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The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness by Michelle Alexander
affirmative action, cognitive bias, Columbine, deindustrialization, desegregation, ending welfare as we know it, friendly fire, illegal immigration, land reform, large denomination, low skilled workers, means of production, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, profit motive, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, women in the workforce
Two years later, the Court voided any real estate agreements that racially discriminated against purchasers, and in 1949 the Court ruled that Texas’s segregated law school for blacks was inherently unequal and inferior in every respect to its law school for whites. In 1950, in McLaurin v. Oklahoma, it declared that Oklahoma had to desegregate its law school. Thus, even before Brown, the Supreme Court had already begun to set in motion a striking pattern of desegregation. Brown v. Board of Education was unique, however. It signaled the end of “home rule” in the South with respect to racial affairs. Earlier decisions had chipped away at the “separate but equal” doctrine, yet Jim Crow had managed to adapt to the changing legal environment, and most Southerners had remained confident that the institution would survive.
Just as Southern legislatures had passed the black codes in response to the early steps of Reconstruction, in the years immediately following Brown v. Board, five Southern legislatures passed nearly fifty new Jim Crow laws. In the streets, resistance turned violent. The Ku Klux Klan reasserted itself as a powerful terrorist organization, committing castrations, killings, and the bombing of black homes and churches. NAACP leaders were beaten, pistol-whipped, and shot. As quickly as it began, desegregation across the South ground to a halt. In 1958, thirteen school systems were desegregated; in 1960, only seventeen.31 In the absence of a massive, grassroots movement directly challenging the racial caste system, Jim Crow might be alive and well today. Yet in the 1950s, a civil rights movement was brewing, emboldened by the Supreme Court’s decisions and a shifting domestic and international political environment. With extraordinary bravery, civil rights leaders, activists, and progressive clergy launched boycotts, marches, and sit-ins protesting the Jim Crow system.
This image was enhanced following the passage of the Civil Rights Acts of 1965, when civil rights lawyers became embroiled in highly visible and controversial efforts to end hiring discrimination, create affirmative action plans, and enforce school desegregation orders. As public attention shifted from the streets to the courtroom, the extraordinary grassroots movement that made civil rights legislation possible faded from public view. The lawyers took over. With all deliberate speed, civil rights organizations became “professionalized” and increasingly disconnected from the communities they claimed to represent. Legal scholar and former NAACP Legal Defense Fund lawyer Derrick Bell was among the first to critique this phenomenon, arguing in a 1976 Yale Law Journal article that civil rights lawyers were pursuing their own agendas in school desegregation cases even when they conflicted with their clients’ expressed desires.3 Two decades later, former NAACP Legal Defense Fund lawyer and current Harvard Law School professor Lani Guinier published a memoir in which she acknowledged that, “by the early 1990s, [civil rights] litigators like me had become like the Washington insiders we were so suspicious of....
NurtureShock: New Thinking About Children by Po Bronson, Ashley Merryman
affirmative action, Columbine, delayed gratification, desegregation, impulse control, index card, job satisfaction, lake wobegon effect, meta analysis, meta-analysis, randomized controlled trial, Steven Pinker, telemarketer, theory of mind
When did the environment that we were so proud of no longer become the message he listened to? The Diverse Environment Theory is the core principle behind school desegregation today. Like most people, I assumed that after thirty years of school desegregation, it would have a long track record of scientific research proving that the Diverse Environment Theory works. Then Ashley and I began talking to the scholars who’ve compiled that very research. For instance, Dr. Gary Orfield runs the Civil Rights Project, a think tank that was long based at Harvard but has moved to UCLA. In the summer of 2007, Orfield and a dozen top scholars wrote an amicus brief to the United States Supreme Court supporting school desegregation in Louisville, Kentucky, and Seattle, Washington. After completing the 86-page document, Orfield e-mailed it to all the social scientists on his mailing list, and he received 553 signatures of support.
He admitted the science available to make their case “wasn’t what we really wanted.” Despite having at their disposal at least a thousand research studies on desegregation’s effects, “I was surprised none were longitudinal. It really has a substantial effect, but it has to be done the right way.” Just throwing kids of different races into a school together isn’t the right way, because they can self-segregate within the school. Orfield lamented the lack of funding to train teachers. Looking at the science available to make their case, Orfield recalled, “It depressed me that we’ve invested so little in finding the benefits of integration.” This ambiguity is visible in the text of the amicus brief. Scientists don’t like to overstate their case. So the benefits of desegregation are qualified with words like “may lead” and “can improve.” “Mere school integration is not a panacea,” the brief warns.
Recently, the Civil Rights Project studied high school juniors in six school districts around the country. One of those was Louisville, which appears to be a place where desegregation has had the intended benefits. Surveys of high school juniors there show that over 80% of students (of all races) feel their school experience has helped them work with and get along with members of other races and ethnic groups. Over 85% feel their school’s diversity has prepared them to work in a diverse job setting. But other districts didn’t look so great. Lynn, Massachusetts, which is ten miles northeast of Boston, is generally regarded as another model of diversity and successful school desegregation. When its students were polled if they’d like to live in a diverse neighborhood when they grow up, about 70% of the nonwhite high school juniors said they wanted to.
David Brooks, desegregation, hiring and firing, invisible hand, Jane Jacobs, Menlo Park, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, school choice, school vouchers, The Death and Life of Great American Cities
In fact, the federal government used the funding from the 1965 act to force Southern districts to dismantle segregated public schools, threatening to withhold federal dollars if they did not desegregate. This approach was the very opposite of Friedman’s goal of maximizing individual freedom through school choice. As the federal government kept up the pressure for desegregation and as resistance to mandatory busing increased, some school districts attempted to encourage voluntary desegregation through choice. They opened magnet schools—schools with specialized offerings in the arts or sciences or other fields—to encourage white students to attend urban schools that would otherwise be heavily nonwhite. But until the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, the issue of school choice remained far outside the mainstream, mainly because it was viewed by the media and elected officials as a means to permit white students to escape court-ordered racial desegregation. After Reagan was elected, he advocated school choice, specifically vouchers.
Board of Education. The Houston schools were segregated, and the local school board had no intention of complying with the decision. Anyone who spoke up on behalf of racial integration was likely to be called a communist or a pinko. Over the next decade, political leaders in some Southern states declared that they would never desegregate their schools, that they would hold out forever against the Court’s decision. Some school districts in the South responded to the Court’s pressure to desegregate by adopting “freedom of choice” policies. Under “freedom of choice,” students could enroll in any public school they wanted. Big surprise: White students remained enrolled in all-white schools, and black students remained in all-black schools. When the federal government and the federal courts began compelling segregated districts to reassign black and white pupils to integrated schools, public officials in some Southern states embraced a new form of choice.
When the federal government and the federal courts began compelling segregated districts to reassign black and white pupils to integrated schools, public officials in some Southern states embraced a new form of choice. They encouraged the creation of private schools to accommodate white students who did not want to attend an integrated school. These “schools of choice” were also known as “segregation academies.” In Virginia, which had a policy of “massive resistance” to desegregation, the state gave tuition grants to students to enroll in a private school of their choice. During the 1950s and 1960s, the term “school choice” was stigmatized as a dodge invented to permit white students to escape to all-white public schools or to all-white segregation academies. For someone like me, raised in the South and opposed to racism and segregation, the word “choice” and the term “freedom of choice” became tainted by their use as a conscious strategy to maintain state-sponsored segregation.
Influence: Science and Practice by Robert B. Cialdini
Albert Einstein, attribution theory, bank run, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, desegregation, experimental subject, Mars Rover, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, Milgram experiment, Ralph Waldo Emerson, telemarketer, The Wisdom of Crowds
For instance, although white students’ achievement levels remain steady, it is 10 times more likely that the academic performance of minority students will significantly increase rather than significantly decline after desegregation (Stephan, 1978). We must be cautious in our approach to school desegregation so that we do not throw out the baby with the bath water. The idea, of course, is to jettison just the water, leaving the baby shining from the bath. Right now, though, our baby is soaking in the Schmutzwasser of increased racial hostility. Fortunately, real hope for draining away that hostility is emerging from the research of education specialists into the concept of “cooperative learning.” Because much of the heightened prejudice from classroom desegregation seems to stem from increased exposure to outside group members as rivals, these educators have experimented with forms of learning in which cooperation rather than competition with classmates is central.
They argue that, simply by providing individuals of different ethnic backgrounds with more exposure to one another as equals, those individuals will naturally come to like each other better. However, when scientists have examined school integration—the area offering the single best test of the contact approach—they have discovered quite the opposite pattern. School desegregation is more likely to increase prejudice between blacks and whites than to decrease it (Stephan, 1978). Let’s stay with the issue of school desegregation for a while. However well intentioned the proponents of interracial harmony through simple contact are, their approach is unlikely to bear fruit because the argument on which it is based is terribly misinformed. First of all, research has shown that the school setting is not a melting pot where children interact as readily with members of other ethnic groups as they do with their own.
If you were called on and failed, or if you didn’t even raise your hand to compete, you probably envied and resented your classmates who knew the answer. Children who fail in this system become jealous and resentful of the successes, putting them down as teacher’s pets or even resorting to violence against them in the school yard. The successful students, for their part, often hold the unsuccessful children in contempt, calling them “dumb” or “stupid.” (Aronson, 1975, pp. 44, 47) Should we wonder, then, why strict school desegregation—whether by enforced busing, district rezoning, or school closures—so frequently produces increased rather than decreased prejudice? When our children find their pleasant social and friendship contacts within their ethnic boundaries and get repeated exposure to other groups only in the competitive cauldron of the classroom, we might expect as much. Are there available solutions to this problem?
This Is Only a Test: How Washington D.C. Prepared for Nuclear War by David F. Krugler
Berlin Wall, City Beautiful movement, colonial rule, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Frank Gehry, full employment, glass ceiling, index card, nuclear winter, RAND corporation, Silicon Valley, urban planning, Victor Gruen, white flight, Works Progress Administration
Samuel Spencer to Eisenhower, May 26 and June 7, 1954, box 282, folder “71-U Segregation in District of Columbia,” White House Central Files, Official File, DDEL; Walter Goodman, “The Capital Keeps Calm,” New Republic 131, no. 17 (October 25, 1954): 10–13; Carl F. Hansen, Miracle of Social Adjustment: Desegregation in The Washington, D.C. Schools (New York: Anti-Defamation League of B’Nai Brith, 1957), 45–50; Eugene Davidson, “An Analysis of Desegregation in the District of Columbia,” box A226, folder “Desegregation: Schools Branch Action—District of Columbia 1954–55,” NAACP Records, Group II, LOC, Manuscript Division. Hansen, Miracle, 50–9; U.S. News, “Race Problem,” 38. U.S. News, “Race Problem,” 35. Hansen, Miracle, 59–60. David Lawrence, “Washington’s Worry,” U.S. News & World Report 46, no. 14 (April 6, 1959): 120.
White families moving to the area usually opted for suburban residency, whereas African Americans settled in the District. By 1965, 60 percent of the District’s residents were black.52 White flight was a national trend, but in Washington it overlapped with postwar desegregation. For a democratic nation committed to fighting communism, a segregated capital often proved embarrassing. Foreign visitors and diplomats of color held out their passports to get lunch counter service, a State Department official implored a hotel to honor the reservation of the foreign minister of an African nation.53 In response, both Presidents Truman and Eisenhower publicly committed themselves to desegregating Washington, but as historian Constance McLaughlin Green noted: “The battle for Washington was not to be won merely by a message from the White House.” Indeed, the persistent initiatives of black Washingtonians, aided by white allies and national organizations, won the “battle.”
Constance McLaughlin Green, The Secret City: A History of Race Relations in the Nation’s Capital (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), 286, 296–8 (the quote is on 286); George B. Nesbitt, “Non-White Residential Dispersion and Desegregation in the District of Columbia,” Journal of Negro Education 25, no. 1 (Winter 1956): 12. The Brown v. Board of Education decision didn’t apply to the District of Columbia. In voiding the “separate but equal” principle, the Court cited the 14th Amendment’s requirement that no state could deny equal protection of the laws. The Court simultaneously reviewed Bolling v. Sharpe, a suit filed by black parents of children enrolled in the District’s public schools. Citing the 5th Amendment’s due process clause, the Court also ruled the District’s segregation to be unconstitutional. For more on the desegregation of the District’s schools, see the articles in Washington History 16, no. 2 (Fall/Winter 2004/05), a special issue commemorating the fiftieth anniversary of the Brown and Bolling decisions.
Sleeping Giant: How the New Working Class Will Transform America by Tamara Draut
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, battle of ideas, big-box store, blue-collar work, collective bargaining, David Brooks, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, Detroit bankruptcy, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, ending welfare as we know it, Ferguson, Missouri, financial deregulation, full employment, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, job satisfaction, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, low skilled workers, minimum wage unemployment, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, obamacare, occupational segregation, payday loans, pink-collar, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Ronald Reagan, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trickle-down economics, union organizing, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, white flight, women in the workforce, young professional
Kevin Stainback and Donald Tomaskovic-Devey, Documenting Desegregation: Racial and Gender Segregation in Private-Sector Employment Since the Civil Rights Act (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2012), p. 115. 11. Cobble, The Other Women’s Movement, p. 219. 12. MacLean, Freedom Is Not Enough, p. 105. 13. John Nichols, “A. Philip Randolph Was Right: ‘We Will Need to Continue Demonstrations,’ ” The Nation, April 15, 2014, at http://www.thenation.com/article/philip-randolph-was-right-we-will-need-continue-demonstrations/. 14. Stainback and Tomaskovic-Devey, Documenting Desegregation, p. 98. 15. Ibid., p. 115. 16. Ibid., p. 140. 17. Ibid., p. 158. 18. Ibid. 19. Branch, Opportunity Denied, p. 22. 20. Stainback and Tomaskovic-Devey, Documenting Desegregation, p. 299. 21. Ariane Hegewisch and Stephanie Keller, “The Gender Wage Gap by Occupation 2013 and by Race and Ethnicity,” Institute for Women’s Policy Research, Washington, D.C., April 2014, at http://www.iwpr.org/publications/pubs/the-gender-wage-gap-by-occupation-and-by-race-and-ethnicity-2013. 22.
Census and the 2011 American Community Survey of the ten largest-growing occupations as identified by U.S. Department of Labor, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics at http://www.bls.gov/emp/ep_table_104.htm. What happened to the promise of Section VII, the provision of the Civil Rights Act that would provide equal opportunity in the workplace? In a deeply researched and quantitative assessment of the drive to desegregate America’s workplaces, Kevin Stainback and Donald Tomaskovic-Devey tell the story in Documenting Desegregation of substantial progress despite stubborn and durable privilege. In the years immediately following the Civil Rights Act, from 1966 to 1972, major gains were made among black men, black women, and white women—but, importantly, not at the expense of white men, who actually got a major bump up the advantage ladder.14 As black men and black women made big gains into working-class jobs, white men got propelled upward into even more managerial positions.15 Working-class jobs became more integrated, with more black women and white women working together than before, and more black men and white men working together on an equal-status basis.
But there remained deep racial divisions among the rank-and-file, an issue the civil rights community argued the national federation was negligent in addressing. Racial discrimination at union locals was rampant, and not just in the South. White union members were often vehemently opposed to opening up apprenticeship programs to black workers and to integration efforts in society more broadly, particularly the use of busing to desegregate the nation’s schools. By 1960 African Americans were more likely than any other racial or ethnic group to be union members (this is still true today), giving black union leaders considerable leverage within the larger federation. That leverage coalesced with the formation of the Negro American Labor Council (NALC), led by A. Philip Randolph, president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters.
The Meritocracy Myth by Stephen J. McNamee
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Madoff, British Empire, collective bargaining, computer age, conceptual framework, corporate governance, deindustrialization, delayed gratification, demographic transition, desegregation, deskilling, equal pay for equal work, estate planning, failed state, fixed income, gender pay gap, Gini coefficient, glass ceiling, helicopter parent, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, job automation, joint-stock company, labor-force participation, low-wage service sector, marginal employment, Mark Zuckerberg, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, New Urbanism, obamacare, occupational segregation, pink-collar, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, post-industrial society, prediction markets, profit motive, race to the bottom, random walk, school choice, Scientific racism, Steve Jobs, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, We are the 99%, white flight, young professional
The American Psychiatric Association declassified homosexuality as a mental disorder in 1973 although discrimination and prejudice continued. Most recently, the issues of institutional discrimination regarding sexual orientation have focused on military service and marriage. The military has often been seen as a vanguard institution in overcoming discrimination. The military was largely racially segregated until 1948 when President Harry Truman signed an executive order to desegregate the military, long before the height of the civil rights movement and desegregation of other major social institutions. The U.S. military, however, did not permit homosexuals to openly serve. President Bill Clinton’s attempt in 1993 to end this discriminatory policy met with severe opposition in Congress and from some segments of the general population. In the end, the discriminatory law was retained, modified by the “don’t ask, don’t tell” compromise.
Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Rayman, Paula. 2001. Beyond the Bottom Line: The Search for Dignity at Work. New York: Palgrave. Schmitt, John, and Janelle Jones. 2012. “Where Have All the Good Jobs Gone?” Center for Economic and Policy Research. http://www.cepr.net/documents/publications/good-jobs-2012-07.pdf (accessed January 20, 2013). Stainback, Kevin, and Donald Tomaskovic-Devey. 2012. Documenting Desegregation: Racial and Gender Segregation in Private-Sector Employment since the Civil Rights Act. New York: Sage. Thurow, Lester C. 1999. Building Wealth: The New Rules for Individuals, Companies and Nations in a Knowledge-Based Economy. New York: HarperCollins. Tolbert, Charles, Partick Horan, and E. M. Beck. 1980. “The Structure of Economic Segmentation: A Dual Economy Approach.” American Journal of Sociology 85: 1095–1116.
Since World War II, the position of the federal and state governments has gradually changed from requiring, supporting, or tacitly accepting discriminatory practices to formally and actively opposing discrimination. These changes began in the late 1930s and culminated with the passage of the Civil Rights Acts of 1957, 1960, 1964, 1965, and 1968. For example, court rulings, legislation, and executive orders were designed to desegregate the military, end educational segregation and discrimination, protect voting rights, and require federal contractors to comply with nondiscrimination policies. The banning of overt discrimination and segregation in privately owned businesses came later in the form of legislation against employment and housing discrimination. Finally, at the local level, numerous antidiscrimination ordinances and laws were passed.
Being Wrong: Adventures in the Margin of Error by Kathryn Schulz
affirmative action, anti-communist, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, car-free, Cass Sunstein, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, conceptual framework, cosmological constant, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, dark matter, desegregation, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, lake wobegon effect, Ronald Reagan, six sigma, stem cell, Steven Pinker, Tenerife airport disaster, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, trade route
Bill Riddick, the man charged with running the workshops, saw immediately that Ellis and Atwater were the two people in the room with the power to either salvage or sabotage his efforts, and he decided that his most pressing task was to get the two of them to work together. Not being a man to do things by half measures, Riddick asked them to co-chair the desegregation workshops. Across the board, the initial reaction was horror. The African-American community and its allies were outraged: Who in his right mind would invite a KKK leader to chair a committee on desegregation? Ellis, meanwhile, was almost equally appalled. As he later told Davidson, his first thought was, “ain’t no way I can work with that gal!” Still, his resistance was tempered by two factors. The first was that the Klan had accustomed him to positions of leadership, and the idea of playing a role in a larger, city-wide process appealed to him.
How about some of you people showin’ up and have a little balance?’”) Thanks to the Klan, and for the first time he could remember, Ellis was enjoying some measure of confidence, respect, and power. Then something happened: the course of C. P. Ellis’s life intersected, in a small but significant way, with the course of history. In 1970, the federal government funneled $75 million to North Carolina to desegregate its schools. That money should have been unnecessary—sixteen years earlier, the Supreme Court had declared, in Brown v. Board of Education, that school segregation was unconstitutional—but the state’s schools were still a legal, racial, and educational disaster. The federal funds were divvied up, and $80,000 was earmarked for a series of workshops to persuade Durham’s citizens to cooperate in integration.
The first was that the Klan had accustomed him to positions of leadership, and the idea of playing a role in a larger, city-wide process appealed to him. The second and more surprising factor was that Ellis had privately accepted that segregation was a lost cause. He knew about the Supreme Court decision, he had seen what had happened in other states, and he had concluded that the Klan was powerless to stop this particular train in its tracks. There wasn’t much he could do, he decided, except (in Davidson’s words), “help make desegregation less painful for white children”—including his own. To do that, he would need to accept Bill Riddick’s invitation. When he learned that Ann Atwater had said yes, he followed suit. Like the first planning meeting, the first meeting of the committee co-chairs was disastrous. It took place in a café in downtown Durham, and Ellis spent much of it pacing around the restaurant, unwilling to sit down in a public establishment with black people.
Among Schoolchildren by Tracy Kidder
Many state governments have at least begun to try for a rough equality in financing between poor and wealthy districts. (For the first half of the 1980s, Holyoke ran its schools entirely on state money; on occasion, a former mayor used some of the funds for fixing potholes, too.) Against long odds, school districts all over the country have been desegregated. And yet while public schools have always helped a relative few rise out of poverty, they have not proven to be the "great equalizers" that Horace Mann dreamed of. Many schools, of course, remain desegregated only in theory. Many high schools are segregated internally, thanks to "tracking," a system Conant helped promote, which in theory sorts students according to natural ability, and in practice most often sorts them along lines of race and economic class. John Dewey did more than any other individual before or since to bring new air and light into classrooms, but the deep changes he dreamed of never came to pass, and he lived to criticize pedagogical practices carried out in his name.
On really important matters, he usually did what was best for the students. Somehow he always seemed to find the money for new books or materials or field trips. She thought Kelly's classes remained small partly because of Al's clever budgeting. She gathered that Al sometimes fell out of favor on Suffolk Street, school administration headquarters, but she thought it significant that during the first crucial year of desegregation, Suffolk Street had sent Al to Kelly, to soothe the white parents who had demanded proof that their children would be safe down in the Flats. Al, with a great deal of help from the chief secretary, Lil, kept the school running smoothly. The office of the Director of Bilingual Education for the city was situated in Al's school. At least once a year Al would pick a fight with that department over some small administrative matter.
Thirty were black, 11 Asian, 265 "white" ("Anglo" won't do in Holyoke, which annually stages the nation's second largest St. Patrick's Day parade), and 314 Hispanic, which mainly meant Puerto Rican. As always, the numbers would fluctuate throughout the year, but in a sense would remain the same; about a fifth of the students would leave, to be replaced by a roughly equal number of newcomers. About 60 percent of the children came from families receiving some form of public assistance. By design—the system was desegregated in the early 1980s—Kelly School's student body conformed statistically to the citywide population, and so did the student body in Chris's class. Holyoke's borders enclose some working farms, some forest, and a gigantic mall beside the interstate, one site around which the new, suburban Holyoke is growing. Kelly School took in a fair cross-section of the city. Its territory included a suburban area, which looked like Anywhere, U.S.A.
Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America by Rick Perlstein
affirmative action, Alistair Cooke, Bay Area Rapid Transit, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, cognitive dissonance, cuban missile crisis, delayed gratification, desegregation, East Village, European colonialism, full employment, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, immigration reform, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index card, indoor plumbing, Mahatma Gandhi, Marshall McLuhan, Monroe Doctrine, New Urbanism, Own Your Own Home, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price mechanism, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, the medium is the message, traveling salesman, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, walking around money, War on Poverty, Whole Earth Catalog
Pat Brown, forced to campaign in the primary to put down a sudden conservative challenge from Sam Yorty for the Democratic nomination, came to Norwalk later in the month. The same people heckled him so loudly reporters couldn’t phone in their stories. Martin Luther King was in Chicago. In 1956, Eleanor Roosevelt had said that if the Windy City desegregated, it would set a lovely example for the South. Mayor Daley replied that there was no segregation in Chicago. He was still proclaiming it—even though, in 1965, after Dick Gregory led silent desegregation marches past Daley’s Bridgeport house, neighborhood school-girls adopted a new jump-rope chant: “I’d like to be an Alabama trooper / That is what I’d truly like to be / ’Cause if I were an Alabama trooper / I could kill the niggers legally.” King had once believed impoverished Northern blacks would “benefit derivatively from the Southern struggle.”
A week later the Justice Department officially affirmed that the administration was “unequivocally committed to the goal of finally ending racial discrimination in schools, steadily and speedily, in accordance with the law”—but that “a policy requiring all school districts, regardless of the difficulties they face, to complete desegregation by the same terminal date is too rigid to be either workable or equitable.” The next day was the NAACP’s July 4 national convention. There, HUD secretary George Romney said every American was “entitled to full and equal citizenship.” Roy Wilkins responded that the administration’s double-dealing was “almost enough to make you vomit.” It was hard to play both sides sedulously, the higher the stakes got. “Complete desegregation by the same terminal date”—the start of the 1969–70 school year—was exactly what the federal Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals had demanded of Mississippi on August 11, 1969. Two weeks later, HEW gave them an extra sixty days.
And on Thursday, the Senate: Congressional Record 112, pt. 18, 23,913; “Senate Restricts Rights Guideline; Would Allow Segregation of Patients in Certain Cases,” NYT, September 28, 1966. Explained Majority Leader: “Mansfield Asks Slowdown on School Desegregation,” NYT, September 29, 1966. Indeed, in May, 32 percent: USNWR, October 10, 1966. Crowed Senator James Eastland: Carter, Politics of Rage, 307. See also Reporter magazine, October 20, 1966. The House took up debate: “House Takes Up School Aid Bill,” NYT, October 7, 1966. John Brademas, a liberal Democrat: Congressional Record 112, pt. 19, 25,538. “They have auditors crawling”: Ibid., 25,576. In an October 6 press conference: “Johnson Concedes Errors on Rights,” NYT, October 7, 1966; PPP 501, October 6, 1966. “We accept tokenism”: “Mansfield Asks Slowdown on School Desegregation.” It seems HEW is determined: Elizabeth Kulcyzk to Douglas, September 30, 1966, PDP722. He was lying: September 11, 1966, Gallup poll in LBJCR, Reel 3.
Multicultural Cities: Toronto, New York, and Los Angeles by Mohammed Abdul Qadeer
affirmative action, call centre, David Brooks, deindustrialization, desegregation, edge city, en.wikipedia.org, Frank Gehry, game design, ghettoisation, global village, immigration reform, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, market bubble, McMansion, new economy, New Urbanism, place-making, Richard Florida, risk tolerance, Silicon Valley, Skype, telemarketer, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method, urban planning, urban renewal, working-age population, young professional
Judd and Simpson, 139. 6 Bill Bishop, The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart (New York: Mariner Books, 2008). 7 Alejandro Portes and Robert Bach, Latin Journey: Cuban Immigrants in the United States (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). 8 Toronto Star, “High-Rise Ghettos,” Life Section, 3 February 2001, M1–3. 9 Peter Marcuse, “Enclaves Yes, Ghetto No: Segregation and the State,” in Desegregating the City, ed. David P. Varady (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005), 16–17. 282 Notes to pages 60–70 10 Ceri Peach, “The Ghetto and the Ethnic Enclave,” in Desegregating the City, ed. Varady, 31–48. Peter Marcuse, ibid., 15–30. 11 Marcuse, ibid., 18. 12 Missionary Outlook (Toronto) 30, no. 12 (12 Dec. 1910), 267. 13 Feng Hou and Garnett Picot, “Visible Minority Neighbourhoods in Toronto, Montreal and Vancouver,” Canadian Social Trends, Spring 2004, 8–13. 14 Mohammad Qadeer, Sandeep K.
Doob, Race, Ethnicity and the American Urban Mainstream (Boston: Pearson, 2005), 50–7. 16 Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton, “Spatial Assimilation as a Socioeconomic Outcome,” American Sociological Review 50, no. 1 (1985), 94–106. 17 Ceri Peach, “The Ghetto and Ethnic Enclave,” in Desegregating the City, ed. David Varady (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005), 31. 18 John Myles and Feng Hou, “Changing Colours: Spatial Assimilation and New Racial Minority Immigrants,” Canadian Journal of Sociology 29, no. 1 290 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 Notes to pages 132–5 (2004), 29–55. Eric Fong and Rima Wilkes, “The Spatial Assimilation Model Reexamined: An Assessment of Canadian Data,” International Migration Review 33, no. 3 (1999), 594–620. Min Zhou, Contemporary Chinese America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2009), 6–7. Frederick Boal, “Urban Ethnic Segregation and the Scenario Spectrum,” in Desegregating the City, ed. Varady, 65. R. Alan Walks and Larry Bourne, “Ghettos in Canada’s Cities?
“Diversity and Elected Officials in the City of Vancouver.” In Electing a Diverse Canada: The Representation of Minorities and Women, edited by Caroline Andrew, John Biles, Myer Siemiatycki, and Erin Tolly, 46–69. Vancouver: UBC Press. 2008. Bloomfield, Jude, and Franco Bianchini. Planning for the Intercultural City. Stroud, UK: Comedia, 2004. Boal, Frederick. “Urban Ethnic Segregation and the Scenario Spectrum.” In Desegregating the City, edited by David P. Varady, 62–78. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2005. Bonancich, Edna, and John Modell. The Economic Basis of Ethnic Solidarity: Small Business in the Japanese American Community. Berkeley: University of California Press,1980. Borjas, George J. “The Impact of Immigrants on Employment Opportunities of Natives.” In Immigration Reader, edited by David Jacobson, 217–30.
Who Stole the American Dream? by Hedrick Smith
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, airline deregulation, anti-communist, asset allocation, banking crisis, Bonfire of the Vanities, British Empire, business process, clean water, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Brooks, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, family office, full employment, global supply chain, Gordon Gekko, guest worker program, hiring and firing, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, income inequality, index fund, informal economy, invisible hand, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, knowledge economy, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, late fees, Long Term Capital Management, low cost carrier, manufacturing employment, market fundamentalism, Maui Hawaii, mortgage debt, new economy, Occupy movement, Own Your Own Home, Peter Thiel, Plutonomy: Buying Luxury, Explaining Global Imbalances, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, Renaissance Technologies, reshoring, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Shenzhen was a fishing village, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, Steve Jobs, The Chicago School, The Spirit Level, too big to fail, transaction costs, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Vanguard fund, We are the 99%, women in the workforce, working poor, Y2K
He personified the Establishment, the aristocracy of post-Reconstruction Virginia, where he had deep family roots. By the 1960s, practicing law in Richmond, Powell had become one of America’s leading corporate attorneys—in fact, he was president of the American Bar Association from 1964 to 1965. He had been shocked by the Supreme Court’s 1954 school desegregation decision but thoughtfully counseled Virginians against what was then known in the South as hard-line “massive resistance” to school desegregation. Much later, during his tenure on the Supreme Court from 1972 to 1987, Powell often voted with the conservatives, but he also played a moderating role, gaining a reputation as the balancer, the compromiser, in a Supreme Court buffeted by sharp ideological divisions. Powell’s personal manner was unassuming. His questions from the bench were often barely more than whispers.
Soon, the pilgrimage was joined by civil rights activists who had driven from Alabama, Mississippi, and Tennessee. Others flew or took the train from Georgia, Virginia, or the Carolinas. There were Freedom Riders, black and white, who had been savagely bludgeoned by a white mob in Montgomery or whose Greyhound bus had been torched by a Molotov cocktail outside Anniston. There were college students such as John Lewis, whom I had seen beaten and burned with lit cigarettes while trying to desegregate lunch counters in Nashville; preachers such as Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth from Birmingham, who had been slammed against a church wall by a high-powered police fire hose, and youngsters who had braved nightsticks and snarling police dogs. There were doctors and lawyers and business proprietors who had used their homes or stores as collateral for bond to free thousands of civil rights marchers across the Old Confederacy.
It was a festival of democracy—a mass celebration of people power and a citizens’ call for action by the government to mend the injustice of racist discrimination. As the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., said, to resounding cheers, this gentle but expectant crowd felt “the fierce urgency of now.” Few people in America knew better than King how to move a nation and how to shake the power structure out of its reluctance and inertia by dramatizing social and economic injustice. In nearly a decade since the Supreme Court’s 1954 decision ordered school desegregation, civil rights legislation had been bottled up in Congress. It was the power of ordinary middle-class Americans, the exercise of grassroots democracy, that broke the logjam. It was the lunch counter sit-ins, the brave Freedom Riders, and the students marching through cities like Birmingham that were altering the attitudes of a nation and the political climate in Washington, by exposing the ugly face of racism and the harsh wages of social and economic injustice in America.
White Trash: The 400-Year Untold History of Class in America by Nancy Isenberg
back-to-the-land, British Empire, California gold rush, colonial rule, Copley Medal, desegregation, Donald Trump, feminist movement, full employment, indoor plumbing, invisible hand, joint-stock company, land reform, land tenure, New Urbanism, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Republic of Letters, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, trade route, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, Works Progress Administration
The unintended lesson was to “teach the children that property is afraid of the people—their people.”62 He offered varied portraits of poor whites, defending “restlessness” and refusing to call it shiftlessness. Daniels liked what he saw in Norris, Tennessee, a planned town that was part of the TVA. It was not the photoelectric cell lighting and heating of the big school building that impressed him so much as the “collision of children” inside the school—the “hill children of the big, poor families” alongside the children of engineers. Here was a clear-cut experiment in class desegregation. If only this was America, he thought.63 As Ma Joad from The Grapes of Wrath had put it, Daniels repeated for his southern audience: the poor are always coming. He praised the TVA for discovering that ordinary southern whites were receptive to training if given a fair chance. Some, he acknowledged, were “underfed,” some “feeble-minded, perverted, insane.” But they could not represent the whole poor population—or the future.
Poor whites fought for a shrinking territory, and class conflict was played out in residential spaces. Which brings us to Hazel Bryan and the crystalization of the modern media circus.41 • • • Nineteen fifty-seven was a crucial year of social experiment and consciousness-raising. Little Rock, Arkansas, grabbed national and international attention when Governor Orval Faubus thwarted the racial desegregation of Central High School. On September 4, fifteen-year-old Elizabeth Eckford attempted to enter the school building, but was blocked by the Arkansas National Guard. Outside the classroom building, reporters had gathered. Will Counts of the Arkansas Democrat and Johnny Jenkins of the Arkansas Gazette set the tone for how the day would be remembered. Their almost identical photographs of the lone student’s stoic walk ahead of an angry crowd seemed to capture the way class and race were defined in the confrontation.
Under the direction of teachers, the majority gradually filed out of the building, though some, including Hazel’s best friend, Sammie Dean Parker, later claimed to have leapt from the second-floor window.45 Two new schools had been built in Little Rock: Horace Mann High for black students, and R. C. Hall High (nicknamed “Cadillac High”) for the wealthy families on the west side of the city. Only Central High, built in the 1920s and catering mostly to working-class families, however, was selected for desegregation. Armis Guthridge of the Capital Citizens’ Council, the lead spokesman for antidesegregation forces, willfully fanned the flames of poor white resentment when he announced that the rich and well-to-do were going to see to it that the “only race-mixing that is going to be done is in the districts where the so-called rednecks live.” “Redneck” was a loaded term, as he well knew. His purpose was to remind the white working class of the city that the school board elites looked down on them.46 Arkansas governor Orval Faubus also exploited class rift.
The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart by Bill Bishop, Robert G. Cushing
1960s counterculture, affirmative action, big-box store, blue-collar work, Cass Sunstein, citizen journalism, cognitive dissonance, David Brooks, demographic transition, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, immigration reform, income inequality, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, music of the spheres, New Urbanism, post-industrial society, Post-materialism, post-materialism, Ralph Nader, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, stem cell, Steve Jobs, superstar cities, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, union organizing, War on Poverty, white flight, World Values Survey
The difference was that people trusted government in 1965 and they didn't in 1993.62 Hetherington found the perfect example of the Democrats' dilemma. In 1964, 41 percent of Americans wanted the federal government to integrate schools. The demand for integrated schools was nearly universal by the early 1990s—95 percent of Americans wanted their schools integrated—but the support for federal intervention to enforce desegregation laws had dropped to 34 percent. It's possible, of course, that Americans felt there was no longer a need for the government to desegregate schools—a reasonable response if schools were already integrated. But by the early 2000s, America's public schools were resegregating; they were less integrated than they had been in the 1970s.63 Something more fundamental had changed in the way Americans thought about government. What happened? It's simple, according to Hetherington, even if Democrats have been painfully slow to catch on.
On January 9, Johnson announced he was "determined to eliminate barriers to the right to vote..." (At the time, the percentage of blacks registered to vote in Mississippi was smaller than it had been in 1899.) He signed the 1965 Voting Rights Act in August and immediately dispatched forty-five federal agents to the South to register black voters. Earlier that year, in March, Johnson's Justice Department ordered all schools to desegregate, threatening to withhold federal funds from any district that didn't integrate its schools by the fall of 1967. On the first day of school in the fall of 1965, Gene Roberts of the New York Times reported that southern educators "said it was the biggest day of integration in the Souths history."38 On January 25, LBJ proposed a budget containing what the New York Times described as the "biggest expansion of domestic welfare and educational programs since the New Deal of the nineteen thirties."39 Two months later, Johnson signed the bill creating the Appalachian Regional Commission, the first, but certainly not the last, War on Poverty bill to reach the president that year.
If people could only get to know each other, went the theory, groups would see that they shared a common humanity. In the 1950s, followers of the "human relations movement" had an "almost mystical faith in 'getting to know one another'as a solvent of racial tensions."4 They believed that simple contact between groups would work to reduce racial prejudice. It was a way of thinking so prevalent at the time that it became part of the reasoning used by the U.S. Supreme Court to desegregate public schools in 1954.5 When social psychologists began to study what happened when groups came in contact, however, the findings pointed to something less than the democratic ideal. People do gravitate toward others with similar opinions and ways of life, and they tend to minimize the differences within the groups to which they belong. For instance, my Democratic Travis Heights neighbors in Austin see much more uniformity in opinion within the precinct than there really is.
The Option of Urbanism: Investing in a New American Dream by Christopher B. Leinberger
American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, asset allocation, big-box store, centre right, credit crunch, David Brooks, desegregation, Donald Trump, drive until you qualify, edge city, full employment, Jane Jacobs, knowledge economy, McMansion, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, New Urbanism, peak oil, Ponzi scheme, postindustrial economy, RAND corporation, Report Card for America’s Infrastructure, reserve currency, Richard Florida, Seaside, Florida, the built environment, transit-oriented development, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, walkable city, white flight
“Redlining” of 40 | THE OPTION OF URBANISM predominantly black, poor areas in the city became common practice as growth spiraled outward and banks and federal insurance programs refused to support redevelopment or business investment in the cities. The desegregation of public schools mandated in 1954 hastened white flight to the suburbs, leaving city schools to cope with a disproportionately poor student body. The civil rights movement may have been launched with the successful bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama, but low-income AfricanAmericans ultimately lost the war for better transportation services. As white middle-class riders abandoned bus transit and other public transit systems, the decreasing ridership, political support, and funding meant that there was nominal service to the new suburbs. In many metropolitan areas there was active opposition to the extension of transit to the suburbs to keep minorities from even commuting there. The official desegregation of housing mandated in the 1968 Fair Housing Act allowed blacks and other minority middle-class residents to leave the center cities, just as the majority white population had been doing.
., 186n38 Commercial brokerage firms, 46, 49, 60 Commercial development, 27, 34, 66, 116, 153, 158 Community decline, 9 Community development, iv, 97, 168 Concentrated poverty, 69, 184n9, 191n4 Condos, 98–99, 102 Consumer preferences, 10, 88 survey, 93–96, 106, 181n3 Cook, J., 181n9 Corkery, M., 190n25 Corn, J., 17, 178n8 Corporate strategic planning, xi, 37, 57, 104 Critical mass, 123, 169 199n25 Curry, T., 182n2 D’Arcy, M., 188n61 Debt, 46, 48–49, 160, 197n8 Density, see also Floor area ratio, 21, 72, 79, 113, 132, 166 Department of Transportation (DOT), 142, 164–165 NJDOT, 198n20 Desegregation, 40 Depression, the, 1, 4, 6, 12–15, 20–25, 33, 45, 63, 65 Detroit, 8–9, 57, 97, 102, 119–122, 137, 157, 177n6 Developers, 11, 32–35, 48–53, 58–59, 63, 71, 103, 106, 111–112, 129–132, 141–142, 156, 160, 162, 168–169, 174, 183n12, 194n16 Zell, S., 59 Development, commercial, 27, 34, 116, 153, 158 economic, 24, 91, 163, 170 land, 26, 123 real estate, 20 47, 106, 163 sub-urban, 5, 10, 29, 64, 66, 71, 74, 77, 79–81, 88, 114–115, 130–131, 140, 146, 150, 162, 167 urban, 29, 119, 124, 126, 176 walkable, 128, 135, 158 Displacement, 140 Domestic policy, 2, 4, 25, 27–29, 44, 67, 82, 150–151, 171–173, 176 Driver product types, 33, 38 apartment, 43, 51 hotel, 43, 45, 51–54 industrial, 45–56 office, 51, 56 retail, 43–45, 51–53 Drivable sub-urbanism, 4–11, 17, 24–29, 31, 39, 52, 59, 64–69, 72–88, 93–96, 113–119, 130, 135, 137, 139, 156–159, 172– 173, 187n50, 191n3 INDEX | 203 car manufacturing, 9, 24, 97 greenhouse gas emissions, 10, 74–78, 84, 172, 186n31 highways, 7, 16–21, 27–28, 33–40, 59, 62, 80, 158, 164, 180n34 oil industry, 9, 24 positive consequences, 64, 66 free parking, 66–67, 184n6, 192n6 JLUs, 54, 65, 66 unintended (negative) consequences, 9–11, 62, 67, 75, 78, 82, 85, 90, 132, 138, 141–149, 167 auto dependence, 68, 83, 97 elites, 70, 83, 184n12 job access, 69, 83 nondriver exclusion, 69–70, 83 poverty, 38, 68–69, 83, 140, 184n9, 191n4 social segregation, 68, 83 “Drive until you qualify,” 65, 67, 78, 139 Duany, Andres, 118 Duncan, J., 188n51 Economically sustainable, 11, 97, 167 Economic effects, 77, 84 Burchell, R., 78, 184n4 competitiveness, 78, 80, 84 Downs, A., 78 oil dependency, 81, 84, 173 personal finances, 77 Economic growth, 7, 36, 40, 91, 175, 179n25 built environment, 2–8, 11, 17, 23, 32–33, 49, 63, 74, 83–84, 88–90, 104, 114, 117, 146, 150–155, 160, 172–176, 181n1, 186n36, 191n3 Edge cities, 41–43, 59, 62, 69, 157–159 Edgeless cities, 59, 62, 87, 183n13 Edmonds, B., 190n27 Empty nesters, 89, 112 Engelke, P., 186n36 Entertainment, 5, 33, 54, 86, 110, 117, 119, 134, 168 Environmental effects, 71, 83 air quality, 73–74, 84, 165, 188n55 climate change, 74–75, 84, 166– 167, 172–175, 186n30 heat islands, 73, 83, 185n24 land consumption, 9, 71–72, 83, 175 water quality, 73, 83 Equity, 160–164, 168, 171, 175, 197n8 Euclidean zoning codes, 151, 196–197n2 Ewing, R., 185n19, 186n28 Export jobs, 179n27 Exurbia, 7, 62, 72, 177n3 Farmer’s markets, 148, 196n9 Farms, 23, 28, 64, 72, 87–88, 185n16, 190n19 Favored quarter, 35–44, 54–57, 62, 69, 134–141, 157 race and poverty, 38 Federal-Aid Highway Act of 1956, 27 Jackson, K., 21, 28, 179n19, 186n29 Federal Housing Administration (FHA), 25 Federal Reserve, 47–48, 183n8 asset class, 48–49, 64, 104, 161 Feehan, D., 199n24 Feit, M., 199n24 Floor area ratio (FAR), 113–119, 122–126, 158, 191n1–3 204 | INDEX Florida, R., 91 Foreign policy, 82, 84, 130 Friedman, T., 82, 188n60 O’Hanlon, M., 82, 188n61 trade-offs, 84, 92–93 For-sale housing, 45, 54–55, 64–65, 100, 151 Frank, L., 74–76, 96, 105, 113, 186n29, 186n33, 186n36–37, 189n7–8 Freeways, x, 13, 30, 39, 42, 56, 117, 158, 164 Frey, W., 177n4 Frumkin, H., 186n29 Garreau, J., 42 Gelernter, 178n6 General Motors (GM), 19, 25, 57 Gentrification, 138–141, 144, 196n6 Giuliani, Rudolph, 169 Glaab, C., 179n23 Global warming, iv, 199n27 Gowen, A., 197n4 Greenfield towns, 123 “Hand me down” housing, 140 Hansen, J., 172, 199n27 Health implications, 75–77, 84 Hickenlooper, John, 119, 166 High-density housing, 5, 109, 159 retail, 5, 44 work, 5, 78, 141 High-income housing, 38, 140 Hirsch, R., 188n56 Horrigan, B., 178n8 Housing, see also Affordable housing, 9, 31, 33, 44, 78, 96, 99, 117, 151, 163 projects, 115, 140–141, 191n4 rental, 39, 45, 109, 198n11 Impact fees, iv, 162–163 Inam, A., 94–95, 189n6 Inclusionary zoning, iv, 141–142 Industrial economy, 23–26, 91 car-based, 24–25, 84 rural ideal, 25 sub-burban ideal, 25, 40 Infrastructure development, 9, 29, 35, 40–41, 68, 80, 160–168, 171–174, 181n1 underwriting, 11, 160 Interstate highway system, 27–28, 31 Jackson, K., 21, 28, 179n19 Jackson, R., 186n29 Jacobs, J., 117 Jillson, C., 22, 179n20 “Just like us” (JLUs), 54, 65–66 Katz, B., 68, 184n9 Kostyack, J., 185n19 Kunstler, J., 77, 82, 188n58 Kutner, L., 185n23 Land consumption, 9, 71–72, 83, 175 Land value, 102–103, 142–144 Lang, R., 59, 183n13 Lasch, C., 70, 184n12 Lawrence, F., 74–75, 96, 186n29 Le Corbusier, 25, 113, 115, 158, 191n4 Le Corbuier’s Plan Voisin, 192n5 Leinberger, C., 183n9, 196n6 Levine, J., 26, 93–96, 105, 189n7 Lewis, T., 180n34 Life and Death in Great American Cities, 117 Lifestyle centers, 108–109, 124, 167 Limited-access highways, 33–38, 53, 59, 62 INDEX | 205 Lipman, B., 187n47 Locally undesirable land uses (LULUs), 42 Local-serving neighborhood retail center, 5, 128, 179, 12–13, 48, 122, 146–148 Los Angeles, 4, 36, 42–43, 61, 107, 115, 121–122, 128, 134, 141, 159, 172 Louis, B., 190n15 Louv, R., 77, 187n43 Low-density housing, 26, 79–80 regulatory guidelines, 26, 165, 197n6 Lucy, W., 41, 76, 187n Malamund Smith, J., 184n5 Market share, 29, 43, 90 McCann, B., 186n37 McPherson, M., 181n9 Media, 21, 86 Metropolitan areas, x-xi, 3–9, 17–18, 23, 26, 28, 31, 33, 36–38, 41–44, 59–63, 72– 80, 87–103, 118, 123, 128, 135–139, 142, 155, 164–165, 170–175, 177n2, 179n27, 185n16, 199n21 Metropolitan planning organization (MPO), 199n21 Miller, J., 190n26 Minorities, 40, 55 Minority housing, 37, 38, 69 redlining, 26, 39 Mumford, L., 18, 178n12 Myers, D., 189n2 National Interstate and Defense Highways Act, 27 Nee, B., 17, 178n15 Neighborhood groups, 71, 83, 130–134, 145 Neighborhood-serving retail, 33–35, 38, 128 Nelessen, A., 92–93, 189n5 Nelson, A., 88–89, 104–105, 125, 129, 144, 189n1, 194n17 Neverlands, 114–115, 140, 153, 192n5 redevelopment, 156–159 New economy, 11, 91 New Urbanism, 5, 87, 97, 106, 112, 117–118, 152, 158, 191n3–4 New York City, 36, 98, 130, 161 New York City World’s Fair, 15 Futurama, 12–31, 43–44, 63, 85, 116, 130, 172, 179n18 Not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY) groups, 71, 83, 133 Obesity, 9, 84 Obsolete housing, 80, 127, 140, 144–146, 153–156 Office space, 29, 33, 37, 43–47, 51, 56, 60, 74, 101, 109, 121–130, 136, 155–156, 158, 171, 192n8 Orfield, M., 40, 182n11 Owen, D., 200n29 Parking ratios, 150, 192n6 Pendall, R., 187n40 Pendulum (see Built-environment pendulum) Philadelphia, 8–15, 22, 36–37, 61, 119, 120–127, 133, 141, 157, 168, 170, 177n6 Phillips, D., 187n41 Phoenix, 4, 36, 42, 97, 101, 172 Pianca, E., 180n35 Population growth, 61–62, 72–73, 83, 144 206 | INDEX Poverty, 38, 68–69, 83, 140, see also Concentrated poverty Preindustrial “walking” cities, 21 nineteenth century, 21–23, 121–122, 154 twentieth century, 2, 4, 6, 9, 20–26, 39, 72, 85, 88, 115, 131, 151, 154 Prewar housing, 184n2 Privacy, 12, 14, 21, 24, 66–67, 115 Projects, see Housing projects Public housing, 115, 140 failure of, 191n4 Puentes, R., 198n14 Putman, R., 185n13 Race, 38, 40, 182n9, 192n5, 194n11 Rail transit, 3, 22, 30, 95, 112, 119, 123–124, 127, 151, 158–159, 163, 166, 171, 190n17, 193n10, 194n11 Real estate product types, 32, 38, 47, 49, 50–57, 59, 61, 115, 183n9 driver product types, 33 follower products, 33 Rees, W., 75, 186n34 Redevelopment, xi, 40, 61, 80, 125– 129, 153, 156–158, 167–169 Regional malls, 5, 35, 39, 109, 155, 159 Regional-serving walkable urbanism, 118, 124–128, 135–139, 173–174, 195n22 downtown-adjacent, 90, 119–122, 128, 132, 136, 146 greenfield town, 123 redeveloped malls, 118, 125–128 suburban town, 80, 88, 90, 97–98, 118, 122–123, 129 traditional downtown, 35–36, 99, 118–119, 167 REIT, 49–50, 58 Resolution Trust orporation (RTC), 47–49, 183n6 Reston Town Center, 102, 119, 123–124, 125f, 127, 136, 153 Retail chains, 109, 146–149 Retirement, 51, 128, 153, 160 Revitalization, 5, 88, 106, 129, 146, 156, 169 model cities program, 29 urban development action grants, 29 urban renewal, 29 Road diet, 197n7 Roulac, S., 8, 177n5 Rural areas, 22–23 S&Ls, 46–49, 182–183 crisis, 46 Safe, Accountable, Flexible, Efficient Transportation Equity Act (SAFETEA-LU), 164–165, 198n18 Schmid, T., 186n36 Seattle, 37, 98 Segregation, (see also Social segregation) 39–40, 65 Seinfeld, 87, 90, 106, 131 Shearin, R., 194n12 Shibut, L., 182n2 Shoup, D., 67, 184n6 Singer, A., 177n4 Smith-Lovin, L., 181n9 Social engineering, 25, 44, 67, 84, 137 segregation, 68–71 Solomon, D., 180n28 Southworth, M., 180n28 Sprawl, 78, 93, 122, 131, 151, 160, 184n4, 186n29 Street grid, 5, 199 INDEX | 207 Stein, B., 185n23 Strip malls, 5, 90, 92, 118, 125, 131, 148 Subdivisions, 6, 28, 35, 47, 50, 55, 88 Subsidies, 9, 11, 29–31, 67, 112, 144, 151, 162, 171–173 Suburban town center, 88, 90, 129 Superhighways, 17–21 Sustainable development, 112 Target market, 54–55 Terrestrial affiliation, 64, 67, 115, 184n1 Toll roads, 161 Torng, G-W., 189n6 Town center, 87–90, 112, 123, 129 Traditional neighborhood development (TND), 93, 117 Transect, 191n3 Transit-oriented development, 112, 117, 190n27, 199n20 Transportation, 3–4, 21–22, 27–32, 40, 63, 67–68, 74–81, 83, 93, 96, 116, 127, 142, 144, 151, 163, 166, 171–175, 181n1 infrastructure, 142, 165 Transportation Equity Act, 164, 182 Unemployment rate, 12, 69 Urbanism, see Walkable urbanism U.S.
Boyd: The Fighter Pilot Who Changed the Art of War by Robert Coram
desegregation, inventory management, Iridium satellite, Joseph Schumpeter, Mason jar, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Toyota Production System, traveling salesman
A few days later the casino owner called Dr. McMillan again. “It’s okay. They’re going to integrate this town.” The national media picked up the story. Las Vegas would no longer discriminate in public accommodations. Black people could stay at Strip hotels and eat at restaurants there. A formal agreement desegregating all hotel / casinos on the Strip was signed in March 1960, and that is the date usually accepted for the desegregation of hotels and restaurants in Las Vegas. But three years earlier, John Boyd forced the desegregation of Las Vegas. It happened this way. Boyd was becoming more and more interested in math and aerial tactics. He did not want his staff contaminated by the raucous Friday afternoons on base, especially at the Stag Bar behind the Officers Club, so he and Sprad began inviting their staffs to a Friday brunch at the Sahara Hotel.
In early 1960 the Las Vegas National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) told the mayor of Las Vegas that southern-style marches would begin unless the Strip was desegregated within thirty days. Mafia dons who then owned and operated many of the Las Vegas casinos thought black people were after a piece of the action. Dr. James McMillan was a dentist and leader of the Las Vegas civil rights movement. He recalled that a casino owner called the NAACP and passed along the word from Mafia leaders. The word, as it usually was when it came from Mafia leaders, was blunt: back off or you’ll be found floating facedown in Lake Mead. Dr. McMillan replied that he was not trying to cut into the casino business. All he wanted was to make Las Vegas more cosmopolitan. Opening casinos and restaurants to blacks, a new market, would make more money for the casino owners. Desegregation would be good for business. This the Mafia understood.
But if anyone thought of asking the group to leave, one look at Boyd’s glowering face was enough to give them pause. Boyd had on his hard look, the one he had learned from his mother. It was a stern and foreboding visage that brooked no disagreement. He was daring anyone in the hotel to make any sort of scene. He was anxious for battle. Nothing happened. Everyone was served quickly and courteously and the manager hovered nearby to make sure everything went smoothly. Boyd and his fighter pilots desegregated Las Vegas that Friday in 1957. It was not a one-time event. They went back almost every Friday until Boyd was transferred in the summer of 1960. By then the city of Las Vegas had followed their lead. Boyd became an Air Force legend not only for his flying, but for his abilities as a teacher. A typical day in the classroom went something like this: At about 8:00 A.M., Captain John Boyd strode briskly into a classroom in the old World War II frame building that served as the Academic Section of the FWS.
Fool Me Twice: Fighting the Assault on Science in America by Shawn Lawrence Otto
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anthropic principle, Berlin Wall, Brownian motion, carbon footprint, Cepheid variable, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, cognitive dissonance, Columbine, cosmological constant, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Dean Kamen, desegregation, double helix, energy security, Exxon Valdez, fudge factor, ghettoisation, Harlow Shapley and Heber Curtis, Harvard Computers: women astronomers, informal economy, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Louis Pasteur, mutually assured destruction, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, shareholder value, sharing economy, smart grid, Solar eclipse in 1919, stem cell, the scientific method, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, transaction costs, University of East Anglia, War on Poverty, white flight, Winter of Discontent, working poor
We knew what these weapons could do, and we knew they could be used again. Our only option was to plan for an attack on American soil. This knowledge changed American culture and its relationship to science. For example, it has long been the prevailing opinion that American suburbs developed as a result of the increased use of the car, GI Bill—funded home construction, and white flight from desegregated schools after the 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. But in reality the trend had started several years before Brown. In 1945, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists began advocating for “dispersal,” or “defense through decentralization” as the only realistic defense against nuclear weapons, and the federal government realized this was an important strategic move.
Similar to the denominational battles between Protestants and Catholics and among the various sects of Protestantism, today’s secular denominations claim the authority of a truth no member of another denomination can know. SCIENCE CLASS WITHOUT OBJECTIVE TRUTH The 1960s and 1970s were a time of momentous social change, particularly related to civil rights. For the first time, the United States was making a serious effort to educate African American children to the same standard as white students. One of the primary methods employed was school desegregation. This posed complex challenges for teachers, who were tasked with educating more diverse classrooms as black students whose communities had been uprooted first by highway construction and then by busing found themselves thrown into the mix with more advantaged white students. It seemed unrealistic to demand equal performance from students who did not have the same level of socioeconomic support or shared cultural references.
See also Evolution Dawkins, Richard, 126–27 Deductive reasoning, 43 Deepwater Horizon oil spill, 250–51, 265 Deficit model of science, 288–90 DeLay, Tom, 14–15 Democracy biology and, 54–55, 90 challenges facing, 33–34 complexity of world and, 6 danger of, 315 freedom and, 250, 252 Jefferson’s argument for, 51–53 knowledge and, 3–4, 90, 219 plurality and, 111 politics and, 87 science and, 55–57, 90, 97, 123, 157, 245–47 Democratic Party, 17, 59–61, 290 Demonstrative knowledge, 50 Denialism, 6, 130, 138, 195, 221–23, 296 Descartes, René, 43–45, 50 Desegregation, 124 Deutsch, George, 16 Diamond, Sara, 110 DNA, 78, 120 Dobson, James, 111 Doppler effect, 68 Douglas, Stephen, 87 Dualism, 43 Dubner, Stephen, 229–31 Duck and Cover (film), 80, 84 Dumbing down of nation, 11–15, 143–45 Dyck, Markus, 194 E Earth, age of, 27–28 Eberle, Francis, 292 Economics climate change and, 223–24 commoditization and, 312–13 ecosystem services and, 258 externalities and, 253 growth of economy and, 256–57 market, 302 in Middle Ages, 25 natural public capital and, 258, 265 opportunity cost and, 257 science and, 187, 255–56 SEEP challenges and, 187 self-interest and, 250, 260 sustainability and, environmental, 258, 261 tragedy of the commons and, 247–51, 268 tyranny on the commons and, 253–55 Ecosystem services, 258, 265 Ecosystem, value on, 259 Education Bloom’s view of, 127–28 cultural studies and, 128–29 desegregation and, 124 inclusiveness and, 126 Jefferson’s view of public, 34, 59 objectivity and, 126–28 science, 124–25, 291–93 sex, 17, 274–76, 279 social constructivism and, 125–26 Ehlers, Vernon, 14–15, 222 Ehrlich, Paul, 256 Einstein, Albert, 61–63, 69–70, 75, 77–78, 114, 119, 141–42 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 82, 90, 97, 314–15 Electromagnetic field health risks, 140–43 Elitism, 91 Endangered Species Act, 20, 192, 195 Energy companies, 197–98, 201, 224, 239 Energy conservation, 240–41 Engagement of science, 8, 293–94 English common law, 39–40 Enlightenment, 46, 112 Environmental problems, 96, 101–2, 252.
What's the Matter with White People by Joan Walsh
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, banking crisis, clean water, collective bargaining, David Brooks, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Glaeser, full employment, global village, Golden Gate Park, hiring and firing, impulse control, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, upwardly mobile, urban decay, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, women in the workforce
I was born in Brooklyn about eighteen months after my father’s discharge from the army; my brother, not quite my Irish twin, just fourteen months later. Conceived the month Walter O’Malley announced that the Dodgers were leaving Brooklyn, I always wondered if my mother needed a new love to take their place (in fact, a December 1957 subway strike figured prominently in stories about my conception, which may account for my lifelong soft spot for public employees’ unions). The week I was born, Life magazine featured a story on school desegregation, “Integration goes on—but with ugly incidents,” and a photo of Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. being jailed in Alabama. The same month, September 1958, the devout Irish Catholic turned devout American socialist Michael Harrington would begin the US tour that inspired his searing exposé of the hidden poor, The Other America, which helped drive the Johnson administration’s War on Poverty. After getting married, my father went to work as a writer and an editor at the nation’s oldest and largest Catholic textbook company, William H.
They got $3,000 for the lot, which represented their life’s savings. A few months later, my father watched his old neighborhood go up in flames while the Yankees beat the Los Angeles Dodgers in the World Series. “Ladies and gentlemen, the Bronx is burning,” Howard Cosell told the nation, but it felt like he was speaking to my dad. Back in Shorewood, A Better Chance was losing its funding, as local parents stopped contributing to the private, voluntary desegregation effort program. In 1979, it quietly disbanded. It was news enough to make the New York Times, in a story headlined “Liberal Whites Turn Cold to Blacks.” The Times saw the program’s demise as evidence that “whites seemed increasingly committed to integration as an ideal . . . but increasingly reluctant to support the mechanisms of integration.” One anonymous Shorewood resident told the paper about blacks: “You’re sorry for their cause, but after a certain point you think, ‘Let’s get on with daily life.’”
(Yes, I noticed the “they”; I wasn’t really white anymore, I was one of the good ones.) The “people of color” alliance sometimes seemed less about inclusion than retribution for past misdeeds, real or imagined or committed hundreds of years before you were born. It also seemed silly. When San Francisco’s African American superintendent told me in an interview that the Chinese parents who scuttled the desegregation plan didn’t understand American civil rights history, she was attacked as a racist after my article appeared, which made her head spin. “People of color” sure didn’t agree on education issues. None of us was served by the way we talked about this stuff anymore. I came to hate the term white privilege, even as I believed it still existed, as colorless and odorless (to white people) as oxygen.
Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything by Steven D. Levitt, Stephen J. Dubner
airport security, Broken windows theory, crack epidemic, desegregation, Exxon Valdez, feminist movement, George Akerlof, Joseph Schumpeter, mental accounting, moral hazard, More Guns, Less Crime, oil shale / tar sands, peak oil, pets.com, profit maximization, Richard Thaler, school choice, sensible shoes, Steven Pinker, Ted Kaczynski, The Chicago School, The Market for Lemons, Thorstein Veblen, War on Poverty
So was the gap between black children’s test scores and those of white children. Perhaps the most heartening gain had been in infant mortality. As late as 1964, a black infant was twice as likely to die as a white infant, often of a cause as basic as diarrhea or pneumonia. With segregated hospitals, many black patients received what amounted to Third World care. But that changed when the federal government ordered the hospitals to be desegregated: within just seven years, the black infant mortality rate had been cut in half. By the 1980s, virtually every facet of life was improving for black Americans, and the progress showed no sign of stopping. Then came crack cocaine. While crack use was hardly a black-only phenomenon, it hit black neighborhoods much harder than most. The evidence can be seen by measuring the same indicators of societal progress cited above.
Still, just about every parent seems to believe that her child will thrive if only he can attend the right school, the one with an appropriate blend of academics, extracurriculars, friendliness, and safety. School choice came early to the Chicago Public School system. That’s because the CPS, like most urban school districts, had a disproportionate number of minority students. Despite the U.S. Supreme Court’s 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, which dictated that schools be desegregated, many black CPS students continued to attend schools that were nearly all-black. So in 1980 the U.S. Department of Justice and the Chicago Board of Education teamed up to try to better integrate the city’s schools. It was decreed that incoming freshmen could apply to virtually any high school in the district. Aside from its longevity, there are several reasons the CPS school-choice program is a good one to study.
Ferguson police crime statistics and increased numbers of innovative strategies of political science politicians liberal vs. conservative lying by poop, dog Porter, Jack pregnancy tests Princess Bride, The (Patinkin) Princeton University Prisoner’s Dilemma prisons: crime rates and homosexuality in prostitution racism segregation and see also Jim Crow laws; lynching Raising America: Experts, Parents, and a Century of Advice About Children (Hulbert) randomness rape real-estate agents clients’ best interests and commissions of incentives of sale of personal homes by terms used by Reconstruction regression analysis Rehnquist, William Republic (Plato) résumés “Ring of Gyges, The” (Plato) Riordan, Richard Ripley, Amanda robbery Roberts, Seth Roe, Jane. See McCorvey, Norma Roe v. Wade Rogers, Will Rosenthal, Robert Rudolph the Red-Nosed Reindeer (May) Sacerdote, Bruce Sachs, Jeffrey Sailer, Steve Salmon, Felix Salomon Smith Barney Samuelson, Paul Sandman, Peter Satel, Sally Scalia, Antonin Schelling, Thomas Scholastic Aptitude Tests (SATs) schools choice of desegregation of quality of see also students; testing Schwarzenegger, Arnold Seale, Bobby Seinfeld self-esteem self-experimentation self-interest of experts impartial observation vs. truth and Sen, Amartya Senate, U.S. September 11 terrorist attacks sex oral sex education sex scandals Shangri-La Diet Shawn, William sleep Slemrod, Joel Smith, Adam smoking Snyder, Mitch social promotion social science Social Security societal norms sociologists Socrates Soviet Union, collapse of Spears, Britney Splash sports: cheating in drugs in gambling on glamour of incentives in judging of throwing matches and games in Stanford University Center for Advanced Study of Behavioral Sciences Law School state-year interaction stealing white-collar Stetson, John B.
City: Urbanism and Its End by Douglas W. Rae
agricultural Revolution, barriers to entry, business climate, City Beautiful movement, complexity theory, desegregation, edge city, ghettoisation, income per capita, informal economy, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, joint-stock company, Joseph Schumpeter, manufacturing employment, New Economic Geography, new economy, New Urbanism, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Saturday Night Live, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the market place, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, white flight, Works Progress Administration
Data here are from Census sources, as well as BLS surveys. The Census of Manufacturing provides most of the jobs data. Inflation is calculated using the BLS urban wage deflator. 12. See, among others, George C. Galster, “Polarization, Place, and Race,” North Carolina Law Review 71, no. 5 ( June 1993), or John F. Cain, “The Influence of Race and Income on Racial Segregation and Housing Policy,” in Housing Desegregation and Federal Policy, edited by John M. Goering (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986). The classic study of race in New Haven predates the arrival of this family, as well as most other black households. See Warner, New Haven Negroes. 13. I have relied heavily here on one exceptional collection of work on the history and consequences of zoning in the United States, namely, Haar and Kayden, Zoning and the American Dream. 14.
Bridgeport’s Socialist New Deal, 1915 –36. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001. Burnham, Daniel H., and Edward H. Bennett. Plan of Chicago (1909). New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1993. Cahn, Edgar, and Jean Cahn. “The War on Poverty: A Civilian Perspective.” Yale Law Journal 73, no. 8 (1964). Cain, John F. “The Influence of Race and Income on Racial Segregation and Housing Policy.” In Housing Desegregation and Federal Policy, edited by John M. Goering, 99–118. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986. Calder, Isabel MacBeath. The New Haven Colony. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962. Calthorpe, Peter. The New American Metropolis: Ecology, Community, and the American Dream. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1986. Caplan, Ruth Ginsberg. “Harris Ginsberg of State Street.” Jews in New Haven 6 (1993): 123– 35.
The Federal Government and Urban Housing: Ideology and Change in Public Policy. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985. Hayward, Clarissa Ryle. De-Facing Power. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000 Hegel, Richard. Carriages from New Haven: New Haven’s Nineteenth-Century Carriage Industry. Hamden, Conn.: Archon, 1974. Helper, Rose. “Success and Resistance Factors in the Maintenance of Racially Mixed Neighborhoods.” In Housing Desegregation and Federal Policy, edited by John M. Goering, 170–94. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986. Herman, Barry E. “Max Adler, 1841–1916.” Jews in New Haven 7 (1997): 315 –16. Hill, Everett G. A Modern History of New Haven and Eastern New Haven County. New York: S. J. Clarke, 1918. Hill, Prescott F. “The Menace of the Three-Decker.” Housing Problems in America 5 (1916): 133–52. Hillier, Amy.
Progress: Ten Reasons to Look Forward to the Future by Johan Norberg
agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, availability heuristic, Bartolomé de las Casas, Berlin Wall, British Empire, business climate, clean water, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, demographic transition, desegregation, Donald Trump, Flynn Effect, germ theory of disease, Gini coefficient, Haber-Bosch Process, Hans Island, Hans Rosling, Ignaz Semmelweis: hand washing, income inequality, income per capita, indoor plumbing, Isaac Newton, Jane Jacobs, John Snow's cholera map, Kibera, Louis Pasteur, Mahatma Gandhi, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, more computing power than Apollo, moveable type in China, Naomi Klein, open economy, place-making, Rosa Parks, special economic zone, Steven Pinker, telerobotics, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transatlantic slave trade, very high income, working poor, Xiaogang Anhui farmers
The mania for separation went to such lengths that Oklahoma required separate telephone booths for the two races: Florida and North Carolina made it illegal to give white pupils textbooks that had previously been used by black students. Macon County, Georgia, took the price for absurdity by seriously debating a proposal that the country maintain two separate sets of public roads, one for each race, and rejecting the idea only because of the prohibitive cost.11 A few steps had already been taken by the government. President Truman had desegregated the armed forces and ended discrimination in federal employment. In 1954 the Supreme Court desegregated public schools, and when the Arkansas Governor called out the National Guard to stop Little Rock Central High School from accepting nine black students, President Eisenhower sent federal troops to the high school to protect the students. But the major steps towards racial equality were taken by the African Americans’ own civil rights movement.
When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor by William Julius Wilson
affirmative action, citizen journalism, collective bargaining, conceptual framework, declining real wages, deindustrialization, deliberate practice, desegregation, Donald Trump, edge city, ending welfare as we know it, full employment, George Gilder, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, income inequality, informal economy, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, manufacturing employment, new economy, New Urbanism, pink-collar, race to the bottom, RAND corporation, school choice, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, upwardly mobile, urban decay, urban renewal, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population, Works Progress Administration
In Dade County, there is a tendency for the black Cubans, Dominicans, Puerto Ricans, and Panamanians to define themselves by their language and culture and not by the color of their skin. Indeed, largely because of the willingness of Hispanic whites and Hispanic blacks to live together and to mix with Haitians and other Caribbean blacks in neighborhoods relatively free of racial tension, Dade County is experiencing the most rapid desegregation of housing in the nation. By contrast, native-born, English-speaking African-Americans continue to be the most segregated group in Miami. They are concentrated in neighborhoods characterized by high levels of joblessness and marred by pockets of poverty in the northeast section of Dade County. Although there has been some movement by higher-income groups from these neighborhoods in recent years, the poorer blacks are more likely to be trapped because of the combination of extreme economic marginality and residential segregation.
Strategies representing either equality of individual opportunity or affirmative action are not designed to address the important problem of racial segregation. As demonstrated in Part 1 of this discussion, living in segregated ghettos creates barriers to employment and adequate employment preparation. Accordingly, the reduction of racial segregation would surely improve the job prospects of African-Americans. However, “a federal policy of rapid desegregation in housing is a political and practical impossibility.” As long as there are areas to which whites can retreat, it will be difficult to reduce the overall level of segregation. Blacks move in, whites move out. And this process can be surprisingly rapid, as we have seen in neighborhoods like Greater Grand Crossing in Chicago (see Chapter 2). Perhaps it would be possible to stem this pattern if restrictions were placed on the freedom of movement of whites or if somehow it became very costly to move.
Glass Ceiling Commission (1995). 44 some liberals have argued for a shift from an affirmative action based on race: See, for example, Kahlenberg (1995). 45 The major distinguishing characteristic … based on need: Fishkin (1983) has related this type of affirmative action to the principle of equality of life chances. Noel Salinger of the Harris School of Public Policy Studies, University of Chicago, helped to shape some of the views I express here on affirmative action. 46 the long-term intergenerational effects of having one’s life choices limited by race: Heckman (1995). 47 However, “a federal policy of rapid desegregation”: Jargowsky (1994), p. 310. 48 The gains, over a period of decades, could be substantial: Jargowsky (1994). 49 “But the experiment is being closely watched”: New York Times (1994). 50 quotation from Vivian Henderson, Henderson (1975), p. 54. 51 quotation from Joseph A. Califano: Califano (1988), p. 29. For a good discussion of how programs perceived to be beneficial to blacks triggered a white backlash, see Quadagno (1994). 52 Over the past fifty years, there has been a steep decline: Bobo and Smith (1994). 53 The idea that the federal government “has a special obligation”: Bobo and Kluegel (1994). 54 In 1990, almost seven in ten (69.1 percent) white Americans: By contrast, only 26 percent of African-Americans opposed quotas in enrolling blacks in colleges and universities and only 37.4 percent were against the idea of preferential hiring and promotion of blacks (Bobo and Smith ). 55 “People whose attitudes blend antiblack feelings”: Bobo and Smith (1994), pp. 382–83. 56 But these social scientists quickly pointed out that general values: Bobo and Smith (1994). 57 Bobo and Smith found that even after controlling for socioeconomic status: Bobo and Smith (1994). 58 recent studies reveal that most white Americans approve: Bobo and Smith (1994), Bobo and Kluegel (1993), Lipset and Schneider (1978), Kluegel and Smith (1986), and Kinder and Sanders (1987). 59 For example, in the 1990 General Social Survey: Bobo and Smith (1994) 60 quotation from Bobo and Kluegel: Bobo and Kluegel (1993), p. 446. 61 Furthermore, unlike “preferential” racial policies: Bobo and Smith (1994) 62 recent surveys conducted by the National Opinion Research Center: General Social Survey (1988–94).
affirmative action, barriers to entry, bioinformatics, Brownian motion, call centre, Cass Sunstein, centre right, clean water, dark matter, desegregation, East Village, fear of failure, Firefox, game design, George Gilder, hiring and firing, Howard Rheingold, informal economy, invention of radio, Isaac Newton, iterative process, Jean Tirole, jimmy wales, market bubble, market clearing, Marshall McLuhan, New Journalism, optical character recognition, pattern recognition, pre–internet, price discrimination, profit maximization, profit motive, random walk, recommendation engine, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, RFID, Richard Stallman, Ronald Coase, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, SETI@home, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Skype, slashdot, social software, software patent, spectrum auction, technoutopianism, The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid, The Nature of the Firm, transaction costs
On the eve of the second reconstruction era, which was to overhaul the legal framework of race relations over the two decades beginning with the desegregation of the armed forces in the late 1940s and culminating with the civil rights acts passed between 1964-1968, the two sides of the debate over desegregation and the legacy of slavery were minting new icons through which to express their most basic beliefs about the South and its peculiar institutions. As the following three decades unfolded and the South was gradually forced to change its ways, the cultural domain continued to work out the meaning of race relations in the United States and the history of slavery. The actual slogging of regulation of discrimination, implementation of desegregation and later affirmative action, and the more local politics of hiring and firing were punctuated throughout this period by salient iconic retellings of the stories of race relations in the United States, from Guess Who's Coming to Dinner?
During periods of stability, these components of the structure within which human beings live are mostly aligned and mutually reinforce [pg 27] each other, but the stability is subject to shock at any one of these dimensions. Sometimes shock can come in the form of economic crisis, as it did in the United States during the Great Depression. Often it can come from an external physical threat to social institutions, like a war. Sometimes, though probably rarely, it can come from law, as, some would argue, it came from the desegregation decision in Brown v. Board of Education. Sometimes it can come from technology; the introduction of print was such a perturbation, as was, surely, the steam engine. The introduction of the highcapacity mechanical presses and telegraph ushered in the era of mass media. The introduction of radio created a similar perturbation, which for a brief moment destabilized the mass-media model, but quickly converged to it.
Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness by Richard H. Thaler, Cass R. Sunstein
Al Roth, Albert Einstein, asset allocation, availability heuristic, call centre, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, continuous integration, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, desegregation, diversification, diversified portfolio, endowment effect, equity premium, feminist movement, framing effect, full employment, George Akerlof, index fund, invisible hand, late fees, libertarian paternalism, loss aversion, Mahatma Gandhi, Mason jar, medical malpractice, medical residency, mental accounting, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Milgram experiment, pension reform, presumed consent, profit maximization, rent-seeking, Richard Thaler, risk tolerance, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Saturday Night Live, school choice, school vouchers, transaction costs, Vanguard fund, Zipcar
The architect can also help reduce latent incentive conﬂicts between advantaged and disadvantaged parents during the choice process. Despite the attention they receive in the media, market-based programs like vouchers are available to relatively few students nationwide. One popular alternative is a policy known as controlled choice, which emerged in the wake of 1970s court rulings prohibiting busing for the purpose of achieving desegregation. The idea was to continue integration by guaranteeing students a priority space at a nearby school or a school that a sibling attended, while giving them the option to apply for enrollment somewhere else. School administrators in Boston adopted a computer algorithm designed to assign as many students as possible to their ﬁrst-choice schools, while still giving priority to the neighborhood students.
., 86 defined-benefit retirement plans, 105, 108 defined-contribution retirement plans, 105–6, 107, 123, 128, 129 design: controlled by choice architects, 10; details of, 3–4; human factors incorporated into, 82, 83; informed, 240; neutral, 3, 10; starting points inherent in, 10–11; user-friendly, 11 Design of Everyday Things, The (Norman), 83 Destiny Health Plan, 233 difficulty, degree of, 73–74 digital cameras, 90, 92–93 discount pricing, 36 discrimination, laws against, 251 Disulfiram (antabuse), 234–35 diversification heuristic, 123 divorce: and “above average” effect, 32, 224; and children, 225, 226; difficulty of obtaining, 219–20; economic prospects affected by, 224; law of, 224–26; mandatory waiting period for, 250–51; obtainable at will, 220 Doers, 42, 47 dog owners, social pressures on, 54 Dollar a day incentive, 234 domestic partnership agreements, 215–16, 223 “Don’t Mess with Texas,” 60, 61 eating: and conformity, 64; and food display, 1–3, 4–5, 10, 11, 165–66; and food selection, 7, 64; gender differences in, 64 Economist, 239–40 Econs: easy choices for, 77; homo economicus, 6–8; incentives for, 8; investment 285 286 INDEX Econs (continued ) decisions by, 120; and money, 101; not followers of fashion, 53; Reflective Systems used by, 22; unbiased forecasts made by, 7; use of term, 7 education, 199–206; accountability in, 200; in Boston, 203–5; in Charlotte, 202; charter schools, 200; child’s right to, 199, 206; and competition, 199– 200; complex choices in, 200–203; controlled choice in, 203–5; desegregation of, 203; incentive conflicts in, 203–5; No Child Left Behind, 85–86, 200– 201; in San Marcos, Texas, 205–6; school choice vouchers, 199–200, 203, 206; status quo bias in, 201–2; testing standards, 200; test scores, 200, 202; underperforming in, 201; in Worcester, 200–201 “efficient frontier,” 154 Einstein, Albert, 6 elimination by aspects, 95 emails, Civility Check for, 235 Emanuel, Rahm, 14 Emergency Planning and Community Right to Know Act (1986), 190 “emoticons,” 68, 69 employers: employee benefits offered by, 11–13; profit-sharing plans of, 128; and retirement plans, 105–6, 107–8, 111, 127, 128, 131 endowment effect, 83 energy, invisibility of, 194 energy conservation: and cost-disclosing thermostats, 99; and framing, 36–37; and home-building industry, 192–93; and social influences, 68–69; voluntary participation programs in, 194–96 energy efficiency, 195–96 Energy Star Office Products, 195–96 Enron Corporation, 125–26, 127 environmental issues, 158, 183–96; acid deposition program, 187–88; air pollution, 183, 184–85, 186, 188; auto emissions, 184, 186; auto fuel economy, 191– 92, 192, 193; cap-and-trade system in, 187, 197; Clean Air Act, 187; climate change, 183, 186, 191, 196; commandand-control regulation of, 184, 186, 189; energy conservation, 36–37, 68– 69, 99, 192–93, 194–96; energy efficiency, 195–96; energy use, 193–96; feedback and information, 188–93; greenhouse gas emissions, 186, 188, 196; incentives for, 185–88; international, 183, 187; Kyoto Protocol, 187; nudges proposed for, 193–96; ozone layer, 183; recycling, 66n; risk labeling, 189; and social influences, 68–69; trading systems in, 187–88, 197; and tragedy of the commons, 185; transparent costs of, 187; voluntary participation programs, 194–96 Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), 189; and auto fuel economy, 192, 192, 193; Energy Star Office Products program, 195–96; Green Lights program of, 195–96; Toxic Release Inventory of, 190 – 91 Equities (stocks), 118, 119–20 equity premium, 120 ERISA (Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974), 127–28, 131 error, expecting, 87–90, 130 “everything matters,” 3–4 evil nudgers, 239–41 expectations, 62 Experion Systems, 173 externalities, 184 FAFSA (free application for federal student aid), 139, 141 families, dispersion of, 104 Family and Medical Leave Act, 216 Federal Express, 208 Federal Housing Administration (FHA), 133–34 Federal Trade Commission (FTC), 250 feedback, 75, 90–91, 131, 188–93 529 plans (college savings accounts), 141 flexible spending accounts, 12 follow through, failure to, 112 Food and Drug Administration (FDA), 189 INDEX food display, 1–3, 4–5, 10, 11, 165–66 food selection, 7, 64 footnotes, uses of, 4n forced choice, 86, 109–10, 243 forcing function, 88 Ford, Harrison, 154 401(k) plans, 106, 107, 109, 126, 127, 128, 130 framing, 36–37 France, organ donations in, 179 Franklin, Benjamin, 47 freedom of choice, 5, 197, 252–53; danger of overreaching, 240; elimination of, 248–51; Just Maximize Choices, 9–11; opposition to, 241–43; and presumed consent, 177–79; and required choice, 86–87 frequency, 74–75 Friedman, Milton, 5, 199, 206 friendly discouragement, 201 fungibility, 50–523 gains and losses, 33–34 gambling, 33–34; low stakes, 74-75n; mental accounting in, 50–51; self-bans, 233; and strategy, 45–47 Gandhi, Mohandas, 6 gas tank caps, 88–89 Gateway Arch, St.
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, back-to-the-land, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, blue-collar work, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate personhood, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gini coefficient, income inequality, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, labor-force participation, land reform, land tenure, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, mortgage debt, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, obamacare, occupational segregation, Occupy movement, oil shock, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price discrimination, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Simon Kuznets, single-payer health, strikebreaker, too big to fail, trade route, transcontinental railway, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, trickle-down economics, universal basic income, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, wage slave, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, Works Progress Administration
The construction of highways, and “urban renewal” without replacement of destroyed housing, left formerly prosperous black neighborhoods disconnected and devastated; evicted residents had nowhere to live. Public housing was also racially segregated, and needy white families were placed into public housing more rapidly than were black families.20 The drive for racial equality in the 1950s focused on the legal and social realms rather than the economic realm. Court decisions like Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas (1954), which mandated school desegregation, undermined the idea that separate facilities could ever be equal. A series of decisions by the Warren and Burger Supreme Courts broadened the notion of legal equality.21 But the few programs available in the 1950s to address employment portrayed the unemployed as lacking “human capital.” It was assumed that with sufficient training or the inculcation of work skills, the unemployed would naturally be hired as the economy grew.
Widespread childhood vaccination programs, clean air and water, sewer systems, and other amenities common to developed countries have been acceptable projects for American municipalities because they serve everyone; infectious disease does not stop at the boundary line of segregated neighborhoods. WHAT IS TO BE DONE? TANGIBLE SOLUTIONS Historically, education has been held out as the great equalizer. When they were founded, American public schools were supposed to equip every child with the skills needed for employment and for citizenship. But the opportunity was fleeting. The Brown decision, which called for desegregation of schools, overlapped with housing segregation and the flight of better-off families from cities to suburbs. Prekindergarten programs demonstrably help poor children, but providing them is expensive.77 Urban schools were left catering largely to underprepared students from challenging social environments, and court decisions preventing busing urban students to outlying suburbs, and vice versa, narrow the options.78 In many urban areas, schools are more racially segregated now than they have ever been.79 President Obama suggested in 2015 that free community college tuition for all Americans might help address the inequality gap.80 Higher education is touted as the surest road to a higher income than one’s parents, but federal government studies now show that the greatest income benefits of a college education accrue to students who can afford to attend the highest tier of schools.
Composing a Further Life: The Age of Active Wisdom by Mary Catherine Bateson
affirmative action, Berlin Wall, Celebration, Florida, desegregation, double helix, estate planning, feminist movement, invention of writing, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, urban renewal, War on Poverty, women in the workforce
The Urban Training Center was created a decade after the Supreme Court declared school segregation unconstitutional in 1954. Rosa Parks had triggered the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955 by refusing to accept bus segregation, and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference was founded in 1957, the same year that Little Rock public schools were desegregated under the eye of the National Guard. By 1960 the focus had shifted to voter registration and a push for legislative change, with the March on Washington in August 1963, when Dr. King made his “I have a dream” speech. Resistance to voter registration and desegregation was increasing and came to a head in Selma, Alabama, in 1965. “The staff and trainees of the Urban Training Center were there, staying in people’s houses and joining in demonstrations. Then, later that year, there was a huge protest in Chicago about the racial segregation of the schools, and Dr.
2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, banking crisis, carried interest, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, job automation, Mahatma Gandhi, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special drawing rights, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, women in the workforce, working poor
Gingrich unleashed destroyed whatever comity existed across party lines,” say Ornstein and Mann, “activated an extreme and virulently anti-Washington base—most recently represented by Tea Party activists—and helped drive moderate Republicans out of Congress.” America has had a long history of white southern radicals who would stop at nothing to get their way—seceding from the Union in 1861, repudiating federal laws designed to protect the rights of black citizens during Reconstruction, enacting Jim Crow laws, resisting desegregation orders in the 1950s, and refusing to obey civil rights legislation in the 1960s. The Gingrich-led government shutdown at the end of 1995 was a prelude to the 2011 showdown over raising the federal debt ceiling—which could have triggered a government default and risked the full faith and credit of the United States. Gingrich’s recent assertion during the Republican primaries that public officials aren’t bound to follow the decisions of federal courts is in the same tradition.
And Never Stop Dancing: Thirty More True Things You Need to Know Now by Gordon Livingston
The people who assembled in Montgomery to resist the removal of the Ten Commandments monument are the spiritual descendants of the segregationists, as shown by the presence of the Confederate battle flag among them. Unlike the inclusive, nonviolent, and forgiving beliefs that inspired the civil rights marchers, the faith of the fundamentalists is coercive, exclusive, and of a piece with the stance taken by that other Alabama hero of 1963, Governor George Wallace, who incited the resistance of citizens to federal authority by “standing in the schoolhouse door” to oppose the desegregation of the state university. An ostensible pillar of conservative belief is the enforcement of restrictions on government interference in people’s lives. However, as with the Ten Commandments, fundamentalist conservatives are eager to force their social views on the rest of us, usually on moral and religious grounds. In fact, it is their insistence on a particular interpretation of the Bible that makes some of them sound like the theocrats of Iran.
A People's History of the United States by Howard Zinn
affirmative action, agricultural Revolution, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Bartolomé de las Casas, Bernie Sanders, British Empire, clean water, colonial rule, death of newspapers, desegregation, equal pay for equal work, feminist movement, friendly fire, full employment, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, land reform, Mercator projection, Mikhail Gorbachev, minimum wage unemployment, Monroe Doctrine, new economy, New Urbanism, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, transcontinental railway, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, very high income, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration
But Truman—four months before the presidential election of 1948, and challenged from the left in that election by Progressive party candidate Henry Wallace—issued an executive order asking that the armed forces, segregated in World War II, institute policies of racial equality “as rapidly as possible.” The order may have been prompted not only by the election but by the need to maintain black morale in the armed forces, as the possibility of war grew. It took over a decade to complete the desegregation in the military. Truman could have issued executive orders in other areas, but did not. The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, plus the set of laws passed in the late 1860s and early 1870s, gave the President enough authority to wipe out racial discrimination. The Constitution demanded that the President execute the laws, but no President had used that power. Neither did Truman. For instance, he asked Congress for legislation “prohibiting discrimination in interstate transportation facilities”; but specific legislation in 1887 already barred discrimination in interstate transportation and had never been enforced by executive action.
Statistics did not tell the whole story. Racism, always a national fact, not just a southern one, emerged in northern cities, as the federal government made concessions to poor blacks in a way that pitted them against poor whites for resources made scarce by the system. Blacks, freed from slavery to take their place under capitalism, had long been forced into conflict with whites for scarce jobs. Now, with desegregation in housing, blacks tried to move into neighborhoods where whites, themselves poor, crowded, troubled, could find in them a target for their anger. In the Boston Globe, November 1977: A Hispanic family of six fled their apartment in the Savin Hill section of Dorchester yesterday after a week of repeated stonings and window-smashings by a group of white youths, in what appears to have been racially motivated attacks, police said.
., with a concentrated population of black poor within walking distance of the marbled buildings of the national government, 42 percent of young black men between the ages of eighteen and thirty-five were either in jail, or out on probation or parole. The crime rate among blacks, instead of being seen as a crying demand for the elimination of poverty, was used by politicians to call for the building of more prisons. The 1954 Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education had begun the process of desegregating schools. But poverty kept black children in ghettos and many schools around the country remained segregated by race and class. Supreme Court decisions in the seventies determined that there need be no equalization of funds for poor school districts and rich school districts (San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez) and that the busing of children need not take place between wealthy suburbs and inner cities (Milliken v.
Berlin 1961: Kennedy, Khrushchev, and the Most Dangerous Place on Earth by Frederick Kempe
Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, index card, Mikhail Gorbachev, open borders, Ronald Reagan, trade liberalization, traveling salesman
At home, Kennedy was facing violent racial confrontations that had broken out in the American South as African Americans grew more determined to end two centuries of oppression. The immediate problem revolved around the “Freedom Riders,” whose efforts to desegregate interstate transportation had won only tepid support from the Kennedy administration and were opposed by nearly two-thirds of Americans. Abroad, Kennedy’s failure in Cuba, unresolved conflict in Laos, and tensions building around Berlin made his Paris–Vienna trip all the more fraught with risk. Kennedy was making the mental connection to Berlin even while wrestling with racial affairs at home. When Father Theodore Hesburgh, a member of his Civil Rights Commission, questioned the president’s reluctance to take bolder steps to desegregate the United States, Kennedy said, “Look, Father, I may have to send the Alabama National Guard to Berlin tomorrow, and I don’t want to do it in the middle of a revolution at home.”
FRIDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1961 In the ten days that followed, the president was occupied by little else apart from Berlin and its related nuclear questions, his hopes for negotiations with Moscow, and his growing difficulties with his own allies. The Washington Post reported on efforts to end racial discrimination in Maryland restaurants. A story on the front page of the New York Times reported that Supreme Court justices were hearing arguments related to antidiscrimination sit-ins in the South. Police were enforcing carefully laid school desegregation plans while white-robed-and-hooded Ku Klux Klansmen protested. However, the president was preoccupied by thoughts of war and how he would conduct it. His concerns were infecting the American public. Time magazine ran on its cover a color portrait of Virgil Couch, head of the Office for Civil Defense. A banner headline announced: [NUCLEAR] SHELTERS: HOW SOON—HOW BIG—HOW SAFE? Couch advised Americans that planning for nuclear attack should be as normal as getting smallpox vaccinations.
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, anti-communist, Bakken shale, bank run, battle of ideas, Berlin Wall, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, carried interest, centre right, clean water, Climategate, Climatic Research Unit, collective bargaining, crony capitalism, David Brooks, desegregation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, energy security, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, George Gilder, housing crisis, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, invisible hand, job automation, low skilled workers, market fundamentalism, Mont Pelerin Society, More Guns, Less Crime, Nate Silver, New Journalism, obamacare, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ralph Nader, Renaissance Technologies, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, school choice, school vouchers, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Chicago School, the scientific method, University of East Anglia, Unsafe at Any Speed, War on Poverty, working poor
Protestant churches, public schools, universities, labor unions, the armed services, the State Department, the World Bank, the United Nations, and modern art, in his view, were all Communist tools. He wrote admiringly of Benito Mussolini’s suppression of Communists in Italy and disparagingly of the American civil rights movement. The Birchers agitated to impeach Chief Justice Earl Warren after the Supreme Court voted to desegregate the public schools in the case Brown v. Board of Education, which had originated in Topeka, in the Kochs’ home state of Kansas. “The colored man looms large in the Communist plan to take over America,” Fred Koch claimed in his pamphlet. Welfare in his view was a secret plot to attract rural blacks to cities, where he predicted that they would foment “a vicious race war.” In a 1963 speech, Koch claimed that Communists would “infiltrate the highest offices of government in the U.S. until the President is a Communist, unknown to the rest of us.”
In response, the columnist Drew Pearson slammed Koch’s “gimmick” and exposed him as a hypocrite for having profited himself from Soviet Communism by building up the U.S.S.R.’s oil industry. Fred Koch continued to be active in extremist politics. He provided substantial support for Barry Goldwater’s right-wing bid for the Republican nomination in 1964. Goldwater, too, opposed the Civil Rights Act and the Supreme Court’s landmark desegregation decision, Brown v. Board of Education. Instead of winning, the Far Right helped ensure the Republican Party’s humiliating defeat by Lyndon Johnson that year. In 1968, Fred Koch went further right still. Before the emergence of George Wallace, he called for the Birch Society member Ezra Taft Benson to run for the presidency with the South Carolina senator Strom Thurmond on a platform calling for racial segregation and the abolition of all income taxes.
When one ALEC administrator complained that Scaife’s foundation had too much influence over the organization’s agenda, a Scaife employee retorted that they operated on “the Golden Rule—whoever has the gold rules.” Weyrich, meanwhile, dramatically enlarged the conservative groundswell by co-founding with Jerry Falwell the Moral Majority, which brought social and religious conservatives into the pro-corporate fold. Weyrich was particularly adept at capitalizing on white anger over desegregation. The results of these efforts became visible in 1980. At the top of the ticket, Reagan, a movement conservative, overwhelmingly defeated Carter. Conservatives, whose obituaries had been written by the liberal elite just a few years before, were stunningly resurgent. The upset reverberated at every level, including the Senate, where four liberal marquee names, George McGovern, Frank Church, John Culver, and Birch Bayh, were all defeated.
1960s counterculture, affirmative action, airline deregulation, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, blue-collar work, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, crony capitalism, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, desegregation, energy security, Fall of the Berlin Wall, falling living standards, feminist movement, financial deregulation, floating exchange rates, full employment, income inequality, income per capita, intermodal, invisible hand, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, Long Term Capital Management, manufacturing employment, market bubble, Martin Wolf, new economy, oil shale / tar sands, oil shock, open economy, payday loans, post-industrial society, post-oil, price mechanism, price stability, Ralph Nader, RAND corporation, reserve currency, Robert Gordon, Ronald Reagan, Simon Kuznets, strikebreaker, trade liberalization, union organizing, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, working poor, Yom Kippur War
Where busing worked, it was considered fair, meaning that whites of all classes were part of the solution. But no elegant justification for busing could overcome the social facts that the judges, politicians, and activists ordering and supporting busing usually sent their children to private schools or lived in all-white suburbs. Listen to Jack Greenberg and Thurgood Marshall, both architects of Brown v. Board of Education and the NAACP’s battle to desegregate and integrate schools. Greenberg had moved his family from Manhattan to Great Neck, a white middle-class suburb in Nassau County, New York. He admitted that “this caused not a little soul searching, but I came down on the side of the best education I could find for my children. Thurgood and Connie [Marshall] had come to similar conclusions when they enrolled their own children in Dalton, an elite private school on Manhattan’s Upper East Side.
Now he could openly court voters attracted to Wallace and Lester Maddox, the former Georgia governor who refused to serve blacks in his Pickrick restaurant in 1964. Carter’s media adviser produced leaflets showing a photo of Sanders with some black basketball players and distributed them in white neighborhoods.2 This time he won. Carter was no racist, but his determination to win knew few boundaries. He took his place among a group of New South governors who had accepted civil rights, black voting, and desegregation. In Florida victorious governor Reubin Askew also reached out to white Wallace voters. But Askew constructed his appeal with an economic platform that promised higher taxes on corporations and lower taxes on working families, not demagogic racial populism.3 So did Governor Dale Bumpers of Arkansas. But Carter was willing to play the Old Politics to achieve office, and he quickly set his eyes higher; 1972 was a little soon to seek the presidency, even for ambitious Carter, but he hoped to be vice president.
Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis by Robert D. Putnam
correlation does not imply causation, deindustrialization, demographic transition, desegregation, ending welfare as we know it, epigenetics, full employment, George Akerlof, helicopter parent, impulse control, income inequality, index card, low skilled workers, manufacturing employment, meta analysis, meta-analysis, mortgage tax deduction, new economy, Occupy movement, Ralph Waldo Emerson, randomized controlled trial, school choice, Socratic dialogue, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the built environment, upwardly mobile, Walter Mischel, white flight, working poor
Useful entryways to the massive literature on this topic include James S. Coleman et al., Equality of Educational Opportunity (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health, Education & Welfare, Office of Education, OE-38001, and supplement, 1966), 325; Gary Orfield and Susan E. Eaton, Dismantling Desegregation (New York: New Press, 1996); Claude S. Fischer et al., Inequality by Design: Cracking the Bell Curve Myth (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); Richard D. Kahlenberg, “Economic School Integration,” in The End of Desegregation, eds. Stephen J. Caldas and Carl L. Bankston III (Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science, 2003), esp. 153–55; Russell W. Rumberger and Gregory J. Palardy, “Does Segregation Still Matter? The Impact of Student Composition on Academic Achievement in High School,” The Teachers College Record 107 (September 2005): 1999–2045; John R.
Its laughably lofty mission: to draw up “the blueprints that we need for effective action to banish crime.”51 The resulting report, The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society, included over two hundred recommendations to fight crime, from establishing a national phone number for emergencies—the precursor to 911—to decriminalizing drug abuse and public drunkenness. But Johnson’s critics seized on the more platitudinous and abstract recommendations: the commission asserted that ending poverty would be the single most important crime-fighting initiative and recommended minority outreach bureaus within major police departments, the establishment of multiple crime and justice research institutions, family planning assistance, recommitting to desegregation, funding for drug abuse treatment, and gun control.52 To Johnson’s critics, this was just more leftist, mealymouthed academese. There was lots of government spending (the commission didn’t bother to estimate a price tag for its recommendations), plenty of lofty talk about social uplift, and hand-wringing about the influence on crime of environmental factors—all of which rather conveniently aligned with Johnson’s other domestic policies.
Ervin largely supported Nixon’s efforts in Vietnam. He also opposed Brown v. Board of Education (though he’d later change his mind) and the 1964 Civil Rights Act. He was a signatory of “The Southern Manifesto,” which accused the US Supreme Court of overstepping its authority on integration and breeching state sovereignty. Ervin even reversed course on integration at about the time the Nixon administration made desegregating public schools a Justice Department priority. Indeed, by the time Nixon ran for president in 1968, Ervin appeared to be precisely the sort of God-and-country, law-and-order Southern Democrat Nixon was hoping to court with his campaign. The two also shared a contempt for the Warren Court. In the 1957 case Mallory v. United States, the Court ruled as inadmissible the confession of a subject who had been interrogated for seven hours before he was notified of his rights or given a preliminary hearing.2 In response, Ervin took to the floor of the US Senate to defend the integrity of law enforcement officers.
Occupying Wall Street: The Inside Story of an Action That Changed America by Writers For The 99%
Bay Area Rapid Transit, citizen journalism, collective bargaining, desegregation, feminist movement, income inequality, McMansion, Mohammed Bouazizi, Occupy movement, Port of Oakland, We are the 99%, young professional
At this stage, the organization spread even to Medgar Evers College, a campus where little recent student activism had taken place. Undergraduate organizers explicitly took inspiration from the storied CUNY student organization SLAM which took on tuition increases in the 1990s, as well as the 1969 occupation of City College by the black and Puerto Rican students, an action which resulted in the “open admissions policy” for CUNY and the effective desegregation of the CUNY system. Nevertheless, the spread-out geography of the CUNY system, its size and the busy lives of working-class CUNY students who often balance school, work parenthood and other family obligations, make CUNY organizing a mammoth task. The planning for the Day of Action was greatly helped by an alliance with students in private colleges. Before Occupy Wall Street, alliances between students at public and private colleges and universities across the city benefited from the unionization of student workers and more general union support.
How to Be Black by Baratunde Thurston
affirmative action, carbon footprint, Columbine, dark matter, desegregation, housing crisis, phenotype, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, supply-chain management, the scientific method, transatlantic slave trade
The best answer exists itself in the form of a question: Why do all the white students sit together at the same tables? No one ever asked that, because such seating arrangements were “normal.” You don’t question ten tables of nearly all white children dining. You question the one or two with nearly all black children dining. Questions implying that a black student group should not be able to control its money or that forced desegregation at cafeteria tables might be needed were notable among the set of White People Questions I experienced at Sidwell. However, my favorite by far was the following: Why don’t we have a White Student Union? I remember the student who asked this. She was confused by the existence of “students of color” meetings and the Black Student Union. The idea that there were official organizations, sanctioned by the school, based around racial identity, was offensive and wrong, and so she just “asked a question,” which was: “Why don’t we have a White Student Union?”
Let's Explore Diabetes With Owls by David Sedaris
By this I mean, different in a bad way. Someone who lives in a mansion spun of golden floss, forget it, but someone who lives in an old refrigerator beside a drainage ditch—by all means, call me! Collect, even. “You need people like that in your life so you can feel better about yourself,” my mother used to tell me. The first time she said it, I was fourteen and had recently begun the ninth grade. Our school system had just desegregated, and I wanted to invite one of my new classmates to a party at my grandmother’s apartment complex. The girl I had in mind, I’ll call her Delicia, was pretty much my exact opposite—black to my white, fat to my thin—and though my family was just middle-class, I felt certain we were wealthy when compared to hers. The kids who’d been bused to my school were from the south side. This was a part of town we drove through on our way to the beach, always with the car doors locked and the windows rolled up, no matter how hot it was.
Let Them In: The Case for Open Borders by Jason L. Riley
affirmative action, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, declining real wages, deindustrialization, desegregation, guest worker program, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, low skilled workers, lump of labour, open borders, RAND corporation, Ronald Reagan, school choice, Silicon Valley, trade liberalization, War on Poverty, working poor, working-age population
Another favorite was the late Sam Francis, a VDARE writer and conservative columnist who was sacked by the Washington Times after giving a speech (at an American Renaissance conference) describing how the white race is bestowed with superior genes. The editor of Social Contract Press, founded by Tanton in 1990, is Wayne Lutton, another ardent white nationalist. Lutton is a trustee at Jared Taylor’s New Century Foundation and speaks at American Renaissance events. He sits on the advisory board of the Council of Conservative Citizens, the successor group to the White Citizens’ Council that fought desegregation in the 1950s and 1960s. Pseudonymously, Lutton writes articles for The Journal of Historical Review, the in-house publication of the Holocaust-denying Institute for Historical Review. In 1994, he and Tanton coauthored a book titled The Immigration Invasion. When I travel the country to report on immigration, or speak to groups in the know about Tanton and his network, I’m often asked why the mainstream media continue to cite groups like FAIR and the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) without mentioning their origins or ulterior motives.
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, capital controls, centre right, collapse of Lehman Brothers, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, eurozone crisis, financial deregulation, first-past-the-post, full employment, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, hiring and firing, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, means of production, neoliberal agenda, obamacare, Occupy movement, open borders, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Post-materialism, post-materialism, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, white flight, Winter of Discontent
This is a movement of the people. . . . And I think that if the politicians get in the way a lot of them are going to get run over by this average man in the street—this man in the textile mill, this man in the steel mill, this barber, this beautician, the policeman on the beat . . . the little businessman. Wallace opposed busing—which became a major issue after a 1971 Supreme Court order upheld it as a means to achieve desegregation—because it was breaking up working-class neighborhoods, and he attacked the white liberals who promoted it as hypocrites who refused to subject their children to what they insisted that working- and middle-class kids be subjected to. “They are building a bridge over the Potomac for all the white liberals fleeing to Virginia,” he declared. Wallace was not, however, a political conservative. On domestic issues that didn’t directly touch on race, Wallace ran as a New Deal Democrat.
The Payoff by Jeff Connaughton
algorithmic trading, bank run, banking crisis, Bernie Madoff, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Flash crash, locking in a profit, London Interbank Offered Rate, London Whale, Long Term Capital Management, naked short selling, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, risk tolerance, short selling, Silicon Valley, too big to fail, two-sided market, young professional
The man I’d worshipped from afar was turning out to be all too human. Not fully happy with himself as he was, he tried—in little ways that had big consequences for his campaign—to be someone else. The campaign flailed frantically, trying to stay afloat. Biden himself briefly stepped out of the Bork hearings to call an elderly African-American man who had been a cook at the diner that Biden had claimed he’d helped desegregate at a sit-in in the 1960s: “Do you remember? I was there. Can you tell people you remember me?” By then even Biden must have known it was over. On the morning of September 23, 1987, Ted told me to call the fundraising captains across the country to let them know that Biden would withdraw that day at a 1:00 p.m. press conference. I dutifully called them all, trying to be as professional as possible, explaining that Biden felt he had no choice, and that by doing a great job chairing the Bork hearings he’d begin his rehabilitation.
Social Democratic America by Lane Kenworthy
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Celtic Tiger, centre right, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, David Brooks, desegregation, Edward Glaeser, full employment, Gini coefficient, hiring and firing, Home mortgage interest deduction, illegal immigration, income inequality, invisible hand, labor-force participation, manufacturing employment, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, postindustrial economy, purchasing power parity, race to the bottom, rent-seeking, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, school choice, shareholder value, sharing economy, Skype, Steve Jobs, too big to fail, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, union organizing, universal basic income, War on Poverty, working poor, zero day
An American born into a family in the bottom fifth of incomes between the mid-1960s and the mid-1980s has roughly a 30 percent chance of reaching the middle fifth or higher in adulthood, whereas an American born into the top fifth has an 80 percent chance of ending up in the middle fifth or higher.44 Between the mid-1800s and the 1970s, differences in opportunity based on family circumstances declined steadily.45 As the farming-based US labor force shifted to manufacturing, many Americans joined the paid economy, allowing an increasing number to move onto and up the income ladder. Elementary education became universal, and secondary education expanded. Then, in the 1960s and 1970s, school desegregation, the outlawing of discrimination in college admissions and hiring, and the introduction of affirmative action opened economic doors for many Americans. But since the 1970s, we have been moving in the opposite direction. A host of economic and social shifts have widened the opportunity gap between Americans from low-income families and those from high-income families. For one thing, poorer children are less likely to grow up with both biological parents.
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Airbnb, algorithmic trading, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, bitcoin, Build a better mousetrap, centralized clearinghouse, computer age, crowdsourcing, deferred acceptance, desegregation, experimental economics, first-price auction, Flash crash, High speed trading, income inequality, Internet of things, invention of agriculture, invisible hand, Jean Tirole, law of one price, Lyft, market clearing, market design, medical residency, obamacare, proxy bid, road to serfdom, school choice, sealed-bid auction, second-price auction, second-price sealed-bid, Silicon Valley, spectrum auction, Spread Networks laid a new fibre optics cable between New York and Chicago, Steve Jobs, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, two-sided market
For the other half of the seats in a school, only the lottery established priority. This division of the Boston schools into halves implicitly acknowledged a political reality. School choice divides parents into two “parties.” People who live near good schools become the “walk-to-school party,” while those who live elsewhere become the “school choice party.” The priority policy in Boston (where people still recall the “busing wars” fought there a generation ago during desegregation) represented a compromise between the two, and the details of this compromise were adjusted from year to year based on which groups wielded the most influence. Once adjustments in priorities and related matters had been made, the old Boston system, which is still used in many other cities, worked as follows. The central office asked families to list at least three schools in order of preference.
Attempting Normal by Marc Maron
He freaked out and just took Slim’s amp because he knew Slim and he knew he could. Slim probably played around there every day and was a local fixture. The guy probably threw Slim a few bucks after I wandered away defeated. It was the attitude of the whole event that angered me. I wasn’t one of the Jews at the front of a civil rights march or trying to register black voters but, man, I wanted justice for Slim in the amp situation. The South might be desegregated but it may never be integrated. And by “the South” I mean America. After a late show on Friday night in Nashville, I and a couple of other comics headed out to Prince’s. We drove into the parking lot of a small strip mall. Prince’s was the only storefront open. There was a three-hundred-pound man standing in front of the place wearing a tank top, smoking a cigar, and packing a sidearm. There were a few black people hanging out in front of the place.
Gaza in Crisis: Reflections on Israel's War Against the Palestinians by Ilan Pappé, Noam Chomsky, Frank Barat
Ayatollah Khomeini, Boycotts of Israel, British Empire, desegregation, European colonialism, facts on the ground, failed state, friendly fire, ghettoisation, Islamic Golden Age, New Journalism, price stability, too big to fail
The one-state movement can be the pinnacle of a new orientation and effort of this impulse of Western civil societies to transform the reality in Palestine. Instead of facilitating futile encounters—unnecessary at any rate as they can take place at any given moment on the ground—they can provide venues for strategizing around the campaign for changing the policies of Western governments and for pondering a more genuine and comprehensive solution for the conflict. Desegregating the activity of civil society in the West, as well as inside Israel, illustrates the very essence of a one-state solution when the one-state movement is still in its embryonic stage. An activity around themes, and not according to national, religious, or ethnic identity, can be the unique contribution of the one-state movement. But again themes can sound too abstract and fluid for a movement that seeks desperately to change the public mind after years of being conditioned by a distorted historical narrative, manipulated media coverage, and a lethal futuristic vision.
Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, British Empire, corporate governance, desegregation, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Jane Jacobs, Kibera, Mahatma Gandhi, McMansion, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Occupy movement, Rosa Parks, urban planning, urban sprawl
He didn’t shoot for the moon and ght for full and unconditional equality from the get-go. Instead, he picked the battles he could win. While giving instructions to one group of activists at his church about marching through the streets, he went out of his way to caution his listeners, “We don’t want a white person with a negro of the opposite sex, because we don’t want to ght that battle.” It was a battle that needed to be fought, but not just yet. In the 1960s, desegregation was possible, but mixed-race relationships weren’t. But they sure as hell would be—in time. Back in my younger days, when everyone was running around Belgrade playing cat-and-mouse games with Milošević’s goons, we spent a lot of time thinking about what small battles we could win and which were just a waste of our time and enthusiasm. For some of us, the idea of choosing easy battles to start with seemed a lot like trading in our principles for cheap and worthless victories.
The Geek Feminist Revolution by Kameron Hurley
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, clean water, desegregation, en.wikipedia.org, Ferguson, Missouri, game design, Google Hangouts, hiring and firing, Kickstarter, means of production, Skype, women in the workforce
So when people tell me that including “so many” nonwhite characters in my fiction is “political” or that I’m trying to make some kind of “statement,” I can’t help countering with the fact that the “statement” made by every writer with a white monochrome world is also deeply political, even more so because it’s based on a false sense of normal that’s been carefully and systematically constructed for hundreds of years in this country (and others). I like to think that some folks slowly wake up to that lie, but until we succeed in desegregating the ways we live and work and actually start populating our media with an accurate representation of what our world looks like, I figure we’re still in for another fifty years of clunky—and increasingly ridiculous-looking—whitewashing. As a creator, as a media-maker, I know I can choose to blindly perpetuate those myths, or help overturn them. But I couldn’t make that choice until I stopped eating up the lie of what the world was really like.
The autobiography of Malcolm X by Malcolm X; Alex Haley
I'd tell them things Lincoln said in speeches, _against_ the blacks. They would drag up the 1954 Supreme Court decision on school integration. “That was one of the greatest magical feats ever performed in America,” I'd tell them. “Do you mean to tell me that nine Supreme Court judges, who are past masters of legal phraseology, couldn't have worked their decision to make it stick as _law_? No! It was trickery and magic that told Negroes they were desegregated-Hooray! Hooray!-and at the same time it told whites 'Here are your loopholes.'” The reporters would try their utmost to raise some “good” white man whom I couldn't refute as such. I'll never forget how one practically lost his voice. He asked me did I feel _any_ white men had ever done anything for the black man in America. I told him, "Yes, I can think of two. Hitler, and Stalin. The black man in America couldn't get a decent factory job until Hitler put so much pressure on the white man.
But most American white people seem not to have it in them to make any serious atonement-to do justice to the black man. Indeed, how _can_ white society atone for enslaving, for raping, for unmanning, for otherwise brutalizing _millions_ of human beings, for centuries? What atonement would the God of Justice demand for the robbery of the black people's labor, their lives, their true identities, their culture, their history-and even their human dignity? A desegregated cup of coffee, a theater, public toilets-the whole range of hypocritical “integration”-these are not atonement. After a while in America, I returned abroad-and this time, I spent eighteen weeks in the Middle East and Africa. The world leaders with whom I had private audiences this time included President Gamal Abdel Nasser, of Egypt; President Julius K. Nyerere, of Tanzania; President Nnamoi Aziki-we, of Nigeria; Osagyefo Dr.
accounting loophole / creative accounting, Asian financial crisis, bank run, Bretton Woods, capital controls, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, disintermediation, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, financial deregulation, fixed income, floating exchange rates, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, George Akerlof, Hyman Minsky, income inequality, index fund, inflation targeting, inventory management, invisible hand, laissez-faire capitalism, locking in a profit, Long Term Capital Management, market bubble, minimum wage unemployment, Mont Pelerin Society, moral hazard, mortgage debt, new economy, North Sea oil, Northern Rock, oil shock, price stability, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, rent control, road to serfdom, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Coase, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shareholder value, short selling, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, technology bubble, Telecommunications Act of 1996, The Chicago School, The Great Moderation, too big to fail, union organizing, V2 rocket, value at risk, Vanguard fund, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Y2K, Yom Kippur War
Richard Nixon, the fresh-faced congressman from Whittier when Uhler was a teenager, based much of his early political career on it, and stoked it further. Franklin Roosevelt was the natural enemy of these believers, his waywardness and dangerous ways, as they labeled them, frequent dinner conversation for many. High taxes were justified by the war, some conceded, but after Harry Truman’s presidency these believers feared the spread of progressivism even under his Republican successor, Dwight Eisenhower. Desegregating the Little Rock, Arkansas, schools became the symbol of the misuse of federal power. These conservatives also felt that Eisenhower’s program to build the interstate highways overstepped federal bounds. For a while, the believers lost major elections: Nixon to John F. Kennedy in 1960, Barry Goldwater to Lyndon Johnson in 1964. California, a largely Republican state, even elected a Democratic governor, Edmund “Pat” Brown, in 1958.
The society soon drew tens of thousands of members, many in Southern California, where one chapter after another was opened in the early 1960s. Welch wrote a self-published book accusing not only Harry Truman but also Eisenhower and his secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, of being part of a Soviet conspiracy. He had also demanded the impeachment of Chief Justice Earl Warren, who wrote the Little Rock decision desegregating the public schools. Rousselot was an early and consistent supporter, but William Buckley, also an early member of the Birch Society, turned against it as extremist. According to Lou Cannon, Ronald Reagan’s biographer, Uhler joined the Birchers, but only for six months. In 1958, Governor Pat Brown started raising taxes and establishing ambitious government programs. A native of Northern California, Brown had been a moderate Republican early in his life.
Suburban Nation by Andres Duany, Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk, Jeff Speck
A Pattern Language, big-box store, car-free, Celebration, Florida, City Beautiful movement, desegregation, edge city, Frank Gehry, housing crisis, if you build it, they will come, income inequality, intermodal, Jane Jacobs, jitney, McMansion, New Urbanism, place-making, price mechanism, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Seaside, Florida, Silicon Valley, skinny streets, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Great Good Place, transit-oriented development, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, white flight, working poor, Works Progress Administration
After a first generation of zoning increases intended to support transit station densification, which did little more than encourage real-estate speculation, a new cycle of transit-oriented redevelopment designs for these still-empty parcels—often initiated by local shareholders—appears to be heading toward success. dp Indeed, new laws that are apparently unrelated to sprawl can also be used to encourage healthy growth. For example, any program that offers state (or federal) funding to local municipalities can tie that funding to smart-growth criteria. This would mirror President Johnson’s use of Medicare as a tool to desegregate Southern hospitals, by denying Medicare dollars to whites-only facilities. dq The overly large school sites often result from requirements for one-story buildings, voluminous parking, future portable-classroom additions, and redundant playing fields. As schools follow this pattern they become Lulus (locally undesirable land uses), requiring distant siting and generating heavy traffic. dr Of the current gasoline tax, 15 percent does go to transit, but 85 percent still goes to highways (Tea-21 User’s Guide, 7).
Realizing Tomorrow: The Path to Private Spaceflight by Chris Dubbs, Emeline Paat-dahlstrom, Charles D. Walker
Berlin Wall, call centre, desegregation, Donald Trump, Doomsday Book, Elon Musk, high net worth, Iridium satellite, iterative process, Jeff Bezos, Mikhail Gorbachev, multiplanetary species, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Ronald Reagan, Search for Extraterrestrial Intelligence, Silicon Valley, Skype, Steve Jobs, Steve Wozniak, technoutopianism, V2 rocket, X Prize, young professional
The subject of the government licensing a commercial, experimental, human-rated space vehicle had never been considered prior to XCOR making inquiries back in 1999. Because of Burt's philosophy of keeping things private-"Don't talk about it until you're ready" -Scaled did not approach AST until zooi. That's when Smith, who headed AST, took on the task of defining how the FAA would oversee commercial space launches. It represented a big step for the agency and the high-water mark of Smith's career. Smith grew up in Alabama during the court-ordered desegregation of the school systems in the South. She and her sister were among the first African Americans to attend a white school. Her determination to "go places" led her to enroll in college at age fifteen. She credits her father with instilling in her a real "can do" spirit at an early age. "If you think you can do it, go for it," she recalled her father encouraging her. At twenty-six Smith was already a project manager on her consulting firm's biggest contract with the U.S.
Digital Dead End: Fighting for Social Justice in the Information Age by Virginia Eubanks
affirmative action, Berlin Wall, call centre, cognitive dissonance, desegregation, Fall of the Berlin Wall, future of work, game design, global village, index card, informal economy, invisible hand, Kevin Kelly, knowledge economy, labor-force participation, labour market flexibility, low-wage service sector, microcredit, new economy, post-industrial society, race to the bottom, rent control, Silicon Valley, South of Market, San Francisco, telemarketer, Thomas L Friedman, trickle-down economics, union organizing, urban planning, web application, white flight, women in the workforce, working poor
(Horton, Kohl, and Kohl 1998, 49) The connection of education to the broader goal of democratic social ethics and political change inspired Horton to begin, with Don West, the Highlander Folk School, a residential adult education program in East Tennessee. Horton declared that its purpose was to “train community leaders for participation in a democratic society” and to help spread democratic principles to all human relationships in every political, economic, social, and cultural activity. Their programs over the last seventy-nine years—including workshops on labor organizing and education (1930s and 1940s), desegregation in the public schools (1950s), citizenship and voter registration (1950s and 1960s), civil rights organizing and leadership (1960s), strip mining and toxic waste dumping in Appalachia (1970s), economic globalization issues (1980s), and multilingual organizing, interracial coalition building, and youth leadership in the American South (1990s to the present)—have been incredibly ambitious. Nevertheless, Highlander is dedicated to building decision-making processes that are based in broad participation, transparency, and accountability.
Superforecasting: The Art and Science of Prediction by Philip Tetlock, Dan Gardner
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Any sufficiently advanced technology is indistinguishable from magic, availability heuristic, Black Swan, butterfly effect, cloud computing, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, desegregation, Edward Lorenz: Chaos theory, forward guidance, Freestyle chess, fundamental attribution error, germ theory of disease, hindsight bias, index fund, Jane Jacobs, Jeff Bezos, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Nash equilibrium, Nate Silver, obamacare, pattern recognition, performance metric, place-making, placebo effect, prediction markets, quantitative easing, random walk, randomized controlled trial, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Richard Thaler, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, Silicon Valley, Skype, statistical model, stem cell, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, Steven Pinker, the scientific method, The Signal and the Noise by Nate Silver, The Wisdom of Crowds, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!
Defenses were hurriedly bolstered, but many top officials worried that all their preparations could be undone by spies and saboteurs. Japanese Americans “may well be the Achilles’ heel of the entire civilian defense effort,” warned Earl Warren. At the time, Warren was attorney general of California. Later, he became governor, then chief justice of the US Supreme Court—and is remembered today as the liberal champion of school desegregation and civil rights.4 But civil rights were not at the tip of Warren’s nose in World War II. Security was. His solution to the perceived threat was to round up and imprison every man, woman, and child of Japanese descent, a plan carried out between mid-February and August 1942, when 112,000 people—two-thirds of whom had been born in the United States—were shipped to isolated camps ringed with barbed wire and armed guards.
Death of the Liberal Class by Chris Hedges
1960s counterculture, Albert Einstein, Berlin Wall, call centre, clean water, collective bargaining, Columbine, corporate governance, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, hive mind, housing crisis, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, Jane Jacobs, Jaron Lanier, Lao Tzu, post scarcity, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, strikebreaker, the scientific method, The Wisdom of Crowds, Tobin tax, union organizing, Unsafe at Any Speed, Upton Sinclair, WikiLeaks, working poor, Works Progress Administration
“The overall legacy of the liberals’ failure to stand up against the anticommunist crusades was to let the nation’s political culture veer to the right,” writes Ellen Schrecker in Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America:Movements and ideas that had once been acceptable were now beyond the pale. Though Communists and their allies were the direct victims, the mainstream liberals and former New Dealers within the Democratic Party were the indirect ones. Condoning the campaign against communism did not protect them from being denounced for “losing” China or, like Supreme Court Justice Black, for supporting desegregation in the South. Moreover, because the left had been destroyed, when liberals came under attack they had to defend themselves from a more politically exposed position than they would otherwise have occupied. This may seem obvious, but it is a point that needs to be stressed. The disappearance of the communist movement weakened American liberalism. Because its adherents were now on the left of the political spectrum, instead of at the center, they had less room within which to maneuver.48 In the wake of the witch hunts, networks such as CBS forced employees to sign loyalty oaths.
The Road to Character by David Brooks
Cass Sunstein, David Brooks, desegregation, Donald Trump, follow your passion, Mahatma Gandhi, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral hazard, New Journalism, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rent control, Snapchat, Steve Jobs, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile
Randolph is not going to call off the march, and I suggest we all begin to seek a formula.”12 Six days before the march was due to take place, Roosevelt signed Executive Order 8802, banning discrimination in the defense industries. Randolph called off the march, amid much opposition from civil rights leaders who wanted to use it to push other causes such as discrimination in the armed forces themselves. After the war, Randolph pushed more broadly for worker rights and desegregation. His great power, as always, derived from his obvious moral integrity, his charisma, his example as an incorruptible man in service to a cause. He was, however, not a meticulous administrator. He had trouble concentrating his energies on a single cause. The unabashed admiration he inspired in the people around him could threaten organizational effectiveness. “There is, especially in the National Office, an unhealthy degree of leader-worship of Mr.
Made to Stick: Why Some Ideas Survive and Others Die by Chip Heath, Dan Heath
affirmative action, availability heuristic, Barry Marshall: ulcers, correlation does not imply causation, desegregation, Menlo Park, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, Stephen Hawking, telemarketer
Parents of children in public schools are not more likely to support government aid to education than other citizens. Americans who are likely to be drafted are not more likely to oppose military intervention or escalating conflicts that are under way. Women employed outside the home do not differ from homemakers in their support of policies intended to benefit women at work. On such diverse matters as racial busing for the purpose of school desegregation, anti-drinking ordinances, mandatory college examinations, housing policy, bilingual education, compliance with laws, satisfaction with the resolution of legal disputes, gun control and more, self-interest turns out to be quite unimportant. These findings are bracingly counterintuitive. If people aren’t supporting their own self-interest, whose interests are they supporting? The answer is nuanced.
The Sellout: A Novel by Paul Beatty
affirmative action, cognitive dissonance, conceptual framework, desegregation, El Camino Real, haute couture, illegal immigration, Lao Tzu, late fees, p-value, publish or perish, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, telemarketer, theory of mind, War on Poverty, white flight
Dickens doesn’t scatter very easily. Neither does a local media used to gangland slayings and a seemingly endless supply of psycho killers. So when Foy clacked two shots at the back end of his Mercedes crookedly parked on Rosecrans, the crowd only parted wide enough to create a fire lane through which the white kids could reach the relative safety of their school bus, where they lowered themselves into their seats. Desegregation is never easy in any direction, and after Foy fired two more rounds into their civil rights movement, progress would be even slower, because the Freedom Bus had a couple of flat tires. Foy pumped another shot into the Mercedes-Benz logo. This time the trunk popped open in that slow, majestic way that only Mercedes trunks do, and he grabbed an old bucket of whitewash out of the back. But before I, or anyone else, could reach him, he spun around, warding us off with his strap and his off-key singing.
Reskilling America: Learning to Labor in the Twenty-First Century by Katherine S. Newman, Hella Winston
blue-collar work, collective bargaining, deindustrialization, desegregation, factory automation, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, job-hopping, knowledge economy, low skilled workers, performance metric, reshoring, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, two tier labour market, union organizing, upwardly mobile, War on Poverty, Wolfgang Streeck, working poor
As Washington put the matter, “The opportunity to earn a dollar in a factory just now is worth infinitely more than the opportunity to spend a dollar in an opera house.”4 He argued that industrial education would benefit his people, and he traded away almost everything else in favor of support for this ambition. Du Bois carried the day. But his emphasis on the aspirations and cultivation of elites faded away in favor of a universal call to open the doors of educational institutions, provide employment opportunities, desegregate housing, and guarantee the right to vote. Everyone should be able to seek a spot among the ranks of the talented tenth. Accommodating to inequality—as Washington was prepared to do in the name of economic security—was unacceptable. Upward mobility into the professions was the path toward respect. White America did not see the world so differently. Class intruded everywhere. Blue-collar work paid well, at least during the heyday of industrial unions, but it was not a source of pride.
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, carried interest, clean water, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, David Brooks, desegregation, diversification, diversified portfolio, Donald Trump, financial innovation, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, Gordon Gekko, greed is good, illegal immigration, interest rate swap, laissez-faire capitalism, London Interbank Offered Rate, Long Term Capital Management, margin call, market bubble, medical malpractice, moral hazard, mortgage debt, obamacare, passive investing, Ponzi scheme, prediction markets, quantitative easing, reserve currency, Ronald Reagan, Sergey Aleynikov, short selling, sovereign wealth fund, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, Y2K, Yom Kippur War
In the case of these Westchester County revolutionaries, the rallying cry was a lawsuit filed jointly by a liberal nonprofit group in New York City and the Department of Housing and Urban Development against the county. The suit alleged that Westchester falsified HUD grant applications, asking for federal grant money without conforming to federal affirmative action guidelines designed to push desegregation. The county lost the suit and as a result was now going to be forced by the federal government to build seven hundred new subsidized low-income housing units in the area. Whereas subsidized housing in the county had historically been built closer to New York City, the new ruling would now place “affordable housing” in places like Elmsford whether Elmsford wanted it or not. The first speaker is a fireman and former Republican candidate for county legislator named Tom Bock.
The Shock of the Old: Technology and Global History Since 1900 by David Edgerton
agricultural Revolution, anti-communist, British Empire, conceptual framework, deglobalization, dematerialisation, desegregation, deskilling, global village, Haber-Bosch Process, interchangeable parts, knowledge economy, Mahatma Gandhi, manufacturing employment, means of production, megacity, microcredit, new economy, post-industrial society, Productivity paradox, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, spinning jenny, Upton Sinclair, urban planning, V2 rocket
In the United States blacks were deemed by whites to be un-inventive, to the extent that a pioneering sociologist of invention noted that it is ‘inadvisable to count in the colored populations of the United States and the British Dominions’ in computations of relative national inventiveness ‘since these people do not figure in invention’.57 Another analyst of the 1920s argued that the USA had low per capita inventiveness because ‘the United States have a dilution in the negroes in our population.’58 If women had been distributed unevenly around the world the same argument would have been made about them. In the USA the armed services were racially segregated, and the black formations were generally of very low status. There were, for example, no black pilots in the US forces in the interwar years. However, from 1941 there was segregated training for black pilots who would go into segregated squadrons; only after the war were US forces officially desegregated. Bell telephone maintained segregation and did not employ black telephone operators pre-war; after the war they did so only because the labour market forced them to.59 While in the interwar years there were large numbers of black car mechanics and taxi drivers, many whites held blacks to be bad drivers with no mechanical sense.60 No place in the world is more symbolic of the new technologies of the late twentieth century than ‘Silicon Valley’ in California.
Street Smart: The Rise of Cities and the Fall of Cars by Samuel I. Schwartz
2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, active transport: walking or cycling, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, autonomous vehicles, car-free, City Beautiful movement, collaborative consumption, congestion charging, crowdsourcing, desegregation, Enrique Peñalosa, Ford paid five dollars a day, Frederick Winslow Taylor, if you build it, they will come, intermodal, invention of the wheel, lake wobegon effect, Loma Prieta earthquake, Lyft, Masdar, megacity, meta analysis, meta-analysis, moral hazard, Nate Silver, oil shock, Productivity paradox, Ralph Nader, rent control, ride hailing / ride sharing, Rosa Parks, self-driving car, skinny streets, smart cities, smart grid, smart transportation, the built environment, the map is not the territory, transportation-network company, Uber and Lyft, Uber for X, Unsafe at Any Speed, urban decay, urban planning, urban renewal, walkable city, Wall-E, white flight, Works Progress Administration, Yogi Berra, Zipcar
Ferguson, it upheld the constitutionality of “white” and “colored” sections, enshrining the concept of “separate but equal” facilities for whites and African Americans for the first half of the twentieth century. Five decades later, Rosa Parks refused to take a seat in the back of a public bus in Montgomery, Alabama, igniting the yearlong boycott that was ended by another Supreme Court decision, this time desegregating the city’s buses and consequently public transit throughout the United States. Over and over again, access to public transportation and the promotion of social equality have been joined together at the hip. This isn’t just some vague Progressive liking for diversity for its own sake. Smart streets are diverse, but it’s not a cost: it’s a benefit. Neglecting this is one reason that the streets of so many planned communities, from Radburn, New Jersey, to Columbia, Maryland, aren’t as smart as their designers had hoped.
The Snowball: Warren Buffett and the Business of Life by Alice Schroeder
affirmative action, Albert Einstein, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, barriers to entry, Bonfire of the Vanities, Brownian motion, capital asset pricing model, card file, centralized clearinghouse, collateralized debt obligation, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, Donald Trump, Eugene Fama: efficient market hypothesis, global village, Golden Gate Park, Haight Ashbury, haute cuisine, Honoré de Balzac, If something cannot go on forever, it will stop, In Cold Blood by Truman Capote, index fund, indoor plumbing, interest rate swap, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, Jeff Bezos, joint-stock company, joint-stock limited liability company, Long Term Capital Management, Louis Bachelier, margin call, market bubble, Marshall McLuhan, medical malpractice, merger arbitrage, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, NetJets, new economy, New Journalism, North Sea oil, paper trading, passive investing, pets.com, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, Ralph Nader, random walk, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, shareholder value, short selling, side project, Silicon Valley, Steve Ballmer, Steve Jobs, supply-chain management, telemarketer, The Predators' Ball, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, transcontinental railway, Upton Sinclair, War on Poverty, Works Progress Administration, Y2K, zero-coupon bond
Dark-skinned diplomats had to be chaperoned, embarrassed and scandalized by a provincialism like no place else in the world. “I would rather be an Untouchable in the Hindu caste system than a Negro in Washington,” one foreign visitor said.20 The Washington Post, referred to by some right-wingers as “The Uptown Communist Sheet,” had been on a crusade about racism for some time,21 and President Truman had desegregated the military and was pushing for civil-rights reforms. But change was slow. Warren, who did not read the liberal Post, paid little attention to Washington’s racism. He was both unaware and immature, too absorbed in his own insecurity, his stunts, and his businesses. He returned that summer to his duties as relief circulation manager for the conservative Times-Herald. He still had the borrowed Ford and once again used it to deliver papers if he had to fill in for one of his paperboys, using the running board technique he had perfected earlier.
She had become close to leaders of the black community and was all over Omaha, brainstorming, coordinating, cajoling, publicizing, working on behind-the-scenes relationships in a town where racial tensions were reaching the point of violence. Every summer now in the nation’s major cities, race riots flared after minor incidents involving the police. Martin Luther King Jr. had issued a call the previous year: Desegregating workplaces and public facilities wasn’t enough; segregated housing had to be eliminated. The idea terrified many whites, especially after riots in the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles, which had turned into a war zone of arson, sniping, and looting in which thirty-four people were killed. Similar uprisings had taken place in Cleveland; Chicago; Brooklyn; Jacksonville, Florida; and other smaller towns.4 During a fifteen-day heat wave in July 1966, riots erupted in Omaha; the governor called out the National Guard, blaming the riots on “an environment unfit for human habitation.”5 Susie now made the elimination of segregated housing in Omaha her central cause.
Vornado was under different management and owned discount stores. Today it is a real estate investment trust managed by Steven Roth. 33. Interview with Bob Malott. 34. Buffett says he immediately told Malott that FMC should buy back its own stock, which was cheap. Although FMC considered the idea, it didn’t follow through. 35. Black enrollment had risen to one third and was projected to rise to nearly half in the fall. A desegregation suit was pending and the building did not conform to fire codes. Some white students had already transferred out of fears that Central and Tech High, the city’s toughest school, would be merged. Dana Parsons, “Central Parents Express Fears, Seek Changes,” Omaha World-Herald, May 9, 1974. The committee proposed changes that in effect created a magnet school oriented to college prep. 36. Mark Trustin, a neighbor, gave Hamilton to the Buffetts. 37.
Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer-And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class by Paul Pierson, Jacob S. Hacker
accounting loophole / creative accounting, affirmative action, asset allocation, barriers to entry, Bonfire of the Vanities, business climate, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, David Brooks, desegregation, employer provided health coverage, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, Howard Zinn, income inequality, invisible hand, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, Martin Wolf, medical bankruptcy, moral hazard, Nate Silver, new economy, night-watchman state, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, shareholder value, Silicon Valley, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, union organizing, very high income, War on Poverty, winner-take-all economy, women in the workforce
But that misses the critical organizational side of the story—which involved Christian organizations (and especially Christian schools) as much as Christian voters. For those who would come to lead the evangelical movement, the tax status of private Christian schools, placed in jeopardy by an IRS ruling, became a hot-button issue in the late 1970s. A vast network of these schools had developed in response to desegregation, and when a Carter-appointed IRS commissioner made the ruling—and the Carter White House proved unresponsive to the resulting fury of Christian conservatives—they turned increasingly to Republicans for support. Although the tax funding issue has received far less notoriety than the abortion issue, at the time it may have actually been a greater catalyst to political organization. In the words of Richard Viguerie, a legendary figure in the conservative counterrevolution, the tax ruling “kicked the sleeping dog… It galvanized the religious right.
affirmative action, Andrei Shleifer, Berlin Wall, British Empire, Broken windows theory, carbon footprint, Celebration, Florida, clean water, congestion charging, declining real wages, desegregation, diversified portfolio, Edward Glaeser, endowment effect, European colonialism, financial innovation, Frank Gehry, global village, Guggenheim Bilbao, haute cuisine, Home mortgage interest deduction, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, job-hopping, John Snow's cholera map, Mahatma Gandhi, McMansion, megacity, mortgage debt, mortgage tax deduction, New Urbanism, place-making, Ponzi scheme, Potemkin village, Ralph Waldo Emerson, rent control, RFID, Richard Florida, Rosa Parks, school vouchers, Seaside, Florida, Silicon Valley, Skype, smart cities, Steven Pinker, strikebreaker, the built environment, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, trade route, transatlantic slave trade, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, urban sprawl, William Shockley: the traitorous eight, Works Progress Administration, young professional
The Continuous Wave: Technology and American Radio 1900-1932. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985. Albion, Robert Greenhalgh. The Rise of New York Port [1815-1860]. New York: Scribner’s, 1939. Alexiou, Alice Sparberg. Jane Jacobs: Urban Visionary. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2006. Amaker, Norman C. “Milliken v. Bradley: The Meaning of the Constitution in School Desegregation Cases.” Hastings Constitutional Law Quarterly 2, no. 2 (Spring 1975): 349-72. American Chamber of Commerce Research Association. ACCRA Cost of Living Index—Historical Dataset (1Q1990-2009), Arlington, VA: Council for Community and Economic Research [distributor] version 1, http://hdl.handle.net/1902.1/14823. American FactFinder, U.S. Census Bureau, http://factfinder.census.gov. Ankeny, Brent, and Robert Snavely.
To Serve God and Wal-Mart: The Making of Christian Free Enterprise by Bethany Moreton
affirmative action, anti-communist, Berlin Wall, big-box store, Bretton Woods, Buckminster Fuller, collective bargaining, corporate personhood, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, estate planning, Fall of the Berlin Wall, Frederick Winslow Taylor, George Gilder, global village, informal economy, invisible hand, market fundamentalism, Mont Pelerin Society, mortgage tax deduction, Naomi Klein, new economy, New Urbanism, post-industrial society, postindustrial economy, prediction markets, price anchoring, Ralph Nader, RFID, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Stewart Brand, strikebreaker, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, union organizing, walkable city, Washington Consensus, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog, Works Progress Administration
The proposed site of the future Supercenter lay beneath the old St. Thomas housing projÂ�ect, once home to almost two thousand of the city’s poor. Its sturdy, low-rise duplexes dated from the New Deal commitment to shelter one-third of a nation, artifacts of the era before massive towers warehoused the urban poor. Reserved for white tenants for a generation, St. Thomas fiÂ�nally bowed to Great Society desegregation in the mid-1960s. By 1980, all of its tenants were black, even as a wave of white bargain-hunters snapped up the nearby shotgun shacks and bungalows of New Orleans’s quaint vernacular architecture. A deÂ�cade later, St. Thomas was home to all the classic trappings of postindustrial poverty: its fifty acres housed mostly single mothers with annual inÂ�comes below $5,000, plagued by poor health, lousy schools, and alarming rates of Â�violent crime.
Arrival City by Doug Saunders
agricultural Revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Branko Milanovic, call centre, credit crunch, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, guest worker program, Hernando de Soto, Honoré de Balzac, illegal immigration, immigration reform, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, Kibera, land reform, land tenure, low skilled workers, megacity, microcredit, new economy, pensions crisis, place-making, price mechanism, rent control, Silicon Valley, special economic zone, the built environment, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban sprawl, white flight, working poor, working-age population
The Multiscalar Construction and Experience of Concentrated Immigrant Poverty in Gateway Cities,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 98, no. 3 (2008); United Way, “Poverty by Postal Code: The Geography of Neighborhood Poverty” (Toronto: United Way of Greater Toronto and the Canadian Council on Social Development, 2004). 15 Smith and Ley, “Even in Canada?” 708. 16 Mohammad A. Qadeer, “Ethnic Segregation in a Multicultural City,” in Desegregating the City: Ghettos, Enclaves & Inequality, ed. David P. Varaday (Albany: SUNY Press, 2005); Kristin Good, “Patterns of Politics in Canada’s Immigrant-Receiving Cities and Suburbs,” Policy Studies 26, no. 3/4 (2005). 17 J. David Hulchanski, “The Three Cities within Toronto: Income Polarization among Toronto’s Neighborhoods, 1970–2000” (Toronto: Centre for Urban & Community Studies, University of Toronto, 2007). 18 Robert E.
Liars and Outliers: How Security Holds Society Together by Bruce Schneier
airport security, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, Brian Krebs, Broken windows theory, carried interest, Cass Sunstein, Chelsea Manning, corporate governance, crack epidemic, credit crunch, crowdsourcing, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Graeber, desegregation, don't be evil, Double Irish / Dutch Sandwich, Douglas Hofstadter, experimental economics, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, George Akerlof, hydraulic fracturing, impulse control, income inequality, invention of agriculture, invention of gunpowder, iterative process, Jean Tirole, John Nash: game theory, joint-stock company, Julian Assange, meta analysis, meta-analysis, microcredit, moral hazard, mutually assured destruction, Nate Silver, Network effects, Nick Leeson, offshore financial centre, patent troll, phenotype, pre–internet, principal–agent problem, prisoner's dilemma, profit maximization, profit motive, race to the bottom, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, RFID, Richard Thaler, risk tolerance, Ronald Coase, security theater, shareholder value, slashdot, statistical model, Steven Pinker, Stuxnet, technological singularity, The Market for Lemons, The Nature of the Firm, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, The Wisdom of Crowds, theory of mind, too big to fail, traffic fines, transaction costs, ultimatum game, UNCLOS, union organizing, Vernor Vinge, WikiLeaks, World Values Survey, Y2K
EPIC sued the TSA over full-body scanners, claiming the agency didn't even follow its own rules when it fielded the devices. And while the court rejected EPIC's Fourth Amendment arguments and allowed the TSA to keep screening, it ordered the TSA to conduct notice-and-comment rulemaking. Not a complete victory by any means, but a partial one. And there are many examples of government institutions being reined in by the court system. In the U.S., this includes judicial review, desegregating schools, legalizing abortion, striking down laws prohibiting interracial and now same-sex couples from marrying, establishing judicial oversight for wiretapping, and punishing trust fund mismanagement at the Bureau of Indian Affairs. What's important here is accountability. It is important that these mechanisms are seen publicly, and that people are held accountable. If we're going to keep government from overstepping its bounds, it will be through separation of powers: checks and balances.
air freight, Andrei Shleifer, battle of ideas, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business process, business process outsourcing, Carmen Reinhart, clean water, colonial rule, correlation does not imply causation, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, discovery of the americas, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, Francisco Pizarro, fundamental attribution error, germ theory of disease, greed is good, income per capita, invisible hand, James Watt: steam engine, Jane Jacobs, John Snow's cholera map, Joseph Schumpeter, Kenneth Rogoff, M-Pesa, microcredit, Monroe Doctrine, oil shock, place-making, Ponzi scheme, risk/return, road to serfdom, Silicon Valley, Steve Jobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas L Friedman, urban planning, urban renewal, Washington Consensus, World Values Survey, young professional
His concluding sentences showed Hailey’s ability to use Myrdal as leverage against American critics of empire: “Nor can we overlook the effect of the growing recognition by the American public that . . . their country occupies a somewhat exposed position as a defender of the democratic faith. ‘When we talk of freedom and opportunity for all nations’, it has been said, ‘some of the mocking paradoxes in our own society become so clear that they can no longer be ignored.’”50 Hailey knew in July 1944 that Roosevelt was in a trap. While Roosevelt tried to avoid the worst flare-ups of black discontent, he could not enforce desegregation or black voting rights in the South. Southern whites were solid supporters of the Democrats at that time, and losing them would threaten FDR’s reelection in November 1944. ANOTHER KEY MOMENT IN THIS BOOK Lord Hailey’s propaganda offensive in the United States during World War II was a combination of threat and opportunity. The threat was “if you keep harping on how we oppress our nonwhites, we will harp on how you oppress your nonwhites.”
The Power of Habit: Why We Do What We Do in Life and Business by Charles Duhigg
Atul Gawande, Checklist Manifesto, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, delayed gratification, desegregation, game design, haute couture, impulse control, index card, meta analysis, meta-analysis, patient HM, pattern recognition, randomized controlled trial, rolodex, Rosa Parks, Silicon Valley, telemarketer, Tenerife airport disaster, Toyota Production System, transaction costs, Walter Mischel
., Voices of Freedom: An Oral History of the Civil Rights Movement from the 1950s Through the 1980s (New York: Bantam Books, 1995); Rosa Parks, Rosa Parks: My Story (New York: Puffin, 1999). 8.3 “the law is the law” John A. Kirk, Martin Luther King, Jr.: Profiles in Power (New York: Longman, 2004). 8.4 a three-part process For more on the sociology of movements, see G. Davis, D. McAdam, and W. Scott, Social Movements and Organizations (New York: Cambridge University, 2005); Robert Crain and Rita Mahard, “The Consequences of Controversy Accompanying Institutional Change: The Case of School Desegregation,” American Sociological Review 47, no. 6 (1982): 697–708; Azza Salama Layton, “International Pressure and the U.S. Government’s Response to Little Rock,” Arkansas Historical Quarterly 56, no. 3 (1997): 257–72; Brendan Nelligan, “The Albany Movement and the Limits of Nonviolent Protest in Albany, Georgia, 1961–1962,” Providence College Honors Thesis, 2009; Charles Tilly, Social Movements, 1768–2004 (London: Paradigm, 2004); Andrew Walder, “Political Sociology and Social Movements,” Annual Review of Sociology 35 (2009): 393–412; Paul Almeida, Waves of Protest: Popular Struggle in El Salvador, 1925–2005 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 2008); Robert Benford, “An Insider’s Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective,” Sociological Inquiry 67, no. 4 (1997): 409–30; Robert Benford and David Snow, “Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment,” Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 611–39; Michael Burawoy, Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process Under Monopoly Capitalism (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1979); Carol Conell and Kim Voss, “Formal Organization and the Fate of Social Movements: Craft Association and Class Alliance in the Knights of Labor,” American Sociological Review 55, no. 2 (1990): 255–69; James Davies, “Toward a Theory of Revolution,” American Sociological Review 27, no. 1 (1962): 5–18; William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood, Ill.: Dorsey, 1975); Robert Benford, “An Insider’s Critique of the Social Movement Framing Perspective,” Sociological Inquiry 67, no. 4 (1997): 409–30; Jeff Goodwin, No Other Way Out: States and Revolutionary Movements, 1945–1991 (New York: Cambridge University, 2001); Jeff Goodwin and James Jasper, eds., Rethinking Social Movements: Structure, Meaning, and Emotion (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003); Roger Gould, “Multiple Networks and Mobilization in the Paris Commune, 1871,” American Sociological Review 56, no. 6 (1991): 716–29; Joseph Gusfield, “Social Structure and Moral Reform: A Study of the Woman’s Christian Temperance Union,” American Journal of Sociology 61, no. 3 (1955): 221–31; Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1982); Doug McAdam, “Recruitment to High-Risk Activism: The Case of Freedom Summer,” American Journal of Sociology 92, no. 1 (1986): 64–90; Doug McAdam, “The Biographical Consequences of Activism,” American Sociological Review 54, no. 5 (1989): 744–60; Doug McAdam, “Conceptual Origins, Current Problems, Future Directions,” in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements: Political Opportunities, Mobilizing Structures, and Cultural Framings, ed.
Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City by Matthew Desmond
affirmative action, Cass Sunstein, crack epidemic, Credit Default Swap, deindustrialization, desegregation, dumpster diving, ending welfare as we know it, ghettoisation, glass ceiling, housing crisis, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, late fees, New Urbanism, payday loans, price discrimination, profit motive, rent control, statistical model, superstar cities, The Chicago School, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, thinkpad, upwardly mobile, working poor, young professional
Plus, those developers did not support public housing per se; they viewed it as a necessary vehicle through which to execute slum clearance and land grabs. Arnold Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940–1960 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 104–34. 9. See Philip Tegeler, Michael Hanley, and Judith Liben, “Transforming Section 8: Using Federal Housing Subsidies to Promote Individual Housing Choice and Desegregation,” Harvard Civil Rights–Civil Liberties Law Review 30 (1995): 451–86; Housing and Community Development Act of 1974, Pub. L. No. 93–383, § 101(a)(1), (c)(6), 88 Stat. 633, 633–34. 10. On foreclosures of rental property, see Gabe Treves, California Renters in the Foreclosure Crisis, Third Annual Report (San Francisco: Tenants Together, 2011); Vicki Been and Allegra Glashausser, “Tenants: Innocent Victims of the Foreclosure Crisis,” Albany Government Law Review 2 (2009); Matthew Desmond, “Housing Crisis in the Inner City,” Chicago Tribune, April 18, 2010; and Craig Karmin, Robbie Whelan, and Jeannette Neumann, “Rental Market’s Big Buyers,” Wall Street Journal, October 3, 2012.
Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right by Jennifer Burns
anti-communist, bank run, barriers to entry, centralized clearinghouse, collective bargaining, desegregation, feminist movement, financial independence, George Gilder, invisible hand, jimmy wales, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge worker, laissez-faire capitalism, lone genius, Menlo Park, minimum wage unemployment, Mont Pelerin Society, new economy, offshore financial centre, Ponzi scheme, profit motive, RAND corporation, rent control, road to serfdom, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, side project, Stewart Brand, The Chicago School, The Wisdom of Crowds, union organizing, urban renewal, white flight, Whole Earth Catalog
But free markets were only a piece of the larger JBS worldview, which included staunch opposition to civil rights and anti-Communism à la McCarthy. With her single-minded focus on capitalism, Rand missed the political realities unfolding on the ground. The violence and unrest of 1964, including the Watts riot, stoked racial anxieties. Goldwater had staked out his territory as an opponent of the Democratic approach to civil rights; whether he liked it or not, he was becoming a central figure in the political clash over integration and desegregation, and these issues, far more than capitalism, underlay his political fortunes. An eager booster of Goldwater up to his triumphant nomination at San Francisco’s Cow Palace, Rand became disillusioned as he moved into the general election. It was the same mistake Willkie had made. Goldwater began to retreat from his pro-capitalist stance, repackaging himself as a moderate who could appeal to a broad swath of voters.
air freight, Albert Einstein, California gold rush, cognitive dissonance, desegregation, double entry bookkeeping, family office, feminist movement, full employment, ghettoisation, Indoor air pollution, medical malpractice, Mikhail Gorbachev, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, risk tolerance, Ronald Reagan, The Chicago School, the scientific method, Torches of Freedom, trade route, transaction costs, traveling salesman, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban planning, urban renewal, War on Poverty
These stigmata, a writer for The New Yorker suggested in a jocular 1958 appreciation of this fanciful persona, made the Marlboro Man, for all his swagger, seem “encrusted with anxieties.” By 1957, its third year on the market, Marlboro was the No. 8 best-selling cigarette and had surpassed the Philip Morris brand as the company’s bellwether and main hope for advancement. Philip Morris’s profit pinch was exacerbated in the mid-’Fifties by what came to be known within the company as The Dixie Dilemma. Ordered in 1955 to desegregate its public schools, the surly and largely white-supremacist culture of the South was snappish toward any perceived Yankee intrusions. At the likely instigation of one or more of its competitors, Philip Morris was painted throughout the old Confederacy as a warm friend of black America because it had made a modest charitable contribution to the Urban League, it employed one Negro as a minor sales executive, and its main manufacturing facilities in Virginia were somewhat more integrated than those of the other tobacco companies, most with factories in North Carolina.
In this age of domestic turbulence, there was no discrete “health lobby” with its champions in Congress—only a far-flung and unorganizable assortment of individual Americans worried about the cigarette habit. And there was no leadership on the issue from Lyndon Johnson’s administration, engaged in the fight for social justice and its war on poverty. “We were in monumental battles,” recalled Joseph A. Califano, Jr., then a key (and heavy-smoking) White House aide. “Our focus in the South was on desegregation—we were making enough enemies as it was,” and so to have pushed for regulation of the tobacco industry would likely have compounded the problems besetting the administration. The President’s 1964 Republican opponent, Barry Goldwater, was still more indifferent to the smoking issue. He said a health warning label on cigarette packs “would interfere with freedom”—whose and how, he did not explain.
air freight, Berlin Wall, cuban missile crisis, desegregation, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Doomsday Clock, global village, Google Earth, kremlinology, Marshall McLuhan, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, profit motive, Ralph Waldo Emerson, RAND corporation, stakhanovite
A total of 1,190 air strikes were planned for the first day alone from airfields in Florida, aircraft carriers in the Caribbean, and the Guantánamo Naval Base. Inevitably, with an operation on such a scale, all kinds of problems arose. The Marines had been in such a hurry to put to sea that they sailed without proper communications equipment. Many Army units were below strength. There was a shortage of military police because some units had been dispatched to the Deep South to enforce federal court orders on desegregation. Planners had underestimated the number of vessels needed for an amphibious invasion and miscalculated the gradients at some of the beaches. There was a scramble for deep-water fording kits when the Army discovered that the beaches at Mariel were not as shallow as had been assumed. The Navy complained of a "critical shortage" of intelligence on sandbars and coral reefs at Tarará beach, which could jeopardize the "success of entire assault in western Cuba."
Frommer's San Diego 2011 by Mark Hiss
airport security, California gold rush, car-free, desegregation, Donald Trump, East Village, El Camino Real, glass ceiling, New Journalism, Skype, South of Market, San Francisco, sustainable-tourism, transcontinental railway, urban renewal, Works Progress Administration
A second fair in 1935 showcased curiosities including a nudist colony (now the Zoro Garden butterfly habitat) and “Midget Village,” which advertisements described as a display “built on doll-house scale, where more than one hundred Lilliputians will work and play.” Meanwhile, the fair also showed off the newly built 10 05_626214-ch02.indd 1005_626214-ch02.indd 10 7/23/10 11:16 PM7/23/10 11:16 PM Trivia: Segregated No More On January 5, 1931, trustees at Lemon Grove Grammar School instructed principal Jerome Green to turn Mexican children away at the door, resulting in a lawsuit. The “Lemon Grove Incident” became the first successful school desegregation court decision in U.S. history. 2 SAN DIEGO IN DEPTH Looking Back at San Diego Fine Arts Gallery (now San Diego Museum of Art, p. 144), Natural History Museum (p. 145), and Old Globe Theatre (p. 225). The park’s Spanish Revival architecture seen today was conceived in an effort to present San Diego as a place with a romantic European heritage. Promotional literature dubbed the city the “Naples of America” and exalted its fine Mediterranean climate.
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, business process, call centre, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, crony capitalism, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, employer provided health coverage, medical malpractice, Menlo Park, Nate Silver, obamacare, Potemkin village, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, side project, Silicon Valley, the payments system, young professional
STILL A “BILL,” NOT A LAW All of this behind-closed-doors angst was playing out through a summer in which the politics of Obamacare seemed to have become even more bitter than they had been during the Tea Party summer four years before. Despite the president’s reelection, and despite the Supreme Court’s ruling, the Republicans acted as if Obamacare were still a pending bill to be debated, rather than the law of the land to be implemented. The closest historical precedent might have been resistance to the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision desegregating public schools. Yet that at least could be attacked as the decision of nine men in robes, not the duly elected House, Senate, and president. When Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell got wind of an effort by the Obama administration to enlist the National Football League and other professional sports organizations to get their players to do public service commercials to encourage Americans to sign up for coverage (much the way Mitt Romney had enlisted the Boston Red Sox to promote Romneycare), he and Senator John Cornyn of Texas successfully urged the league to steer clear.
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, business process, call centre, collapse of Lehman Brothers, collective bargaining, crony capitalism, desegregation, Donald Trump, Edward Snowden, employer provided health coverage, medical malpractice, Menlo Park, Nate Silver, obamacare, Potemkin village, Ronald Reagan, Saturday Night Live, side project, Silicon Valley, the payments system, young professional
STILL A “BILL,” NOT A LAW All of this behind-closed-doors angst was playing out through a summer in which the politics of Obamacare seemed to have become even more bitter than they had been during the Tea Party summer four years before. Despite the president’s reelection, and despite the Supreme Court’s ruling, the Republicans acted as if Obamacare were still a pending bill to be debated, rather than the law of the land to be implemented. The closest historical precedent might have been resistance to the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision desegregating public schools. Yet that at least could be attacked as the decision of nine men in robes, not the duly elected House, Senate, and president. When Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell got wind of an effort by the Obama administration to enlist the National Football League and other professional sports organizations to get their players to do public service commercials to encourage Americans to sign up for coverage (much the way Mitt Romney had enlisted the Boston Red Sox to promote Romneycare), he and Senator John Cornyn of Texas successfully urged the league to steer clear.
Hard Landing by Thomas Petzinger, Thomas Petzinger Jr.
airline deregulation, centralized clearinghouse, collective bargaining, cross-subsidies, desegregation, Donald Trump, feminist movement, index card, low cost carrier, low skilled workers, Marshall McLuhan, means of production, mutually assured destruction, Network effects, offshore financial centre, oil shock, Ponzi scheme, postindustrial economy, price stability, profit motive, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, strikebreaker, the medium is the message, The Predators' Ball, Thomas L Friedman, union organizing, yield management
But nobody played the relationship game better than Acker, and this was a situation that called on all of his skills. Acker needed to recruit a board member to join him in championing the deal. One way to lock up such loyalty, he thought, was to give a director a financial incentive in the outcome. Acker turned to William T. Coleman, Jr., a noted civil rights attorney and power broker who had played a leading role in the landmark desegregation case Brown v. Board of Education. Coleman later stood out among civil right advocates for his Republican leanings, and had been transportation secretary in the administration of Gerald Ford. In that capacity he was among the Ford administration officials who gave momentum to the deregulation campaign that was completed during the Carter administration. Coleman’s law firm, O’Melveny & Myers, was not Pan Am’s usual counsel, but for this transaction Acker asked whether Coleman would have his firm do the legal work, which would be massive.
The Atlantic and Its Enemies: A History of the Cold War by Norman Stone
affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, bank run, banking crisis, Berlin Wall, Bernie Madoff, Big bang: deregulation of the City of London, Bonfire of the Vanities, Bretton Woods, British Empire, central bank independence, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, European colonialism, facts on the ground, Fall of the Berlin Wall, financial deregulation, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, illegal immigration, income per capita, interchangeable parts, Jane Jacobs, Joseph Schumpeter, labour mobility, land reform, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, new economy, North Sea oil, oil shock, Ponzi scheme, price mechanism, price stability, RAND corporation, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, special drawing rights, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, trade liberalization, trickle-down economics, V2 rocket, War on Poverty, Washington Consensus, Yom Kippur War, éminence grise
Progressive-minded criminologists had been arguing quite successfully for non-use of prison, but crime rates doubled in the 1960s whereas the numbers in prison actually fell, from 210,000 to 195,000 (by 1990 they had risen again, to one million), in accordance with modish behaviouralist ideas, and in the later 1970s, although there were 40 million serious crimes every year, only 142,000 criminals were imprisoned. The National Rifle Association membership grew from 600,000 in 1964 to 2 million in 1981. If the police and the courts would not defend Americans, what else were they supposed to do? Contempt for ordinary Americans also showed in the interpretation of the desegregation laws. The worst cases happened over school segregation. Boston schools that served poor districts were dictated to by judges who unashamedly sent their own children to private schools. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 had expressly stated that there would be no enforced bussing of children from one district to another to keep racial quotas. But the Office of Education in the Department of Health, Education and Welfare issued regulations in defiance of this.
Golden Holocaust: Origins of the Cigarette Catastrophe and the Case for Abolition by Robert N. Proctor
bioinformatics, carbon footprint, clean water, corporate social responsibility, Deng Xiaoping, desegregation, facts on the ground, friendly fire, germ theory of disease, index card, Indoor air pollution, information retrieval, invention of gunpowder, John Snow's cholera map, language of flowers, life extension, New Journalism, optical character recognition, pink-collar, Ponzi scheme, Potemkin village, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, speech recognition, stem cell, telemarketer, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, Upton Sinclair, Yogi Berra
Johnson of course had other things on his mind: President Kennedy had been assassinated less than two months previously, and the vice president had assumed the reins of power in some haste. Johnson was urged to embrace the report and to move against cigarettes by his undersecretary for health, the young Joseph Califano, but the president knew the Democrats were weak among whites in the tobacco-growing South, largely as a result of having championed the cause of racial desegregation. Johnson told Califano that taking on Big Tobacco could mean a loss for the Democrats in the next presidential election, a political risk he was not willing to take.44 That’s how powerful tobacco has been. More powerful arguably even than Big Oil, since Johnson felt no qualms about endorsing the reality of global warming (“This generation has altered the composition of the atmosphere on a global scale through . . . a steady increase in carbon dioxide from the burning of fossil fuels.”)45 Though widely reported as news, the Surgeon General’s report was actually something of an anticlimax for those on the frontiers of the relevant science.
The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined by Steven Pinker
1960s counterculture, affirmative action, Alan Turing: On Computable Numbers, with an Application to the Entscheidungsproblem, Albert Einstein, availability heuristic, Berlin Wall, Bonfire of the Vanities, British Empire, Broken windows theory, California gold rush, Cass Sunstein, citation needed, clean water, cognitive dissonance, colonial rule, Columbine, computer age, conceptual framework, correlation coefficient, correlation does not imply causation, crack epidemic, cuban missile crisis, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, David Brooks, delayed gratification, demographic transition, desegregation, Doomsday Clock, Douglas Hofstadter, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, European colonialism, experimental subject, facts on the ground, failed state, first-past-the-post, Flynn Effect, food miles, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, fudge factor, full employment, ghettoisation, Gini coefficient, global village, Henri Poincaré, impulse control, income inequality, informal economy, invention of the printing press, Isaac Newton, lake wobegon effect, libertarian paternalism, loss aversion, Marshall McLuhan, McMansion, means of production, mental accounting, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, mutually assured destruction, open economy, Peace of Westphalia, Peter Singer: altruism, QWERTY keyboard, race to the bottom, Ralph Waldo Emerson, random walk, Republic of Letters, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, Saturday Night Live, security theater, Skype, Slavoj Žižek, South China Sea, statistical model, stem cell, Steven Levy, Steven Pinker, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, transatlantic slave trade, transatlantic slave trade, Turing machine, ultimatum game, uranium enrichment, V2 rocket, Walter Mischel, WikiLeaks, women in the workforce
Horowitz discovered that in the second half of the 20th century in the West, his subject matter, the deadly ethnic riot, ceased to exist.12 The so-called race riots of the mid-1960s in Los Angeles, Newark, Detroit, and other American cities represented a different phenomenon altogether: African Americans were the rioters rather than the targets, death tolls were low (mostly rioters themselves killed by the police), and virtually all the targets were property rather than people.13 After 1950 the United States had no riots that singled out a race or ethnic group; nor did other zones of ethnic friction in the West such as Canada, Belgium, Corsica, Catalonia, or the Basque Country.14 Some antiblack violence did erupt in the late 1950s and early 1960s, but it took a different form. The attacks are seldom called “terrorism,” but that’s exactly what they were: they were directed at civilians, low in casualties, high in publicity, intended to intimidate, and directed toward a political goal, namely preventing racial desegregation in the South. And like other terrorist campaigns, segregationist terrorism sealed its doom when it crossed the line into depravity and turned all public sympathy to its victims. In highly publicized incidents, ugly mobs hurled obscenities and death threats at black children for trying to enroll in all-white schools. One event that left a strong impression in cultural memory was the day six-year-old Ruby Nell Bridges had to be escorted by federal marshals to her first day of school in New Orleans.