18 results back to index
American Society of Civil Engineers: Report Card, Bernie Madoff, Bernie Sanders, call centre, carried interest, citizen journalism, clean water, collateralized debt obligation, credit crunch, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, David Brooks, extreme commuting, Exxon Valdez, full employment, greed is good, housing crisis, immigration reform, invisible hand, knowledge economy, laissez-faire capitalism, late fees, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, medical bankruptcy, microcredit, new economy, New Journalism, offshore financial centre, Ponzi scheme, Report Card for America’s Infrastructure, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, smart grid, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, transcontinental railway, trickle-down economics, winner-take-all economy, working poor, Works Progress Administration
Single payer never made it out of the gate when it came to health-care reform. But we should bring it into education reform. In a single-payer health-care plan, the federal government provides coverage for all U.S. citizens and legal residents. Patients don’t go to a government doctor—they just have the government pay the bill. And that’s how it would work with education. In a single-payer education plan, the federal government, in conjunction with the states, would provide an education allotment for every parent of a K–12 child. Parents would then be free to enroll their child in the school of their choice. In a single-payer health-care plan, all citizens would be free to select the physician and hospital of their choice. And, unlike in our education system, no one backing single-payer health care ever suggested that patients can see only a doctor in their own district or can be operated on only at the hospital down the street.
Albert Einstein, Ayatollah Khomeini, Cal Newport, clean water, collective bargaining, corporate governance, Credit Default Swap, haute couture, Honoré de Balzac, Howard Zinn, illegal immigration, income inequality, Joseph Schumpeter, Naomi Klein, offshore financial centre, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, statistical model, uranium enrichment
These corporations, not we, pick who runs for president, Congress, judgeships, and most state legislatures. You cannot, in most instances, be a viable candidate without their blessing and money. These corporations, including the Commission on Presidential Debates (a private organization), determine who gets to speak and what issues candidates can or cannot challenge, from universal, not-for-profit, single-payer health care to Wall Street bailouts to NAFTA. If you do not follow the corporate script, you become as marginal and invisible as Dennis Kucinich, Ralph Nader, or Cynthia McKinney. This is why most Democrats opposed Pennsylvania Democratic House Representative John Murtha’s call for immediate withdrawal from Iraq—something that would dry up profits for companies like Halliburton—and supported continued funding for the war.
It is why most voted to reauthorize the Patriot Act. It is why the party opposed an amendment that was part of a bankruptcy bill that would have capped credit card interest rates at 30 percent. It is why corporatist politicians opposed a bill that would have reformed the notorious Mining Law of 1872, which allows mineral companies to plunder federal land for profit. It is why they did not back the single-payer health-care bill House Resolution 676, sponsored by Representatives Kucinich and John Conyers. It is why so many politicians advocate nuclear power. It is why many backed the class-action “reform” bill—the Class Action Fairness Act (CAFA)—that was part of a large lobbying effort by financial firms. CAFA would effectively shut down state courts as a venue to hear most class-action lawsuits. Workers, under CAFA, would no longer have redress in many of the courts where these cases have a chance of defying powerful corporations.
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, back-to-the-land, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, big-box store, blue-collar work, Branko Milanovic, British Empire, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, clean water, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Community Supported Agriculture, corporate personhood, crony capitalism, deindustrialization, desegregation, Donald Trump, ending welfare as we know it, Frederick Winslow Taylor, full employment, Gini coefficient, income inequality, interchangeable parts, invisible hand, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, labor-force participation, land reform, land tenure, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, minimum wage unemployment, moral hazard, mortgage debt, New Urbanism, non-tariff barriers, obamacare, occupational segregation, Occupy movement, oil shock, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price discrimination, race to the bottom, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, Scientific racism, Simon Kuznets, single-payer health, strikebreaker, too big to fail, trade route, transcontinental railway, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, trickle-down economics, universal basic income, Upton Sinclair, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, wage slave, War on Poverty, women in the workforce, working poor, Works Progress Administration
Democratic presidential hopeful Bernie Sanders made economic inequality one of the cornerstones of his unexpectedly popular campaign: “Unchecked growth—especially when 99 percent of all new income goes to the top 1 percent—is absurd … Where we’ve got to move is not growth for the sake of growth, but we’ve got to move to a society that provides a high quality of life for our people.” Sanders mentioned free college tuition and single-payer health care as important initiatives in this regard.12 At the same time that Americans seem to be grasping for answers to the problem of inequality, the history of American beliefs about, and policies toward, inequality remains understudied.13 In one of the few exceptions to this rule, Securing the Fruits of Labor (1998), James L. Huston argued that from 1765 to 1900, Americans believed that equality and democracy were inseparable but saw the solution to that problem in political measures rather than economic ones.
Although this growth rate slowed after 1973 as the price of energy (and thus the price of production) dramatically increased, by 1979, U.S. annual production was three times what it had been in 1948.3 At the same time that inequality was decreasing, Cold War politics constrained the development of the American welfare state. As the United States and the Soviet Union adopted Cold War stances, even those Americans who had favored some degree of central planning during the 1930s, and particularly during World War II, backed off. Now it was widely believed that government intervention in the economy led to totalitarianism, and that economic freedom was a necessary condition for political freedom.4 Single-payer health insurance and public pensions were rejected in favor of employer-provided benefits. But later, as American industries downsized or moved overseas in the 1970s, health care and retirement would be jeopardized.5 As inequality decreased and the economy grew, prosperous America could afford political concern for “pockets of poverty” in inner cities and Appalachia. Books like The Other America (1962) and Night Comes to the Cumberlands (1963), and television exposés by journalist Edward R.
Affluenza: The All-Consuming Epidemic by John de Graaf, David Wann, Thomas H Naylor, David Horsey
big-box store, Community Supported Agriculture, Donald Trump, Exxon Valdez, financial independence, Ford paid five dollars a day, full employment, greed is good, income inequality, informal economy, invisible hand, Isaac Newton, McMansion, medical malpractice, new economy, Ralph Nader, Ray Oldenburg, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, Simon Kuznets, single-payer health, The Great Good Place, trade route, upwardly mobile, Yogi Berra, young professional
A variation on this idea that also has merit is to allow workers to take some of their “early retirement” at different stages of their careers, perhaps when they need more parenting time, for example. The ultimate idea, promoted in some European countries, is that a certain number of hours would constitute a total paid work life, with considerable flexibility around when the hours are worked. REMOVING THE BIG OBSTACLE TO WORK SHARING Of course, one additional public policy change would help make work sharing possible. It is single-payer health care, which would relieve the cost of health care provision for American employers. Because health care is so expensive, businesses find it more cost-effective to hire fewer workers and work them longer than pay benefits for more employees. The cost of employer-financed health care is the single most important factor in reducing the international competitiveness of American firms. With a single-payer system, Canada manages to cover all its citizens at a total cost per person that is far less than what we spend in the United States.
See social norms Curing Affluenza (video), 185 D dead zones, 105–6 debt, 18–21 DeWitt, Calvin, 132, 195–96 discontent advertising and, 42, 157, 159 dietary, 120–21 malls, 13, 14 market values and, 52–53 material wealth and, 24, 39, 115–17 self-esteem and, 123–24 sex, 121–22 social isolation and, 64–66, 68–71 throw-away society and, 49–50 See also fulfillment Doherty, William, 47–48 Dominguez, Joe, 179–81 Donovan, Webster, 107–8 Don’t Buy It (website), 219–20 Douglas, Tommy, 228 Dowie, Mark, 164–65 downshifters, 181, 185–86 Dungan, Nathan, 219–20 Dunning, David, 124 Durning, Alan, 95–96, 204 E Earth in Balance (Gore), 2 Earth Institutes, 186 ecological footprint, 96–97, 241 Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 (Marx), 135–36 economics dissatisfaction and, 120 and the environment, 170 the G.I. Bill, 147, 149 globalization, 87–88 income inequality, 82–84 poverty, 82–83, 84–87 progress and, 3–4, 7 saving money and, 21–22 of scale, 66–67 single-payer health care, 228 sustainability and, 246, 247 taxes, 229–30 voluntary simplicity and, 232–33 workweek reduction and, 227 See also social class ecophobia, 192 education commercialization, 59–61, 231 Edwards, Felicia, 86 Ehrenreich, Barbara, 50, 85 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 149 Electronic Gaming Monthly (magazine), 58 Elgin, Duane, 183, 187 employment. See work emptiness. See discontent End of Patience (Schenk), 41 Engels, Friedrich, 135, 136 English-Leuck, Jan, 36 environmental impact of automobiles, 94–95, 167 chemical toxicity, 101–4 consumerism, 3, 6, 14, 152 dead zones, 105–6 ecological footprint, 96–97, 241 energy supply, 204 global warming, 166–68 housing toxins, 104 on the lower classes, 85–86 overview, 90–91 personal choice and, 93–94, 198–202, 204–5 policy, 199–200, 229, 245 products, 91–93, 202–4, 245, 246 sustainability and, 237, 245 voluntary simplicity and, 186–87 on wildlife, 97–99, 105–6 See also industrial toxicity; nature; sustainability Escape from Affluenza (documentary), 219 EU (European Union), 44, 230 Europe, 224, 228, 229, 230, 232 expectations automobiles, 25–27, 148–49 food, 27–28, 120–21, 247 housing, 24–25 luxuries, 27, 28–29, 30 standard of living, 23–24, 29–30 Expedia.com, 43–44 extended producer responsibility laws, 202–3, 230 F Faber, Ronald, 112–13 Faludi, Susan, 157, 159 family conservative values and, 52–53 free time and, 225–27 market values, 47–48, 50–52, 57–58 money stress and, 48–50 shopping and, 14 throw-away society and, 49–50 See also children Fever Index, 235 FOF (Focus on the Family), 51–52 food, 27–28, 107–8, 120–21, 247 Ford, Gerald R., 152 Ford, Henry, 148 Fortress America (Blakely), 69 Frank, Robert, 229 free time, 39–41, 43–45, 140–42, 225–27 Friedman, Meyer, 45–46 front groups, 163–64 fulfillment addiction and, 113 de-individualization, 79–80 depression and, 77–78 giving and, 73–74 leisure time and, 39–41, 43–45, 140–42 Marxist thought, 136–37 Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs, 118–20 materialism, 76–79, 115–17, 235–37 non-material gain and, 151 right livelihood, 74–76, 236–37 See also discontent Furlong, Edward, 105 G Gailus, Jennifer, 62 Galbraith, John Kenneth, 24, 151, 158 GDP (gross domestic product) in the EU, 44 as outmoded measure, 7, 217 and social health, 70, 234, 239–41 Geller, Howard, 199, 204 Gelobter, Michel, 240 Geography of Nowhere (Kuntsler), 65 giving, 62, 73–74 Global Spin (Beder), 163 global warming, 166–68 globalization, 87–88 Goodman, Ellen, 36 Gore, Al, 2, 229 GPI (genuine progress indicator), 7, 239–41 Graham, Malory, 220 green tax system, 229–30 Green, William, 141, 143 Greenbrier High School (GA), 59 Greening Earth Society, 166, 168 Greening the Planet Earth (video), 166, 168 Greenway, Robert, 193–94 H Hagg, Ernest van den, 79–80 Haggard, Ted, 50 Hamm Creek, 73–74 happiness.
2013 Report for America's Infrastructure - American Society of Civil Engineers - 19 March 2013, affirmative action, banking crisis, carried interest, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, desegregation, full employment, Home mortgage interest deduction, job automation, Mahatma Gandhi, minimum wage unemployment, new economy, Occupy movement, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, Ponzi scheme, race to the bottom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special drawing rights, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Tim Cook: Apple, too big to fail, trickle-down economics, women in the workforce, working poor
Get out of your issue cocoon. Too often, progressives become obsessed with one particular issue that becomes “their” fight, to the exclusion of everything else. Don’t get me wrong. It’s fine to fight for more efficient fuels or against climate change, or both; good to be concerned about human rights abuses or to push for gay rights or reproductive rights; worthwhile to mobilize around the needs of children, a single-payer health-care system, or cuts in military spending. But don’t be so mesmerized by any single issue—and don’t allow others to become so single-minded about their own fights—that we fail to join together on the bigger stuff that’s making it harder for the voices of average Americans to be heard on all of these issues and others: the growing concentration of income, wealth, and political power at the top; the increasing clout of global corporations and Wall Street; and the corruption of our democracy.
Power Systems: Conversations on Global Democratic Uprisings and the New Challenges to U.S. Empire by Noam Chomsky, David Barsamian
affirmative action, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Albert Einstein, Chelsea Manning, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate personhood, David Brooks, discovery of DNA, double helix, failed state, Howard Zinn, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, inflation targeting, Julian Assange, land reform, Martin Wolf, Mohammed Bouazizi, Naomi Klein, new economy, obamacare, Occupy movement, oil shale / tar sands, pattern recognition, quantitative easing, Ralph Nader, Ralph Waldo Emerson, single-payer health, sovereign wealth fund, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, theory of mind, Tobin tax, union organizing, Upton Sinclair, uranium enrichment, WikiLeaks
Going after that—and dealing with radical inequality—makes perfectly good sense. So does creating jobs. The basic problem we face is not a deficit but rather joblessness. A majority of the population agrees with that.17 But the banks don’t agree, so therefore it’s not discussed in Washington. We could have a reasonable health care system, like other industrial countries. Not exactly utopian. Again, fighting for that makes perfectly good sense. A single-payer health care system has a lot of popular support, but the financial institutions are against it, so it’s not even discussed. A national health care system would, incidentally, eliminate the deficit, among other things—not that the deficit is all that important. There are further goals I don’t think are unfeasible but could be revolutionary in import. So, for example, if a multinational corporation is shutting down an efficient manufacturing installation because it doesn’t make enough profit for them and they would rather shift it to China, the workforce and community could decide that they want to take it over, purchase it, direct it, and keep it running.
Plenitude: The New Economics of True Wealth by Juliet B. Schor
Asian financial crisis, big-box store, business climate, carbon footprint, cleantech, Community Supported Agriculture, credit crunch, Daniel Kahneman / Amos Tversky, decarbonisation, dematerialisation, demographic transition, deskilling, Edward Glaeser, en.wikipedia.org, Gini coefficient, global village, income inequality, income per capita, Isaac Newton, Joseph Schumpeter, knowledge economy, life extension, McMansion, new economy, peak oil, pink-collar, post-industrial society, prediction markets, purchasing power parity, ride hailing / ride sharing, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, sharing economy, Simon Kuznets, single-payer health, smart grid, The Chicago School, Thomas L Friedman, Thomas Malthus, too big to fail, transaction costs, Zipcar
First, universality is central. The Social Security system, which has been a marvel of low bureaucratic costs and high popularity, succeeds in part because its coverage is so wide. When access to programs is restricted, the costs of maintaining the boundaries and ferreting out free riders can be high, and perverse incentives are introduced. In universal systems, these problems disappear. Single-payer health care systems, which include everyone, are much more cost-effective than private insurance. In the United States, the fraction of health care costs attributed to administration, rather than care, has been estimated to be as high as 31 percent. Second, costs can be kept low by avoiding private profit from essential services. The health care system, which went heavily in the direction of for-profit provision, is in shambles.
The Googlization of Everything: by Siva Vaidhyanathan
1960s counterculture, AltaVista, barriers to entry, Berlin Wall, borderless world, Burning Man, Cass Sunstein, choice architecture, cloud computing, computer age, corporate social responsibility, correlation does not imply causation, data acquisition, death of newspapers, don't be evil, Firefox, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, full text search, global village, Google Earth, Howard Rheingold, informal economy, information retrieval, Joseph Schumpeter, Kevin Kelly, knowledge worker, libertarian paternalism, market fundamentalism, Marshall McLuhan, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Naomi Klein, Network effects, new economy, Nicholas Carr, PageRank, pirate software, Ray Kurzweil, Richard Thaler, Ronald Reagan, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley ideology, single-payer health, Skype, social web, Steven Levy, Stewart Brand, technoutopianism, The Nature of the Firm, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, Thorstein Veblen, urban decay, web application
The very hint of government involvement was enough to disrupt rational debate over policy. Public failure has had two perverse effects on politics and policy. First, it has corroded faith in state institutions, effectively precluding arguments for their extension or preservation (in the United States, anyway). For example, President Barack Obama apparently considered that proposing a Canadian-style, single-payer health-care system would be completely unpalatable to the American public and powerful healthcare interests. So he quickly and publicly dismissed the idea early in 2009, reversing years of endorsing such a system’s proven success in Canada and many other places.62 In the United States any suggestion of regulation or public investment must be couched in the language of the market if it is to be taken seriously.
back-to-the-land, Bernie Sanders, Black Swan, Bretton Woods, BRICs, British Empire, call centre, centre right, cognitive dissonance, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, crony capitalism, currency manipulation / currency intervention, David Brooks, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, falling living standards, financial deregulation, financial innovation, full employment, hiring and firing, Howard Zinn, Hyman Minsky, illegal immigration, indoor plumbing, informal economy, invisible hand, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, lake wobegon effect, Long Term Capital Management, market fundamentalism, Martin Wolf, McMansion, medical malpractice, mortgage debt, Naomi Klein, new economy, oil shock, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price mechanism, price stability, private military company, Ralph Nader, reserve currency, rising living standards, Robert Shiller, Robert Shiller, rolodex, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, South China Sea, statistical model, Steve Jobs, Thomas L Friedman, Thorstein Veblen, too big to fail, trade route, Triangle Shirtwaist Factory, union organizing, upwardly mobile, urban renewal, War on Poverty, We are the 99%, working poor, Yogi Berra, Yom Kippur War
To expect a confused and divided citizenry to agree on a common economic agenda and impose it on the governing class—yes. There is simply not enough space now in our political discourse for the governing class to consider policy solutions that reach to the level of the problems that it is are supposed to solve. Serious regulation of Wall Street is off the table. Abandoning the role of world policeman is off the table. In the debate over health care, a single-payer health care system like Canada’s is off the table. Industrial policies and trade policies are off the table. Strengthening the bargaining position of workers is off the table. Government planning to build a sustainable economy by moving off the sandpile of consumption and debt is well off the table. These ideas are judged as impractical by the corporate media, which defines political reality for the electorate.
The Boy Who Could Change the World: The Writings of Aaron Swartz by Aaron Swartz, Lawrence Lessig
affirmative action, Alfred Russel Wallace, Benjamin Mako Hill, bitcoin, Bonfire of the Vanities, Brewster Kahle, Cass Sunstein, deliberate practice, Donald Trump, failed state, fear of failure, Firefox, full employment, Howard Zinn, index card, invisible hand, John Gruber, Lean Startup, More Guns, Less Crime, post scarcity, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Richard Stallman, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, semantic web, single-payer health, SpamAssassin, SPARQL, telemarketer, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, the scientific method, Toyota Production System, unbiased observer, wage slave, Washington Consensus, web application, WikiLeaks, working poor
Looking at our government today—a House of professional politicians, a Senate filled with multimillionaires, a string of presidential family dynasties—it seems hard to maintain that our officials are in fact “derived from the great body of the society” and not “a favored class” merely posing as representatives of the people. Unless politics is a tradition in your family, your odds of getting elected to federal office are slim. And unless you’re a white male lawyer, you rarely get to vote for someone like yourself in a national race. Nor, in reality, do we have an opportunity to choose policy positions: no major candidates support important proposals that most voters agree with, like single-payer health care. Instead, national elections have been boiled down to simple binary choices, which advertising men and public relations teams reduce to pure emotions: Fear. (A bear prowls through the woods.) Hope. (The sun rises over a hill.) Vote Smith. Or maybe Jones. Nor does the major media elevate the level of debate. Instead of substantive discussions about policy proposals and their effects, they spend their time on horse-race coverage (who’s raised the most money?
3D printing, additive manufacturing, Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, AI winter, algorithmic trading, Amazon Mechanical Turk, artificial general intelligence, autonomous vehicles, banking crisis, Baxter: Rethink Robotics, Bernie Madoff, Bill Joy: nanobots, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Chris Urmson, Clayton Christensen, clean water, cloud computing, collateralized debt obligation, computer age, debt deflation, deskilling, diversified portfolio, Erik Brynjolfsson, factory automation, financial innovation, Flash crash, Fractional reserve banking, Freestyle chess, full employment, Goldman Sachs: Vampire Squid, High speed trading, income inequality, indoor plumbing, industrial robot, informal economy, iterative process, Jaron Lanier, job automation, John Maynard Keynes: technological unemployment, John von Neumann, Khan Academy, knowledge worker, labor-force participation, labour mobility, liquidity trap, low skilled workers, low-wage service sector, Lyft, manufacturing employment, McJob, moral hazard, Narrative Science, Network effects, new economy, Nicholas Carr, Norbert Wiener, obamacare, optical character recognition, passive income, performance metric, Peter Thiel, Plutocrats, plutocrats, post scarcity, precision agriculture, price mechanism, Ray Kurzweil, rent control, rent-seeking, reshoring, RFID, Richard Feynman, Richard Feynman, Rodney Brooks, secular stagnation, self-driving car, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, single-payer health, software is eating the world, sovereign wealth fund, speech recognition, Spread Networks laid a new fibre optics cable between New York and Chicago, stealth mode startup, stem cell, Stephen Hawking, Steve Jobs, Steven Levy, Steven Pinker, strong AI, Stuxnet, technological singularity, telepresence, telepresence robot, The Bell Curve by Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray, The Coming Technological Singularity, Thomas L Friedman, too big to fail, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, union organizing, Vernor Vinge, very high income, Watson beat the top human players on Jeopardy!, women in the workforce
See skill biased technological change (SBTC) Schlosser, Eric, 210 Schmidt, Michael, 108, 109 Schwarzenegger, Arnold, 22 S-curves, 66–67, 68, 69, 70–71, 250 secular stagnation, 274n self-driving cars, See autonomous cars Selingo, Jeffrey J., 140, 141 Semiconductor Industry Association, 80 service sector, 12–20 The Shallows (Carr), 254 Shang-Jin Wei, 225 Silvercar, 20 Simonyi, Charles, 71 single-payer health care system, 165–167, 169 The Singularity, 233–238, 248 The Singularity Is Near (Kurzweil), 234 Singularity University, 234 Siu, Henry E., 49, 50 skill biased technological change (SBTC), 48 skills, acquisition of by computers, xv–xvi Skipper, John, 201 “Skynet,” 22 Slate (magazine), 153 Smalley, Richard, 244–245 Smith, Adam, 73 Smith, Noah, 219–220, 273 Smith, Will, 111 social media response program, 93–94 social safety net, 278.
Berlin Wall, British Empire, double helix, employer provided health coverage, fudge factor, medical malpractice, profit maximization, profit motive, single-payer health, South China Sea, the payments system
1 “I felt that no boy should have to depend either for his leg or his life upon the ability of parents to raise enough money,” Douglas wrote in his memoir.“I came to believe that people should be able to get ... health services irrespective of their individual capacity to pay.”2 When he was elected premier (that is, governor) of the province of Saskatchewan in 1944, Douglas turned that passionate belief into a government-run, single-payer health care system for all of Saskatchewan’s 1 million residents. The program was so successful and so popular that residents of other provinces began demanding the same program. The federal government in Ottawa signed on; by 1961 everyone in Canada was covered by a taxpayer-funded hospital insurance program. Today the public health insurance system covers all medical and psychiatric care, in or out of the hospital.
3D printing, Airbnb, American energy revolution, autonomous vehicles, Bakken shale, barriers to entry, Bernie Sanders, BRICs, call centre, Capital in the Twenty-First Century by Thomas Piketty, Clayton Christensen, cloud computing, collective bargaining, computer age, dark matter, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, deindustrialization, dematerialisation, Deng Xiaoping, deskilling, Dissolution of the Soviet Union, Donald Trump, Downton Abbey, Edward Glaeser, Erik Brynjolfsson, eurozone crisis, everywhere but in the productivity statistics, falling living standards, first square of the chessboard, first square of the chessboard / second half of the chessboard, Ford paid five dollars a day, Francis Fukuyama: the end of history, future of work, gig economy, global supply chain, global value chain, hydraulic fracturing, income inequality, indoor plumbing, industrial robot, interchangeable parts, Internet of things, inventory management, invisible hand, Jacquard loom, James Watt: steam engine, Jeff Bezos, John Maynard Keynes: Economic Possibilities for our Grandchildren, Joseph-Marie Jacquard, knowledge economy, low skilled workers, lump of labour, Lyft, manufacturing employment, means of production, new economy, performance metric, pets.com, price mechanism, quantitative easing, Ray Kurzweil, rent-seeking, reshoring, rising living standards, Robert Gordon, Ronald Coase, savings glut, Second Machine Age, secular stagnation, self-driving car, sharing economy, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, software is eating the world, supply-chain management, supply-chain management software, TaskRabbit, The Nature of the Firm, The Spirit Level, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Malthus, trade liberalization, transaction costs, Tyler Cowen: Great Stagnation, Uber and Lyft, Uber for X, very high income, working-age population
The European right is pushing, in some cases, for greater national sovereignty (or even an exit from the European Union) and tighter controls on immigration. They are not yet mounting a broad assault on liberalism and democracy – though that may come. The left, meanwhile, is advocating an end to austerity policies in some cases and expansions to the welfare state in others. Sanders campaigned on free college tuition and the creation of a single-payer health insurance system. They are not yet running on confiscatory taxation and nationalization of the means of production. Both political extremes might never have the opportunity to pursue their aims to their logical conclusion. But radicalism will become an increasingly real and powerful force in global politics until governments begin answering the difficult questions posed by the digital revolution.
How the World Works by Noam Chomsky, Arthur Naiman, David Barsamian
affirmative action, anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bernie Sanders, Bretton Woods, British Empire, business climate, capital controls, clean water, corporate governance, deindustrialization, Fall of the Berlin Wall, feminist movement, glass ceiling, Howard Zinn, income inequality, interchangeable parts, Isaac Newton, joint-stock company, labour market flexibility, land reform, Monroe Doctrine, offshore financial centre, Plutocrats, plutocrats, race to the bottom, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, Rosa Parks, single-payer health, strikebreaker, Telecommunications Act of 1996, transfer pricing, union organizing, War on Poverty, working poor
See also Soviet Union “reforms” in Serb conflict and after Soviet collapse Ryan, Randolph Sabra and Shatila (Lebanon) Sachs, Jeffrey Sadat, Anwar Saddam Hussein Sahoun, Mohammed Said, Edward on hypocrisy on Middle East PLO confronted by US-Israel policy opposed by Sakharov, Andrei Salinas Sanders, Bernie San Diego, skilled workers lacking in Sandinistas S&Ls San Jose Mercury News Santiago, Daniel São Paulo Sarajevo Saskatchewan Saudi Arabia Save the Children Schanberg, Sydney Scheiner, Charlie schools, underfunded Schor, Julie Schoultz, Lars Schultz, George Schurmann, Franz science and technology biotechnology interactive technology Pentagon as conduit for investment prisons and public funding for recruitment of scientists in India semiconductors telecommunications Scott, Peter Dale Second Amendment secret services, incompetence of Security Council resolutions (UN) “security zone,” self image Sematech consortium semiconductors Senate Foreign Relations Committee (US) Serbs service role of Third World countries sexism, class differences vs. Shabak Shamir, Yitzhak shantytowns Sharon, Ariel Shavit, Ari Sicily Sidon Siemens signs of progress (and not) “silent genocide” in Africa Silvers, Robert Simpson, Chris Singer, Daniel single-payer health-care plan Skidelsky, Robert slavery Slavs, conflicts between slums See also shantytowns “smash and grab,” Smith, Adam on British imperialism capitalism and on free markets and equality on India on mercantilist system socialist-anarchist tradition and on “vile maxim” of the “masters,” wealth vs. democracy and Smith Corona smoking and tobacco deaths due to expansion into foreign markets freedom and now lower-class social harm due to US tobacco exports war on drugs and SNCC social conditioning socialism doctrinal meaning of meaning of new opportunity for Soviet Union not example of socialist-anarchist tradition socially responsible investing Social Policy Social Security Social Security “reform,” social services Social Text Socrates Sokal, Allen Solarz, Steven Solow, Bob Somalia atrocities in Bosnia vs.
Democracy Incorporated by Sheldon S. Wolin
affirmative action, Berlin Wall, British Empire, centre right, collective bargaining, colonial rule, corporate governance, cuban missile crisis, David Ricardo: comparative advantage, dematerialisation, Donald Trump, Fall of the Berlin Wall, full employment, illegal immigration, invisible hand, mutually assured destruction, new economy, offshore financial centre, Ralph Nader, Ronald Reagan, school vouchers, single-payer health, stem cell, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, Thomas Kuhn: the structure of scientific revolutions, Thorstein Veblen
Thus we have two distinct conceptions of change, each involving active governmental intervention. One we can call mitigative or tactical change. It seeks to redress a situation or condition without significantly modifying power relationships (e.g., a “tax break for the middle class”). The other, paradigmatic or strategic change, institutes not only a new program but recasts basic power relationships: it reforms, empowers, sets a new direction (e.g., a single-payer health care system). Democracy Incorporated describes the paradigmatic change represented by the amalgamation of state and corporate power. Sometimes a paradigmatic change takes the form of an attack on an entrenched or longstanding status quo—for example, reducing the power of the antebellum plantation owners. Sometimes a mitigative change might seek to undo a previous paradigmatic change in order to restore, to a limited extent, the status quo ante.
Republic, Lost: How Money Corrupts Congress--And a Plan to Stop It by Lawrence Lessig
asset-backed security, banking crisis, carried interest, cognitive dissonance, corporate personhood, correlation does not imply causation, crony capitalism, David Brooks, Edward Glaeser, Filter Bubble, financial deregulation, financial innovation, financial intermediation, invisible hand, jimmy wales, Martin Wolf, meta analysis, meta-analysis, Mikhail Gorbachev, moral hazard, place-making, profit maximization, Ralph Nader, regulatory arbitrage, rent-seeking, Ronald Reagan, Silicon Valley, single-payer health, The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith, too big to fail, upwardly mobile, WikiLeaks, Zipcar
The prevention of governmental action, and this is the aim of many lobbies, is relatively easy under these circumstances.”86 “Most issues,” Baumgartner and his colleagues find, “do not reach those final stages and most are not highly publicized, even within the Beltway.”87 That means, again, the opportunity for invisible influence is great. Senator Larry Pressler (R-S.D.; 1979–1997) describes a particular example, drawn from the recent battle over health care: There should have been an up or down vote on [single-payer health insurance], or a vote at least on cloture. There was neither. For some reason, it just went away. Barack Obama abandoned it completely, although he had said he was for it. Some Republicans are for it—I was for it way back and Nixon was for it… on a much more significant basis. Bob Packwood had a plan for it. But the point is, when they really started doing the health care bill, everybody disappeared who was for a single payer system.
Strange Rebels: 1979 and the Birth of the 21st Century by Christian Caryl
anti-communist, Ayatollah Khomeini, Berlin Wall, Bretton Woods, British Empire, colonial rule, Deng Xiaoping, financial deregulation, financial independence, friendly fire, full employment, income inequality, industrial robot, Internet Archive, land reform, land tenure, Mahatma Gandhi, means of production, Mikhail Gorbachev, Mohammed Bouazizi, Mont Pelerin Society, new economy, New Urbanism, oil shock, open borders, open economy, Plutocrats, plutocrats, price stability, rent control, road to serfdom, Ronald Reagan, single-payer health, special economic zone, The Chicago School, union organizing, upwardly mobile, Winter of Discontent, Xiaogang Anhui farmers, Yom Kippur War
Attlee himself had worked in the slums of East London as a young man, and the experience had left him with a profound sense of the need for wide-ranging social protections. It took the Labour government just a few short years to implement a raft of social welfare policies that transformed British society. The Labourites established child subsidies, expanded a range of social insurance programs, built vast new tracts of public housing, imposed far-reaching rent controls, and launched a comprehensive program of state-run, single-payer health care (the National Health Service). It all proved enormously popular. Labour’s economic policies were even more far-reaching. “It is doubtful whether we have ever, except in war, used the whole of our productive capacity,” the Labour election manifesto proclaimed. “This must be corrected.” Attlee and his cabinet set out to do this through a series of measures that transformed British capitalism.
The Unwinding: An Inner History of the New America by George Packer
Affordable Care Act / Obamacare, Apple's 1984 Super Bowl advert, bank run, big-box store, citizen journalism, cleantech, collateralized debt obligation, collective bargaining, Credit Default Swap, credit default swaps / collateralized debt obligations, deindustrialization, diversified portfolio, East Village, El Camino Real, Elon Musk, family office, financial independence, financial innovation, Flash crash, Henry Ford's grandson gave labor union leader Walter Reuther a tour of the company’s new, automated factory…, housing crisis, income inequality, informal economy, Jane Jacobs, life extension, Long Term Capital Management, low skilled workers, margin call, Mark Zuckerberg, market bubble, market fundamentalism, Maui Hawaii, Menlo Park, new economy, New Journalism, obamacare, Occupy movement, oil shock, peak oil, Peter Thiel, Ponzi scheme, Richard Florida, Ronald Reagan, Ronald Reagan: Tear down this wall, shareholder value, side project, Silicon Valley, Silicon Valley startup, single-payer health, smart grid, Steve Jobs, strikebreaker, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, the scientific method, too big to fail, union organizing, urban planning, We are the 99%, We wanted flying cars, instead we got 140 characters, white flight
She hadn’t given up on music and the arts, but she also wanted to organize, get down and dirty, be in the fight. She was twenty when Obama emerged in the 2008 campaign. She thought it would be awesome to have a black man as president, but she wondered if he’d turn out to be as progressive as Hillary—he knew how to play to both sides. Then, suddenly, it began to feel like a popular movement was rising, for things like single-payer health care, and if Obama was the reason for that movement, she was going to be for him. When the Wall Street crisis hit right before the election, she thought, “This is it, the financial system is coming to an end.” She expected a return to the fifties and sixties, harsh regulations and a blue-collar economy, but without the bigotry (because the American dream in those days didn’t make room for people like her and her mother).