was the title of the English historian E. H. Carr’s study of the subject in 1945, one of many early announcements of the end of nationalism. This neglect left American intellectuals particularly ill-equipped to confront the turmoil over Brown v. Board of Education after 1954, when white southerners began forming White Citizens’ Councils to oppose desegregation, in the name of a white nation. Cold War liberalism, for all its celebration of American civic ideals, turned only belatedly and inadequately to the question of civil rights. Schlesinger served as a speechwriter for two-time Democratic presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson. Accepting the nomination for the presidency in 1956, Stevenson called for a “New America.” “I mean a New America, my friends, where freedom is made real for all without regard to race or belief or economic condition,” he said.


pages: 740 words: 227,963

The Warmth of Other Suns: The Epic Story of America's Great Migration by Isabel Wilkerson

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, California gold rush, card file, desegregation, Gunnar Myrdal, index card, indoor plumbing, invisible hand, labor-force participation, Mason jar, mass immigration, medical residency, Rosa Parks, strikebreaker, trade route, traveling salesman, union organizing, white flight, Works Progress Administration

Blacks stabbed a white peddler and a white laundryman to death.82 Two white men were killed walking through a black neighborhood, and two black men were killed walking through a white neighborhood.83 White gangs stormed the black belt, setting houses on fire, hunting down black residents, firing shotguns, and hurling bricks.84 All told, the riots coursed through the south and southwest sides of the city for thirteen days, killing 38 people (23 blacks and 15 whites) and injuring 537 others (342 blacks, 178 whites, the rest unrecorded) and not ending until a state militia subdued them. Contrary to modern-day assumptions, for much of the history of the United States—from the Draft Riots of the 1860s to the violence over desegregation a century later—riots were often carried out by disaffected whites against groups perceived as threats to their survival. Thus riots would become to the North what lynchings were to the South, each a display of uncontained rage by put-upon people directed toward the scapegoats of their condition. Nearly every big northern city experienced one or more during the twentieth century. Each outbreak pitted two groups that had more in common with each other than either of them realized.

That sentiment, if true, would have been explained away by the blacks who left as an indication that the blacks who stayed may have been more conciliatory than many of the people in the Great Migration. It wasn’t until the 1970–71 school year that integration finally came to Chickasaw County, and then only after a 1969 court order, Alexander v. Holmes, that gave county and municipal schools in Mississippi until February 1970 to desegregate. But even that deadline would be extended for years for particularly recalcitrant counties. All the marching and court rulings did little to change some southerners’ hearts. A 1968 survey found that eighty-three percent of whites said they preferred a system with no integration. And they acted on those preferences. By 1970, 158 new white private schools had opened up in Mississippi. By 1971, a quarter of the white students were in private schools, the white families paying tuition many could scarcely afford.

He found that the longer the southern-born children were in the North, the higher they scored. The results “suggest that the New York environment is capable of raising the intellectual level of the Negro children to a point equal to that of the Whites.” Klineberg’s studies of the children of the Great Migration would later become the scientific foundation of the 1954 Supreme Court decision in the school desegregation case, Brown v.42 the Board of Education, a turning point in the drive toward equal rights in this country. In the end, it could be said that the common denominator for leaving was the desire to be free, like the Declaration of Independence said, free to try out for most any job they pleased, play checkers with whomever they chose, sit where they wished on the streetcar, watch their children walk across a stage for the degree most of them didn’t have the chance to get.


pages: 558 words: 168,179

Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right by Jane Mayer

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Bakken shale, bank run, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, centre right, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, collective bargaining, corporate raider, crony capitalism, David Brooks, desegregation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, energy security, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, George Gilder, housing crisis, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), invisible hand, job automation, low skilled workers, mandatory minimum, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, Mont Pelerin Society, More Guns, Less Crime, Nate Silver, New Journalism, obamacare, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Powell Memorandum, Ralph Nader, Renaissance Technologies, road to serfdom, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, school choice, school vouchers, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, the scientific method, University of East Anglia, Unsafe at Any Speed, War on Poverty, working poor

Protestant churches, public schools, universities, labor unions, the armed services, the State Department, the World Bank, the United Nations, and modern art, in his view, were all Communist tools. He wrote admiringly of Benito Mussolini’s suppression of Communists in Italy and disparagingly of the American civil rights movement. The Birchers agitated to impeach Chief Justice Earl Warren after the Supreme Court voted to desegregate the public schools in the case Brown v. Board of Education, which had originated in Topeka, in the Kochs’ home state of Kansas. “The colored man looms large in the Communist plan to take over America,” Fred Koch claimed in his pamphlet. Welfare in his view was a secret plot to attract rural blacks to cities, where he predicted that they would foment “a vicious race war.” In a 1963 speech, Koch claimed that Communists would “infiltrate the highest offices of government in the U.S. until the President is a Communist, unknown to the rest of us.”

In response, the columnist Drew Pearson slammed Koch’s “gimmick” and exposed him as a hypocrite for having profited himself from Soviet Communism by building up the U.S.S.R.’s oil industry. Fred Koch continued to be active in extremist politics. He provided substantial support for Barry Goldwater’s right-wing bid for the Republican nomination in 1964. Goldwater, too, opposed the Civil Rights Act and the Supreme Court’s landmark desegregation decision, Brown v. Board of Education. Instead of winning, the Far Right helped ensure the Republican Party’s humiliating defeat by Lyndon Johnson that year. In 1968, Fred Koch went further right still. Before the emergence of George Wallace, he called for the Birch Society member Ezra Taft Benson to run for the presidency with the South Carolina senator Strom Thurmond on a platform calling for racial segregation and the abolition of all income taxes.

When one ALEC administrator complained that Scaife’s foundation had too much influence over the organization’s agenda, a Scaife employee retorted that they operated on “the Golden Rule—whoever has the gold rules.” Weyrich, meanwhile, dramatically enlarged the conservative groundswell by co-founding with Jerry Falwell the Moral Majority, which brought social and religious conservatives into the pro-corporate fold. Weyrich was particularly adept at capitalizing on white anger over desegregation. The results of these efforts became visible in 1980. At the top of the ticket, Reagan, a movement conservative, overwhelmingly defeated Carter. Conservatives, whose obituaries had been written by the liberal elite just a few years before, were stunningly resurgent. The upset reverberated at every level, including the Senate, where four liberal marquee names, George McGovern, Frank Church, John Culver, and Birch Bayh, were all defeated.


pages: 538 words: 164,533

1968: The Year That Rocked the World by Mark Kurlansky

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, East Village, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, European colonialism, feminist movement, global village, Haight Ashbury, land reform, Marshall McLuhan, Mikhail Gorbachev, MITM: man-in-the-middle, Norman Mailer, post-industrial society, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea

The area in rural southwestern Georgia was infamous for segregation and had been the object of one of the first federal suits for voting rights under the 1957 Civil Rights Act. Little Albany, with seventy-five thousand people, about a third of whom were black, was the biggest population center in the area, and SNCC, with the encouragement of local blacks, decided to launch a voter registration drive there. The registration drive expanded to desegregation of public buildings, including the bus station, and Martin Luther King was brought in. There were numerous encounters between the protesters and the law over several months, with mass arrests, including of King, but at no point did the polite, well-spoken sheriff use violence. Pritchett had been able to anticipate the protesters’ every move because he had informants from the Albany black community.

Thornberry was an old friend of Johnson, who had advised him not to accept the vice presidential nomination and then changed his mind and was at Johnson’s side when he was sworn in as president after John Kennedy’s death. A congressman for fourteen years, he became an undistinguished circuit court judge. He had been a segregationist until Johnson came to power and then reversed his stance, coming out on the desegregation side of several notable cases. But cronyism was not the main issue; it was the right of Johnson to appoint Supreme Court justices. Republicans, who had been in the White House only eight of the past thirty-six years, felt they had a good chance of taking over in 1968, and some Republicans wanted their own judges. Robert Griffin, Republican from Michigan, got nineteen Republican senators to sign a petition saying that Johnson, with only seven months left in office, should not get to pick two judges.

He was attacked by a coalition of right-wing Republicans and southern Democrats. Among his chief inquisitors were Strom Thurmond of South Carolina and John Stennis of Mississippi, who denounced him for being a liberal in “decisions by which the Court has asserted its assumed role of rewriting the Constitution.” It was a new kind of coalition, and in carefully coded language they were attacking Fortas and the Warren Court in general for desegregation and other pro–civil rights decisions as well as for protection for defendants and rulings tolerating pornography. Fifty-two cases were brought up in which it was claimed that in forty-nine of them Fortas’s vote had prevented material from being ruled pornography; this was followed by a private, closed-door session in which the senators reviewed slides of the allegedly offensive material. Strom Thurmond even attacked Fortas for a decision made by the Warren Court before Fortas was on the bench.


pages: 304 words: 22,886

Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness by Richard H. Thaler, Cass R. Sunstein

Al Roth, Albert Einstein, asset allocation, availability heuristic, call centre, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, continuous integration, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, desegregation, diversification, diversified portfolio, endowment effect, equity premium, feminist movement, fixed income, framing effect, full employment, George Akerlof, index fund, invisible hand, late fees, libertarian paternalism, loss aversion, Mahatma Gandhi, Mason jar, medical malpractice, medical residency, mental accounting, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, money market fund, pension reform, presumed consent, price discrimination, profit maximization, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, Right to Buy, risk tolerance, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Saturday Night Live, school choice, school vouchers, transaction costs, Vanguard fund, Zipcar

The architect can also help reduce latent incentive conflicts between advantaged and disadvantaged parents during the choice process. Despite the attention they receive in the media, market-based programs like vouchers are available to relatively few students nationwide. One popular alternative is a policy known as controlled choice, which emerged in the wake of 1970s court rulings prohibiting busing for the purpose of achieving desegregation. The idea was to continue integration by guaranteeing students a priority space at a nearby school or a school that a sibling attended, while giving them the option to apply for enrollment somewhere else. School administrators in Boston adopted a computer algorithm designed to assign as many students as possible to their first-choice schools, while still giving priority to the neighborhood students.

defined-benefit retirement plans defined-contribution retirement plans design: controlled by choice architects, details of, human factors incorporated into, informed, neutral, starting points inherent in, user-friendly Design of Everyday Things, The (Norman) Destiny Health Plan difficulty, degree of digital cameras discount pricing discrimination, laws against Disulfiram (antabuse) diversification heuristic divorce: and “above average” effect, and children, difficulty of obtaining, economic prospects affected by, law of, mandatory waiting period for, obtainable at will Doers dog owners, social pressures on Dollar a day incentive domestic partnership agreements “Don’t Mess with Texas,” eating: and conformity, and food display, and food selection, gender differences in Economist Econs: easy choices for, homo economicus, incentives for, investment decisions by, and money, not followers of fashion, Reflective Systems used by, unbiased forecasts made by, use of term education, accountability in, in Boston, in Charlotte, charter schools, child’s right to, and competition, complex choices in, controlled choice in, desegregation of, incentive conflicts in, No Child Left Behind, in San Marcos, Texas, school choice vouchers, status quo bias in, testing standards, test scores, underperforming in, in Worcester “efficient frontier,” Einstein, Albert elimination by aspects emails, Civility Check for Emanuel, Rahm Emergency Planning and Community Right to Know Act (1986) “emoticons,” employers: employee benefits offered by, profit-sharing plans of, and retirement plans endowment effect energy, invisibility of energy conservation: and cost-disclosing thermostats, and framing, and home-building industry, and social influences, voluntary participation programs in energy efficiency Energy Star Office Products Enron Corporation environmental issues, acid deposition program, air pollution, auto emissions, auto fuel economy, cap-and-trade system in, Clean Air Act, climate change, command-and-control regulation of, energy conservation, energy efficiency, energy use, feedback and information, greenhouse gas emissions, incentives for, international, Kyoto Protocol, nudges proposed for, ozone layer, recycling, risk labeling, and social influences, trading systems in, and tragedy of the commons, transparent costs of, voluntary participation programs Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), and auto fuel economy, Energy Star Office Products program, Green Lights program of, Toxic Release Inventory of Equities (stocks) equity premium ERISA (Employee Retirement Income Security Act of) error, expecting “everything matters,” evil nudgers expectations Experion Systems externalities FAFSA (free application for federal student aid) families, dispersion of Family and Medical Leave Act Federal Express, Federal Housing Administration (FHA) Federal Trade Commission (FTC) feedback, plans (college savings accounts) flexible spending accounts follow through failure to, Food and Drug Administration (FDA) food display food selection footnotes, uses of forced choice forcing function Ford, Harrison (k) plans framing France, organ donations in Franklin, Benjamin freedom of choice, danger of overreaching, elimination of, Just Maximize Choices, opposition to, and presumed consent, and required choice frequency Friedman, Milton friendly discouragement fungibility gains and losses gambling, low stakes, mental accounting in, self-bans, and strategy Gandhi, Mohandas gas tank caps Gateway Arch, St.


pages: 287 words: 99,131

Composing a Further Life: The Age of Active Wisdom by Mary Catherine Bateson

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, Celebration, Florida, desegregation, double helix, estate planning, feminist movement, invention of writing, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, urban renewal, War on Poverty, women in the workforce

The Urban Training Center was created a decade after the Supreme Court declared school segregation unconstitutional in 1954. Rosa Parks had triggered the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955 by refusing to accept bus segregation, and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference was founded in 1957, the same year that Little Rock public schools were desegregated under the eye of the National Guard. By 1960 the focus had shifted to voter registration and a push for legislative change, with the March on Washington in August 1963, when Dr. King made his “I have a dream” speech. Resistance to voter registration and desegregation was increasing and came to a head in Selma, Alabama, in 1965. “The staff and trainees of the Urban Training Center were there, staying in people’s houses and joining in demonstrations. Then, later that year, there was a huge protest in Chicago about the racial segregation of the schools, and Dr.


pages: 412 words: 96,251

Why We're Polarized by Ezra Klein

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, Cass Sunstein, centre right, Climategate, collapse of Lehman Brothers, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Ferguson, Missouri, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Nate Silver, obamacare, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, source of truth

The questions of redistribution at that time were from a relatively well-off North to a poor South. Race was not on the table as an area of disagreement in Congress.” But then race became an area of disagreement. Democrats didn’t just want to redistribute from rich northern whites to poor southern whites. They also wanted to redistribute from richer whites to poorer blacks. Furthermore, beginning in 1948, with President Harry Truman’s military desegregation orders, the Democratic Party became a vehicle for civil rights, betraying its fundamental compact with the South. It’s in this era that a Republican—Barry Goldwater, running on a platform of “states’ rights”—carried much of the old Confederacy in a presidential election for the first time. The story of how the Democratic Party came to embrace civil rights is complex. It includes the idealism of politicians like Lyndon Johnson and Hubert Humphrey as well as the hard math of electoral coalitions that, particularly in the North, began to include nonwhite voters.

., 261 Mann, Thomas, 225–27 “Man Who Knew Too Little, The,” 264–65 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, 133 marginalized groups, identity politics in, xx–xxi margins, popular vote vs. electoral college, x, xiii marriage, cross-party, 75 Mason, Lilliana, 36–37, 68–69, 73–74, 259 Mazzone, Jason, 199 media, xviii–xix, 263 anger fueled by, 159, 167–68 audiences for, 139–41, 143–58 as both reflective and creative, 164–70 as business, 155 conservative rhetoric in, 113–15 content preferences in, 143–44 economic influence on, 144 as identity-based, 169–70 information ecosystems in, 236, 238 liberal bias in, 237–38 market demand in, 150–51 nationalization of, 211–12, 265–66 partisan divide in, 77, 139–70, 227, 234–39 persuasion vs. reinforcement in, 160–61 polarization reinforced in, 68, 145, 158–63, 251 political coverage in, see political journalism racial diversity portrayed in, 110 as reflective and creative, 169 Trump covered in, 64, 165–69, 265 see also news; newspapers media advertising, 145–46 media analytics, 150–52 media market, competitive, 140–41, 143–50 Medicaid, 207, 214, 252 Medicare, 14–15, 33, 207, 209, 221 meditation, 262 mega-identity politics, 69–70, 72, 74 Michel, Bob, 217 Mickey, Robert, 23, 24, 25–26, 27 “micro-awakenings,” 58 military desegregation, 28 Milk, Harvey, 267 millennials, 115, 126 Miller, Patrick R., 60–62 Miller, Rob, 182–83 mindfulness, 261–63 “moderate majority,” 34–35 moderates, 193–94, 231, 248 “modified one-party system,” 218 Montgomery, Jacob, 242 monuments, removal of, 25 “more information” hypothesis, 89, 90 motivated reasoning, 100, 101 Moyers, Bill, 30 multiparty democracy, 254–55 Muro, Marc, 39 Murtha, Jack, 213 Murthy, Vivek, 57 Muslim Americans, 149, 169 Nader, Ralph, 172 narcissism, 177 national anthem, 70, 110 National Guard, 268 national identity, 210–11 National Interstate Popular Vote Compact, 251 nationalization, 188–89, 208–14, 265–66 National Science Foundation, 94 nation-building, 201 Native Americans, 34, 167–68, 267 negative partisanship, 8–10, 62–65, 185, 193, 234 Nelson, Ben, 208–9, 213 New America, 254 New Deal, 26 New Democrats, 172, 242 news: appearance of neutrality in, 147 as business, 155 focus on political extremes in, 149 media sources of, 139–44 online media archives of, 141 shaped by media and journalists, 164–70 see also media newspapers, 140–41, 143, 150 digital business model of, 146 partisan vs. independent, 145–46, 198 “News vs.


And Never Stop Dancing: Thirty More True Things You Need to Know Now by Gordon Livingston

Charles Lindbergh, Columbine, desegregation, follow your passion, Maui Hawaii

The people who assembled in Montgomery to resist the removal of the Ten Commandments monument are the spiritual descendants of the segregationists, as shown by the presence of the Confederate battle flag among them. Unlike the inclusive, nonviolent, and forgiving beliefs that inspired the civil rights marchers, the faith of the fundamentalists is coercive, exclusive, and of a piece with the stance taken by that other Alabama hero of 1963, Governor George Wallace, who incited the resistance of citizens to federal authority by “standing in the schoolhouse door” to oppose the desegregation of the state university. An ostensible pillar of conservative belief is the enforcement of restrictions on government interference in people’s lives. However, as with the Ten Commandments, fundamentalist conservatives are eager to force their social views on the rest of us, usually on moral and religious grounds. In fact, it is their insistence on a particular interpretation of the Bible that makes some of them sound like the theocrats of Iran.


pages: 124 words: 39,011

Beyond Outrage: Expanded Edition: What Has Gone Wrong With Our Economy and Our Democracy, and How to Fix It by Robert B. Reich

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, banking crisis, business cycle, carried interest, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, job automation, Mahatma Gandhi, minimum wage unemployment, money market fund, Nelson Mandela, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special drawing rights, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game

Gingrich unleashed destroyed whatever comity existed across party lines,” say Ornstein and Mann, “activated an extreme and virulently anti-Washington base—most recently represented by Tea Party activists—and helped drive moderate Republicans out of Congress.” America has had a long history of white southern radicals who would stop at nothing to get their way—seceding from the Union in 1861, repudiating federal laws designed to protect the rights of black citizens during Reconstruction, enacting Jim Crow laws, resisting desegregation orders in the 1950s, and refusing to obey civil rights legislation in the 1960s. The Gingrich-led government shutdown at the end of 1995 was a prelude to the 2011 showdown over raising the federal debt ceiling—which could have triggered a government default and risked the full faith and credit of the United States. Gingrich’s recent assertion during the Republican primaries that public officials aren’t bound to follow the decisions of federal courts is in the same tradition.


Fortunes of Change: The Rise of the Liberal Rich and the Remaking of America by David Callahan

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, American Legislative Exchange Council, automated trading system, Bernie Sanders, Bonfire of the Vanities, carbon footprint, carried interest, clean water, corporate social responsibility, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, don't be evil, Donald Trump, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, Edward Thorp, financial deregulation, financial independence, global village, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, high net worth, income inequality, Irwin Jacobs: Qualcomm, Jeff Bezos, John Markoff, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, medical malpractice, mega-rich, Mitch Kapor, Naomi Klein, NetJets, new economy, offshore financial centre, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit maximization, quantitative trading / quantitative finance, Ralph Nader, Renaissance Technologies, Richard Florida, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, short selling, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, stem cell, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, unpaid internship, Upton Sinclair, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, working poor, World Values Survey

Marlon Brando was perhaps the most outspoken of the new activists, backing nearly every cause of the 1960s with his name, time, and money. He was among a number of celebrities—which included Burt Lancaster, Harry Belafonte, Charlton Heston, and James Garner—who attended the 1963 civil rights march on Washington. Along with Paul Newman, Brando also participated in the Freedom Rides that aimed at desegregating bus facilities in the Deep South. A few years later, stars like Newman would be galvanized by Eugene McCarthy’s antiwar candidacy and then, in 1972, McGovern’s doomed liberal campaign. Hollywood got its first political action committee in 1984, when a dozen or so wealthy liberal women— including Barbra Streisand, Jane Fonda, and Marilyn Bergman—got together to form the Hollywood Women’s Political Committee (HWPC).

Data were compiled using tables on numbers of taxpayers in congressional districts with incomes of more than $200,000 from “Who Will Pay for President Obama’s Tax Cuts?” and “Congressional Scorecard: Measuring Support for Equality in the 110th Congress,” Human Rights Campaign. 6. G. William Domhoff, Fat Cats and Democrats: The Role of the Big Rich in the Party of the Common Man (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: PrenticeHall, 1972), 128–131. 7. Sam Roberts, “Westchester Adds Housing to Desegregation Pact,” New York Times, August 11, 2009. 8. William Henry and Elaine Lafferty, “Not Marching Together,” Time, May 3, 1993. 9. Craig A. Rimmerman, From Identity to Politics: The Lesbian and Gay Movements in the United States (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2001), 90–92. 10. Robert Frank, Richistan: A Journey through the American Wealth Boom and the Lives of the New Rich (New York: Crown, 2007), 197. 11.


pages: 392 words: 112,954

I Can't Breathe by Matt Taibbi

"side hustle", activist lawyer, affirmative action, Broken windows theory, desegregation, Donald Trump, East Village, Ferguson, Missouri, Frank Gehry, mass incarceration, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ronald Reagan, Snapchat, War on Poverty

He was probably best known for helping to negotiate the pardon of Clarence Norris, the son of a slave and the last living member of the Scottsboro Boys, nine young men who’d been falsely accused of rape in 1931. His legal partnership with the stately Howard was a bit of a good cop/bad cop routine, with Meyerson playing the role of the unpredictable courtroom presence. The two men had been through tough times. In the 1972 desegregation case Alexander v. Warren, about the firing of a black teacher named Travistine Alexander, anti-integration protesters in the Arkansas town of Warren were so vociferous that the National Guard had to be called in to escort Howard and Meyerson to and from the courtroom. In the Russ case, Meyerson and Howard decided to focus on a law passed by Congress in 1948, giving the federal government the power to intervene if a person was harmed by a “deprivation of any rights, privileges, or immunities secured or protected by the Constitution.”

Others just learned to steer clear of the spot when he was around. Standing at the box in the days after the Laquan McDonald video went public, Carr told a story about his youth. One night in the late 1950s, when he was about twelve years old, Carr crouched in the bushes near his house, waiting, a rifle in his hands. This was in rural Rocky Point, North Carolina, right around the time of the historic Brown v. Board of Education decision desegregating America’s schools. “I had a twenty-two and an eighteen-shot rifle,” he said. “I got my first gun when I was eleven. We used to go hunting for squirrels and rabbits.” Carr lived in a cul-de-sac off Route 117, a little looping road called Pennsylvania Avenue, where both blacks and whites lived. “All the families worked at the sawmill,” he said. “We was all poor.” During the Brown case, a tall, broad-shouldered, then-little-known lawyer for the NAACP named Thurgood Marshall had lampooned the argument made by white America that chaos would somehow ensue if black and white kids who already played together were allowed to go to school together.


Chasing the Moon: The People, the Politics, and the Promise That Launched America Into the Space Age by Robert Stone, Alan Andres

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, Charles Lindbergh, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, feminist movement, invention of the telephone, low earth orbit, more computing power than Apollo, New Journalism, Norman Mailer, operation paperclip, out of africa, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, the scientific method, traveling salesman, Works Progress Administration

The Soviet delegates sitting in the lecture hall listened to Singer’s proposal with understandable astonishment and outrage. However, Singer later remarked that the Soviet reaction to his paper was “blown out of proportion.” As Sputnik dominated the headlines, newspapers gave less attention to the big story out of Little Rock, Arkansas, where a week earlier President Eisenhower had ordered 1,200 members of the Army’s 101st Airborne Division to assist with the desegregation of Little Rock Central High School. The day before Eisenhower’s order to mobilize the troops, more than a thousand white protesters had rioted to prevent nine black students from attending the school. After Sputnik was launched, Radio Moscow seized upon an opportunity to shame the United States for hypocritically calling itself “the land of the free”: It alerted its global listeners to the exact moment when the satellite would pass over Little Rock, news that was specifically intended to be heard in the emerging independent nations of Africa.

The name that quickly rose to the top of the relatively short list was a twenty-eight-year-old Air Force captain named Edward Dwight, who had a combined total of 2,200 hours of jet-flying time, an outstanding service record, and a degree in aeronautical engineering. Opening his office mail on a routine afternoon, Dwight encountered a letter that was unlike anything he had seen. It proposed he enroll in the test-pilot school at Edwards as part of a program to be the first African American astronaut. Well aware of the Kennedy administration’s commitment to enforcing desegregation and equal opportunity, Dwight realized this could be his chance to play an important part in moving the country forward. But he was mindful that a tremendous risk accompanied the proposal: If he was successful, he would make history and a promotion was assured; if he failed, there was likely no coming back. Ed Dwight had been fascinated with aircraft since watching P-39 Airacobra fighters fly out of an Army Air Force field in Kansas City during World War II.


pages: 463 words: 115,103

Head, Hand, Heart: Why Intelligence Is Over-Rewarded, Manual Workers Matter, and Caregivers Deserve More Respect by David Goodhart

active measures, Airbnb, Albert Einstein, assortative mating, basic income, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, call centre, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, computer age, corporate social responsibility, COVID-19, Covid-19, David Attenborough, David Brooks, deglobalization, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, desegregation, deskilling, different worldview, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, Etonian, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Flynn Effect, Frederick Winslow Taylor, future of work, gender pay gap, gig economy, glass ceiling, illegal immigration, income inequality, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, job automation, job satisfaction, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labour market flexibility, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, new economy, Nicholas Carr, oil shock, pattern recognition, Peter Thiel, pink-collar, post-industrial society, post-materialism, postindustrial economy, precariat, reshoring, Richard Florida, Scientific racism, Skype, social intelligence, spinning jenny, Steven Pinker, superintelligent machines, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, Thorstein Veblen, twin studies, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, wages for housework, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, young professional

In 1997, 28 percent of men and 23 percent of women were in such jobs. In 2017 it was 36 percent for men and 40 percent for women.47 Universities, law schools, and medical schools are now at least 50 percent female, and although few women are CEOs of top companies, roughly half of the jobs in the top managerial and professional class are now taken by women.48 The top end of the labor market has been almost completely gender desegregated, but the middle and bottom end remains highly segregated, with women overwhelmingly concentrated in caring sectors like primary education, nursing, and social care. This is one reason why the graduate premium is higher for women than men: because of the bigger earnings gulf between professional women and often part-time women workers in the lowest-paid corners of the economy. Men in low-skill jobs such as garbage collection and postal delivery tend to be better paid than women in low-skill jobs, partly because the jobs have historically been unionized.

Writers, childminders, therapists, beauticians, and many others have traditionally worked from home, and decent broadband connections opens the possibility to many more occupations. Many people experienced the potential of more home working during the Covid-19 crisis and became more adept at managing the technology. The public care economy is more than 85 percent female. Men are doing more domestic labor than in the past, and nearly two-thirds of all fathers are now classified as “involved fathers,” but there has been little gender de-segregation of nursing, adult social care, or primary school teaching.13 Indeed, as more women have moved into medical roles, hospitals are becoming more not less female. Some positive discrimination toward young men in some of these jobs could help create a critical mass of male employment where it remains largely absent. (And maybe we need some new words to think about a typical caregiver. The word “nurse” inevitably conjures up the image of a woman.)


pages: 762 words: 206,865

Berlin 1961: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Most Dangerous Place on Earth by Frederick Kempe

Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, index card, Kitchen Debate, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, Ronald Reagan, trade liberalization, traveling salesman, zero-sum game

At home, Kennedy was facing violent racial confrontations that had broken out in the American South as African Americans grew more determined to end two centuries of oppression. The immediate problem revolved around the “Freedom Riders,” whose efforts to desegregate interstate transportation had won only tepid support from the Kennedy administration and were opposed by nearly two-thirds of Americans. Abroad, Kennedy’s failure in Cuba, unresolved conflict in Laos, and tensions building around Berlin made his Paris–Vienna trip all the more fraught with risk. Kennedy was making the mental connection to Berlin even while wrestling with racial affairs at home. When Father Theodore Hesburgh, a member of his Civil Rights Commission, questioned the president’s reluctance to take bolder steps to desegregate the United States, Kennedy said, “Look, Father, I may have to send the Alabama National Guard to Berlin tomorrow, and I don’t want to do it in the middle of a revolution at home.”

FRIDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1961 In the ten days that followed, the president was occupied by little else apart from Berlin and its related nuclear questions, his hopes for negotiations with Moscow, and his growing difficulties with his own allies. The Washington Post reported on efforts to end racial discrimination in Maryland restaurants. A story on the front page of the New York Times reported that Supreme Court justices were hearing arguments related to antidiscrimination sit-ins in the South. Police were enforcing carefully laid school desegregation plans while white-robed-and-hooded Ku Klux Klansmen protested. However, the president was preoccupied by thoughts of war and how he would conduct it. His concerns were infecting the American public. Time magazine ran on its cover a color portrait of Virgil Couch, head of the Office for Civil Defense. A banner headline announced: [NUCLEAR] SHELTERS: HOW SOON—HOW BIG—HOW SAFE? Couch advised Americans that planning for nuclear attack should be as normal as getting smallpox vaccinations.


pages: 152 words: 40,733

A Few Red Drops: The Chicago Race Riot of 1919 by Claire Hartfield

desegregation, Ferguson, Missouri, indoor plumbing, new economy, Ralph Waldo Emerson, refrigerator car, strikebreaker, union organizing

., 27–29, 32–34, 63, 80, 85–86, 97, 100, 113, 143, 153–154, 165, 169 Williams, Charles, 1, 5–7 Williams, Eugene, 1, 5–7, 10–11, 13, 17, 18, 136, 140–141, 163, 164, 165 Williams, Lawrence, 1, 5–7 Williams, Paul, 1, 5–7 Wilson, Woodrow, 79, 80, 84, 124, 136 Wolves (black gang), 57 Women: in Black Belt, 111; concerns of packinghouse employees, 68; in Packingtown, 52, 55–57; in Union Stock Yard, 68, 84; voting rights for, 33 Women’s clubs, 82 World War I, 10, 79–84, 86–88, 121, 127 About the Author Photo by Brian McConkey CLAIRE HARTFIELD received her B.A. from Yale University and her law degree from the University of Chicago. As a lawyer, she specialized in school desegregation litigation. More recently, she has been involved in setting policy and creating programs in a charter school setting on Chicago’s West Side, which is predominantly African American. She heard stories of the 1919 race riot from her grandmother, who lived in the Black Belt in Chicago at the time, and was moved to share this history with younger generations. Ms. Hartfield lives in Chicago. Connect with HMH on Social Media Follow us for book news, reviews, author updates, exclusive content, giveaways, and more.


pages: 459 words: 123,220

Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis by Robert D. Putnam

assortative mating, business cycle, correlation does not imply causation, deindustrialization, demographic transition, desegregation, ending welfare as we know it, epigenetics, full employment, George Akerlof, helicopter parent, impulse control, income inequality, index card, jobless men, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, mass incarceration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, Occupy movement, Ralph Waldo Emerson, randomized controlled trial, school choice, selection bias, Socratic dialogue, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the built environment, upwardly mobile, Walter Mischel, white flight, working poor

Useful entryways to the massive literature on this topic include James S. Coleman et al., Equality of Educational Opportunity (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health, Education & Welfare, Office of Education, OE-38001, and supplement, 1966), 325; Gary Orfield and Susan E. Eaton, Dismantling Desegregation (New York: New Press, 1996); Claude S. Fischer et al., Inequality by Design: Cracking the Bell Curve Myth (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); Richard D. Kahlenberg, “Economic School Integration,” in The End of Desegregation, eds. Stephen J. Caldas and Carl L. Bankston III (Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science, 2003), esp. 153–55; Russell W. Rumberger and Gregory J. Palardy, “Does Segregation Still Matter? The Impact of Student Composition on Academic Achievement in High School,” The Teachers College Record 107 (September 2005): 1999–2045; John R.


pages: 497 words: 123,778

The People vs. Democracy: Why Our Freedom Is in Danger and How to Save It by Yascha Mounk

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Andrew Keen, basic income, battle of ideas, Boris Johnson, Branko Milanovic, Bretton Woods, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, central bank independence, centre right, clean water, cognitive bias, conceptual framework, David Brooks, deindustrialization, demographic transition, desegregation, Donald Trump, en.wikipedia.org, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, German hyperinflation, gig economy, Gini coefficient, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, income inequality, invention of the printing press, invention of the steam engine, investor state dispute settlement, job automation, Joseph Schumpeter, land value tax, low skilled workers, Lyft, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mass immigration, mortgage tax deduction, Naomi Klein, new economy, offshore financial centre, open borders, Parag Khanna, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, price stability, ride hailing / ride sharing, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, secular stagnation, sharing economy, Thomas L Friedman, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, upwardly mobile, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

Rather, it is that the neutral principles of the law are, in practice, administered in a discriminatory manner.19 This is why the standard conservative response to the problem of racial injustice in the United States is so unsatisfactory. People from John Roberts, the chief justice, to Tomi Lahren, the conservative commentator, like to point out how noble and neutral the country’s principles are—only to use this fact to deny that there are serious racial injustices to be remedied. As Justice Roberts wrote in Parents Involved, a Supreme Court case on school desegregation, “the way to stop discriminating on the basis of race is to stop discriminating on the basis of race.”20 This is disingenuous: If private actors—from real estate agents to HR managers—continue to discriminate on the basis of race, then a state that pretends that race doesn’t exist can’t effectively remedy the resulting injustices.21 To add insult to injury, people of color do not, in practice, have the opportunity to be color blind.

The first step to a nation in which people of different backgrounds see each other as true compatriots is to educate them together. In nearly every country, real progress toward this goal would include radical reform that is barely on the political agenda. In Germany, it would mean rethinking the three-tier school system to promote more intermingling across ethnic lines and make it much easier for immigrant children to attend university. In the United States, it would mean a renewed focus on desegregating schools. A truly liberal integration policy would set out with renewed resolve to ensure that members of minority groups do not experience discrimination or see their prospects dimmed by structural obstacles. At the same time, it would also set itself against those who—whether out of fear that they might falsely be accused of discrimination, or due to an explicit commitment to cultural relativism—exempt minority groups from the basic rights and duties of a liberal society.


pages: 378 words: 121,495

The Abandonment of the West by Michael Kimmage

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Charles Lindbergh, City Beautiful movement, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, European colonialism, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, global pandemic, global supply chain, Gunnar Myrdal, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Nelson Mandela, Peace of Westphalia, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, Thomas L Friedman, transatlantic slave trade, urban planning, Washington Consensus

Ultimately, William McNeill’s The Rise of the West belonged more to the 1930s, the 1940s and the 1950s than to the decade in which it was published. Popular as it was upon publication, McNeill’s 1963 book arrived at the end of an era in American politics and American foreign policy. THE LONG, SLOW work of diversifying the American national security elite began at the end of the Second World War. Truman desegregated the US military in 1948, making it a ladder for African American professional advancement in the second half of the twentieth century. Reform of the State Department was more piecemeal. The reform had a prewar intellectual foundation. To take one example: the philosopher Alain Locke contributed to the notion of the New Negro, who was intellectual, self-aware and engaged in social and political change.

It is agnostic on these two points, shrouded in ambiguity as to whether the Vietnam War deviated from Washington’s and Lincoln’s aspirations to liberty and self-government, or whether Lin’s tombstone of a wall is the very tombstone of the American republic. In fact, there is already one building on the National Mall that wonderfully speaks to the post–Columbian Republic and to the best principles of the West. It is the National Museum of African American History and Culture (NMAAHC). It could not have been imagined by the makers of the McMillan Plan or by the city they refashioned without in any way trying to desegregate, although the origins of the NMAAHC lie not too far from the McMillan Plan. In 1916, a Committee of Colored Citizens was formed to honor African American soldiers. This committee helped to generate the designs for a National Negro Memorial in Washington, DC. Had it been built, it would have contained a hall of fame, a museum, a library and an auditorium. It was to be a columned, neoclassical building presumably in the style of the Lincoln Memorial and as such an extension of the McMillan Plan.


pages: 913 words: 299,770

A People's History of the United States by Howard Zinn

active measures, affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, American ideology, anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, death of newspapers, desegregation, equal pay for equal work, feminist movement, friendly fire, full employment, God and Mammon, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, jobless men, land reform, Mercator projection, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, New Urbanism, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, very high income, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration

But Truman—four months before the presidential election of 1948, and challenged from the left in that election by Progressive party candidate Henry Wallace—issued an executive order asking that the armed forces, segregated in World War II, institute policies of racial equality “as rapidly as possible.” The order may have been prompted not only by the election but by the need to maintain black morale in the armed forces, as the possibility of war grew. It took over a decade to complete the desegregation in the military. Truman could have issued executive orders in other areas, but did not. The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, plus the set of laws passed in the late 1860s and early 1870s, gave the President enough authority to wipe out racial discrimination. The Constitution demanded that the President execute the laws, but no President had used that power. Neither did Truman. For instance, he asked Congress for legislation “prohibiting discrimination in interstate transportation facilities”; but specific legislation in 1887 already barred discrimination in interstate transportation and had never been enforced by executive action.

Statistics did not tell the whole story. Racism, always a national fact, not just a southern one, emerged in northern cities, as the federal government made concessions to poor blacks in a way that pitted them against poor whites for resources made scarce by the system. Blacks, freed from slavery to take their place under capitalism, had long been forced into conflict with whites for scarce jobs. Now, with desegregation in housing, blacks tried to move into neighborhoods where whites, themselves poor, crowded, troubled, could find in them a target for their anger. In the Boston Globe, November 1977: A Hispanic family of six fled their apartment in the Savin Hill section of Dorchester yesterday after a week of repeated stonings and window-smashings by a group of white youths, in what appears to have been racially motivated attacks, police said.

., with a concentrated population of black poor within walking distance of the marbled buildings of the national government, 42 percent of young black men between the ages of eighteen and thirty-five were either in jail, or out on probation or parole. The crime rate among blacks, instead of being seen as a crying demand for the elimination of poverty, was used by politicians to call for the building of more prisons. The 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education had begun the process of desegregating schools. But poverty kept black children in ghettos and many schools around the country remained segregated by race and class. Supreme Court decisions in the seventies determined that there need be no equalization of funds for poor school districts and rich school districts (San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez) and that the busing of children need not take place between wealthy suburbs and inner cities (Milliken v.


Magical Urbanism: Latinos Reinvent the US City by Mike Davis

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, business cycle, clean water, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, desegregation, edge city, illegal immigration, immigration reform, Internet Archive, invisible hand, job automation, longitudinal study, manufacturing employment, market bubble, mass immigration, new economy, occupational segregation, postnationalism / post nation state, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, white picket fence, women in the workforce, working poor

According to sity's Civil more than Harvard Univer- Rights Project (using 1997 data), "nationwide, nearly 70 percent of black students and 75 percent of Latinos attend schools that are predominantly black, Latino or Native Ameri»210 can. Table 11 Resegregating (Percentage of the Pupils in US Schools 90%-100% Minority Schools) Blacks Latinos 1968-69 64.3 23.1 1972-73 38.7 23.3 1980-81 33.2 28.8 1986-87 32.5 32.2 1991-92 33.9 34.0 1996-97 35.0 35.4 Source: Adapted from Megan Twohey, "Desegregation Is Dead," National Journal, 18 September 1999, p. 2619. California, of course, has been ground zero for Latino hopes of an educational breakthrough, and nowhere has white disinvest- ment tween in urban schools produced more calamitous Anglo majority to fornia results. 1970 and 1997," as the school population shifted fell 15 percent relative to spending in the rest of the country."^^^ As long as the majority of the baby still from an "spending per pupil in Cali- a Latino plurahty, more than "Be- boom were of school age, California's public schools were a gold stand- ard for the rest of the country.


pages: 497 words: 143,175

Pivotal Decade: How the United States Traded Factories for Finance in the Seventies by Judith Stein

"Robert Solow", 1960s counterculture, activist lawyer, affirmative action, airline deregulation, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, desegregation, energy security, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, intermodal, invisible hand, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, liberal capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market bubble, Martin Wolf, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, post-industrial society, post-oil, price mechanism, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, union organizing, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor, Yom Kippur War

Where busing worked, it was considered fair, meaning that whites of all classes were part of the solution. But no elegant justification for busing could overcome the social facts that the judges, politicians, and activists ordering and supporting busing usually sent their children to private schools or lived in all-white suburbs. Listen to Jack Greenberg and Thurgood Marshall, both architects of Brown v. Board of Education and the NAACP’s battle to desegregate and integrate schools. Greenberg had moved his family from Manhattan to Great Neck, a white middle-class suburb in Nassau County, New York. He admitted that “this caused not a little soul searching, but I came down on the side of the best education I could find for my children. Thurgood and Connie [Marshall] had come to similar conclusions when they enrolled their own children in Dalton, an elite private school on Manhattan’s Upper East Side.

Now he could openly court voters attracted to Wallace and Lester Maddox, the former Georgia governor who refused to serve blacks in his Pickrick restaurant in 1964. Carter’s media adviser produced leaflets showing a photo of Sanders with some black basketball players and distributed them in white neighborhoods.2 This time he won. Carter was no racist, but his determination to win knew few boundaries. He took his place among a group of New South governors who had accepted civil rights, black voting, and desegregation. In Florida victorious governor Reubin Askew also reached out to white Wallace voters. But Askew constructed his appeal with an economic platform that promised higher taxes on corporations and lower taxes on working families, not demagogic racial populism.3 So did Governor Dale Bumpers of Arkansas. But Carter was willing to play the Old Politics to achieve office, and he quickly set his eyes higher; 1972 was a little soon to seek the presidency, even for ambitious Carter, but he hoped to be vice president.


pages: 465 words: 134,575

Rise of the Warrior Cop: The Militarization of America's Police Forces by Radley Balko

anti-communist, call centre, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, desegregation, edge city, mass incarceration, Menlo Park, moral panic, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan

Its laughably lofty mission: to draw up “the blueprints that we need for effective action to banish crime.”51 The resulting report, The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society, included over two hundred recommendations to fight crime, from establishing a national phone number for emergencies—the precursor to 911—to decriminalizing drug abuse and public drunkenness. But Johnson’s critics seized on the more platitudinous and abstract recommendations: the commission asserted that ending poverty would be the single most important crime-fighting initiative and recommended minority outreach bureaus within major police departments, the establishment of multiple crime and justice research institutions, family planning assistance, recommitting to desegregation, funding for drug abuse treatment, and gun control.52 To Johnson’s critics, this was just more leftist, mealymouthed academese. There was lots of government spending (the commission didn’t bother to estimate a price tag for its recommendations), plenty of lofty talk about social uplift, and hand-wringing about the influence on crime of environmental factors—all of which rather conveniently aligned with Johnson’s other domestic policies.

Ervin largely supported Nixon’s efforts in Vietnam. He also opposed Brown v. Board of Education (though he’d later change his mind) and the 1964 Civil Rights Act. He was a signatory of “The Southern Manifesto,” which accused the US Supreme Court of overstepping its authority on integration and breeching state sovereignty. Ervin even reversed course on integration at about the time the Nixon administration made desegregating public schools a Justice Department priority. Indeed, by the time Nixon ran for president in 1968, Ervin appeared to be precisely the sort of God-and-country, law-and-order Southern Democrat Nixon was hoping to court with his campaign. The two also shared a contempt for the Warren Court. In the 1957 case Mallory v. United States, the Court ruled as inadmissible the confession of a subject who had been interrogated for seven hours before he was notified of his rights or given a preliminary hearing.2 In response, Ervin took to the floor of the US Senate to defend the integrity of law enforcement officers.


pages: 177 words: 50,167

The Populist Explosion: How the Great Recession Transformed American and European Politics by John B. Judis

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, fixed income, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, mass immigration, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, plutocrats, Plutocrats, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent

This is a movement of the people. . . . And I think that if the politicians get in the way a lot of them are going to get run over by this average man in the street—this man in the textile mill, this man in the steel mill, this barber, this beautician, the policeman on the beat . . . the little businessman. Wallace opposed busing—which became a major issue after a 1971 Supreme Court order upheld it as a means to achieve desegregation—because it was breaking up working-class neighborhoods, and he attacked the white liberals who promoted it as hypocrites who refused to subject their children to what they insisted that working- and middle-class kids be subjected to. “They are building a bridge over the Potomac for all the white liberals fleeing to Virginia,” he declared. Wallace was not, however, a political conservative. On domestic issues that didn’t directly touch on race, Wallace ran as a New Deal Democrat.


pages: 173 words: 54,729

Occupying Wall Street: The Inside Story of an Action That Changed America by Writers For The 99%

Bay Area Rapid Transit, citizen journalism, collective bargaining, desegregation, feminist movement, income inequality, McMansion, Mohammed Bouazizi, Occupy movement, Port of Oakland, We are the 99%, young professional

At this stage, the organization spread even to Medgar Evers College, a campus where little recent student activism had taken place. Undergraduate organizers explicitly took inspiration from the storied CUNY student organization SLAM which took on tuition increases in the 1990s, as well as the 1969 occupation of City College by the black and Puerto Rican students, an action which resulted in the “open admissions policy” for CUNY and the effective desegregation of the CUNY system. Nevertheless, the spread-out geography of the CUNY system, its size and the busy lives of working-class CUNY students who often balance school, work parenthood and other family obligations, make CUNY organizing a mammoth task. The planning for the Day of Action was greatly helped by an alliance with students in private colleges. Before Occupy Wall Street, alliances between students at public and private colleges and universities across the city benefited from the unionization of student workers and more general union support.


pages: 196 words: 53,627

Let Them In: The Case for Open Borders by Jason L. Riley

affirmative action, business cycle, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, guest worker program, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, labor-force participation, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, open borders, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, school choice, Silicon Valley, trade liberalization, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, zero-sum game

Another favorite was the late Sam Francis, a VDARE writer and conservative columnist who was sacked by the Washington Times after giving a speech (at an American Renaissance conference) describing how the white race is bestowed with superior genes. The editor of Social Contract Press, founded by Tanton in 1990, is Wayne Lutton, another ardent white nationalist. Lutton is a trustee at Jared Taylor’s New Century Foundation and speaks at American Renaissance events. He sits on the advisory board of the Council of Conservative Citizens, the successor group to the White Citizens’ Council that fought desegregation in the 1950s and 1960s. Pseudonymously, Lutton writes articles for The Journal of Historical Review, the in-house publication of the Holocaust-denying Institute for Historical Review. In 1994, he and Tanton coauthored a book titled The Immigration Invasion. When I travel the country to report on immigration, or speak to groups in the know about Tanton and his network, I’m often asked why the mainstream media continue to cite groups like FAIR and the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) without mentioning their origins or ulterior motives.


pages: 198 words: 52,089

Dream Hoarders: How the American Upper Middle Class Is Leaving Everyone Else in the Dust, Why That Is a Problem, and What to Do About It by Richard V. Reeves

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, assortative mating, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, circulation of elites, cognitive dissonance, desegregation, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, Home mortgage interest deduction, housing crisis, income inequality, knowledge economy, land value tax, longitudinal study, mortgage tax deduction, obamacare, Occupy movement, plutocrats, Plutocrats, positional goods, race to the bottom, randomized controlled trial, unpaid internship, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, working-age population, zero-sum game

But another version of the American dream is about circulation and movement, that those born at the bottom can rise to the top. Relative mobility rates capture that idea. Postwar America was an engine of absolute mobility, fueled by strong and broadly shared economic growth, at least among whites. Increased opportunities for Americans of humble origins, through policies like the GI bill and school desegregation, promoted upward absolute mobility—sons of truck drivers could open profitable businesses. Nine in ten of those born in 1940 surpassed their parents’ income, Chetty finds. Memories of this Golden Age still shape the worldview of many of our nation’s leaders, even though it was the exception rather than the rule, if we take a long view of history. It hardly needs adding that for black Americans, it was very far from golden.


pages: 186 words: 57,798

Nonviolence: The History of a Dangerous Idea by Mark Kurlansky

Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, British Empire, colonial rule, continuation of politics by other means, desegregation, European colonialism, Khyber Pass, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Nelson Mandela, polynesian navigation, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, working poor

Muste, like Gandhi, saw pacifism as a tool for political activism. “In a world built on violence,” he wrote in a 1928 essay, “one must be a revolutionary before one can be a pacifist.” With World War II in progress, it was difficult to attract support for nonviolence in international affairs, but Muste believed that the techniques of nonviolent resistance would prove particularly effective in race issues, such as the desegregation of the South. In seeking a new young staff for the FOR, he brought in James Farmer, a large man with a booming voice who had recently received a doctorate from Howard University, where he had studied the teachings of Gandhi. Farmer was a Southerner, the son of a college professor. His father, the son of slaves, on receiving a Ph.D. from Boston University in 1918, became one of only twenty-five African-Americans ever to hold a Ph.D.


Eastern USA by Lonely Planet

1960s counterculture, active transport: walking or cycling, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, bike sharing scheme, Bretton Woods, British Empire, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, collective bargaining, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Donald Trump, East Village, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frank Gehry, glass ceiling, Guggenheim Bilbao, haute cuisine, Hernando de Soto, illegal immigration, immigration reform, information trail, interchangeable parts, jitney, Kickstarter, license plate recognition, Mason jar, mass immigration, McMansion, megacity, Menlo Park, new economy, New Urbanism, obamacare, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, Skype, the built environment, the High Line, the payments system, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, walkable city, white flight, Works Progress Administration, young professional

In the 19th century the slave-based plantation system grew in size and incompatibility with the industrializing North; Virginia seceded in 1861 and became the epicenter of the Civil War. Following its defeat the state walked a tense cultural tightrope, accruing a layered identity that included older aristocrats, a rural and urban working class, waves of immigrants and today, the burgeoning tech-heavy suburbs of DC. The state revels in its history, yet still wants to pioneer the American experiment; thus, while Virginia only reluctantly desegregated in the 1960s, today it houses one of the most ethnically diverse populations of the New South. Northern Virginia Hidden within its suburban sprawl exterior, ‘NOVA’ mixes small-town charm with metropolitan chic. Colonial villages and battlefields bump up against skyscrapers, shopping malls and world-class arts venues. You’ll discover unexpected green spaces like Great Falls National Park ( 703-285-2965; www.nps.gov/grfa; 7am-sunset), a wilderness space that somehow survives despite being mere minutes from a major urban nexus.

ALABAMA FACTS »Nickname The Heart of Dixie »Population 4.7 million »Area 52,419 sq miles »Capital city Montgomery (population 224,119) »Other cities Birmingham (population 212,237) »Sales tax 4%, but up to 11% with local taxes »Birthplace of Author Helen Keller (1880–1968), civil rights activist Rosa Parks (1913–2005), musician Hank Williams (1923–53) »Home of US Space & Rocket Center »Politics GOP stronghold – Alabama hasn’t voted democratic since 1976 »Famous for Rosa Parks and the Civil Rights movement »Bitterest rivalry University of Alabama vs Auburn University »Driving distances Montgomery to Birmingham 91 miles, Mobile to Dauphin Island 38 miles History Alabama was among the first states to secede in the Civil War. Montgomery was the first Confederate capital. Alabama lost around 25,000 soldiers in the war, and reconstruction came slowly and painfully. Racial segregation and Jim Crow laws survived into the mid-20th century, when the Civil Rights movement campaigned for desegregation of everything from public buses to private universities, a notion that Governor George Wallace opposed. In perhaps the most famous moment in civil rights history, an African American woman named Rosa Parks refused to give up her bus seat to a white passenger and was arrested; the ensuing uproar began to turn the tide in favor of racial equality. Alabama saw brutal repression and hostility, but federal civil rights and voting laws eventually prevailed.

Ottenheimer Market Hall (btwn S Commerce & S Rock Sts; 7am-6pm Mon-Sat) houses an eclectic collection of food stalls and shops. The Hillcrest Neighborhood toward west Little Rock is a tiny epicenter of cafes and funky shops and is a communing ground for minority strains of counterculture in the city. Little Rock Central High School HISTORIC SITE (www.nps.gov/chsc; 2125 Daisy Bates Dr; 9:30am-4:30pm, tours 9am & 1:15pm Mon-Fri mid-Aug–early Jun) Little Rock’s most riveting attraction is the site of the 1957 desegregation crisis that changed the country forever. It was here that a group of African American students known as the Little Rock Nine were first denied entry inside the then all-white high school (despite a 1954 Supreme Court ruling forcing the integration of public schools) then escorted by the 1200-man 101st Airborne Battle Group, a pivotal moment in the American Civil Rights Movement. Today it’s both a National Historic Site and a working high school – the most beautiful one you will ever see.


How to Be Black by Baratunde Thurston

affirmative action, carbon footprint, Columbine, dark matter, desegregation, drone strike, housing crisis, phenotype, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, supply-chain management, the scientific method, transatlantic slave trade

The best answer exists itself in the form of a question: Why do all the white students sit together at the same tables? No one ever asked that, because such seating arrangements were “normal.” You don’t question ten tables of nearly all white children dining. You question the one or two with nearly all black children dining. Questions implying that a black student group should not be able to control its money or that forced desegregation at cafeteria tables might be needed were notable among the set of White People Questions I experienced at Sidwell. However, my favorite by far was the following: Why don’t we have a White Student Union? I remember the student who asked this. She was confused by the existence of “students of color” meetings and the Black Student Union. The idea that there were official organizations, sanctioned by the school, based around racial identity, was offensive and wrong, and so she just “asked a question,” which was: “Why don’t we have a White Student Union?”


Let's Explore Diabetes With Owls by David Sedaris

big-box store, call centre, desegregation, illegal immigration, index card, Maui Hawaii, remote working, stem cell

By this I mean, different in a bad way. Someone who lives in a mansion spun of golden floss, forget it, but someone who lives in an old refrigerator beside a drainage ditch—by all means, call me! Collect, even. “You need people like that in your life so you can feel better about yourself,” my mother used to tell me. The first time she said it, I was fourteen and had recently begun the ninth grade. Our school system had just desegregated, and I wanted to invite one of my new classmates to a party at my grandmother’s apartment complex. The girl I had in mind, I’ll call her Delicia, was pretty much my exact opposite—black to my white, fat to my thin—and though my family was just middle-class, I felt certain we were wealthy when compared to hers. The kids who’d been bused to my school were from the south side. This was a part of town we drove through on our way to the beach, always with the car doors locked and the windows rolled up, no matter how hot it was.


pages: 202 words: 66,742

The Payoff by Jeff Connaughton

algorithmic trading, bank run, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Flash crash, locking in a profit, London Interbank Offered Rate, London Whale, Long Term Capital Management, naked short selling, Neil Kinnock, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, risk tolerance, Robert Bork, short selling, Silicon Valley, too big to fail, two-sided market, young professional

The man I’d worshipped from afar was turning out to be all too human. Not fully happy with himself as he was, he tried—in little ways that had big consequences for his campaign—to be someone else. The campaign flailed frantically, trying to stay afloat. Biden himself briefly stepped out of the Bork hearings to call an elderly African-American man who had been a cook at the diner that Biden had claimed he’d helped desegregate at a sit-in in the 1960s: “Do you remember? I was there. Can you tell people you remember me?” By then even Biden must have known it was over. On the morning of September 23, 1987, Ted told me to call the fundraising captains across the country to let them know that Biden would withdraw that day at a 1:00 p.m. press conference. I dutifully called them all, trying to be as professional as possible, explaining that Biden felt he had no choice, and that by doing a great job chairing the Bork hearings he’d begin his rehabilitation.


pages: 201 words: 67,347

Attempting Normal by Marc Maron

back-to-the-land, desegregation, medical malpractice, Saturday Night Live

He freaked out and just took Slim’s amp because he knew Slim and he knew he could. Slim probably played around there every day and was a local fixture. The guy probably threw Slim a few bucks after I wandered away defeated. It was the attitude of the whole event that angered me. I wasn’t one of the Jews at the front of a civil rights march or trying to register black voters but, man, I wanted justice for Slim in the amp situation. The South might be desegregated but it may never be integrated. And by “the South” I mean America. After a late show on Friday night in Nashville, I and a couple of other comics headed out to Prince’s. We drove into the parking lot of a small strip mall. Prince’s was the only storefront open. There was a three-hundred-pound man standing in front of the place wearing a tank top, smoking a cigar, and packing a sidearm. There were a few black people hanging out in front of the place.


Chicken Soup for the Soul in Menopause by Jack Canfield, Mark Victor Hansen

Albert Einstein, desegregation, pez dispenser

And Anne, my fourteen-year-old daughter, was happy at school; as a freshman, she was ingrained with a group of girls who shared the scoop on every neat guy and liked the same music, often going to concerts together when big-named stars came to Louisville. Having always been enrolled in public school up to this point, our three teenagers were now going to attend Pillow Academy, a small private school established in 1962 during the desegregation conflict. I thought I was well aware of the losses my teenagers were feeling, and I worried about their acceptance at Pillow Academy. All the students had their own cars to drive to school; school buses were simply not practical since the students came from such a large area that represented more than one school district. I only had to look at the school parking lot full of BMWs, Volvos, and new trucks to know that the student body was far from poor.


pages: 208 words: 69,863

Assassination Vacation by Sarah Vowell

airport security, Bob Geldof, City Beautiful movement, desegregation, Frank Gehry, gun show loophole, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, Upton Sinclair, white picket fence

So it took a while for the Lincoln Memorial to come to mean what it’s come to mean. Thanks to Marian Anderson, who performed here on Easter Sunday 1939 after the Daughters of the American Revolution barred her from singing at Constitution Hall because of her skin color and of course Martin Luther King Jr., who stood on what he called “this hallowed spot” in 1963 making history with “I have a dream,” the memorial has long been physically and philosophically desegregated. So much so in fact that one time I came to the memorial with my friend Dave and as we were climbing the steps he said, “It looks fake.” “What does?” “These people,” he said, pointing at the other visitors. “Look at them. Every color, from all over the world.” “Why is that fake?” “It’s too perfect, like they were brought here by a casting agent to make a commercial.” He was right. The people who visit the memorial always look like an advertisement for democracy, so bizarrely, suspiciously diverse that one time I actually saw a man in a cowboy hat standing there reading the Gettysburg Address next to a Hasidic Jew.


pages: 207 words: 64,598

To Show and to Tell: The Craft of Literary Nonfiction by Phillip Lopate

Charles Lindbergh, Columbine, desegregation, fear of failure, index card, Jane Jacobs, Joan Didion, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, urban planning, white flight

It is Jimmy to the rescue, in part because his honesty and passion are very attractive to young people, but also because Baldwin dramatized adolescence again and again as his own particular crucible of selfhood—boy preacher, loss of faith, yearnings to write, father’s death, the forgoing of college, struggles over racial bitterness and sexual preference—and sympathized so warmly with the efforts of all youth to forge an identity. In an essay entitled “They Can’t Turn Back,” on the students trying to desegregate southern schools, he writes, parenthetically and characteristically, about the really agonizing privacy of the very young. They are only beginning to realize that the world is difficult and dangerous, that they are, themselves, tormentingly complex and that the years that stretch before them promise to be more dangerous than the years that are behind. And they always seem to be wrestling, in a private chamber to which no grownup has access, with monumental decisions.


pages: 202 words: 8,448

Blueprint for Revolution: How to Use Rice Pudding, Lego Men, and Other Nonviolent Techniques to Galvanize Communities, Overthrow Dictators, or Simply Change the World by Srdja Popovic, Matthew Miller

Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, British Empire, corporate governance, desegregation, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Jane Jacobs, Kibera, Kickstarter, Mahatma Gandhi, McMansion, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Nelson Mandela, Occupy movement, Rosa Parks, urban planning, urban sprawl

He didn’t shoot for the moon and ght for full and unconditional equality from the get-go. Instead, he picked the battles he could win. While giving instructions to one group of activists at his church about marching through the streets, he went out of his way to caution his listeners, “We don’t want a white person with a negro of the opposite sex, because we don’t want to ght that battle.” It was a battle that needed to be fought, but not just yet. In the 1960s, desegregation was possible, but mixed-race relationships weren’t. But they sure as hell would be—in time. Back in my younger days, when everyone was running around Belgrade playing cat-and-mouse games with Milošević’s goons, we spent a lot of time thinking about what small battles we could win and which were just a waste of our time and enthusiasm. For some of us, the idea of choosing easy battles to start with seemed a lot like trading in our principles for cheap and worthless victories.


Once the American Dream: Inner-Ring Suburbs of the Metropolitan United States by Bernadette Hanlon

big-box store, correlation coefficient, deindustrialization, desegregation, edge city, feminist movement, housing crisis, illegal immigration, informal economy, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, McMansion, New Urbanism, Silicon Valley, statistical model, The Chicago School, transit-oriented development, urban sprawl, white flight, working-age population, zero-sum game

According to the Dundalk Renaissance Corporation—the suburb’s community development corporation—Dundalk has the highest concentration of Section 8 rentals among Baltimore’s suburbs. Whether Section 8 or not, rental housing is on the rise. At the same time, homeownership is on the decline, and housing values are dropping in Dundalk. In 2005, in Thompson v. HUD, a federal judge ruled that HUD violated fair housing laws by failing to desegregate public housing in Baltimore City. U.S. District Court Judge Marvin J. Garbis ordered HUD to develop a regional approach to deconcentrating public-housing recipients to suburbs beyond the city. Surrounding suburbs were not part of the lawsuit, and the question remains of how receptive they will be to participating in a regional solution. Are wealthy outer suburbs willing to open their doors to low-income families?


pages: 182 words: 64,847

Working by Robert A. Caro

carbon footprint, desegregation, ghettoisation, rent control, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty

And as they sang, I wrote, “they slowed it back down to its original stately, solemn, powerful meter, appropriate to its mighty words.” “We shall overcome, / we shall overcome, some day. / Oh, deep in my heart, / I do believe / We shall overcome, some day.” “We Shall Overcome” began to be sung a lot more at the beginning of the Sixties because in a way “We Shall Overcome” is the 1960s. 1960 was, as I wrote, “the year of the first sit-ins to desegregate department store lunch counters in Southern cities. The young, neatly dressed blacks, sworn to nonviolence, sitting on the counter stools were taunted in attempts to make them relinquish their seats….Police arrived, arrested them and flung them into paddy wagons. But they got their breath back, and as the wagons drove off, from their barred windows could be heard: ‘Deep in my heart / I do believe / We shall overcome some day.’ ” So during the next years, as I wrote, the hymn was sung in a thousand sit-ins, during a hundred Freedom Rides.


pages: 508 words: 192,524

The autobiography of Malcolm X by Malcolm X; Alex Haley

desegregation, index card, Mahatma Gandhi, mass immigration, rent control, Rosa Parks, transatlantic slave trade

I'd tell them things Lincoln said in speeches, _against_ the blacks. They would drag up the 1954 Supreme Court decision on school integration. “That was one of the greatest magical feats ever performed in America,” I'd tell them. “Do you mean to tell me that nine Supreme Court judges, who are past masters of legal phraseology, couldn't have worked their decision to make it stick as _law_? No! It was trickery and magic that told Negroes they were desegregated-Hooray! Hooray!-and at the same time it told whites 'Here are your loopholes.'” The reporters would try their utmost to raise some “good” white man whom I couldn't refute as such. I'll never forget how one practically lost his voice. He asked me did I feel _any_ white men had ever done anything for the black man in America. I told him, "Yes, I can think of two. Hitler, and Stalin. The black man in America couldn't get a decent factory job until Hitler put so much pressure on the white man.

But most American white people seem not to have it in them to make any serious atonement-to do justice to the black man. Indeed, how _can_ white society atone for enslaving, for raping, for unmanning, for otherwise brutalizing _millions_ of human beings, for centuries? What atonement would the God of Justice demand for the robbery of the black people's labor, their lives, their true identities, their culture, their history-and even their human dignity? A desegregated cup of coffee, a theater, public toilets-the whole range of hypocritical “integration”-these are not atonement. After a while in America, I returned abroad-and this time, I spent eighteen weeks in the Middle East and Africa. The world leaders with whom I had private audiences this time included President Gamal Abdel Nasser, of Egypt; President Julius K. Nyerere, of Tanzania; President Nnamoi Aziki-we, of Nigeria; Osagyefo Dr.


pages: 742 words: 202,902

The Brilliant Disaster: JFK, Castro, and America's Doomed Invasion of Cuba's Bay of Pigs by Jim Rasenberger

affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Gunnar Myrdal, Kitchen Debate, land reform, Torches of Freedom, William of Occam

Fulbright had been a Rhodes scholar, and nobody seriously questioned his intellectual gifts. Fulbright had backbone and decency, but he was, like many complex thinkers—particularly those who make their living as politicians—a frequently disappointing man. His principles seemed to fail him, for example, when it came to civil rights. Enlightened as his views were on international relations, his views on desegregation were no more, and perhaps less, progressive than those of his fellow southern Democrats. This was one reason why Kennedy had passed him over as secretary of state, a job he wanted and most Washington insiders assumed he would win even over strong contenders such as Stevenson, Bowles, and Rusk. Naming Fulbright to his cabinet would have instantly poisoned Kennedy’s relations with African-American voters, 70 percent of whom had supported him at the polls.

Kennedy did not leave the house until nearly noon, when he and his wife drove to Middleburg Community Center, a large assembly hall where local residents held dances, fund-raisers, and, on Sundays, a noon Catholic Mass. The president was disappointed if he hoped to use the Mass as a last chance for solemn reflection on Cuba. As if to remind Kennedy that presidents never have the luxury of confronting one serious issue at a time, the local pastor addressed himself—and Kennedy—to another unfolding drama in America that spring, the civil rights movement. The pastor delivered a prayer for desegregation. Half an hour later, Kennedy was back outside, ready to return home. Havana, Early Afternoon AS KENNEDY WAS leaving the Catholic Mass in Middleburg, Fidel Castro was concluding a two-and-a-half-hour funeral oration to a crowd of ten thousand at a Catholic cemetery in Havana. He stood at the gravesides of seven victims killed in Saturday’s air strikes. The mood of the people turned agitated, then vengeful.


pages: 283 words: 73,093

Social Democratic America by Lane Kenworthy

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, basic income, business cycle, Celtic Tiger, centre right, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, David Brooks, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, endogenous growth, full employment, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, Kenneth Arrow, labor-force participation, manufacturing employment, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, school choice, shareholder value, sharing economy, Skype, Steve Jobs, too big to fail, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, union organizing, universal basic income, War on Poverty, working poor, zero day

An American born into a family in the bottom fifth of incomes between the mid-1960s and the mid-1980s has roughly a 30 percent chance of reaching the middle fifth or higher in adulthood, whereas an American born into the top fifth has an 80 percent chance of ending up in the middle fifth or higher.44 Between the mid-1800s and the 1970s, differences in opportunity based on family circumstances declined steadily.45 As the farming-based US labor force shifted to manufacturing, many Americans joined the paid economy, allowing an increasing number to move onto and up the income ladder. Elementary education became universal, and secondary education expanded. Then, in the 1960s and 1970s, school desegregation, the outlawing of discrimination in college admissions and hiring, and the introduction of affirmative action opened economic doors for many Americans. But since the 1970s, we have been moving in the opposite direction. A host of economic and social shifts have widened the opportunity gap between Americans from low-income families and those from high-income families. For one thing, poorer children are less likely to grow up with both biological parents.


pages: 290 words: 73,000

Algorithms of Oppression: How Search Engines Reinforce Racism by Safiya Umoja Noble

A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, affirmative action, Airbnb, borderless world, cloud computing, conceptual framework, crowdsourcing, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, Filter Bubble, Firefox, Google Earth, Google Glasses, housing crisis, illegal immigration, immigration reform, information retrieval, Internet Archive, Jaron Lanier, Mitch Kapor, Naomi Klein, new economy, PageRank, performance metric, phenotype, profit motive, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Snapchat, Tim Cook: Apple, union organizing, women in the workforce, yellow journalism

For Roof, CCC was a legitimate information resource purporting to be a conservative news media organization. Yet the foremost national authority on hate organizations, the Southern Poverty Law Center, tracks and describes the CCC this way: The Council of Conservative Citizens (CCC) is the modern reincarnation of the old White Citizens Councils, which were formed in the 1950s and 1960s to battle school desegregation in the South. Among other things, its Statement of Principles says that it “oppose[s] all efforts to mix the races of mankind.” Created in 1985 from the mailing lists of its predecessor organization, the CCC, which initially tried to project a “mainstream” image, has evolved into a crudely white supremacist group whose website has run pictures comparing the late pop singer Michael Jackson to an ape and referred to black people as “a retrograde species of humanity.”


pages: 242 words: 73,728

Give People Money by Annie Lowrey

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, agricultural Revolution, Airbnb, airport security, autonomous vehicles, barriers to entry, basic income, Bernie Sanders, bitcoin, clean water, collective bargaining, computer age, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, Elon Musk, ending welfare as we know it, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, full employment, gender pay gap, gig economy, Google Earth, Home mortgage interest deduction, income inequality, indoor plumbing, information asymmetry, Jaron Lanier, jitney, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Kickstarter, Kodak vs Instagram, labor-force participation, late capitalism, Lyft, M-Pesa, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Zuckerberg, mass incarceration, McMansion, Menlo Park, mobile money, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, Peter Thiel, post scarcity, post-work, Potemkin village, precariat, randomized controlled trial, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Sam Altman, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, Steve Jobs, TaskRabbit, The Future of Employment, theory of mind, total factor productivity, Turing test, two tier labour market, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, universal basic income, uranium enrichment, War on Poverty, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, women in the workforce, working poor, World Values Survey, Y Combinator

Institutional segregation damaged the educational prospects and the human capital of millions of black children and black workers as well. By 1950, about one in five white adults had attended college, versus one in twenty black adults. Researchers estimate that a “truly ‘separate but equal’ ” education system would have cut black-white wage inequality by as much as half. Again, such inequalities persist. Sixty years after Brown v. the Board of Education—the landmark case that desegregated the public school system—schools with predominantly white students spend $733 more per pupil than schools with predominantly minority students, a report by the Center for American Progress has found. And in some ways, educational segregation has gotten worse in recent years, the writer Nikole Hannah-Jones has shown. The force of government policy, along with the force of racism, has helped to ensure that black families have fallen behind white families.


pages: 279 words: 72,659

Gaza in Crisis: Reflections on Israel's War Against the Palestinians by Ilan Pappé, Noam Chomsky, Frank Barat

Ayatollah Khomeini, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, desegregation, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, friendly fire, ghettoisation, Islamic Golden Age, New Journalism, one-state solution, price stability, too big to fail

The one-state movement can be the pinnacle of a new orientation and effort of this impulse of Western civil societies to transform the reality in Palestine. Instead of facilitating futile encounters—unnecessary at any rate as they can take place at any given moment on the ground—they can provide venues for strategizing around the campaign for changing the policies of Western governments and for pondering a more genuine and comprehensive solution for the conflict. Desegregating the activity of civil society in the West, as well as inside Israel, illustrates the very essence of a one-state solution when the one-state movement is still in its embryonic stage. An activity around themes, and not according to national, religious, or ethnic identity, can be the unique contribution of the one-state movement. But again themes can sound too abstract and fluid for a movement that seeks desperately to change the public mind after years of being conditioned by a distorted historical narrative, manipulated media coverage, and a lethal futuristic vision.


pages: 251 words: 76,225

The Geek Feminist Revolution by Kameron Hurley

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, clean water, commoditize, desegregation, drone strike, en.wikipedia.org, Ferguson, Missouri, game design, Google Hangouts, hiring and firing, Kickstarter, means of production, Nelson Mandela, Skype, women in the workforce

So when people tell me that including “so many” nonwhite characters in my fiction is “political” or that I’m trying to make some kind of “statement,” I can’t help countering with the fact that the “statement” made by every writer with a white monochrome world is also deeply political, even more so because it’s based on a false sense of normal that’s been carefully and systematically constructed for hundreds of years in this country (and others). I like to think that some folks slowly wake up to that lie, but until we succeed in desegregating the ways we live and work and actually start populating our media with an accurate representation of what our world looks like, I figure we’re still in for another fifty years of clunky—and increasingly ridiculous-looking—whitewashing. As a creator, as a media-maker, I know I can choose to blindly perpetuate those myths, or help overturn them. But I couldn’t make that choice until I stopped eating up the lie of what the world was really like.


pages: 240 words: 74,182

This Is Not Propaganda: Adventures in the War Against Reality by Peter Pomerantsev

"side hustle", 4chan, active measures, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, call centre, citizen journalism, desegregation, Donald Trump, Etonian, European colonialism, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, illegal immigration, mass immigration, mega-rich, megacity, Mikhail Gorbachev, Skype, South China Sea

As the Oxford University professor Rosemary Foot relates, you can trace the roots of the American foreign policy freedom narrative back to President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s 1941 ‘Four Freedoms’ speech, which called for freedom of speech and religion and freedom from fear and want as the basis for a democratic world. Proclaiming the message so loudly meant that policy and practice needed to at least vaguely match promises. As early as 1949 the ‘Negro question’ had been highlighted by the US embassy in Moscow as a ‘principal Soviet propaganda theme’, one which had to be battled at home for the sake of US foreign policy.7 During the 1950s the US Justice Department could argue that desegregation inside the US was important as it would help promote the country’s international image as a bastion of freedom. In the early 1970s, in the aftermath of the Vietnam War, American support for coups in Chile and US intervention in the Dominican Republic, Congress held hearings on human rights abuses in those countries. The resulting report established a human rights bureau within the State Department, meant to make rhetoric on freedom and human rights closer to policy.


pages: 840 words: 202,245

Age of Greed: The Triumph of Finance and the Decline of America, 1970 to the Present by Jeff Madrick

accounting loophole / creative accounting, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Bretton Woods, business cycle, capital controls, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, disintermediation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, financial deregulation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Akerlof, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, index fund, inflation targeting, inventory management, invisible hand, John Meriwether, Kitchen Debate, laissez-faire capitalism, locking in a profit, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, MITM: man-in-the-middle, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, Myron Scholes, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, Philip Mirowski, price stability, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, technology bubble, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, too big to fail, union organizing, V2 rocket, value at risk, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Y2K, Yom Kippur War

Richard Nixon, the fresh-faced congressman from Whittier when Uhler was a teenager, based much of his early political career on it, and stoked it further. Franklin Roosevelt was the natural enemy of these believers, his waywardness and dangerous ways, as they labeled them, frequent dinner conversation for many. High taxes were justified by the war, some conceded, but after Harry Truman’s presidency these believers feared the spread of progressivism even under his Republican successor, Dwight Eisenhower. Desegregating the Little Rock, Arkansas, schools became the symbol of the misuse of federal power. These conservatives also felt that Eisenhower’s program to build the interstate highways overstepped federal bounds. For a while, the believers lost major elections: Nixon to John F. Kennedy in 1960, Barry Goldwater to Lyndon Johnson in 1964. California, a largely Republican state, even elected a Democratic governor, Edmund “Pat” Brown, in 1958.

The society soon drew tens of thousands of members, many in Southern California, where one chapter after another was opened in the early 1960s. Welch wrote a self-published book accusing not only Harry Truman but also Eisenhower and his secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, of being part of a Soviet conspiracy. He had also demanded the impeachment of Chief Justice Earl Warren, who wrote the Little Rock decision desegregating the public schools. Rousselot was an early and consistent supporter, but William Buckley, also an early member of the Birch Society, turned against it as extremist. According to Lou Cannon, Ronald Reagan’s biographer, Uhler joined the Birchers, but only for six months. In 1958, Governor Pat Brown started raising taxes and establishing ambitious government programs. A native of Northern California, Brown had been a moderate Republican early in his life.


pages: 321 words: 85,267

Suburban Nation by Andres Duany, Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, Jeff Speck

A Pattern Language, American ideology, big-box store, car-free, Celebration, Florida, City Beautiful movement, desegregation, edge city, Frank Gehry, housing crisis, if you build it, they will come, income inequality, intermodal, Jane Jacobs, jitney, McMansion, New Urbanism, Peter Calthorpe, place-making, price mechanism, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Seaside, Florida, Silicon Valley, skinny streets, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Great Good Place, transit-oriented development, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, white flight, working poor, Works Progress Administration

After a first generation of zoning increases intended to support transit station densification, which did little more than encourage real-estate speculation, a new cycle of transit-oriented redevelopment designs for these still-empty parcels—often initiated by local shareholders—appears to be heading toward success. dp Indeed, new laws that are apparently unrelated to sprawl can also be used to encourage healthy growth. For example, any program that offers state (or federal) funding to local municipalities can tie that funding to smart-growth criteria. This would mirror President Johnson’s use of Medicare as a tool to desegregate Southern hospitals, by denying Medicare dollars to whites-only facilities. dq The overly large school sites often result from requirements for one-story buildings, voluminous parking, future portable-classroom additions, and redundant playing fields. As schools follow this pattern they become Lulus (locally undesirable land uses), requiring distant siting and generating heavy traffic. dr Of the current gasoline tax, 15 percent does go to transit, but 85 percent still goes to highways (Tea-21 User’s Guide, 7).


pages: 282 words: 80,907

Who Gets What — and Why: The New Economics of Matchmaking and Market Design by Alvin E. Roth

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, algorithmic trading, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, Build a better mousetrap, centralized clearinghouse, Chuck Templeton: OpenTable:, commoditize, computer age, computerized markets, crowdsourcing, deferred acceptance, desegregation, experimental economics, first-price auction, Flash crash, High speed trading, income inequality, Internet of things, invention of agriculture, invisible hand, Jean Tirole, law of one price, Lyft, market clearing, market design, medical residency, obamacare, proxy bid, road to serfdom, school choice, sealed-bid auction, second-price auction, second-price sealed-bid, Silicon Valley, spectrum auction, Spread Networks laid a new fibre optics cable between New York and Chicago, Steve Jobs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, two-sided market, uber lyft, undersea cable

For the other half of the seats in a school, only the lottery established priority. This division of the Boston schools into halves implicitly acknowledged a political reality. School choice divides parents into two “parties.” People who live near good schools become the “walk-to-school party,” while those who live elsewhere become the “school choice party.” The priority policy in Boston (where people still recall the “busing wars” fought there a generation ago during desegregation) represented a compromise between the two, and the details of this compromise were adjusted from year to year based on which groups wielded the most influence. Once adjustments in priorities and related matters had been made, the old Boston system, which is still used in many other cities, worked as follows. The central office asked families to list at least three schools in order of preference.


pages: 304 words: 84,396

Bounce: Mozart, Federer, Picasso, Beckham, and the Science of Success by Matthew Syed

barriers to entry, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, combinatorial explosion, deliberate practice, desegregation, Fall of the Berlin Wall, fear of failure, Isaac Newton, Norman Mailer, pattern recognition, placebo effect, zero-sum game

Joe Louis, a boxer who defeated many more white opponents than Johnson, was positively embraced by many racists precisely because his success went hand in hand with the social deference—deliberately cultivated as a means of reassuring white America—which they demanded of an “intellectual inferior.” The same analysis applies to Jackie Robinson’s debut for the Brooklyn Dodgers. His principal achievement was not to demonstrate that blacks could play baseball—this was already well known from the strength and depth of the Negro leagues. The subversive aspect of Robinson’s debut season was not sporting but symbolic: here was a high-profile and deeply evocative act of desegregation, involving a man of extraordinary character and forbearance. Muhammad Ali drives the point home. Can it be argued that his chief contribution to racial equality was to exhibit black “worth” by winning the heavyweight championship of the world, given that he won the title from a black man, who, in turn won it from another black man? No, Ali’s political and cultural influence was wielded not inside the ring, but because of his capacity to transcend the ring.


pages: 312 words: 84,421

This Chair Rocks: A Manifiesto Against Ageism by Ashton Applewhite

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Albert Einstein, Atul Gawande, Buckminster Fuller, clean water, cognitive dissonance, crowdsourcing, desegregation, Downton Abbey, fixed income, follow your passion, ghettoisation, Google Hangouts, hiring and firing, income inequality, informal economy, Internet of things, invention of the printing press, job satisfaction, labor-force participation, life extension, longitudinal study, Mark Zuckerberg, Naomi Klein, obamacare, old age dependency ratio, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, sensible shoes, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart cities, Snapchat, stem cell, the built environment, urban decay, urban planning, white picket fence, women in the workforce

She was referring to a guy in his twenties whom she’d met through her daughter and who also loved an English rock band named Muse. The woman felt she’d missed out on a wild youth, discovered rock music in her fifties, and became an avid concert goer, usually alone. She was brave, and she was having a blast—and in a less ageist society, it wouldn’t call for courage. Not to turn this happy groupie into Rosa Parks, but that’s how desegregation happens. People with the most at stake—olders, in this case—step up and step out. They stop conforming. The open-minded welcome them, and incremental social change takes place. Dance floors and rock concerts are examples at one end of the social spectrum. What about hitting a trendy restaurant even if you’ll be the only gray head in the room, or opting for Airbnb even though older travelers tend to default to hotels, or exploring a neighborhood that skews young?


pages: 287 words: 82,576

The Complacent Class: The Self-Defeating Quest for the American Dream by Tyler Cowen

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, Alvin Roth, assortative mating, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, business climate, business cycle, circulation of elites, clean water, David Graeber, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, drone strike, East Village, Elon Musk, Ferguson, Missouri, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, gig economy, Google Glasses, Hyman Minsky, Hyperloop, income inequality, intangible asset, Internet of things, inventory management, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, medical residency, meta analysis, meta-analysis, obamacare, offshore financial centre, Paul Samuelson, Peter Thiel, purchasing power parity, Richard Florida, security theater, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, Skype, South China Sea, Steven Pinker, Stuxnet, The Great Moderation, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, total factor productivity, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, upwardly mobile, Vilfredo Pareto, working-age population, World Values Survey

Restless Nation: Starting Over in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. Jencks, Christopher, and Susan E. Mayer. “The Social Consequences of Growing Up in a Poor Neighborhood.” In Laurence E. Lynn Jr. and Michael G. H. McGeary, eds., Inner-City Poverty in the United States, 111–186. Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 1990. Johnson, Rucker C. “Long-Run Impacts of School Desegregation & School Quality on Adult Attainments.” National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper 16664, August 2015. Johnson, Steven. “The Creative Apocalypse That Wasn’t.” The New York Times Magazine, August 23, 2015. Jolly, Jennifer. “Matchmaking, with Dogs as Dates.” The New York Times, November 17, 2015. Kaiser Family Foundation. “Generation M2: Media in the Lives of 8- to 18-Year-Olds.” January 20, 2010.


pages: 271 words: 83,944

The Sellout: A Novel by Paul Beatty

affirmative action, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, desegregation, El Camino Real, haute couture, illegal immigration, Lao Tzu, late fees, mass incarceration, p-value, publish or perish, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, telemarketer, theory of mind, War on Poverty, white flight, yellow journalism

Dickens doesn’t scatter very easily. Neither does a local media used to gangland slayings and a seemingly endless supply of psycho killers. So when Foy clacked two shots at the back end of his Mercedes crookedly parked on Rosecrans, the crowd only parted wide enough to create a fire lane through which the white kids could reach the relative safety of their school bus, where they lowered themselves into their seats. Desegregation is never easy in any direction, and after Foy fired two more rounds into their civil rights movement, progress would be even slower, because the Freedom Bus had a couple of flat tires. Foy pumped another shot into the Mercedes-Benz logo. This time the trunk popped open in that slow, majestic way that only Mercedes trunks do, and he grabbed an old bucket of whitewash out of the back. But before I, or anyone else, could reach him, he spun around, warding us off with his strap and his off-key singing.


pages: 318 words: 82,452

The End of Policing by Alex S. Vitale

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Broken windows theory, citizen journalism, Columbine, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, equal pay for equal work, Ferguson, Missouri, ghettoisation, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, mandatory minimum, mass immigration, mass incarceration, moral panic, Occupy movement, open borders, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, white flight

He also helped drive the adoption of international treaties that allowed for a greater federal role in drug control and spread the prohibitionist ideology internationally.7 The modern War on Drugs really began with Richard Nixon, who saw it as a way of inserting the federal government more forcefully into local law enforcement. This was part of his “Southern Strategy” to win over historically Democratic Southern whites in the wake of desegregation and the civil rights movement.8 Rather than refighting a lost battle, Nixon appealed to white Southerners by using the language of law and order to indicate his desire to keep blacks in check through expanded law enforcement powers. Since most criminal law is handled at the state level, Nixon settled on drug enforcement as his avenue. He could justify federal involvement in what had been primarily a state matter because drugs often cross international borders and state lines and because the United States is a signatory to international drug prohibition treaties.


Griftopia: Bubble Machines, Vampire Squids, and the Long Con That Is Breaking America by Matt Taibbi

addicted to oil, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, buy and hold, carried interest, clean water, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, computerized trading, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, David Brooks, desegregation, diversification, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, financial innovation, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, illegal immigration, interest rate swap, laissez-faire capitalism, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, margin call, market bubble, medical malpractice, money market fund, moral hazard, mortgage debt, obamacare, passive investing, Ponzi scheme, prediction markets, quantitative easing, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Sergey Aleynikov, short selling, sovereign wealth fund, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Y2K, Yom Kippur War

In the case of these Westchester County revolutionaries, the rallying cry was a lawsuit filed jointly by a liberal nonprofit group in New York City and the Department of Housing and Urban Development against the county. The suit alleged that Westchester falsified HUD grant applications, asking for federal grant money without conforming to federal affirmative action guidelines designed to push desegregation. The county lost the suit and as a result was now going to be forced by the federal government to build seven hundred new subsidized low-income housing units in the area. Whereas subsidized housing in the county had historically been built closer to New York City, the new ruling would now place “affordable housing” in places like Elmsford whether Elmsford wanted it or not. The first speaker is a fireman and former Republican candidate for county legislator named Tom Bock.


pages: 340 words: 92,904

Street Smart: The Rise of Cities and the Fall of Cars by Samuel I. Schwartz

2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, active transport: walking or cycling, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, autonomous vehicles, car-free, City Beautiful movement, collaborative consumption, congestion charging, crowdsourcing, desegregation, Enrique Peñalosa, Ford paid five dollars a day, Frederick Winslow Taylor, if you build it, they will come, Induced demand, intermodal, invention of the wheel, lake wobegon effect, Loma Prieta earthquake, longitudinal study, Lyft, Masdar, megacity, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral hazard, Nate Silver, oil shock, Productivity paradox, Ralph Nader, rent control, ride hailing / ride sharing, Rosa Parks, self-driving car, skinny streets, smart cities, smart grid, smart transportation, the built environment, the map is not the territory, transportation-network company, Uber and Lyft, Uber for X, uber lyft, Unsafe at Any Speed, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, walkable city, Wall-E, white flight, white picket fence, Works Progress Administration, Yogi Berra, Zipcar

Ferguson, it upheld the constitutionality of “white” and “colored” sections, enshrining the concept of “separate but equal” facilities for whites and African Americans for the first half of the twentieth century. Five decades later, Rosa Parks refused to take a seat in the back of a public bus in Montgomery, Alabama, igniting the yearlong boycott that was ended by another Supreme Court decision, this time desegregating the city’s buses and consequently public transit throughout the United States. Over and over again, access to public transportation and the promotion of social equality have been joined together at the hip. This isn’t just some vague Progressive liking for diversity for its own sake. Smart streets are diverse, but it’s not a cost: it’s a benefit. Neglecting this is one reason that the streets of so many planned communities, from Radburn, New Jersey, to Columbia, Maryland, aren’t as smart as their designers had hoped.


pages: 353 words: 91,211

The Shock of the Old: Technology and Global History Since 1900 by David Edgerton

agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, British Empire, Computer Numeric Control, conceptual framework, creative destruction, deglobalization, dematerialisation, desegregation, deskilling, endogenous growth, global village, Haber-Bosch Process, interchangeable parts, knowledge economy, Mahatma Gandhi, manufacturing employment, means of production, megacity, microcredit, new economy, post-industrial society, Productivity paradox, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, spinning jenny, Upton Sinclair, urban planning

In the United States blacks were deemed by whites to be un-inventive, to the extent that a pioneering sociologist of invention noted that it is ‘inadvisable to count in the colored populations of the United States and the British Dominions’ in computations of relative national inventiveness ‘since these people do not figure in invention’.57 Another analyst of the 1920s argued that the USA had low per capita inventiveness because ‘the United States have a dilution in the negroes in our population.’58 If women had been distributed unevenly around the world the same argument would have been made about them. In the USA the armed services were racially segregated, and the black formations were generally of very low status. There were, for example, no black pilots in the US forces in the interwar years. However, from 1941 there was segregated training for black pilots who would go into segregated squadrons; only after the war were US forces officially desegregated. Bell telephone maintained segregation and did not employ black telephone operators pre-war; after the war they did so only because the labour market forced them to.59 While in the interwar years there were large numbers of black car mechanics and taxi drivers, many whites held blacks to be bad drivers with no mechanical sense.60 No place in the world is more symbolic of the new technologies of the late twentieth century than ‘Silicon Valley’ in California.


pages: 292 words: 92,588

The Water Will Come: Rising Seas, Sinking Cities, and the Remaking of the Civilized World by Jeff Goodell

Airbnb, carbon footprint, centre right, clean water, creative destruction, desegregation, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, failed state, fixed income, Frank Gehry, global pandemic, Google Earth, illegal immigration, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), megacity, Murano, Venice glass, New Urbanism, Pearl River Delta, Peter Thiel, planetary scale, Ray Kurzweil, Richard Florida, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, smart cities, South China Sea, urban planning, urban renewal, wikimedia commons

The US military, of course, is not a polar bear rescue operation. “Their main job is to break things and kill people,” said Sharon Burke, a former assistant secretary of defense and now a senior advisor at New America. God knows there are plenty of ass-kicking generals who don’t care about climate change, scoffingly referring to it as “Mother Nature with a sword.” But the military also prides itself on its practical-mindedness. Military leaders embraced desegregation long before the rest of the nation, in part because they wanted the best people they could find, no matter what color. “It’s about the mission, not the politics,” John Conger, the assistant secretary of defense in charge of military installations, told me when we talked in his Pentagon office. “It’s our job to deal with the world as it is, not as we wish it could be.” In the world as it is, evidence that climate change is an engine of conflict is clear.


pages: 313 words: 94,490

Made to Stick: Why Some Ideas Survive and Others Die by Chip Heath, Dan Heath

affirmative action, availability heuristic, Barry Marshall: ulcers, correlation does not imply causation, desegregation, low cost airline, Menlo Park, Pepto Bismol, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Stephen Hawking, telemarketer

Parents of children in public schools are not more likely to support government aid to education than other citizens. Americans who are likely to be drafted are not more likely to oppose military intervention or escalating conflicts that are under way. Women employed outside the home do not differ from homemakers in their support of policies intended to benefit women at work. On such diverse matters as racial busing for the purpose of school desegregation, anti-drinking ordinances, mandatory college examinations, housing policy, bilingual education, compliance with laws, satisfaction with the resolution of legal disputes, gun control and more, self-interest turns out to be quite unimportant. These findings are bracingly counterintuitive. If people aren’t supporting their own self-interest, whose interests are they supporting? The answer is nuanced.


pages: 338 words: 92,465

Reskilling America: Learning to Labor in the Twenty-First Century by Katherine S. Newman, Hella Winston

active measures, blue-collar work, business cycle, collective bargaining, Computer Numeric Control, deindustrialization, desegregation, factory automation, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, job-hopping, knowledge economy, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, performance metric, reshoring, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, social intelligence, two tier labour market, union organizing, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Wolfgang Streeck, working poor

As Washington put the matter, “The opportunity to earn a dollar in a factory just now is worth infinitely more than the opportunity to spend a dollar in an opera house.”4 He argued that industrial education would benefit his people, and he traded away almost everything else in favor of support for this ambition. Du Bois carried the day. But his emphasis on the aspirations and cultivation of elites faded away in favor of a universal call to open the doors of educational institutions, provide employment opportunities, desegregate housing, and guarantee the right to vote. Everyone should be able to seek a spot among the ranks of the talented tenth. Accommodating to inequality—as Washington was prepared to do in the name of economic security—was unacceptable. Upward mobility into the professions was the path toward respect. White America did not see the world so differently. Class intruded everywhere. Blue-collar work paid well, at least during the heyday of industrial unions, but it was not a source of pride.


pages: 422 words: 89,770

Death of the Liberal Class by Chris Hedges

1960s counterculture, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, call centre, clean water, collective bargaining, Columbine, corporate governance, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, hive mind, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Lao Tzu, Pearl River Delta, post scarcity, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, Tobin tax, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, WikiLeaks, working poor, Works Progress Administration

“The overall legacy of the liberals’ failure to stand up against the anticommunist crusades was to let the nation’s political culture veer to the right,” writes Ellen Schrecker in Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America:Movements and ideas that had once been acceptable were now beyond the pale. Though Communists and their allies were the direct victims, the mainstream liberals and former New Dealers within the Democratic Party were the indirect ones. Condoning the campaign against communism did not protect them from being denounced for “losing” China or, like Supreme Court Justice Black, for supporting desegregation in the South. Moreover, because the left had been destroyed, when liberals came under attack they had to defend themselves from a more politically exposed position than they would otherwise have occupied. This may seem obvious, but it is a point that needs to be stressed. The disappearance of the communist movement weakened American liberalism. Because its adherents were now on the left of the political spectrum, instead of at the center, they had less room within which to maneuver.48 In the wake of the witch hunts, networks such as CBS forced employees to sign loyalty oaths.


Hiding in Plain Sight: The Invention of Donald Trump and the Erosion of America by Sarah Kendzior

"side hustle", 4chan, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, borderless world, Chelsea Manning, Columbine, corporate raider, desegregation, don't be evil, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Ferguson, Missouri, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, income inequality, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, Jeffrey Epstein, Julian Assange, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, Nelson Mandela, new economy, payday loans, plutocrats, Plutocrats, QAnon, Robert Hanssen: Double agent, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Skype, Thomas L Friedman, trickle-down economics, unpaid internship, white flight, WikiLeaks, Y2K, zero-sum game

The Tea Party capitalized on that preexisting conservative base and pushed it into populism, both manufactured and genuine, as wealthy backers like the Koch brothers stayed quiet while homegrown stars, like Loesch, rose to the fore.16 The Tea Party’s rhetoric became more racist over time, with black Missouri lawmakers among the targets of their wrath.17 The St. Louis white mob—the mob that chased Elijah Lovejoy, the mob that fled the city following the desegregation of schools—was not back, exactly. It had never really gone away, never even gone underground. What was new was the structure of the national media, now dominated by cable news anchors who used heartlanders to parade bigoted ideologies they did not want to overtly claim themselves. In 2012, Missouri’s official bellwether status—the one defined by citizens voting for the presidential winner—was finally eliminated, as Mitt Romney beat Obama 54 percent to 44 percent, a stark departure from Obama’s narrow loss four years earlier.


pages: 901 words: 234,905

The Blank Slate: The Modern Denial of Human Nature by Steven Pinker

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Alfred Russel Wallace, anti-communist, British Empire, clean water, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, conceptual framework, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Defenestration of Prague, desegregation, epigenetics, Exxon Valdez, George Akerlof, germ theory of disease, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, Hobbesian trap, income inequality, invention of agriculture, invisible hand, Joan Didion, long peace, meta analysis, meta-analysis, More Guns, Less Crime, Murray Gell-Mann, mutually assured destruction, Norman Mailer, Peter Singer: altruism, phenotype, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Potemkin village, prisoner's dilemma, profit motive, QWERTY keyboard, Richard Feynman, Richard Thaler, risk tolerance, Robert Bork, Rodney Brooks, Saturday Night Live, social intelligence, speech recognition, Stanford prison experiment, stem cell, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the new new thing, theory of mind, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, twin studies, ultimatum game, urban renewal, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, Yogi Berra, zero-sum game

It could be completely false only if there were no variation in social status based on intellectual talent (which would require that people not preferentially hire and trade with the talented) or if there were no genetic variation in intelligence (which would require that people be either blank slates or clones). Herrnstein’s argument does not imply that any differences in average intelligence between races are innate (a distinct hypothesis that had been broached by the psychologist Arthur Jensen two years earlier),4 and he explicitly denied that he was making such a claim. School desegregation was less than a generation old, civil rights legislation less than a decade, so the differences that had been documented in average IQ scores of blacks and whites could easily be explained by differences in opportunity. Indeed, to say that Herrnstein’s syllogism implied that black people would end up at the bottom of a genetically stratified society was to add the gratuitous assumption that blacks were on average genetically less intelligent, which Herrnstein took pains to avoid.

In Lawrence Kohlberg’s famous theory of moral development, a willingness to ignore rules in favor of abstract principles was literally identified as a “higher stage” (which, perhaps tellingly, most people never reach). The most obvious example is the debate on strict constructionism and judicial restraint on one side and judicial activism in pursuit of social justice on the other. Earl Warren, the chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court from 1954 to 1969, was the prototypical judicial activist, who led the court to implement desegregation and expand the rights of the accused. He was known for interrupting lawyers in mid-argument by asking, “Is it right? Is it good?” The opposing view was stated by Oliver Wendell Holmes, who said his job was “to see that the game is played according to the rules whether I like them or not.” He conceded that “to improve conditions of life and the race is the main thing,” and added, “But how the devil can I tell whether I am not pulling it down more in some other place?”


pages: 289 words: 99,936

Digital Dead End: Fighting for Social Justice in the Information Age by Virginia Eubanks

affirmative action, Berlin Wall, call centre, cognitive dissonance, creative destruction, desegregation, Fall of the Berlin Wall, future of work, game design, global village, index card, informal economy, invisible hand, Kevin Kelly, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, low-wage service sector, microcredit, new economy, post-industrial society, race to the bottom, rent control, Shoshana Zuboff, Silicon Valley, South of Market, San Francisco, telemarketer, Thomas L Friedman, trickle-down economics, union organizing, urban planning, web application, white flight, women in the workforce, working poor

(Horton, Kohl, and Kohl 1998, 49) The connection of education to the broader goal of democratic social ethics and political change inspired Horton to begin, with Don West, the Highlander Folk School, a residential adult education program in East Tennessee. Horton declared that its purpose was to “train community leaders for participation in a democratic society” and to help spread democratic principles to all human relationships in every political, economic, social, and cultural activity. Their programs over the last seventy-nine years—including workshops on labor organizing and education (1930s and 1940s), desegregation in the public schools (1950s), citizenship and voter registration (1950s and 1960s), civil rights organizing and leadership (1960s), strip mining and toxic waste dumping in Appalachia (1970s), economic globalization issues (1980s), and multilingual organizing, interracial coalition building, and youth leadership in the American South (1990s to the present)—have been incredibly ambitious. Nevertheless, Highlander is dedicated to building decision-making processes that are based in broad participation, transparency, and accountability.


pages: 357 words: 94,852

No Is Not Enough: Resisting Trump’s Shock Politics and Winning the World We Need by Naomi Klein

Airbnb, basic income, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Brewster Kahle, Celebration, Florida, clean water, collective bargaining, Corrections Corporation of America, desegregation, Donald Trump, drone strike, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, energy transition, financial deregulation, greed is good, high net worth, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, income inequality, Internet Archive, Kickstarter, late capitalism, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral panic, Naomi Klein, Nate Silver, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, open borders, Peter Thiel, plutocrats, Plutocrats, private military company, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, sexual politics, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, too big to fail, trade liberalization, transatlantic slave trade, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, trickle-down economics, Upton Sinclair, urban decay, women in the workforce, working poor

In fact, they provoked some of the most momentous progressive victories in modern history. In the United States, after the carnage of the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, Blacks and their radical allies pushed for economic justice and greater social rights. They won major victories, including free public education for all children—although it would take another century before schools were desegregated. The horrific 1911 fire at the Triangle Shirtwaist Company in New York City, which took the lives of 146 young immigrant garment workers, catalyzed hundreds of thousands of workers into militancy—eventually leading to an overhaul of the state labor code, caps on overtime, new rules for child labor, and breakthroughs in health and fire safety regulations. Most significantly, it was only thanks to the collective response from below to the Great Crash of 1929 that the New Deal became possible.


Gaming the Vote: Why Elections Aren't Fair (And What We Can Do About It) by William Poundstone

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, business cycle, Debian, desegregation, Donald Trump, en.wikipedia.org, Everything should be made as simple as possible, global village, guest worker program, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, invisible hand, jimmy wales, John Nash: game theory, John von Neumann, Kenneth Arrow, manufacturing employment, Nash equilibrium, Paul Samuelson, Pierre-Simon Laplace, prisoner's dilemma, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, slashdot, the map is not the territory, Thomas Bayes, transcontinental railway, Unsafe at Any Speed, Y2K

The House of Representatives considered a Democrat-sponsored bill to provide federal funds for school construction. There was strong bipartisan support. No one could deny that the schools were needed and 17B Who's Afraid of the Big Bad Cycle? that they would have to be built with somebody's tax money. Both parties were eager to score points with parent-voters. Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., introduced an amendment to the bill that stipulated that the federal money be given only to states with desegregated schools. Two years previously, the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education had ruled segregated schools unconstitutionaL Powell's state, New York, was in compliance with the Supreme Court decision. The South, however, was still dragging its feet. Southern congresspeople had loved the original school-aid bill. It would rake yet more federal money south of the Mason-Dixon Line.


pages: 317 words: 100,414

Superforecasting: The Art and Science of Prediction by Philip Tetlock, Dan Gardner

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, availability heuristic, Black Swan, butterfly effect, buy and hold, cloud computing, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, desegregation, drone strike, Edward Lorenz: Chaos theory, forward guidance, Freestyle chess, fundamental attribution error, germ theory of disease, hindsight bias, index fund, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, Kenneth Arrow, Laplace demon, longitudinal study, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Nash equilibrium, Nate Silver, Nelson Mandela, obamacare, pattern recognition, performance metric, Pierre-Simon Laplace, place-making, placebo effect, prediction markets, quantitative easing, random walk, randomized controlled trial, Richard Feynman, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, scientific worldview, Silicon Valley, Skype, statistical model, stem cell, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, the scientific method, The Signal and the Noise by Nate Silver, The Wisdom of Crowds, Thomas Bayes, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!

Defenses were hurriedly bolstered, but many top officials worried that all their preparations could be undone by spies and saboteurs. Japanese Americans “may well be the Achilles’ heel of the entire civilian defense effort,” warned Earl Warren. At the time, Warren was attorney general of California. Later, he became governor, then chief justice of the US Supreme Court—and is remembered today as the liberal champion of school desegregation and civil rights.4 But civil rights were not at the tip of Warren’s nose in World War II. Security was. His solution to the perceived threat was to round up and imprison every man, woman, and child of Japanese descent, a plan carried out between mid-February and August 1942, when 112,000 people—two-thirds of whom had been born in the United States—were shipped to isolated camps ringed with barbed wire and armed guards.


Mindf*ck: Cambridge Analytica and the Plot to Break America by Christopher Wylie

4chan, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, availability heuristic, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, Boris Johnson, British Empire, call centre, Chelsea Manning, chief data officer, cognitive bias, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, computer vision, conceptual framework, cryptocurrency, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, desegregation, Dominic Cummings, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, Edward Snowden, Elon Musk, Etonian, first-past-the-post, Google Earth, housing crisis, income inequality, indoor plumbing, information asymmetry, Internet of things, Julian Assange, Lyft, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Menlo Park, move fast and break things, move fast and break things, Network effects, new economy, obamacare, Peter Thiel, Potemkin village, recommendation engine, Renaissance Technologies, Robert Mercer, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Sand Hill Road, Scientific racism, Shoshana Zuboff, side project, Silicon Valley, Skype, uber lyft, unpaid internship, Valery Gerasimov, web application, WikiLeaks, zero-sum game

And the Ku Klux Klan, which had virtually disappeared just after the Civil War, enjoyed a resurgence in the early twentieth century, in part by presenting itself as a national patriotic organization. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 represented a huge leap forward for the rights of American blacks. These sweeping sets of laws promised to right many of the wrongs that had been perpetrated against the black community for so many years by ensuring voting rights, mandating desegregation of public facilities, and instituting equal employment opportunity and nondiscrimination in federal programs. They also opened a new chapter in the politics of shamelessly stoking white fear. In the late 1960s, Richard Nixon’s “southern strategy” fueled racial fear and tensions in order to shift white voters’ allegiance from the Democrats to the GOP. Nixon ran his 1968 presidential campaign on the twin pillars of “states’ rights” and “law and order”—both of which were obvious, racially coded dog whistles.


pages: 376 words: 110,796

Realizing Tomorrow: The Path to Private Spaceflight by Chris Dubbs, Emeline Paat-dahlstrom, Charles D. Walker

Berlin Wall, call centre, Charles Lindbergh, desegregation, Donald Trump, Doomsday Book, Elon Musk, high net worth, Iridium satellite, iterative process, Jeff Bezos, Kickstarter, low earth orbit, Mark Shuttleworth, Mikhail Gorbachev, multiplanetary species, Nelson Mandela, Norman Mailer, private space industry, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, technoutopianism, X Prize, young professional

The subject of the government licensing a commercial, experimental, human-rated space vehicle had never been considered prior to XCOR making inquiries back in 1999. Because of Burt's philosophy of keeping things private-"Don't talk about it until you're ready" -Scaled did not approach AST until zooi. That's when Smith, who headed AST, took on the task of defining how the FAA would oversee commercial space launches. It represented a big step for the agency and the high-water mark of Smith's career. Smith grew up in Alabama during the court-ordered desegregation of the school systems in the South. She and her sister were among the first African Americans to attend a white school. Her determination to "go places" led her to enroll in college at age fifteen. She credits her father with instilling in her a real "can do" spirit at an early age. "If you think you can do it, go for it," she recalled her father encouraging her. At twenty-six Smith was already a project manager on her consulting firm's biggest contract with the U.S.


pages: 274 words: 93,758

Phishing for Phools: The Economics of Manipulation and Deception by George A. Akerlof, Robert J. Shiller, Stanley B Resor Professor Of Economics Robert J Shiller

"Robert Solow", Andrei Shleifer, asset-backed security, Bernie Madoff, business cycle, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, collapse of Lehman Brothers, corporate raider, Credit Default Swap, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, David Brooks, desegregation, en.wikipedia.org, endowment effect, equity premium, financial intermediation, financial thriller, fixed income, full employment, George Akerlof, greed is good, income per capita, invisible hand, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, late fees, loss aversion, market bubble, Menlo Park, mental accounting, Milgram experiment, money market fund, moral hazard, new economy, Pareto efficiency, Paul Samuelson, payday loans, Ponzi scheme, profit motive, publication bias, Ralph Nader, randomized controlled trial, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, short selling, Silicon Valley, the new new thing, The Predators' Ball, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, transaction costs, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, Vanguard fund, Vilfredo Pareto, wage slave

., 193nn50–51 subprime mortgages, xiv, 32–33, 36, 192n30 Sufrin, Carolyn B., 209n30 Suh, Simona, 158, 229n29 Summers, Lawrence H., 223n29, 232n15, 232nn17–18 Sunkist oranges, 51, 53 supermarkets: checkout lanes in, 1, 9; credit card fees paid by, 70; gross margins of, 202n36; product marketing in, 21 Supreme Court: Citizens United decision, 79, 160–62; Eisenhower’s appointments to, 151, 227n3; Laidlaw v. Organ, 141–42, 225n26; school desegregation, 151 Surgeon General’s Report (1964), 106–7, 108, 109 Swagel, Phillip, 76, 204n15 Swaim, William, 84–85 swaps. See credit default swaps Swearingen, Wayne, 122 Swift, Louis, 49 Swift and Company, 49 Tabarrok, Alex, 200n15 TARP. See Troubled Asset Relief Program tastes, monkey-on-the-shoulder, 4–5, 6, 20, 54, 59, 170–71, 172 taxes: on alcohol, 114–15; cuts in, 73, 203n5; on foreign earnings of corporations, 81; uncollected, 82 technical innovation.


pages: 353 words: 110,919

The Road to Character by David Brooks

Cass Sunstein, coherent worldview, David Brooks, desegregation, Donald Trump, follow your passion, George Santayana, Mahatma Gandhi, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral hazard, New Journalism, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rent control, Snapchat, Steve Jobs, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile

Randolph is not going to call off the march, and I suggest we all begin to seek a formula.”12 Six days before the march was due to take place, Roosevelt signed Executive Order 8802, banning discrimination in the defense industries. Randolph called off the march, amid much opposition from civil rights leaders who wanted to use it to push other causes such as discrimination in the armed forces themselves. After the war, Randolph pushed more broadly for worker rights and desegregation. His great power, as always, derived from his obvious moral integrity, his charisma, his example as an incorruptible man in service to a cause. He was, however, not a meticulous administrator. He had trouble concentrating his energies on a single cause. The unabashed admiration he inspired in the people around him could threaten organizational effectiveness. “There is, especially in the National Office, an unhealthy degree of leader-worship of Mr.


pages: 378 words: 107,957

Cynical Theories: How Activist Scholarship Made Everything About Race, Gender, and Identity―and Why This Harms Everybody by Helen Pluckrose, James A. Lindsay

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, barriers to entry, battle of ideas, centre right, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, conceptual framework, desegregation, Donald Trump, equal pay for equal work, European colonialism, feminist movement, germ theory of disease, Isaac Newton, late capitalism, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral panic, neurotypical, phenotype, sexual politics, Stephen Hawking, Steven Pinker, the scientific method, transatlantic slave trade, white flight, women in the workforce

This is no exaggeration of his intent; Bell states this explicitly in his 1987 book, And We Are Not Saved: The Elusive Quest for Racial Justice10: “progress in American race relations is largely a mirage obscuring the fact that whites continue, consciously or unconsciously, to do all in their power to ensure their dominion and maintain their control.”11 This cynical pessimism pervades Bell’s analysis. For instance, he also considered that white people had introduced desegregation, not as a solution to black people’s problems, but to further their own interests while suppressing black radicalism during the Cold War (and at other times).12 Because of his beliefs in a pervasive and irreparable system of white dominance in U.S. society,13 he argued that such changes lead to a whole new raft of problems through which white superiority would continually assert itself over the interests of black people, for instance through white retaliation and white flight.14 This was typical of the critical-race mood at the time.


Presidents of War by Michael Beschloss

anti-communist, British Empire, California gold rush, Charles Lindbergh, continuation of politics by other means, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Donald Trump, full employment, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, long peace, Monroe Doctrine, New Journalism, Ronald Reagan, traveling salesman, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration

.*23 On race, the President’s needle remained virtually stuck. Knowing the importance of the white South to a Democratic President and the power of white Southerners in the House and Senate, he had even once withheld his public endorsement from an anti-lynching bill. When the military draft began, A. Philip Randolph, chief of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, came to the Oval Office and asked Roosevelt to desegregate the armed forces.*24 The President claimed that integration had already begun, although he knew that this was scarcely true. The expanding industry of war also remained largely divided by race. The head of North American Aviation openly vowed that “no matter what their qualifications,” African Americans “will only be used as janitors.” In the spring of 1941, Randolph planned a march on Washington to demand equal opportunities.

In a scorching dissent, Murphy replied that the exclusion “falls into the ugly abyss of racism.” But the Court, in Ex parte Endo (1944), finally scotched the internment program for those deemed “loyal” to the United States, with Douglas writing that “he who is loyal is by definition not a spy or saboteur.” *6 Some later attributed the intensity of Chief Justice Warren’s support for Brown v. Board of Education, the Supreme Court’s 1954 decision desegregating the public schools, in part to penance for his complicity in the removal of the Japanese during wartime. *7 This controversy was reflected in Paramount’s motion picture Holiday Inn, starring Bing Crosby and Fred Astaire, which premiered that summer. In a patriotic World War II musical tableau celebrating Independence Day, MacArthur was given equal prominence with Roosevelt. *8 In January 1943, when Republicans revived this proposal, the historian T.


pages: 366 words: 117,875

Arrival City by Doug Saunders

agricultural Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, call centre, credit crunch, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, guest worker program, Hernando de Soto, Honoré de Balzac, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, Kibera, land reform, land tenure, low skilled workers, mass immigration, megacity, microcredit, new economy, Pearl River Delta, pensions crisis, place-making, price mechanism, rent control, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban sprawl, white flight, working poor, working-age population

The Multiscalar Construction and Experience of Concentrated Immigrant Poverty in Gateway Cities,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 98, no. 3 (2008); United Way, “Poverty by Postal Code: The Geography of Neighborhood Poverty” (Toronto: United Way of Greater Toronto and the Canadian Council on Social Development, 2004). 15 Smith and Ley, “Even in Canada?” 708. 16 Mohammad A. Qadeer, “Ethnic Segregation in a Multicultural City,” in Desegregating the City: Ghettos, Enclaves & Inequality, ed. David P. Varaday (Albany: SUNY Press, 2005); Kristin Good, “Patterns of Politics in Canada’s Immigrant-Receiving Cities and Suburbs,” Policy Studies 26, no. 3/4 (2005). 17 J. David Hulchanski, “The Three Cities within Toronto: Income Polarization among Toronto’s Neighborhoods, 1970–2000” (Toronto: Centre for Urban & Community Studies, University of Toronto, 2007). 18 Robert E.


pages: 455 words: 116,578

The Power of Habit: Why We Do What We Do in Life and Business by Charles Duhigg

Atul Gawande, Checklist Manifesto, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, delayed gratification, desegregation, game design, haute couture, impulse control, index card, longitudinal study, meta analysis, meta-analysis, patient HM, pattern recognition, randomized controlled trial, rolodex, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, Stanford marshmallow experiment, telemarketer, Tenerife airport disaster, Toyota Production System, transaction costs, Walter Mischel

., Voices of Freedom: An Oral History of the Civil Rights Movement from the 1950s Through the 1980s (New York: Bantam Books, 1995); Rosa Parks, Rosa Parks: My Story (New York: Puffin, 1999). 8.3 “the law is the law” John A. Kirk, Martin Luther King, Jr.: Profiles in Power (New York: Longman, 2004). 8.4 a three-part process For more on the sociology of movements, see G. Davis, D. McAdam, and W. Scott, Social Movements and Organizations (New York: Cambridge University, 2005); Robert Crain and Rita Mahard, “The Consequences of Controversy Accompanying Institutional Change: The Case of School Desegregation,” American Sociological Review 47, no. 6 (1982): 697–708; Azza Salama Layton, “International Pressure and the U.S. Government’s Response to Little Rock,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 56, no. 3 (1997): 257–72; Brendan Nelligan, “The Albany Movement and the Limits of Nonviolent Protest in Albany, Georgia, 1961–1962,” Providence College Honors Thesis, 2009; Charles Tilly, Social Movements, 1768–2004 (London: Paradigm, 2004); Andrew Walder, “Political Sociology and Social Movements,” Annual Review of Sociology 35 (2009): 393–412; Paul Almeida, Waves of Protest: Popular Struggle in El Salvador, 1925–2005 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 2008); Robert Benford, “An Insider’s Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective,” Sociological Inquiry 67, no. 4 (1997): 409–30; Robert Benford and David Snow, “Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment,” Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611–39; Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process Under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1979); Carol Conell and Kim Voss, “Formal Organization and the Fate of Social Movements: Craft Association and Class Alliance in the Knights of Labor,” American Sociological Review 55, no. 2 (1990): 255–69; James Davies, “Toward a Theory of Revolution,” American Sociological Review 27, no. 1 (1962): 5–18; William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey, 1975); Robert Benford, “An Insider’s Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective,” Sociological Inquiry 67, no. 4 (1997): 409–30; Jeff Goodwin, No Other Way Out: States and Revolutionary Movements, 1945–1991 (New York: Cambridge University, 2001); Jeff Goodwin and James Jasper, eds., Rethinking Social Movements: Structure, Meaning, and Emotion (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003); Roger Gould, “Multiple Networks and Mobilization in the Paris Commune, 1871,” American Sociological Review 56, no. 6 (1991): 716–29; Joseph Gusfield, “Social Structure and Moral Reform: A Study of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union,” American Journal of Sociology 61, no. 3 (1955): 221–31; Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1982); Doug McAdam, “Recruitment to High-Risk Activism: The Case of Freedom Summer,” American Journal of Sociology 92, no. 1 (1986): 64–90; Doug McAdam, “The Biographical Consequences of Activism,” American Sociological Review 54, no. 5 (1989): 744–60; Doug McAdam, “Conceptual Origins, Current Problems, Future Directions,” in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings, ed.


pages: 358 words: 119,272

Anatomy of the Bear: Lessons From Wall Street's Four Great Bottoms by Russell Napier

Albert Einstein, asset allocation, banking crisis, Bretton Woods, business cycle, buy and hold, collective bargaining, Columbine, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, diversified portfolio, floating exchange rates, Fractional reserve banking, full employment, hindsight bias, Kickstarter, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, mortgage tax deduction, Myron Scholes, new economy, oil shock, price stability, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, short selling, stocks for the long run, yield curve, Yogi Berra

The turnaround was achieved without the corporation initially having to buy any bonds. At the right time when bonds were cheap, economic conditions improving and commodity prices rising, the support operation provided the necessary upward impetus for prices. If a private support operation played a role in stabilising financial markets in 1932 then a public support operation played an even bigger role. Although it is always difficult to desegregate cause-and-effect in financial markets, the formation of the RFC not only assisted bank liquidity and stabilised government bond prices, but it led to some improvement in credit quality in those sectors of commerce, notably railways, where credit availability improved. As well as these support operations there is also some suggestion that the conversion of Britain’s £2 billion 5% war loan into a 3.5% perpetual loan also played an impact in stabilising bond prices in the US.


pages: 1,336 words: 415,037

The Snowball: Warren Buffett and the Business of Life by Alice Schroeder

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Bob Noyce, Bonfire of the Vanities, Brownian motion, capital asset pricing model, card file, centralized clearinghouse, Charles Lindbergh, collateralized debt obligation, computerized trading, corporate governance, corporate raider, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, Donald Trump, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, Everybody Ought to Be Rich, global village, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, haute cuisine, Honoré de Balzac, If something cannot go on forever, it will stop - Herbert Stein's Law, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index fund, indoor plumbing, intangible asset, interest rate swap, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, John Meriwether, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Long Term Capital Management, Louis Bachelier, margin call, market bubble, Marshall McLuhan, medical malpractice, merger arbitrage, Mikhail Gorbachev, money market fund, moral hazard, NetJets, new economy, New Journalism, North Sea oil, paper trading, passive investing, Paul Samuelson, pets.com, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Nader, random walk, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, shareholder value, short selling, side project, Silicon Valley, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, supply-chain management, telemarketer, The Predators' Ball, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, transcontinental railway, Upton Sinclair, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration, Y2K, yellow journalism, zero-coupon bond

Dark-skinned diplomats had to be chaperoned, embarrassed and scandalized by a provincialism like no place else in the world. “I would rather be an Untouchable in the Hindu caste system than a Negro in Washington,” one foreign visitor said.20 The Washington Post, referred to by some right-wingers as “The Uptown Communist Sheet,” had been on a crusade about racism for some time,21 and President Truman had desegregated the military and was pushing for civil-rights reforms. But change was slow. Warren, who did not read the liberal Post, paid little attention to Washington’s racism. He was both unaware and immature, too absorbed in his own insecurity, his stunts, and his businesses. He returned that summer to his duties as relief circulation manager for the conservative Times-Herald. He still had the borrowed Ford and once again used it to deliver papers if he had to fill in for one of his paperboys, using the running board technique he had perfected earlier.

She had become close to leaders of the black community and was all over Omaha, brainstorming, coordinating, cajoling, publicizing, working on behind-the-scenes relationships in a town where racial tensions were reaching the point of violence. Every summer now in the nation’s major cities, race riots flared after minor incidents involving the police. Martin Luther King Jr. had issued a call the previous year: Desegregating workplaces and public facilities wasn’t enough; segregated housing had to be eliminated. The idea terrified many whites, especially after riots in the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles, which had turned into a war zone of arson, sniping, and looting in which thirty-four people were killed. Similar uprisings had taken place in Cleveland; Chicago; Brooklyn; Jacksonville, Florida; and other smaller towns.4 During a fifteen-day heat wave in July 1966, riots erupted in Omaha; the governor called out the National Guard, blaming the riots on “an environment unfit for human habitation.”5 Susie now made the elimination of segregated housing in Omaha her central cause.

Vornado was under different management and owned discount stores. Today it is a real estate investment trust managed by Steven Roth. 33. Interview with Bob Malott. 34. Buffett says he immediately told Malott that FMC should buy back its own stock, which was cheap. Although FMC considered the idea, it didn’t follow through. 35. Black enrollment had risen to one third and was projected to rise to nearly half in the fall. A desegregation suit was pending and the building did not conform to fire codes. Some white students had already transferred out of fears that Central and Tech High, the city’s toughest school, would be merged. Dana Parsons, “Central Parents Express Fears, Seek Changes,” Omaha World-Herald, May 9, 1974. The committee proposed changes that in effect created a magnet school oriented to college prep. 36. Mark Trustin, a neighbor, gave Hamilton to the Buffetts. 37.


pages: 602 words: 120,848

Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer-And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class by Paul Pierson, Jacob S. Hacker

accounting loophole / creative accounting, active measures, affirmative action, asset allocation, barriers to entry, Bonfire of the Vanities, business climate, business cycle, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, desegregation, employer provided health coverage, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, fixed income, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, Howard Zinn, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, Martin Wolf, medical bankruptcy, moral hazard, Nate Silver, new economy, night-watchman state, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Powell Memorandum, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, union organizing, very high income, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce

But that misses the critical organizational side of the story—which involved Christian organizations (and especially Christian schools) as much as Christian voters. For those who would come to lead the evangelical movement, the tax status of private Christian schools, placed in jeopardy by an IRS ruling, became a hot-button issue in the late 1970s. A vast network of these schools had developed in response to desegregation, and when a Carter-appointed IRS commissioner made the ruling—and the Carter White House proved unresponsive to the resulting fury of Christian conservatives—they turned increasingly to Republicans for support. Although the tax funding issue has received far less notoriety than the abortion issue, at the time it may have actually been a greater catalyst to political organization. In the words of Richard Viguerie, a legendary figure in the conservative counterrevolution, the tax ruling “kicked the sleeping dog… It galvanized the religious right.


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Thirteen Days in September: Carter, Begin, and Sadat at Camp David by Lawrence Wright

Albert Einstein, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Mahatma Gandhi, open borders, rent control, Ronald Reagan, Yom Kippur War

Jimmy was seen as somewhat exotic in Plains because of his education and his spin in the Navy. He quickly took on the role of a community leader, becoming chairman of the county school board at a time when racial integration was ripping the Deep South into bitter factions. In 1962, he tried to consolidate the three white schools in the county, but the white population saw it as a prelude to school desegregation. A homemade sign was placed in front of the Carter warehouse: COONS AND CARTERS GO TOGETHER. Carter’s initiative was voted down. As would be true at other times in his life, failure was a spur to Carter’s ambition. On the morning of his thirty-eighth birthday, he put on his Sunday pants rather than the work clothes he normally wore to the warehouse. Rosalynn asked where he was going, and he told her he was on his way to Americus, the county seat, to place a notice in the newspaper that he would be a candidate for the state senate.


pages: 1,261 words: 294,715

Behave: The Biology of Humans at Our Best and Worst by Robert M. Sapolsky

autonomous vehicles, Bernie Madoff, biofilm, blood diamonds, British Empire, Broken windows theory, Brownian motion, car-free, clean water, cognitive dissonance, corporate personhood, corporate social responsibility, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, delayed gratification, desegregation, different worldview, double helix, Drosophila, Edward Snowden, en.wikipedia.org, epigenetics, Flynn Effect, framing effect, fudge factor, George Santayana, global pandemic, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, impulse control, income inequality, John von Neumann, Loma Prieta earthquake, long peace, longitudinal study, loss aversion, Mahatma Gandhi, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mohammed Bouazizi, Monkeys Reject Unequal Pay, mouse model, mutually assured destruction, Nelson Mandela, Network effects, out of africa, Peter Singer: altruism, phenotype, placebo effect, publication bias, RAND corporation, risk tolerance, Rosa Parks, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (SSRI), self-driving car, Silicon Valley, social intelligence, Stanford marshmallow experiment, Stanford prison experiment, stem cell, Steven Pinker, strikebreaker, theory of mind, transatlantic slave trade, traveling salesman, trickle-down economics, twin studies, ultimatum game, Walter Mischel, wikimedia commons, zero-sum game

Under those conditions, sustained intergroup contact generally decreases prejudices, often to a large extent and in a generalized, persistent manner. This was the conclusion of a 2006 meta-analysis of some five hundred studies comprising over 250,000 subjects from thirty-eight countries; beneficial effects were roughly equal for group differences in race, religion, ethnicity, or sexual orientation. As examples, a 1957 study concerning desegregation of the Merchant Marines showed that the more trips white seamen took with African Americans, the more positive their racial attitudes. Same for white cops as a function of time spent with African American partners.19 A more recent meta-analysis provides additional insights: (a) The beneficial effects typically involve both more knowledge about and more empathy for the Thems. (b) The workplace is a particularly effective place for contact to do its salutary thing.

There is far less distinction made between intentional and unintentional when it comes to harm to objects. “Damn, I don’t care if he meant to Krazy Glue the fan belt or not—we have to buy a new one.” * “Greater good” for kids, as at any age, is in the eye of the beholder. In psychologist Robert Coles’s classic The Moral Life of Children (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1986), he describes his fieldwork in the American South during desegregation, and how older children on both sides of the divide were willing to undergo sacrifice for the good of their ideological group. * I once received a lesson in kids’ private world of rule making from my then-four-year-old son. We had gone to a public bathroom together; we stood side by side at two urinals, and I finished a bit earlier than he did. “I wish we had finished at the same time,” he said.


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The Vietnam War: An Intimate History by Geoffrey C. Ward, Ken Burns

anti-communist, bank run, Berlin Wall, clean water, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, European colonialism, friendly fire, Haight Ashbury, land reform, Mahatma Gandhi, mutually assured destruction, Norman Mailer, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, South China Sea, War on Poverty

Kennedy of New York, who had begun to separate himself from the Johnson administration over the war. He asked Lieutenant General James Gavin. He asked Senator George McGovern. They all turned him down. Unseating a president still seemed a hopeless cause. Lowenstein vowed to keep looking. OUR BEST INTERESTS Eva Jefferson was the daughter of an Air Force officer and grew up overseas, on military bases—in “desegregated settings,” she remembered, though “I was usually the only little black girl in the class. If you look at my class pictures I look like the little chocolate chip in the vanilla ice cream. I was always a good student. I remember people saying, ‘Oh, you speak so well.’ The unstated part was, ‘for a black girl,’ probably a ‘Negro girl’ or ‘colored girl’ at that point. I was a Girl Scout. I was on the debate team.

On June 10, President Johnson announced the appointment of General Creighton Abrams. He was a soldier’s soldier, a combat leader, one reporter wrote, who “could inspire aggressiveness in a begonia.” His tank battalion had been the first to break though the German lines and relieve Bastogne during the Battle of the Bulge. He had served as chief of staff to three different corps in Korea, commanded Army regulars and National Guardsmen to quell the riots that followed the desegregation of schools and colleges in Alabama and Mississippi, and served for a year in Saigon as General Westmoreland’s top deputy, earning a reputation as “the godfather of the ARVN” because of his determination to improve the performance of South Vietnamese forces. On the surface, at least, he and his predecessor could not have been more different. Westmoreland had been crisp, controlled, perpetually confident—one reporter noted that he breakfasted in his underwear in order not to muss his perfectly pressed uniform.


pages: 598 words: 140,612

Triumph of the City: How Our Greatest Invention Makes Us Richer, Smarter, Greener, Healthier, and Happier by Edward L. Glaeser

affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Broken windows theory, carbon footprint, Celebration, Florida, clean water, congestion charging, declining real wages, desegregation, different worldview, diversified portfolio, Edward Glaeser, endowment effect, European colonialism, financial innovation, Frank Gehry, global village, Guggenheim Bilbao, haute cuisine, Home mortgage interest deduction, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, job-hopping, John Snow's cholera map, Mahatma Gandhi, McMansion, megacity, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, New Urbanism, place-making, Ponzi scheme, Potemkin village, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rent control, RFID, Richard Florida, Rosa Parks, school vouchers, Seaside, Florida, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart cities, Steven Pinker, strikebreaker, Thales and the olive presses, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the new new thing, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, William Shockley: the traitorous eight, Works Progress Administration, young professional

The Continuous Wave: Technology and American Radio 1900-1932. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985. Albion, Robert Greenhalgh. The Rise of New York Port [1815-1860]. New York: Scribner’s, 1939. Alexiou, Alice Sparberg. Jane Jacobs: Urban Visionary. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2006. Amaker, Norman C. “Milliken v. Bradley: The Meaning of the Constitution in School Desegregation Cases.” Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly 2, no. 2 (Spring 1975): 349-72. American Chamber of Commerce Research Association. ACCRA Cost of Living Index—Historical Dataset (1Q1990-2009), Arlington, VA: Council for Community and Economic Research [distributor] version 1, http://hdl.handle.net/1902.1/14823. American FactFinder, U.S. Census Bureau, http://factfinder.census.gov. Ankeny, Brent, and Robert Snavely.


pages: 503 words: 131,064

Liars and Outliers: How Security Holds Society Together by Bruce Schneier

airport security, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Brian Krebs, Broken windows theory, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, Chelsea Manning, commoditize, corporate governance, crack epidemic, credit crunch, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Graeber, desegregation, don't be evil, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, Douglas Hofstadter, experimental economics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, George Akerlof, hydraulic fracturing, impulse control, income inequality, invention of agriculture, invention of gunpowder, iterative process, Jean Tirole, John Nash: game theory, joint-stock company, Julian Assange, longitudinal study, mass incarceration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microcredit, moral hazard, mutually assured destruction, Nate Silver, Network effects, Nick Leeson, offshore financial centre, patent troll, phenotype, pre–internet, principal–agent problem, prisoner's dilemma, profit maximization, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, RFID, Richard Thaler, risk tolerance, Ronald Coase, security theater, shareholder value, slashdot, statistical model, Steven Pinker, Stuxnet, technological singularity, The Market for Lemons, The Nature of the Firm, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, too big to fail, traffic fines, transaction costs, ultimatum game, UNCLOS, union organizing, Vernor Vinge, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey, Y2K, zero-sum game

EPIC sued the TSA over full-body scanners, claiming the agency didn't even follow its own rules when it fielded the devices. And while the court rejected EPIC's Fourth Amendment arguments and allowed the TSA to keep screening, it ordered the TSA to conduct notice-and-comment rulemaking. Not a complete victory by any means, but a partial one. And there are many examples of government institutions being reined in by the court system. In the U.S., this includes judicial review, desegregating schools, legalizing abortion, striking down laws prohibiting interracial and now same-sex couples from marrying, establishing judicial oversight for wiretapping, and punishing trust fund mismanagement at the Bureau of Indian Affairs. What's important here is accountability. It is important that these mechanisms are seen publicly, and that people are held accountable. If we're going to keep government from overstepping its bounds, it will be through separation of powers: checks and balances.


pages: 444 words: 138,781

Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City by Matthew Desmond

affirmative action, Cass Sunstein, crack epidemic, Credit Default Swap, deindustrialization, desegregation, dumpster diving, ending welfare as we know it, fixed income, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, Gunnar Myrdal, housing crisis, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, jobless men, Kickstarter, late fees, mass incarceration, New Urbanism, payday loans, price discrimination, profit motive, rent control, statistical model, superstar cities, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, thinkpad, upwardly mobile, working poor, young professional

Plus, those developers did not support public housing per se; they viewed it as a necessary vehicle through which to execute slum clearance and land grabs. Arnold Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940–1960 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 104–34. 9. See Philip Tegeler, Michael Hanley, and Judith Liben, “Transforming Section 8: Using Federal Housing Subsidies to Promote Individual Housing Choice and Desegregation,” Harvard Civil Rights–Civil Liberties Law Review 30 (1995): 451–86; Housing and Community Development Act of 1974, Pub. L. No. 93–383, § 101(a)(1), (c)(6), 88 Stat. 633, 633–34. 10. On foreclosures of rental property, see Gabe Treves, California Renters in the Foreclosure Crisis, Third Annual Report (San Francisco: Tenants Together, 2011); Vicki Been and Allegra Glashausser, “Tenants: Innocent Victims of the Foreclosure Crisis,” Albany Government Law Review 2 (2009); Matthew Desmond, “Housing Crisis in the Inner City,” Chicago Tribune, April 18, 2010; and Craig Karmin, Robbie Whelan, and Jeannette Neumann, “Rental Market’s Big Buyers,” Wall Street Journal, October 3, 2012.


pages: 455 words: 133,719

Overwhelmed: Work, Love, and Play When No One Has the Time by Brigid Schulte

8-hour work day, affirmative action, Bertrand Russell: In Praise of Idleness, blue-collar work, Burning Man, business cycle, call centre, cognitive dissonance, David Brooks, deliberate practice, desegregation, DevOps, East Village, Edward Glaeser, epigenetics, fear of failure, feminist movement, financial independence, game design, gender pay gap, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, hiring and firing, income inequality, job satisfaction, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, meta analysis, meta-analysis, new economy, profit maximization, Results Only Work Environment, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, sensible shoes, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steve Jobs, Thorstein Veblen, women in the workforce, working poor, Zipcar, éminence grise

He became determined that that dark vision of a soulless state, heartless absent mothers, and factory-raised automaton children would never come to pass in the United States.9 Buchanan quickly marshaled the support of conservative writers and activists who decried how the bill would “Sovietize” the American family. Some called the bill an experiment in Orwellian thought control and the first step toward totalitarianism. “Big Brother Wants Your Children,” ran one headline.10 Fresh from battles over forced busing and desegregation, conservatives railed against the “socioeconomic and race mix of students” these child-care centers would foster.11 Phyllis Schlafly and others opposed to the women’s movement used the bill to lobby for working mothers to return home, arguing, “There is no substitute for a mother’s presence.”12 Radical feminists, with their calls for twenty-four-hour child care to dissolve the “oppressive” nuclear family and redistribute responsibility for children, only helped Buchanan make the argument that child care would destroy families.13 As the emerging right wing mobilized, the coalition that supported the bill began to fray.


pages: 483 words: 134,377

The Tyranny of Experts: Economists, Dictators, and the Forgotten Rights of the Poor by William Easterly

"Robert Solow", air freight, Andrei Shleifer, battle of ideas, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, Carmen Reinhart, clean water, colonial rule, correlation does not imply causation, creative destruction, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, discovery of the americas, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, Francisco Pizarro, fundamental attribution error, germ theory of disease, greed is good, Gunnar Myrdal, income per capita, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, John Snow's cholera map, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, M-Pesa, microcredit, Monroe Doctrine, oil shock, place-making, Ponzi scheme, risk/return, road to serfdom, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, urban planning, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey, young professional

His concluding sentences showed Hailey’s ability to use Myrdal as leverage against American critics of empire: “Nor can we overlook the effect of the growing recognition by the American public that . . . their country occupies a somewhat exposed position as a defender of the democratic faith. ‘When we talk of freedom and opportunity for all nations’, it has been said, ‘some of the mocking paradoxes in our own society become so clear that they can no longer be ignored.’”50 Hailey knew in July 1944 that Roosevelt was in a trap. While Roosevelt tried to avoid the worst flare-ups of black discontent, he could not enforce desegregation or black voting rights in the South. Southern whites were solid supporters of the Democrats at that time, and losing them would threaten FDR’s reelection in November 1944. ANOTHER KEY MOMENT IN THIS BOOK Lord Hailey’s propaganda offensive in the United States during World War II was a combination of threat and opportunity. The threat was “if you keep harping on how we oppress our nonwhites, we will harp on how you oppress your nonwhites.”


pages: 489 words: 132,734

A History of Future Cities by Daniel Brook

Berlin Wall, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, call centre, carbon footprint, Celtic Tiger, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial innovation, glass ceiling, indoor plumbing, joint-stock company, land reform, Mikhail Gorbachev, New Urbanism, open economy, Parag Khanna, Pearl River Delta, Potemkin village, profit motive, rent control, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, starchitect, trade route, urban planning, urban renewal, working poor

As a Shanghailander historian wrote in 1928, “When a traveller arrives in Shanghai to-day he is struck by the fact that to all intents and purposes he might be in a large European city [on account of] the tall buildings, the well paved streets, the large hotels and clubs, the parks and bridges, the stream of automobiles, the trams and busses, the numerous foreign shops, and, at night, the brilliant electric lighting,—all are things he is accustomed to in the homeland.” But a look behind the façades to the interiors of the buildings—the stages upon which the social life of the city was acted out—revealed a metropolis that was more vital than anything Europe could offer. With the desegregation of public spaces—even the famously restricted Shanghai Race Club had been integrated during World War I—the balkanized metropolis where each community created its own separate world gave way to a city where all the groups came together. No building embodied this new Shanghai modernity more than the Bund’s tallest building and greatest Jazz Age skyscraper, the Cathay Hotel. Opened in 1929, the Cathay stood at Shanghai’s premier location, where Nanjing Road met the Bund, formerly the site of the office of Augustine Heard & Company, an American tea and opium trading firm.


pages: 470 words: 137,882

Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents by Isabel Wilkerson

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airport security, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, clean water, coronavirus, COVID-19, Covid-19, desegregation, Donald Trump, global pandemic, Gunnar Myrdal, mass incarceration, Milgram experiment, obamacare, out of africa, Peter Eisenman, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, strikebreaker, transatlantic slave trade, zero-sum game

The rate of births among non-Hispanic white teenagers, historically a fraction of the rate of black and Latina teenagers, fell at a steady but slower pace from 43 per 1,000 to 13 per 1,000 during the same period, or from a little more than a quarter of the black birth rate to now about half. “Teen Births,” Child Trends, May 24, 2019, https://www.childtrends.org/​indicators/​teen-births. The analysis was derived from Centers for Disease Control data. “The long-term downward trends”: Ibid. closed, auctioned off, or poured concrete: Albany, Georgia, “auctioned three pools and a tennis court rather than desegregate them.” The city “padlocked the library for months.” Sokol, There Goes My Everything, p. 93. When black boys instinctively rushed: “McKinney Video: Protest over Texas Pool Party Policing,” BBC, June 9, 2015, https://www.bbc.com/​news/​world-us-canada-33059484. Within days, the officer resigned: Jonathan Capehart, “The McKinney, Texas Pool Party: More Proof That ‘Black Children Don’t Get to Be Children,’ ” Washington Post, June 10, 2015, https://www.washingtonpost.com/​blogs/​post-partisan/​wp/​2015/​06/​10/​the-mckinney-texas-pool-party-more-proof-that-black-children-dont-get-to-be-children/.


pages: 391 words: 22,799

To Serve God and Wal-Mart: The Making of Christian Free Enterprise by Bethany Moreton

affirmative action, American Legislative Exchange Council, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, big-box store, Bretton Woods, Buckminster Fuller, collective bargaining, corporate personhood, creative destruction, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frederick Winslow Taylor, George Gilder, global village, informal economy, invisible hand, liberation theology, longitudinal study, market fundamentalism, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage tax deduction, Naomi Klein, new economy, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, prediction markets, price anchoring, Ralph Nader, RFID, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, walkable city, Washington Consensus, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog, Works Progress Administration

The proposed site of the future Supercenter lay beneath the old St. Thomas housing projÂ�ect, once home to almost two thousand of the city’s poor. Its sturdy, low-rise duplexes dated from the New Deal commitment to shelter one-third of a nation, artifacts of the era before massive towers warehoused the urban poor. Reserved for white tenants for a generation, St. Thomas fiÂ�nally bowed to Great Society desegregation in the mid-1960s. By 1980, all of its tenants were black, even as a wave of white bargain-hunters snapped up the nearby shotgun shacks and bungalows of New Orleans’s quaint vernacular architecture. A deÂ�cade later, St. Thomas was home to all the classic trappings of postindustrial poverty: its fifty acres housed mostly single mothers with annual inÂ�comes below $5,000, plagued by poor health, lousy schools, and alarming rates of Â�violent crime.


pages: 482 words: 149,351

The Finance Curse: How Global Finance Is Making Us All Poorer by Nicholas Shaxson

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, Airbnb, airline deregulation, anti-communist, bank run, banking crisis, Basel III, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Blythe Masters, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, business cycle, capital controls, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, centre right, Clayton Christensen, cloud computing, corporate governance, corporate raider, creative destruction, Credit Default Swap, cross-subsidies, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, demographic dividend, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, Etonian, failed state, falling living standards, family office, financial deregulation, financial innovation, forensic accounting, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, gig economy, Gini coefficient, global supply chain, high net worth, income inequality, index fund, invisible hand, Jeff Bezos, Kickstarter, land value tax, late capitalism, light touch regulation, London Whale, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, Mark Zuckerberg, Martin Wolf, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, neoliberal agenda, Network effects, new economy, Northern Rock, offshore financial centre, old-boy network, out of africa, Paul Samuelson, plutocrats, Plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, purchasing power parity, pushing on a string, race to the bottom, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart grid, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, South Sea Bubble, sovereign wealth fund, special economic zone, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, The Chicago School, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, transfer pricing, wealth creators, white picket fence, women in the workforce, zero-sum game

It was a trade-off, and when people moved across borders to make this trade-off work best for them, it improved overall welfare. All this amounted to a rather progressive agenda – or so he thought.6 Tiebout himself never really pursued his idea; it was certainly elegant, but for him it was ‘just another paper’.7 And for a long time it didn’t take off. Political centralisation was in vogue so nobody cared much for theories about local politics, and the media usually only brought up local government in the context of desegregation, incompetence or corruption. The story might well have ended there – and for Charlie Tiebout it did: he died of a heart attack in January 1968, aged forty-three. When the world finally started to wake up to Tiebout’s paper, the year after his death, it would kick off a debate about one of the most important questions in the modern global economy: what happens when rich people, banks, multinational firms or profits shift across borders in response to different incentives like corporate tax cuts, financial deregulation and so on?


pages: 475 words: 156,046

When They Go Low, We Go High: Speeches That Shape the World – and Why We Need Them by Philip Collins

anti-communist, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, collective bargaining, Copley Medal, Corn Laws, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, F. W. de Klerk, fear of failure, Fellow of the Royal Society, full employment, invention of the printing press, late capitalism, Mahatma Gandhi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Monroe Doctrine, Neil Kinnock, Nelson Mandela, plutocrats, Plutocrats, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, Rosa Parks, stakhanovite, Thomas Malthus, Torches of Freedom, World Values Survey

By the end of that it is starting to die: the image of the cancelled check is too thin to bear the weight of injustice it is being asked to carry. This section is designed to set up the purpose of the speech, which is to help President Kennedy introduce a comprehensive civil rights bill. That bill was intended to do away with segregated public accommodation, protect the right to vote and the panoply of constitutional rights, desegregate all public schools and introduce a Federal Fair Employment Practices Act to debar discrimination in all employment. King’s scripted moderation is in deference to the anxieties of the president. When the civil rights activist James Bevel proposed a march from Birmingham, Alabama, to Washington, modelled on Gandhi’s famous Salt March to the Sea, President Kennedy was worried that bad publicity, maybe from violence on the day, could set back the cause.


pages: 535 words: 151,217

Pacific: Silicon Chips and Surfboards, Coral Reefs and Atom Bombs, Brutal Dictators, Fading Empires, and the Coming Collision of the World's Superpowers by Simon Winchester

9 dash line, Albert Einstein, BRICs, British Empire, California gold rush, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Frank Gehry, Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), land tenure, Loma Prieta earthquake, Maui Hawaii, Monroe Doctrine, oil shock, polynesian navigation, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, South China Sea, trade route, transcontinental railway, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, undersea cable, uranium enrichment

The supply caches left behind by the Americans had run out; most islanders now survived on thin gruel and barely edible fish; a fire had devastated their main coconut plantation. A visiting Marshall Islander reported that the Bikinian exiles were emaciated, “just skin and bones,” and an American doctor found compelling evidence of real malnutrition. The islanders found an unanticipated champion. Harold L. Ickes, who had been Roosevelt’s interior secretary for more than a dozen years, the man who desegregated the national parks and who dedicated Boulder Dam and who was in many ways the personification of the practical implementation of FDR’s New Deal, got involved. By now retired, he was still a formidable champion of the underdog. In late 1947 he wrote a syndicated column decrying the treatment of the Bikini Islanders: “The natives,” he declared, “are actually and literally starving to death.” All Washington read Ickes’s essay, and it shocked Truman’s administration into action.


America Right or Wrong: An Anatomy of American Nationalism by Anatol Lieven

American ideology, British Empire, centre right, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, European colonialism, failed state, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, illegal immigration, income inequality, laissez-faire capitalism, mass immigration, Mikhail Gorbachev, millennium bug, mittelstand, Monroe Doctrine, moral hazard, moral panic, new economy, Norman Mailer, oil shock, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Robert Bork, Ronald Reagan, Thomas L Friedman, World Values Survey, Y2K

Of great importance in this shift have been three other institutions with specific prestige in the South and to a lesser extent the "heartland" more generally: the military, the sports industry and the patriotic and macho strain in Hollywood. Thus in stages beginning in the 1940s, the U.S. military has deliberately turned itself into the most genuinely multiracial of all U.S. institutions, one where Blacks and others can advance to the highest ranks without having accusations of unfair preference thrown at them.100 Starting with President Harry Truman's decision to desegregate the military in 1948, this development was encouraged by all other presidents, with the conscious intention of strengthening America's civilizational appeal to "colored" peoples tempted by communism.101 For the military, this shift has increasingly become a matter of necessity as well as ideology. After the military abandoned conscription in the wake of Vietnam, it 44 AN EXCEPTIONAL NATIONALISM?


Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism by Quinn Slobodian

Asian financial crisis, Berlin Wall, bilateral investment treaty, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, central bank independence, collective bargaining, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doha Development Round, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, floating exchange rates, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, Hernando de Soto, invisible hand, liberal capitalism, liberal world order, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, Mercator projection, Mont Pelerin Society, Norbert Wiener, offshore financial centre, oil shock, open economy, pattern recognition, Paul Samuelson, Pearl River Delta, Philip Mirowski, price mechanism, quantitative easing, random walk, rent control, rent-seeking, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, special economic zone, statistical model, The Chicago School, the market place, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, Thomas L Friedman, trade liberalization, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, Wolfgang Streeck, zero-sum game

The economist prided himself on taking unpop­u­lar positions and being “against the tide” (as his memoir was titled when published in En­glish by Henry Regnery).143 This was certainly the case in the m ­ atter of South Africa. From 1964 ­until his death in 1966, Röpke’s concerns about foreign aid and “occidental civilization” converged in Southern Africa.144 Historians have shown how the National Review tacked to the right on issues of race in the late 1950s, culminating in Buckley’s 1957 editorial opposing desegregation on the grounds that whites ­were “the advanced race” and that science proved “the median cultural superiority of White over Negro.”145 Yet they rarely note that Buckley’s editorial is couched in a defense of Eu­ro­pean colonialism in Africa. Buckley defended British actions for maintaining colonial control in ­Kenya (which continued u ­ ntil 1964) as an example to the U.S. South that “the claims of civilization supersede t­hose of universal suffrage,” and concluded with an openly antidemo­cratic argument for white supremacy: “It is more impor­tant for any community, anywhere in the world, to affirm and live by civilized standards, than to bow to the demands of the numerical majority.”146 Buckley’s racial views “did not stop at the ­water’s edge,” as one scholar notes.


pages: 501 words: 145,943

If Mayors Ruled the World: Dysfunctional Nations, Rising Cities by Benjamin R. Barber

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Legislative Exchange Council, Berlin Wall, bike sharing scheme, borderless world, Boris Johnson, Bretton Woods, British Empire, car-free, carbon footprint, Cass Sunstein, Celebration, Florida, clean water, corporate governance, crowdsourcing, David Brooks, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, digital Maoism, disintermediation, edge city, Edward Glaeser, Edward Snowden, Etonian, failed state, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Filter Bubble, George Gilder, ghettoisation, global pandemic, global village, Hernando de Soto, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, income inequality, informal economy, information retrieval, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, London Interbank Offered Rate, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, Marshall McLuhan, Masdar, megacity, microcredit, Mikhail Gorbachev, mortgage debt, mutually assured destruction, new economy, New Urbanism, Nicholas Carr, Norman Mailer, nuclear winter, obamacare, Occupy movement, Panopticon Jeremy Bentham, Peace of Westphalia, Pearl River Delta, peer-to-peer, planetary scale, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RFID, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart cities, smart meter, Steve Jobs, Stewart Brand, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tobin tax, Tony Hsieh, trade route, UNCLOS, UNCLOS, unpaid internship, urban sprawl, War on Poverty, zero-sum game

Nor will prohibiting segregation by law (more or less achieved in developed societies) end it de facto in housing any more than prohibiting educational segregation will end it de facto in schools. The challenge for mitigation is clear, then, though anything but simple: equality without deracination, and anonymity without the loss of community: which is to say, community and neighborhood without de facto segregation and without the loss of equal access to all city resources; and desegregation without uniformity and without the loss of diversity and freedom. Transportation It might seem that transportation that is public is by definition a universally accessible public good relatively immune to the distortions of wealth or segregation. But what is public in theory can be less than public in practice. There are obviously significant ways in which routes, schedules, and availability of service can adversely impact different peoples and neighborhoods within a city that is residentially segmented if not also segregated.


pages: 495 words: 144,101

Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right by Jennifer Burns

anti-communist, bank run, barriers to entry, centralized clearinghouse, collective bargaining, creative destruction, desegregation, feminist movement, financial independence, George Gilder, invisible hand, jimmy wales, Joan Didion, John Markoff, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, lone genius, Menlo Park, minimum wage unemployment, Mont Pelerin Society, new economy, Norman Mailer, offshore financial centre, Ponzi scheme, profit motive, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, side project, Stewart Brand, The Chicago School, The Wisdom of Crowds, union organizing, urban renewal, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog

But free markets were only a piece of the larger JBS worldview, which included staunch opposition to civil rights and anti-Communism à la McCarthy. With her single-minded focus on capitalism, Rand missed the political realities unfolding on the ground. The violence and unrest of 1964, including the Watts riot, stoked racial anxieties. Goldwater had staked out his territory as an opponent of the Democratic approach to civil rights; whether he liked it or not, he was becoming a central figure in the political clash over integration and desegregation, and these issues, far more than capitalism, underlay his political fortunes. An eager booster of Goldwater up to his triumphant nomination at San Francisco’s Cow Palace, Rand became disillusioned as he moved into the general election. It was the same mistake Willkie had made. Goldwater began to retreat from his pro-capitalist stance, repackaging himself as a moderate who could appeal to a broad swath of voters.


pages: 667 words: 149,811

Economic Dignity by Gene Sperling

active measures, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Bernie Sanders, Cass Sunstein, collective bargaining, corporate governance, David Brooks, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Donald Trump, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, Elon Musk, employer provided health coverage, Erik Brynjolfsson, Ferguson, Missouri, full employment, gender pay gap, ghettoisation, gig economy, Gini coefficient, guest worker program, Gunnar Myrdal, housing crisis, income inequality, invisible hand, job automation, job satisfaction, labor-force participation, late fees, liberal world order, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, Lyft, Mark Zuckerberg, market fundamentalism, mass incarceration, mental accounting, meta analysis, meta-analysis, minimum wage unemployment, obamacare, offshore financial centre, payday loans, price discrimination, profit motive, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, randomized controlled trial, Richard Thaler, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, speech recognition, The Chicago School, The Future of Employment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Toyota Production System, traffic fines, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, union organizing, universal basic income, War on Poverty, working poor, young professional, zero-sum game

She handed out flyers at transfer hubs that the vast majority of domestic workers relied on to get to work and convened meetings on city buses. The buses became places where these workers could share stories of abuse, learn about rights, and exchange information about wages and workload as a critical, empowering first step to demanding improved conditions. Bolden saw her advocacy and organizing as also complementing the larger work of the civil rights movement, including the desegregation of schools. While Constance Motley was working hand in hand with Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund to convince the Supreme Court and the white political power structure that segregation was an assault on first-class citizenship and basic dignity, Bolden saw raising the wages of black household workers as critical in that fight because “we couldn’t be going to integrate schools out there barefooted.”54 Shortly after Martin Luther King’s assassination in 1968, Bolden and others formed the National Domestic Workers Union of America (NDWUA), an education and advocacy organization committed to improving conditions for domestic workers that at its height served over ten thousand members nationally.55 Bolden led the NDWUA for twenty-eight years.56 As Ai-jen Poo, the head of the National Domestic Workers Alliance (NDWA), notes, the organization represented “the first time there was ever a voice [for domestic workers] that was powerful in terms of raising standards for the work force and improving wages.”57 Today, Ai-jen Poo has launched and run the NDWA to carry on Bolden’s efforts in organizing domestic workers around the country to fight back against the exclusions of household workers from our country’s labor protections.


pages: 562 words: 153,825

Dark Mirror: Edward Snowden and the Surveillance State by Barton Gellman

4chan, A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace, active measures, Anton Chekhov, bitcoin, Cass Sunstein, cloud computing, corporate governance, crowdsourcing, data acquisition, Debian, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, financial independence, Firefox, GnuPG, Google Hangouts, informal economy, Jacob Appelbaum, job automation, Julian Assange, MITM: man-in-the-middle, national security letter, planetary scale, private military company, ransomware, Robert Gordon, Robert Hanssen: Double agent, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, Skype, social graph, standardized shipping container, Steven Levy, telepresence, undersea cable, web of trust, WikiLeaks, zero day, Zimmermann PGP

The national security point of view had once cared a great deal about the loyalty of German and Japanese Americans, black civil rights leaders, Vietnam War protesters, and the designated enemies of Richard Nixon and J. Edgar Hoover. It still cared about worshippers at mosques to a degree that some judges found untoward. Not all of this history was the NSA’s, and there had been reforms, but the contingent nature of government interest was one of Snowden’s strongest points. Many advances we take for granted now in civil rights and social justice—women’s suffrage, desegregation, the right to form unions, gay marriage—relied on organized resistance against the law of their times. The Underground Railroad could not have run in a time of pervasive surveillance. The same could be said of the American Revolution. “They wouldn’t have been able to coordinate,” Snowden said of the founders. “They would have been individually popped off the street and thrown in King George’s jail.”


pages: 678 words: 148,827

Transcend: The New Science of Self-Actualization by Scott Barry Kaufman

Albert Einstein, David Brooks, desegregation, Donald Trump, fear of failure, happiness index / gross national happiness, hedonic treadmill, helicopter parent, impulse control, job satisfaction, longitudinal study, Menlo Park, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Nelson Mandela, phenotype, Ralph Waldo Emerson, randomized controlled trial, Rosa Parks, science of happiness, Silicon Valley, Snapchat, social intelligence, Steven Pinker, theory of mind

What does sexual orientation orient? A biobehavioral model distinguishing romantic love and sexual desire. Psychological Review, 110(1), 173–192; Fisher, H. E. (1998). Lust, attraction, and attachment in mammalian reproduction. Human Nature, 9(1), 23–52; Fisher, H. E. (2004). Why we love: The nature and chemistry of romantic love. New York: Henry Holt; Tolman, D. L., & Diamond, L. M. (2001). Desegregating sexuality research: Cultural and biological perspectives on gender and desire. Annual Review of Sex Research, 12, 33–74; Jenkins, C. (2017). What love is: And what it could be. New York: Basic Books. * Well, the one exception may have been Carl Rogers. He did seem particularly optimistic about human nature!


The State and the Stork: The Population Debate and Policy Making in US History by Derek S. Hoff

"Robert Solow", affirmative action, Alfred Russel Wallace, back-to-the-land, British Empire, business cycle, clean water, creative destruction, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, demographic transition, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, feminist movement, full employment, garden city movement, George Gilder, Gunnar Myrdal, immigration reform, income inequality, income per capita, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, manufacturing employment, mass immigration, New Economic Geography, new economy, old age dependency ratio, Paul Samuelson, peak oil, pensions crisis, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, secular stagnation, Simon Kuznets, The Chicago School, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, Thorstein Veblen, trickle-down economics, urban planning, urban sprawl, wage slave, War on Poverty, white flight, zero-sum game

See, for example, Johanna Schoen, Choice and Coercion: Birth Control, Sterilization, and Abortion in Public Health and Welfare (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005). 105. Solinger, Wake Up Little Susie, 208 and 292–93 n. 9. 106. Scholars frequently manufacture population experts’ racism. For instance, Solinger, ibid., 208, suggests that anti-Black animus motivated demographer Philip Hauser, when in fact Hauser was a racial liberal who served on an advisory panel guiding the desegregation of Chicago’s public schools. 107. For his early liberalism, see Gruening, Many Battles, 57. 108. Catholic opposition squelched the fourteen maternal health clinics funded by the New Deal, but most continued with private funding, and a new law permitted the distribution of information about birth control. See ibid., 200–202. It is worth noting that many midcentury observers, Puerto Rican and American alike, believed that the small island was headed for a serious overpopulation problem. 109.


pages: 1,157 words: 379,558

Ashes to Ashes: America's Hundred-Year Cigarette War, the Public Health, and the Unabashed Triumph of Philip Morris by Richard Kluger

air freight, Albert Einstein, California gold rush, cognitive dissonance, corporate raider, desegregation, double entry bookkeeping, family office, feminist movement, full employment, ghettoisation, Indoor air pollution, medical malpractice, Mikhail Gorbachev, plutocrats, Plutocrats, publication bias, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, selection bias, The Chicago School, the scientific method, Torches of Freedom, trade route, transaction costs, traveling salesman, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty

These stigmata, a writer for The New Yorker suggested in a jocular 1958 appreciation of this fanciful persona, made the Marlboro Man, for all his swagger, seem “encrusted with anxieties.” By 1957, its third year on the market, Marlboro was the No. 8 best-selling cigarette and had surpassed the Philip Morris brand as the company’s bellwether and main hope for advancement. Philip Morris’s profit pinch was exacerbated in the mid-’Fifties by what came to be known within the company as The Dixie Dilemma. Ordered in 1955 to desegregate its public schools, the surly and largely white-supremacist culture of the South was snappish toward any perceived Yankee intrusions. At the likely instigation of one or more of its competitors, Philip Morris was painted throughout the old Confederacy as a warm friend of black America because it had made a modest charitable contribution to the Urban League, it employed one Negro as a minor sales executive, and its main manufacturing facilities in Virginia were somewhat more integrated than those of the other tobacco companies, most with factories in North Carolina.

In this age of domestic turbulence, there was no discrete “health lobby” with its champions in Congress—only a far-flung and unorganizable assortment of individual Americans worried about the cigarette habit. And there was no leadership on the issue from Lyndon Johnson’s administration, engaged in the fight for social justice and its war on poverty. “We were in monumental battles,” recalled Joseph A. Califano, Jr., then a key (and heavy-smoking) White House aide. “Our focus in the South was on desegregation—we were making enough enemies as it was,” and so to have pushed for regulation of the tobacco industry would likely have compounded the problems besetting the administration. The President’s 1964 Republican opponent, Barry Goldwater, was still more indifferent to the smoking issue. He said a health warning label on cigarette packs “would interfere with freedom”—whose and how, he did not explain.


Betrayal of Trust: The Collapse of Global Public Health by Laurie Garrett

accounting loophole / creative accounting, airport security, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, biofilm, clean water, collective bargaining, desegregation, discovery of DNA, discovery of penicillin, Drosophila, employer provided health coverage, Fall of the Berlin Wall, germ theory of disease, global pandemic, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, Induced demand, John Snow's cholera map, Jones Act, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, mass incarceration, Maui Hawaii, means of production, Menlo Park, Mikhail Gorbachev, mouse model, Nelson Mandela, new economy, nuclear winter, phenotype, profit motive, Project Plowshare, RAND corporation, randomized controlled trial, Right to Buy, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, stem cell, the scientific method, urban decay, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration, yellow journalism

Patterson, J. T., 1996, op. cit. 230. GNP numbers were as follows: Per capita GNP also rose radically: Source: Patterson, J. T. ibid. 231. In the early 1950s the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) went to the courts, suing for equal rights to education, jobs, and housing. In the most dramatic case, Brown v. Board of Education, the Supreme Court ruled to desegregate the nation’s public schools. In its opinion the court opined that segregation “generates a feeling of inferiority as to the status in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone.” A succession of landmark legal decisions followed, knocking down most of the old “Jim Crow” laws that had segregated everything from water fountains to cemeteries in the United States since the Civil War.

Black physicians realized, however, that, limited as it was, HEW represented their only court of appeal. The AMA consistently defended the white privileges of its southern members, and only begrudgingly admitted African-Americans into its fraternity. Nor did it revoke the charters of state chapters that refused admission to black doctors. That action would not be taken until 1966. And the AMA would not recognize the courage of black physicians who fought to desegregate the health system—and the American Medical Association—until 1989, more than 120 years after Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. 238. Johnson, L. B., “Address Before a Joint Session of Congress.” November 27, 1963. 239. Simkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital. 323 F 2d. 959, 970 n. 23 (1963). 240. Ibid. 241. Walen, C. and Walen, B., The Longest Debate: A Legislative History of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.


Frommer's San Diego 2011 by Mark Hiss

airport security, California gold rush, car-free, Charles Lindbergh, desegregation, Donald Trump, East Village, El Camino Real, glass ceiling, New Journalism, Norman Mailer, Skype, South of Market, San Francisco, sustainable-tourism, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, white picket fence, Works Progress Administration

A second fair in 1935 showcased curiosities including a nudist colony (now the Zoro Garden butterfly habitat) and “Midget Village,” which advertisements described as a display “built on doll-house scale, where more than one hundred Lilliputians will work and play.” Meanwhile, the fair also showed off the newly built 10 05_626214-ch02.indd 1005_626214-ch02.indd 10 7/23/10 11:16 PM7/23/10 11:16 PM Trivia: Segregated No More On January 5, 1931, trustees at Lemon Grove Grammar School instructed principal Jerome Green to turn Mexican children away at the door, resulting in a lawsuit. The “Lemon Grove Incident” became the first successful school desegregation court decision in U.S. history. 2 SAN DIEGO IN DEPTH Looking Back at San Diego Fine Arts Gallery (now San Diego Museum of Art, p. 144), Natural History Museum (p. 145), and Old Globe Theatre (p. 225). The park’s Spanish Revival architecture seen today was conceived in an effort to present San Diego as a place with a romantic European heritage. Promotional literature dubbed the city the “Naples of America” and exalted its fine Mediterranean climate.


pages: 631 words: 171,391

One Minute to Midnight: Kennedy, Khrushchev and Castro on the Brink of Nuclear War by Michael Dobbs

air freight, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doomsday Clock, global village, Google Earth, kremlinology, Marshall McLuhan, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, stakhanovite, yellow journalism

A total of 1,190 air strikes were planned for the first day alone from airfields in Florida, aircraft carriers in the Caribbean, and the Guantánamo Naval Base. Inevitably, with an operation on such a scale, all kinds of problems arose. The Marines had been in such a hurry to put to sea that they sailed without proper communications equipment. Many Army units were below strength. There was a shortage of military police because some units had been dispatched to the Deep South to enforce federal court orders on desegregation. Planners had underestimated the number of vessels needed for an amphibious invasion and miscalculated the gradients at some of the beaches. There was a scramble for deep-water fording kits when the Army discovered that the beaches at Mariel were not as shallow as had been assumed. The Navy complained of a "critical shortage" of intelligence on sandbars and coral reefs at Tarará beach, which could jeopardize the "success of entire assault in western Cuba."


pages: 596 words: 163,682

The Third Pillar: How Markets and the State Leave the Community Behind by Raghuram Rajan

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, Albert Einstein, Andrei Shleifer, banking crisis, barriers to entry, basic income, battle of ideas, Bernie Sanders, blockchain, borderless world, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Build a better mousetrap, business cycle, business process, capital controls, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, central bank independence, computer vision, conceptual framework, corporate governance, corporate raider, corporate social responsibility, creative destruction, crony capitalism, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, currency manipulation / currency intervention, data acquisition, David Brooks, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, deskilling, disruptive innovation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, facts on the ground, financial innovation, financial repression, full employment, future of work, global supply chain, high net worth, housing crisis, illegal immigration, income inequality, industrial cluster, intangible asset, invention of the steam engine, invisible hand, Jaron Lanier, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, labor-force participation, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, means of production, moral hazard, Network effects, new economy, Nicholas Carr, obamacare, Productivity paradox, profit maximization, race to the bottom, Richard Thaler, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, South China Sea, South Sea Bubble, Stanford marshmallow experiment, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, The Future of Employment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade liberalization, trade route, transaction costs, transfer pricing, Travis Kalanick, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, universal basic income, Upton Sinclair, Walter Mischel, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working-age population, World Values Survey, Yom Kippur War, zero-sum game

The fight to integrate schools now had legal sanction. The passage of the National Defense Education Act in 1958 and President Lyndon Johnson’s Elementary and Secondary Education Act in 1965 as part of his War on Poverty boosted federal funding for education tremendously. As this opened a pathway for the federal government into local school districts, courts began using the lever of federal education subsidies to implement district-wide desegregation programs. Even as the government increased its intervention, the student body in many schools became less diverse. The reason was simple: As more disadvantaged minorities were admitted into public schools, the white parents who could, moved their children out. The share of minority students in schools that have over 90 percent minority children decreased after the Civil Rights movement through much of the United States, but has climbed back up since.23 In the Northeast, it never decreased, and by this measure, the liberal Northeast is the most segregated region in the United States today.


pages: 554 words: 167,247

America's Bitter Pill: Money, Politics, Backroom Deals, and the Fight to Fix Our Broken Healthcare System by Steven Brill

Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, business process, call centre, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, crony capitalism, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, employer provided health coverage, medical malpractice, Menlo Park, Nate Silver, obamacare, Potemkin village, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, side project, Silicon Valley, the payments system, young professional

STILL A “BILL,” NOT A LAW All of this behind-closed-doors angst was playing out through a summer in which the politics of Obamacare seemed to have become even more bitter than they had been during the Tea Party summer four years before. Despite the president’s reelection, and despite the Supreme Court’s ruling, the Republicans acted as if Obamacare were still a pending bill to be debated, rather than the law of the land to be implemented. The closest historical precedent might have been resistance to the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision desegregating public schools. Yet that at least could be attacked as the decision of nine men in robes, not the duly elected House, Senate, and president. When Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell got wind of an effort by the Obama administration to enlist the National Football League and other professional sports organizations to get their players to do public service commercials to encourage Americans to sign up for coverage (much the way Mitt Romney had enlisted the Boston Red Sox to promote Romneycare), he and Senator John Cornyn of Texas successfully urged the league to steer clear.


pages: 568 words: 174,089

The Power Elite by C. Wright Mills, Alan Wolfe

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, American ideology, anti-communist, Asilomar, collective bargaining, creative destruction, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, full employment, Joseph Schumpeter, long peace, means of production, Monroe Doctrine, one-China policy, plutocrats, Plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, Thorstein Veblen, Vilfredo Pareto

As of 1 March 1955, the annual salary for members of Congress was raised to $22,-500.16 ** One veteran Congressman has recently reported that in 1930, he could make the race for $7,500; today, for $25,000 to $50,000; and in the Senate, it might run to much more. John F. Kennedy (son of multimillionaire Joseph P. Kennedy), Democrat of Massachusetts, was reported to have spent $15,866 in his 1952 campaign, but ‘committees on his behalf for the improvement of the shoe, fishing and other industries of the state, spent $217,995.’19 * In one state, the desegregation issue seemed to matter most; in another, an Italian, married to an Irish woman, used the names of both with due effect. In one state, a tape-recording of a candidate’s two-year-old talk about whom policemen tended to marry seemed important; in another, whether or not a candidate had been kind enough, or too kind, to his sister. Here bingo laws were important, and there the big question was whether or not an older man running for the Senate was virile enough.


pages: 626 words: 167,836

The Technology Trap: Capital, Labor, and Power in the Age of Automation by Carl Benedikt Frey

"Robert Solow", 3D printing, autonomous vehicles, basic income, Bernie Sanders, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, business cycle, business process, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Clayton Christensen, collective bargaining, computer age, computer vision, Corn Laws, creative destruction, David Graeber, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, demographic transition, desegregation, deskilling, Donald Trump, easy for humans, difficult for computers, Edward Glaeser, Elon Musk, Erik Brynjolfsson, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, factory automation, falling living standards, first square of the chessboard / second half of the chessboard, Ford paid five dollars a day, Frank Levy and Richard Murnane: The New Division of Labor, full employment, future of work, game design, Gini coefficient, Hyperloop, income inequality, income per capita, industrial cluster, industrial robot, intangible asset, interchangeable parts, Internet of things, invention of agriculture, invention of movable type, invention of the steam engine, invention of the wheel, Isaac Newton, James Hargreaves, James Watt: steam engine, job automation, job satisfaction, job-hopping, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, Joseph Schumpeter, Kickstarter, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, labour mobility, Loebner Prize, low skilled workers, Malcom McLean invented shipping containers, manufacturing employment, mass immigration, means of production, Menlo Park, minimum wage unemployment, natural language processing, new economy, New Urbanism, Norbert Wiener, oil shock, On the Economy of Machinery and Manufactures, Pareto efficiency, pattern recognition, pink-collar, Productivity paradox, profit maximization, Renaissance Technologies, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, robot derives from the Czech word robota Czech, meaning slave, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, social intelligence, speech recognition, spinning jenny, Stephen Hawking, The Future of Employment, The Rise and Fall of American Growth, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, total factor productivity, trade route, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, Turing test, union organizing, universal basic income, washing machines reduced drudgery, wealth creators, women in the workforce, working poor, zero-sum game

A handful of cities with the “right” industries and a solid base of human capital keep attracting good employers and offering high wages, while those at the other extreme, cities with the “wrong” industries and a limited human capital base, are stuck with dead-end jobs and low average wages. This divide—I will call it the Great Divergence—has its origins in the 1980s when American cities started to be increasingly defined by their residents’ levels of education.… At the same time that American communities are desegregating racially, they are becoming more segregated in terms of schooling and earnings.31 This trend began with the age of computers. It is true that some professional services, like accounting, can now be delivered electronically from a distance. But new jobs, spawned by computer technologies, are highly concentrated, suggesting that place has become more significant as production has become more skill intensive.


pages: 614 words: 174,226

The Economists' Hour: How the False Prophets of Free Markets Fractured Our Society by Binyamin Appelbaum

"Robert Solow", airline deregulation, Alvin Roth, Andrei Shleifer, anti-communist, battle of ideas, Benoit Mandelbrot, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business cycle, capital controls, Carmen Reinhart, Cass Sunstein, Celtic Tiger, central bank independence, clean water, collective bargaining, Corn Laws, correlation does not imply causation, Credit Default Swap, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Diane Coyle, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, financial deregulation, financial innovation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, full employment, George Akerlof, George Gilder, Gini coefficient, greed is good, Growth in a Time of Debt, income inequality, income per capita, index fund, inflation targeting, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jean Tirole, John Markoff, Kenneth Arrow, Kenneth Rogoff, land reform, Long Term Capital Management, low cost airline, manufacturing employment, means of production, Menlo Park, minimum wage unemployment, Mohammed Bouazizi, money market fund, Mont Pelerin Society, Network effects, new economy, oil shock, Paul Samuelson, Philip Mirowski, plutocrats, Plutocrats, price stability, profit motive, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rent control, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, road to serfdom, Robert Bork, Robert Gordon, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Sam Peltzman, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, starchitect, Steve Jobs, supply-chain management, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, The Myth of the Rational Market, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, transaction costs, trickle-down economics, ultimatum game, Unsafe at Any Speed, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus

Both unions and management continued to seek government aid. At a meeting with executives in New York City in the summer of 1970, Shultz was pressed on what the government would do to prevent rising wages. The government? The mild-mannered Shultz exploded, telling the executives, “You’re just a bunch of crepehangers.”50 Nixon, taking notice of Shultz’s talents, asked the economist to mediate the desegregation of schools in several southern states. Then he promoted Shultz to run the Office of Management and Budget. Shortly after that change, Senator Robert Dole mentioned to Nixon that he was having trouble contacting John Ehrlichman, one of the President’s top advisers. “Ehrlichman?” Nixon responded. “Don’t worry about him. I’ll put you in touch with somebody who really counts: George Shultz.”51 In September 1971, Shultz arranged for Friedman to meet with Connally at the latter’s Washington home.


pages: 613 words: 181,605

Circle of Greed: The Spectacular Rise and Fall of the Lawyer Who Brought Corporate America to Its Knees by Patrick Dillon, Carl M. Cannon

accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, Bernie Madoff, buy and hold, collective bargaining, Columbine, computer age, corporate governance, corporate raider, desegregation, energy security, estate planning, Exxon Valdez, fear of failure, fixed income, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, illegal immigration, index fund, John Markoff, mandatory minimum, margin call, Maui Hawaii, money market fund, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Nader, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Sand Hill Road, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Steve Jobs, the High Line, the market place, white picket fence, Works Progress Administration, zero-sum game

By coalescing hundreds, even thousands, of such claims by victims with common grievances and representing them all with just a few named claimants, they could initiate class action lawsuits the way civil rights attorneys had fought for the rights of multitudinous victims. What they were doing, and doing consciously, was emulating a famous case that had changed the law and American society. That case was Brown v. Board of Education. The case of record ended up as the one involving the school board in Topeka, Kansas, but NAACP lawyers had conjoined separate school desegregation cases from five states into one. What’s more, under a new theory called “fraud on the market” that had been given birth by legal academics—and quickly embraced, applied to Rule 10b-5, and put into practice in class action securities lawsuits by Mel Weiss—these plaintiffs need not have actually seen or relied on misleading statements to bring the lawsuits. If the plaintiffs’ attorney could prove that they relied on the public assumption that the market price of a stock reflected the market’s response to all the available public information about a company, when, in fact, a fraud had been perpetrated by cooking the books or releasing information that was untrue, a serious securities fraud case would exist.


pages: 877 words: 182,093

Wealth, Poverty and Politics by Thomas Sowell

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, colonial exploitation, colonial rule, correlation does not imply causation, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, European colonialism, full employment, Gunnar Myrdal, income inequality, income per capita, invention of the sewing machine, invisible hand, low skilled workers, mass immigration, means of production, minimum wage unemployment, New Urbanism, profit motive, rent control, Scramble for Africa, Simon Kuznets, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transatlantic slave trade, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, very high income, War on Poverty

Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, pp. 176–177. 54. Will Pavia, “French Zealots Just Don’t Fancy an Italian,” The Times (London), February 22, 2013, p. 28; Jeremy King, Budweisers Into Czechs and Germans: A Local History of Bohemian Politics, 1848–1948 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), pp. 4, 128. 55. See, for example, Stuart Buck, Acting White: The Ironic Legacy of Desegregation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010). 56. For other examples, see Ellen Churchill Semple, Influences of Geographic Environment (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1911), p. 625. 57. Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict, p. 153. 58. Arnold J. Toynbee, Nationality & The War (London: J.M. Dent & Sons, Ltd. 1915), p. 488. 59. See, for example, “Are Jews Generic?” in my Black Rednecks and White Liberals (San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2005), pp. 65–110. 60.


How to Hide an Empire: A History of the Greater United States by Daniel Immerwahr

Albert Einstein, book scanning, British Empire, Buckminster Fuller, call centre, citizen journalism, City Beautiful movement, clean water, colonial rule, deindustrialization, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Donald Trump, drone strike, European colonialism, friendly fire, gravity well, Haber-Bosch Process, Howard Zinn, immigration reform, land reform, Mercator projection, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, QWERTY keyboard, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Richard Feynman, the built environment, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, transcontinental railway, urban planning, wikimedia commons

Arch-segregationist Strom Thurmond, one of the longest-serving congressmen in the country’s history, lectured his colleagues on the “impassible difference” between Western civilization and Eastern ways. “East is East, and West is West, and never the twain shall meet,” he admonished, quoting Kipling. Southern opposition stymied Hawaiian and Alaskan statehood through the forties and fifties, but it could not hold out forever. Well-known among the civil rights movement’s triumphs are the desegregation of schools won in Brown v. Board of Education in 1954 and the prohibition of racial discrimination at the polls secured by the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Less touted in the textbooks are the admission of Alaska and Hawai‘i as the forty-ninth and fiftieth states in 1959. But those, too, were serious blows against racism. For the first time, the logic of white supremacy had not dictated which parts of the Greater United States were eligible for statehood.


USA Travel Guide by Lonely, Planet

1960s counterculture, active transport: walking or cycling, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, Asilomar, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Berlin Wall, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, big-box store, bike sharing scheme, Bretton Woods, British Empire, Burning Man, California gold rush, call centre, car-free, carbon footprint, centre right, Charles Lindbergh, Chuck Templeton: OpenTable:, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Donald Trump, Donner party, East Village, edge city, El Camino Real, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, Frank Gehry, glass ceiling, global village, Golden Gate Park, Guggenheim Bilbao, Haight Ashbury, haute couture, haute cuisine, Hernando de Soto, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, immigration reform, information trail, interchangeable parts, intermodal, jitney, Kickstarter, license plate recognition, Mars Rover, Mason jar, mass immigration, Maui Hawaii, McMansion, Menlo Park, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, New Urbanism, obamacare, off grid, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RFID, ride hailing / ride sharing, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, South of Market, San Francisco, starchitect, stealth mode startup, stem cell, supervolcano, the built environment, The Chicago School, the High Line, the payments system, trade route, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, walkable city, white flight, working poor, Works Progress Administration, young professional, Zipcar

In the 19th century the slave-based plantation system grew in size and incompatibility with the industrializing North; Virginia seceded in 1861 and became the epicenter of the Civil War. Following its defeat the state walked a tense cultural tightrope, accruing a layered identity that included older aristocrats, a rural and urban working class, waves of immigrants and today, the burgeoning tech-heavy suburbs of DC. The state revels in its history, yet still wants to pioneer the American experiment; thus, while Virginia only reluctantly desegregated in the 1960s, today it houses one of the most ethnically diverse populations of the New South. SCENIC DRIVE: VIRGINIA’S HORSE COUNTRY About 40 miles west of Washington, DC, suburban sprawl gives way to endless green farms, vineyards, quaint villages and palatial estates and ponies. This is ‘Horse Country,’ where wealthy Washingtonians pursue their equestrian pastimes. The following route is the most scenic drive to Shenandoah National Park.

ALABAMA FACTS » Nickname The Heart of Dixie » Population 4.7 million » Area 52,419 sq miles » Capital city Montgomery (population 224,119) » Other cities Birmingham (population 212,237) » Sales tax 4%, but up to 11% with local taxes » Birthplace of Author Helen Keller (1880–1968), civil rights activist Rosa Parks (1913–2005), musician Hank Williams (1923–53) » Home of US Space & Rocket Center » Politics GOP stronghold – Alabama hasn’t voted democratic since 1976 » Famous for Rosa Parks and the Civil Rights movement » Bitterest rivalry University of Alabama vs Auburn University » Driving distances Montgomery to Birmingham 91 miles, Mobile to Dauphin Island 38 miles History Alabama was among the first states to secede in the Civil War. Montgomery was the first Confederate capital. Alabama lost around 25,000 soldiers in the war, and reconstruction came slowly and painfully. Racial segregation and Jim Crow laws survived into the mid-20th century, when the Civil Rights movement campaigned for desegregation of everything from public buses to private universities, a notion that Governor George Wallace opposed. In perhaps the most famous moment in civil rights history, an African American woman named Rosa Parks refused to give up her bus seat to a white passenger and was arrested; the ensuing uproar began to turn the tide in favor of racial equality. Alabama saw brutal repression and hostility, but federal civil rights and voting laws eventually prevailed.

Ottenheimer Market Hall (btwn S Commerce & S Rock Sts; 7am-6pm Mon-Sat) houses an eclectic collection of food stalls and shops. The Hillcrest Neighborhood toward west Little Rock is a tiny epicenter of and funky shops and is a communing ground for minority strains of counterculture in the city. Little Rock Central High School HISTORIC SITE (www.nps.gov/chsc; 2125 Daisy Bates Dr; 9:30am-4:30pm, tours 9am & 1:15pm Mon-Fri mid-Aug–early Jun) Little Rock’s most riveting attraction is the site of the 1957 desegregation crisis that changed the country forever. It was here that a group of African American students known as the Little Rock Nine were first denied entry inside the then all-white high school (despite a 1954 Supreme Court ruling forcing the integration of public schools) then escorted by the 1200-man 101st Airborne Battle Group, a pivotal moment in the American Civil Rights Movement. Today it’s both a National Historic Site and a working high school – the most beautiful one you will ever see.


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The Innovators: How a Group of Inventors, Hackers, Geniuses and Geeks Created the Digital Revolution by Walter Isaacson

1960s counterculture, Ada Lovelace, AI winter, Alan Turing: On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem, Albert Einstein, AltaVista, Apple II, augmented reality, back-to-the-land, beat the dealer, Bill Gates: Altair 8800, bitcoin, Bob Noyce, Buckminster Fuller, Byte Shop, c2.com, call centre, citizen journalism, Claude Shannon: information theory, Clayton Christensen, commoditize, computer age, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, Debian, desegregation, Donald Davies, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Engelbart, Douglas Hofstadter, Dynabook, El Camino Real, Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test, en.wikipedia.org, Firefox, Google Glasses, Grace Hopper, Gödel, Escher, Bach, Hacker Ethic, Haight Ashbury, Howard Rheingold, Hush-A-Phone, HyperCard, hypertext link, index card, Internet Archive, Jacquard loom, Jaron Lanier, Jeff Bezos, jimmy wales, John Markoff, John von Neumann, Joseph-Marie Jacquard, Leonard Kleinrock, Marc Andreessen, Mark Zuckerberg, Marshall McLuhan, Menlo Park, Mitch Kapor, Mother of all demos, new economy, New Journalism, Norbert Wiener, Norman Macrae, packet switching, PageRank, Paul Terrell, pirate software, popular electronics, pre–internet, RAND corporation, Ray Kurzweil, RFC: Request For Comment, Richard Feynman, Richard Stallman, Robert Metcalfe, Rubik’s Cube, Sand Hill Road, Saturday Night Live, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Skype, slashdot, speech recognition, Steve Ballmer, Steve Crocker, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, Steven Levy, Steven Pinker, Stewart Brand, technological singularity, technoutopianism, Ted Nelson, The Coming Technological Singularity, The Nature of the Firm, The Wisdom of Crowds, Turing complete, Turing machine, Turing test, Vannevar Bush, Vernor Vinge, Von Neumann architecture, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, Whole Earth Catalog, Whole Earth Review, wikimedia commons, William Shockley: the traitorous eight

Both were secret members of the Communist Party. “Their outlook was that what you were fed by the media was generally phony, which was one of my father’s favorite words,” Felsenstein recalled. Even after they left the Party, his parents remained left-wing organizers. As a kid, Felsenstein picketed visiting military leaders and helped organize demonstrations in front of a Woolworth’s in support of the desegregation sit-ins in the South. “I always had a piece of paper to draw on when I was a kid, because my parents encouraged us to be creative and imaginative,” he recalled. “And on the other side there was usually some mimeographed leaflet from an old block organization event.”84 His technological interests were instilled partly by his mother, who repeatedly told of how her late father had created the small diesel engines used in trucks and trains.


Cultural Backlash: Trump, Brexit, and Authoritarian Populism by Pippa Norris, Ronald Inglehart

affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Boris Johnson, Cass Sunstein, centre right, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, declining real wages, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, first-past-the-post, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, job automation, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, land reform, liberal world order, longitudinal study, low skilled workers, mass immigration, meta analysis, meta-analysis, obamacare, open borders, open economy, post-industrial society, post-materialism, precariat, purchasing power parity, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, sexual politics, Silicon Valley, statistical model, stem cell, War on Poverty, white flight, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce, working-age population, World Values Survey, zero-sum game

The two major parties reflected the classic left–right economic cleavages, with Roosevelt quickly abandoning austerity and orthodox fiscal and budgetary policies in favor of New Deal programs reflecting Keynesian ideas of economic management, emphasizing government regulation of the marketplace, and the expansion of spending on federally funded emergency relief and public works programs designed to put Americans back to work, reduce widespread poverty and hunger, and win World War II. The post-­war decades saw the growing salience of important cultural issues, notably the Civil Rights movement, desegregation, and the Civil Rights Act of 1957 prohibiting discrimination by federal and state governments based on race, color, sex, and national origin – and Trump’s America 2.0 1.0 0 –1.0 –2.0 Democratic party –3.0 Republican party –4.0 1920 1924 1928 1932 1936 1940 1944 1948 1952 1956 1960 1964 1968 1972 1976 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 Economic << Balance of manifesto issues >> Cultural 336 Years Figure 10.2.


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The Platinum Age of Television: From I Love Lucy to the Walking Dead, How TV Became Terrific by David Bianculli

affirmative action, Albert Einstein, Alistair Cooke, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, feminist movement, friendly fire, global village, Mark Zuckerberg, medical residency, period drama, pre–internet, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Steve Jobs, trickle-down economics, unpaid internship

The 2008 Iraqi war miniseries Generation Kill was co-written with Ed Burns of The Corner and Evan Wright, who wrote the original nonfiction book. The 2010–13 series Treme, examining life in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, was co-created with his fellow Homicide and The Wire writer-producer Eric Overmyer. And his 2015 miniseries Show Me a Hero, based on a case of a young politician in Yonkers dealing with racism and politics concerning a desegregation housing ruling, was co-written with Lisa Belkin, author of the original nonfiction book of the same name, and the Wire staff writer and story editor William F. Zorzi. All these dramas were excellent. None of them came easily. “Listen,” Simon says, describing his long-term relationship with HBO. “It would be completely smooth sailing for me if I could’ve acquired an audience. But I never really have.”


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The Enlightened Capitalists by James O'Toole

activist fund / activist shareholder / activist investor, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, business cycle, business process, California gold rush, carbon footprint, City Beautiful movement, collective bargaining, corporate governance, corporate social responsibility, Credit Default Swap, crowdsourcing, cryptocurrency, desegregation, Donald Trump, double entry bookkeeping, end world poverty, equal pay for equal work, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, garden city movement, germ theory of disease, glass ceiling, God and Mammon, greed is good, hiring and firing, income inequality, indoor plumbing, inventory management, invisible hand, James Hargreaves, job satisfaction, joint-stock company, Kickstarter, knowledge worker, Lao Tzu, longitudinal study, Louis Pasteur, Lyft, means of production, Menlo Park, North Sea oil, passive investing, Ponzi scheme, profit maximization, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Social Responsibility of Business Is to Increase Its Profits, Socratic dialogue, sovereign wealth fund, spinning jenny, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, stocks for the long run, stocks for the long term, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, traveling salesman, Uber and Lyft, uber lyft, union organizing, Vanguard fund, white flight, women in the workforce, young professional

Remarkably, at a time when liberal white